note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) +-----------------------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: the following changes have been made to | | inconsistent spelling in the original text: chap. iv.: 'scarpe' | | for 'scrape'; and, in the dictionary: semÉ/semé for seme/seme. | +-----------------------------------------------------------------+ the manual of heraldry: being a concise description of the several terms used, and containing a dictionary of every designation in the science illustrated by four hundred engravings on wood fifth edition london: arthur hall, virtue & co. , paternoster row. london: r. clay, printer, bread street hill. chapter i. origin of coats of arms. heraldry is the science which teaches how to blazon or describe in proper terms armorial bearings and their accessories. many volumes have been written on the origin of heraldry and even on the antiquity of separate charges contained in an escutcheon: it would be filling the pages of an elementary work on heraldry to little purpose to enter upon an inquiry as to the exact period of the introduction of an art that has existed in some degree in all countries whose inhabitants have emerged from barbarism to civilization. in all ages men have made use of figures of living creatures, trees, flowers, and inanimate objects, as symbolical signs to distinguish themselves in war, or denote the bravery and courage of their chief or nation. the allegorical designs emblazoned on the standards, shields, and armour of the greeks and romans--the white horse of the saxons, the raven of the danes, and the lion of the normans, may all be termed heraldic devices; but according to the opinions of camden, spelman, and other high authorities, hereditary arms of families were first introduced at the commencement of the twelfth century. when numerous armies engaged in the expeditions to the holy land, consisting of the troops of twenty different nations, they were obliged to adopt some ensign or mark in order to marshal the vassals under the banners of the various leaders. the regulation of the symbols whereby the sovereigns and lords of europe should be distinguished, all of whom were ardent in maintaining the honour of the several nations to which they belonged, was a matter of great nicety, and it was properly entrusted to the heralds who invented signs of honour which could not be construed into offence, and made general regulations for their display on the banners and shields of the chiefs of the different nations. the ornaments and regulations were sanctioned by the sovereigns engaged in the crusade, and hence the origin of the present system of heraldry, which prevails with trifling variations in every kingdom of europe. the passion for military fame which prevailed at this period led to the introduction of mock battles, called tournaments. here the knights appeared with the heraldic honours conferred upon them for deeds of prowess in actual battle. all were emulous of such distinctions. the subordinate followers appeared with the distinctive arms of their lord, with the addition of some mark denoting inferiority. these marks of honour at first were merely pieces of stuff of various colours cut into strips and sewn on the surcoat or garment worn over armour, to protect it from the effect of exposure to the atmosphere. these strips were disposed in various ways, and gave the idea of the chief, bend, chevron, &c. figures of animals and other objects were gradually introduced; and as none could legally claim or use those honourable distinctions unless they were granted by the kings of arms, those heraldic sovereigns formed a code of laws for the regulation of titles and insignia of honour, which the sovereigns and knights of europe have bound themselves to protect; and those rules constitute the science of heraldry which forms the subject of the following pages. chap. ii. various sorts of arms. arms are not only granted to individuals and families, but also to cities, corporate bodies, and learned societies. they may therefore be classed as follows:-- arms of dominion, pretension, concession. community, patronage, family. alliance, and succession. _arms of dominion or sovereignty_ are properly the arms of the kings or sovereigns of the territories they govern, which are also regarded as the arms of the state. thus the lions of england and the russian eagle are the arms of the kings of england and the emperors of russia, and cannot properly be altered by a change of dynasty. _arms of pretension_ are those of kingdoms, provinces, or territories to which a prince or lord has some claim, and which he adds to his own, though the kingdoms or territories are governed by a foreign king or lord: thus the kings of england for many ages quartered the arms of france in their escutcheon as the descendants of edward iii., who claimed that kingdom, in right of his mother, a french princess. _arms of concession_ are arms granted by sovereigns as the reward of virtue, valour, or extraordinary service. all arms granted to subjects were originally conceded by the sovereign. _arms of community_ are those of bishoprics, cities, universities, academies, societies, and corporate bodies. _arms of patronage_ are such as governors of provinces, lords of manors, &c., add to their family arms as a token of their superiority, right, and jurisdiction. _arms of family_, or paternal arms, are such as are hereditary and belong to one particular family, which none others have a right to assume, nor can they do so without rendering themselves guilty of a breach of the laws of honour punishable by the earl marshal and the kings at arms. the assumption of arms has however become so common that little notice is taken of it at the present time. _arms of alliance_ are those gained by marriage. _arms of succession_ are such as are taken up by those who inherit certain estates by bequest, entail, or donation. shields, tinctures, furs, &c. the _shield_ contains the field or ground whereon are represented the charges or figures that form a coat of arms. these were painted on the shield before they were placed on banners, standards, and coat armour; and wherever they appear at the present time they are painted on a plane or superficies resembling a shield. [illustration: escutcheon] [illustration: lozenge] shields in heraldic language are called escutcheons or scutcheons, from the latin word _scutum_. the forms of the shield or field upon which arms are emblazoned are varied according to the taste of the painter. the norman pointed shield is generally used in heraldic paintings in ecclesiastical buildings: the escutcheons of maiden ladies and widows are painted on a lozenge-shaped shield. armorists distinguish several points in the escutcheon in order to determine exactly the position of the bearings or charges. they are denoted in the annexed diagram, by the first nine letters of the alphabet ranged in the following manner: [illustration] |-----------------| | a b c | a, the dexter chief. | | b, the precise middle chief. | d | c, the sinister chief. | | d, the honour point. | e | e, the fess point. | | f, the nombril point. | f | g, the dexter base. | | h, the precise middle base. | g h i | i, the sinister base. \ / \ --------- / the dexter side of the escutcheon answers to the left hand, and the sinister side to the right hand of the person that looks at it. tinctures. by the term _tincture_ is meant that variable hue which is given to shields and their bearings; they are divided into colours and furs. the colours or metals used in emblazoning arms are-- yellow, white, red, blue, black, green, purple, orange, murrey. these colours are denoted in engravings by various lines or dots, as follows: [illustration: or] or, which signifies _gold_, and in colour yellow, is expressed by dots. [illustration: argent] argent signifies _silver_ or _white_: it is left quite plain. [illustration: gules] gules signifies _red_: it is expressed by lines drawn from the chief to the base of the shield. [illustration: azure] azure signifies _blue_: it is represented by lines drawn from the dexter to the sinister side of the shield, parallel to the chief. [illustration: vert] vert signifies _green_: it is represented by slanting lines, drawn from the dexter to the sinister side of the shield. [illustration: purpure] purpure, or _purple_, is expressed by diagonal lines, drawn from the sinister to the dexter side of the shield. [illustration: sable] sable, or _black_, is expressed by horizontal and perpendicular lines crossing each other. [illustration: tenne] tenne, which is _tawny_, or _orange_ colour, is marked by diagonal lines drawn from the sinister to the dexter side of the shield, traversed by perpendicular lines from the chief. [illustration: sanguine] sanguine is _dark red_, or _murrey_ colour; it is represented by diagonal lines crossing each other. in addition to the foregoing tinctures, there are nine roundlets or balls used in armory, the names of which are sufficient to denote their colour without expressing the same. [illustration: bezant] bezant, _or_. [illustration: hurts] hurts, _azure_. [illustration: plate] plate, _argent_. [illustration: torteaux] torteaux, _gules_. [illustration: golpe] golpe, _purpure_. [illustration: orange] orange, _tenne_. [illustration: pomeis] pomeis, _vert_. [illustration: pellet] pellet, _sable_. [illustration: guzes] guzes, _sanguine_. furs. _furs_ are used to ornament garments of state and denote dignity: they are used in heraldry, not only for the lining of mantles and other ornaments of the shield, but also as bearings on escutcheons. white, represented by a plain shield, like argent. [illustration: ermine] ermine--white powdered with black tufts. [illustration: ermines] ermines--field sable, powdering argent. [illustration: erminois] erminois--field or, powdering sable. [illustration: pean] pean--field sable; powdering, or. ermynites--argent, powdered sable, with the addition of a single red hair on each side the sable tufts. this fur is seldom seen in english heraldry; and it is impossible to give an example without using colour. [illustration: vair] vair--argent and azure. it is represented by small bells, part reversed, ranged in lines in such a manner, that the base argent is opposite to the base azure. [illustration: counter-vair] counter-vair, is when the bells are placed base against base, and point against point. [illustration: potent] potent--an obsolete word for a crutch: it is so called in chaucer's description of old age. "so eld she was that she ne went a foote, but it were by potent." the field is filled with small potents, ranged in lines, azure and argent. [illustration: potent counter-potent.] potent counter-potent. the heads of the crutches or potents touch each other in the centre of the shield. chap. iii. lines used in parting the field. escutcheons that have more than one tincture are divided by lines; the straight lines are either perpendicular |, horizontal --, diagonal line dexter \, and diagonal line sinister /. curved and angular lines are numerous, and each has an heraldic name expressive of its form. the names and figures of those most commonly used by english armorists are as follow:-- engrailed [illustration: engrailed] invected [illustration: invected] wavy, or undé [illustration: wavy] embattled, or crenelle [illustration: embattled] nebule [illustration: nebule] indented [illustration: indented] dancette [illustration: dancette] angled [illustration: angled] bevilled [illustration: bevilled] escartelle [illustration: escartelle] nowy, or franché [illustration: nowy] dove-tailed [illustration: dove-tailed] embattled grady: sometimes called battled embattled [illustration: embattled grady] potent [illustration: potent] double arched [illustration: double arched] arched or enarched [illustration: arched] urdée [illustration: urdée] radient [illustration: radient] if a shield is divided into four equal parts, it is said to be quartered: this may be done two ways, viz.-- [illustration: quartered per cross] quartered per cross--the shield is divided into four parts, called quarters, by an horizontal and perpendicular line, crossing each other in the centre of the field, each of which is numbered. [illustration: quartered per saltier] quartered per saltier, which is made by two diagonal lines, dexter and sinister, crossing each other in the centre of the field. [illustration: quarterings] the escutcheon is sometimes divided into a great number of parts, in order to place in it the arms of several families to which one is allied; this is called a genealogical achievement. the compartments are called quarterings. differences. all members of the same family claim the same bearings in their coat of arms; and to distinguish the principal bearer from his descendants or relatives, it was necessary to invent some sign, so that the degree of consanguinity might be known. these signs are called differences. during the crusades the only difference consisted in the bordure or border, which, as the name implies, was a border or edging running round the edge of the shield. the colour and form of this border served to distinguish the leaders of the different bands that served under one duke or chieftain. the same difference might be used to denote a diversity between particular persons descended from one family. at the present time they are not used to denote a difference, but as one of the ordinaries to a coat of arms. the annexed example exhibits the arms of the monastery of bermondsey. party per pale, azure and gules; a bordure, argent. this bordure is plain; but they may be formed by any of the foregoing lines. [illustration: monastery of bermondsey arms.] [illustration: or, a bordure engrailed, gules] the annexed example is or, a bordure engrailed, gules. the differences used by armorists at the present time are nine in number. they not only distinguish the sons of one family, but also denote the subordinate degrees in each house. the heir, or first son, the label [illustration: label] second son, the crescent [illustration: crescent] third son, the mullet [illustration: mullet] fourth son, the martlet [illustration: martlet] fifth son, the annulet [illustration: annulet] sixth son, the fleur-de-lis [illustration: fleur-de-lis] seventh son, the rose [illustration: rose] eighth son, the cross moline [illustration: cross moline] ninth son, the double quatrefoil [illustration: double quatrefoil] should either of the nine brothers have male children, the eldest child would place the label on the difference that distinguished his father; the second son would place the crescent upon it; the third the mullet; continuing the same order for as many sons as he may have. the label only, is used in the arms of the royal family as a difference; but the points of the label are charged with different figures to distinguish the second and succeeding sons. the arms of the sons of king george iii. were thus distinguished: the shield of the arms of the prince of wales by a label; the duke of york's by the label, the centre point of which was charged with a red cross; that of the duke of clarence by a label, the dexter and sinister points of which were charged with an anchor, the centre point with the red cross; each of the succeeding sons were differenced by charges on the points of the labels. all the figures denoting differences are also used as perfect charges on the shield; but their size and situation will sufficiently determine whether the figure is used as a perfect coat of arms, or is introduced as a difference or diminution. sisters have no differences in their coats of arms. they are permitted to bear the arms of their father, as the eldest son does after his father's decease. guillim, leigh, and other ancient armorists mention divers figures, which, they assert, were formerly added to coats of arms as marks of degradation for slander, cowardice, murder, and other crimes, and to them they give the name of abatements of honour; others have called them blots in the escutcheon: but as no instance can be produced of such dishonourable marks having been borne in a coat of arms, they may justly be considered as chimerical, or at any rate obsolete, and unworthy of consideration at the present time. porney pithily observes, "that arms being marks of honour, they cannot admit of any note of infamy, nor would any one bear them if they were so branded. it is true, a man may be degraded for divers crimes, particularly high treason; but in such cases the escutcheon is reversed, trod upon, and torn in pieces, to denote a total extinction and suppression of the honour and dignity of the person to whom it belonged." the only abatement used in heraldry is the baton: this denotes illegitimacy. it is borne in the escutcheons of the dukes that assume the royal arms as the illegitimate descendants of king charles the second. [illustration: baton] chap. iv. honourable ordinaries. honourable ordinaries are the original marks of distinction bestowed by sovereigns on subjects that have become eminent for their services, either in the council or the field of battle. volumes have been written upon the origin and form of the honourable ordinaries. these long and tedious inquiries can only be interesting to antiquaries: it is sufficient for the tyro in heraldry to know that they are merely broad lines or bands of various colours, which have different names, according to the place they occupy in the shield; ancient armorists admit but nine honourable ordinaries--the chief, the pale, the bend, the bend sinister, the fess, the bar, the chevron, the cross, and the saltier. the _chief_ is an ordinary terminated by an horizontal line, which, if it is of any other form but straight, its form must be expressed; it is placed in the upper part of the escutcheon, and occupies one third of the field. ex. argent, on a chief, gules, two mullets, sable. [illustration: chief] any of the lines before described may be used to form the chief. [illustration: chief] ex. argent, a chief, azure, indented. the chief has a diminutive called a _fillet_; it must never be more than one fourth the breadth of the chief. [illustration: fillet] ex. or, a chief, purpure, in the lower part a fillet, azure. this ordinary may be charged with a variety of figures, which are always named after the tincture of the chief. it may be necessary to inform the reader that, in describing a coat of arms, the general colour of the shield or the field is first described, then the honourable ordinaries, their tinctures, then the object with which they are charged. we shall have to remark more particularly on the order of describing ordinaries, tinctures, and charges on coats of arms, when we treat of the rules of heraldry; but the student might have been confused if this brief direction had been omitted, as we shall have to describe every shield of arms in the same order. the _pale_ is an honourable ordinary, consisting of two perpendicular lines drawn from the top to the base of the escutcheon, and contains one third of the width of the field. [illustration: pale] ex. azure, a pale, or. the pale may be formed of any of the lines before described; it is then called a _pale engrailed, a pale dancette_, &c. the pale has a diminutive called the _pallet_, which is one half the width of the pale. [illustration: pallet] ex. argent, a pallet, gules. the pale has another diminutive one fourth its size; it is called an _endorse_. [illustration: endorse] ex. argent, a pale between two endorses, gules. the pale and the pallet may receive any charge; but the endorse is never to be charged with any thing. the bend. the _bend_ is an honourable ordinary, formed by two diagonal lines drawn from the dexter chief to the sinister base, and contains the fifth part of the field if uncharged; but if charged with other figures, the third part of the field. [illustration: bend] ex. argent, a bend, vert. the bend has four diminutives, viz. the _garter_ which is half the breadth of the bend. [illustration: garter] ex. argent, a garter, gules. the _cotice_ which is the fourth part of the bend. cotices generally accompany the bend in pairs; thus a bend between two cotices is said to be cotised. [illustration: cotice] ex. gules, a bend, argent, coticed of the same. the _riband_, which is one third less than the garter and the _bendlet_, must never occupy more than one sixth of the field. [illustration: riband] ex. argent, a riband vert. [illustration: bendlet] ex. gules, two bendlets, engrailed, argent. the _bend sinister_ is the same breadth as the bend dexter, and is drawn from the sinister to the dexter side of the shield. [illustration: bend sinister] ex. argent, a bend sinister, purpure. the _scarpe_ is the diminutive of the bend sinister, and is half its size. [illustration: scarpe] ex. argent, a scarpe, purpure. the _baton _is the fourth part of the bend, and, as before mentioned, it is a mark of illegitimacy, and seldom used in heraldry, but by the illegitimate descendants of royalty. [illustration: baton] ex. gules, a baton, sable, garnished, or. the fess and bar. the _fess_ is formed by two horizontal lines drawn above and below the centre of the shield. the fess contains in breadth one third of the field. [illustration: fess] ex. argent, a fess, azure. the _bar _is formed in the same manner as the fess, but it only occupies the fifth part of the field. it differs from the fess, that ordinary being always placed in the centre of the field; but the bar may be placed in any part of it, and there may be more than one bar in an escutcheon. [illustration: bar] ex. gules, two bars, argent. the _closet_ is a diminutive of the bar, and is half its width. [illustration: closet] ex. argent, two closets, azure. the _barrulet_ is half the width of the closet. [illustration: barrulet] ex. gules, two barrulets, argent. the annexed example is to illustrate the word _gemels_, which is frequently used to describe double bars. the word _gemels_ is a corruption of the french word _jumelles_, which signifies double. [illustration: gemels] ex. azure, two bars, gemels, argent. when the shield contains a number of bars of metal and colour alternate, exceeding five, it is called _barry_ of so many pieces, expressing their numbers. [illustration: barry] ex. barry of seven pieces, argent and azure. the chevron. the figure of the _chevron_ has been described as representing the gable of a roof. it is a very ancient ordinary, and the less it is charged with other figures the more ancient and honourable it appears. [illustration: chevron] ex. argent, a chevron, gules. the diminutives of the chevron, according to english heraldry, are the _chevronel_, which is half the breadth of the chevron. [illustration: chevronels] ex. argent, two chevronels, gules. and the _couple-close_, which is half the chevronel. [illustration: couple-closes] ex. gules, three couple-closes interlaced in base, or. _braced_ is sometimes used for interlaced. see the word braced in the dictionary. the cross. this, as its name imports, was the distinguishing badge of the crusaders, in its simplest form. it was merely two pieces of list or riband of the same length, crossing each other at right angles. the colour of the riband or list denoted the nation to which the crusader belonged. the cross is an honourable ordinary, occupying one fifth of the shield when not charged, but if charged, one third. [illustration: cross] ex. or, a cross, gules. when the cross became the distinguishing badge of different leaders in the crusades, the simple form given in the preceding example was not generally adopted. some bordered the red list with a narrow white edge, others terminated the arms of the cross with short pieces of the same colour, placed transversely, making each arm of the cross have the appearance of a short crutch; the ends of these crutches meeting in a point, make the cross potent. there is so great a variety of crosses used in heraldry that it would be impossible to describe them within the limits of this introduction to heraldry. the reader will find a great number of those most used in english heraldry described and illustrated in the dictionary. he of course will understand, if a coat of arms comes under his notice where this ordinary is described as a cross engrailed, a cross invected, &c., that the form of the cross is the same as that in the last example, but that the lines forming it are engrailed, invected, &c. small crosses borne as charges are called crosslets. see the words cross, crosslets, in the dictionary. the saltier. the _saltier_ was formed by making two pieces of riband cross diagonally, having the appearance of the letter x, or, speaking heraldically, the bend and bend sinister crossing each other in the centre of the shield. the saltier, if uncharged, occupies one-fifth of the field; if charged, one-third. [illustration: saltier] ex. gules, a saltier, argent. like the cross, the saltier may be borne engrailed, wavy, &c., and the termination of the arms of the saltier varied; but there are not so many examples of the variation of the form in the saltier as in the cross. chap. v. subordinate ordinaries. in order more particularly to distinguish the subordinates in an army (the chieftains of different countries alone being entitled to the preceding marks of honour), other figures were invented by ancient armorists, and by them termed subordinate ordinaries. their names and forms are as follows:-- [illustration: gyron] the _gyron_ is a triangular figure formed by drawing a line from the dexter angle of the chief of the shield to the fess point, and an horizontal line from that point to the dexter side of the shield. the field is said to be _gyrony_ when it is covered with gyrons. [illustration: gyrony] ex. gyrony of eight pieces, argent and gules. [illustration: canton] the _canton_ is a square part of the escutcheon, usually occupying about one-eighth of the field; it is placed over the chief at the dexter side of the shield: it may be charged, and when this is the case, its size may be increased. the canton represents the banner of the ancient knights banneret. the canton in the example is marked a. see knights banneret in the dictionary. the _lozenge_ is formed by four equal and parallel lines but not rectangular, two of its opposite angles being acute, and two obtuse. [illustration: lozenge] ex. argent, a lozenge, vert. the _fusil_ is narrower than the lozenge, the angles at the chief and base being more acute, and the others more obtuse. [illustration: fusil] ex. argent, a fusil, purpure. the _mascle_ is in the shape of a lozenge but perforated through its whole extent except a narrow border. [illustration: mascle] ex. gules, a mascle, argent. the _fret_ is formed by two lines interlaced in saltier with a mascle. [illustration: fret] ex. azure, a fret, argent. _fretty_ is when the shield is covered with lines crossing each other diagonally and interlaced. [illustration: fretty] ex. gules, fretty of ten pieces, argent. at the present time it is not usual to name the number of pieces, but merely the word fretty. the _pile_ is formed like a wedge, and may be borne wavy, engrailed, &c.; it issues generally from the chief, and extends towards the base, but it may be borne in bend or issue from the base. see pile and in pile in dictionary. [illustration: pile] ex. argent, a pile, azure. the _inescutcheon_ is a small escutcheon borne within the shield. [illustration: inescutcheon] ex. argent, a pale, gules, over all an inescutcheon or, a mullet sable. an _orle_ is a perforated inescutcheon, and usually takes the shape of the shield whereon it is placed. [illustration: orle] ex. azure, an orle, argent. the _flanche_ is formed by two curved lines nearly touching each other in the centre of the shield. [illustration: flanche] ex. azure, a flanche, argent. in the _flasque_ the curved lines do not approach so near each other. [illustration: flasque] ex. azure, a flasque, argent. in the _voider_ the lines are still wider apart; this ordinary occupies nearly the whole of the field: it may be charged. [illustration: voider] ex. azure, a voider, argent. the _tressure_ is a border at some distance from the edge of the field, half the breadth of an orle: the tressure may be double or treble. [illustration: tressure] ex. or, a double tressure, gules. tressures are generally ornamented, or borne flory or counter flory as in the annexed example. [illustration: ornamented double tressure] ex. argent, a double tressure, flory and counter-flory, gules. charges borne in coats of arms. at first when the feudal system prevailed, not only in england, but other parts of europe, none but military chieftains bore coats of arms. and as few persons held land under the crown but by military tenure, that is, under the obligation of attending in person with a certain number of vassals and retainers when their services were required by the king for the defence of the state, heraldic honours were confined to the nobility, who were the great landholders of the kingdom. when they granted any portion of their territory to their knights and followers as rewards for deeds of prowess in the field or other services, the new possessors of the land retained the arms of their patrons with a slight difference to denote their subordinate degree. the ingenuity of the armorist was not then taxed to find a multitude of devices to distinguish every family. and when chivalry became the prevailing pursuit of all that sought honour and distinction by deeds of arms and gallant courtesy, the knights assumed the privilege that warriors in all ages have used; viz. that of choosing any device they pleased to ornament the crests of their helmets in the field of battle, or in the mock combat of the tournament: the knight was known and named from the device used as his crest. thus the heralds, in introducing him to the judges of the field, or to the lady that bestowed the prizes, called him the knight of the swan, the knight of the lion, &c., without mentioning any other title. and knights whose fame for gallantry and prowess was firmly established, had their crests painted over their coats of arms. in two or three generations the bearer of the arms established his right to a new crest, and the heralds, to preserve the memory of the ancient honour of the family, introduced the old crest into the coat of arms, either as a charge upon the principal ordinary, or on an unoccupied part of the field. this will in some measure account for the variety of animals and parts of animals found in shields of arms. when the sovereigns of europe, to decrease the power of the great barons, bestowed estates and titles not only for deeds of arms, but wisdom in council, superior learning, and other qualities which the original bearers of arms thought beneath their notice, the heralds were obliged to invent new symbols in emblazoning the arms of the modern nobility; and when arms were granted to civic and commercial corporations, and to private individuals who had no claim to military honours, we can easily conceive that the ingenuity of the armorists was severely tested, and excuse the apparent confusion that prevailed in granting arms after the war of the roses. sir william dugdale, in his treatise entitled "ancient usage in bearing arms", states that, "many errors have been and are still committed in granting coats of arms to such persons as have not advanced themselves by the sword, being such as rise by their judgment or skill in arts, affairs, and trades"; with good reason affirming that the latter should however only be allowed "notes or marks of honour fit for their calling, and to show forth the manner of their rising, and not be set off with those representations which in their nature are only proper for martial men." it would be utterly impossible to give either a graphic or written description of all the charges in a book of this size or even in one ten times as large. the sun, moon, stars, comets, meteors, &c., have been introduced to denote glory, grandeur, power, &c.; lions, leopards, tigers, serpents, stags, have been employed to signify courage, strength, prudence, swiftness, &c. the application to certain exercises, such as war, hunting, music, fishing, &c., has furnished lances, swords, armour, musical instruments, architecture, columns, chevrons, builders' tools, &c. human bodies, or distinct parts of them, are frequently used as charges. trees, plants, fruits, and flowers have also been admitted to denote the rarities, advantages, and singularities of different countries. the relation of some creatures, figures, &c. to particular names has been a fruitful source for variety of arms. thus, the family of coningsby bears three conies; of arundel, six swallows; of corbet, a raven; of urson, a bear; of camel, a camel; of starky, a stork; of castleman, a castle triple-towered; of shuttleworth, three weaver's shuttles. hundreds of other names might be given, but the before-mentioned will be sufficient to show the reader the origin of many singular charges in coats of arms. not only were natural and artificial figures used, but the lack of information on zoology and other branches of natural history led to the introduction of fabulous animals, such as dragons, griffins, harpies, wiverns, &c. a great number of charges, indeed most of them that require explanation, will be found in the dictionary of heraldic terms, which will prevent the necessity of describing them more at large in this part of the book. the external ornaments of escutcheons. the ornaments that accompany or surround escutcheons were introduced to denote the birth, dignity, or office of the person to whom the coat of arms belongs. we shall merely give the names of the various objects in this place, and refer the reader to the different words in the dictionary. over regal escutcheons are placed the crown which pertains to the nation over which the sovereign presides. the crown is generally surmounted with a crest: as in the arms of the kings of england, the crown is surmounted by a lion statant, guardant, crowned. over the papal arms is placed a tiara or triple crown, without a crest. above the arms of archbishops and bishops the mitre is placed instead of a crest. _coronets_ are worn by all princes and peers. they vary in form according to the rank of the nobleman. a full description will be found in the dictionary of the coronets of the prince of wales, royal dukes, dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons. _helmets_ are placed over arms, and show the rank of the person to whom the arms belong: st, by the metal of which they are made; dly, by their form; dly, by their position. see the word helmet in the dictionary. _mantlings_ were the ancient coverings of helmets to preserve them and the bearers from the injuries of the weather. it is probable that they were highly ornamented with scroll-work of gold and silver, and their borders or edges cast into fanciful shapes. they are now formed into scroll-work proceeding from the sides of the helmet, and are great ornaments to an escutcheon. see a more full description under the word mantling. chapeaux. a _chapeau_ is an ancient hat or rather cap of dignity worn by dukes. they were formed of scarlet velvet and turned up with fur. they are frequently used instead of a wreath under the crests of noblemen and even gentlemen. the wreath was formed by two large skeins of silk of different colours twisted together. this was worn at the lower part of the crest, not alone as an ornament, but to protect the head from the blow of a mace or sword. in heraldry the wreath appears like a straight line or roll of two colours generally the same as the tinctures of the shield. the crest is usually placed upon the wreath. the crest is the highest part among the ornaments of a coat of arms. it is called crest from the latin word _crista_, which signifies comb or tuft. crests were used as marks of honour long before the introduction of heraldry. the helmets and crests of the greek and trojan warriors are beautifully described by homer. the german heralds pay great attention to crests, and depict them as towering to a great height above the helmet. knights who were desirous of concealing their rank, or wished particularly to distinguish themselves either in the battle field or tourney, frequently decorated their helmets with plants or flowers, chimerical figures, animals, &c.; these badges were also assumed by their descendants. the difference between crests and badges as heraldic ornaments is, that the former are always placed on a wreath, in the latter they are attached to the helmet. the scroll is a label or ribbon containing the motto: it is usually placed beneath the shield and supporters; see the word motto in the dictionary. chap. vi. marshalling charges on escutcheons by the rules of heraldry. the symbolic figures of heraldry are so well known to those acquainted with the science in every kingdom of europe, that if an englishman was to send a written emblazonment or description of an escutcheon to a french, german, or spanish artist acquainted with the english language, either of them could return a properly drawn and coloured escutcheon; but a correct emblazonment would be indispensable. a single word omitted would spoil the shield. i. the reader has already been informed that in emblazoning an escutcheon, the colour of the field is first named; then the principal ordinary, such as the fess, the chevron, &c., naming the tincture and form of the ordinary; then proceed to describe the charges on the field, naming their situation, metal, or colour; lastly, describe the charges on the ordinary. ii. when an honourable ordinary or some one figure is placed upon another, whether it be a fess, chevron, cross, &c., it is always to be named after the ordinary or figure over which it is placed, with either the words surtout or overall. iii. in the blazoning such ordinaries as are plain, the bare mention of them is sufficient; but if an ordinary should be formed of any of the curved or angular lines, such as invected, indented, &c., the lines must be named. iv. when a principal figure possesses the centre of the field, its position is not to be expressed; it is always understood to be in the middle of the shield. v. when the situation of a principal bearing is not expressed, it is always understood to occupy the centre of the field. ex. see azure, an annulet argent, p. . (dictionary) vi. the number of the points of mullets must be specified if more than five: also if a mullet or any other charge is pierced, it must be mentioned. vii. when a ray of the sun or other single figure is borne in any other part of the escutcheon than the centre, the point it issues from must be named. viii. the natural colour of trees, plants, fruits, birds, &c., is to be expressed in emblazoning by the word _proper_; but if they vary from their natural colour, the tincture or metals that is used must be named. ix. two metals cannot come in contact: thus or, cannot be placed on argent, but must be contrasted with a tincture. x. when there are many figures of the same species borne in coats of arms, their number must be observed as they stand, and properly expressed. the annexed arrangements of roundlets in shields will show how they are placed and described. [illustration: two roundlets in pale] [illustration: two roundlets in fess] the two roundlets are arranged in pale, but they may appear in chief or base; or in fess, as in no. . [illustration: three roundlets, two over one] three roundlets, two over one; if the single roundlet had been at the top, it would have been called _one over two_. [illustration: three roundlets in bend] three roundlets in bend. they might also be placed in fess, chief, base, or in pale. [illustration: four roundlets, two over two] four roundlets, two over two. some armorists call them _cantoned_ as they form a square figure. [illustration: five roundlets in saltier] five roundlets; two, one, two, in saltier. [illustration: five roundlets in cross] five roundlets; one, three, one, or in cross. [illustration: six roundlets paleway] six roundlets; two, two, two, paleway. [illustration: six roundlets in pile] six roundlets; three, two, one, in pile. there are seldom more figures than seven, but no matter the number; they are placed in the same way, commencing with the figures at the top of the shield, or in chief. if the field was strewed all over with roundlets, this would be expressed by the word _semé_. _marshalling coats of arms_, is the act of disposing the arms of several persons in one escutcheon, so that their relation to each other may be clearly marked. in heraldry, the husband and wife are called _baron and femme_; and when they are descended from distinct families, both their arms are placed in the same escutcheon, divided by a perpendicular line through the centre of the shield. as this line runs in the same direction, and occupies part of the space in the shield appropriated to the ordinary called the pale, the shield is in heraldic language said to be _parted per pale_. the arms of the baron (the husband) are always placed on the dexter side of the escutcheon; and the femme (the wife), on the sinister side, as in the annexed example. [illustration: parted per pale, baron and femme, two coats] parted per pale, baron and femme, two coats; first, or, a chevron gules; second, barry of twelve pieces, azure and argent. if a widower marries again, the arms of both his wives are placed on the sinister side, which is parted per fess; that is, parted by an horizontal line running in the direction of the fess, and occupying the same place. the arms of the first wife are placed in the upper compartment of the shield, called the chief; the arms of the second wife in the lower compartment, called the base. [illustration: parted per pale, baron and femme, three coats] parted per pale, baron and femme, three coats;--first, gules, on a bend azure, three trefoils vert: second, parted per fess, in chief azure, a mascle or, with a label argent for difference. in base ermine, a fess, dancette gules. the same rule would apply if the husband had three or more wives; they would all be placed in the sinister division of the shield. where the baron marries an heiress, he does not impale his arms with hers, as in the preceding examples, but bears them in an escutcheon of pretence in the centre of the shield, showing his pretension to her lands in consequence of his marriage with the lady who is legally entitled to them. the escutcheon of pretence is not used by the children of such marriage; they bear the arms of their father and mother quarterly, and so transmit them to posterity. annexed is an example of the arms of the femme on escutcheon of pretence. [illustration: baron and femme, two coats] baron and femme, two coats; first, gules, a saltier argent; second, on an escutcheon of pretence, azure, a chevron, or. if a peeress in her own right, or the daughter of a peer, marries a private gentleman, their coats of arms are not conjoined paleways, as baron and femme, but are placed upon separate shields by the side of each other; they are usually inclosed in a mantel, the shield of the baron occupying the dexter side of the mantel, that of the femme the sinister; each party has a right to all the ornaments incidental to their rank. the femme claiming the arms of her father, has a right to his supporters and coronet. the baron, who only ranks as an esquire, has no right to supporters or coronet, but exhibits the proper helmet, wreath, and crest. the peeress, by marrying one beneath her in rank, confers no dignity on her husband, but loses none of her own. she is still addressed as "your ladyship," though her husband only ranks as a gentleman; and it is for this reason that the arms cannot be conjoined in one shield as baron and femme. ex. baron and femme, two atchievements. first, azure, a pile or, crest a star of six points, argent; second, gules, a cross flory argent, surmounted by an earl's coronet: supporters, on the dexter side a stag ducally gorged and chained, on the sinister side a griffin gorged and chained; motto, honour and truth. [illustration: baron and femme, two atchievements] in the arms of the femme joined to the paternal coat of the baron, the proper differences by which they were borne by the father of the lady must be inserted. if the arms of the baron has a bordure, that must be omitted on the sinister side of the shield. archbishops and bishops impale the paternal arms with the arms of the see over which they preside, placing the arms of the bishopric on the dexter, and their paternal arms on the sinister side of the shield; a bishop does not emblazon the arms of his wife on the same shield with that which contains the arms of the see, but on a separate shield. arms of augmentation are marshalled according to the direction of the college of heralds: they are usually placed on a canton in the dexter chief of the shield; in some cases they occupy the whole of the chief. the mark of distinction denoting a baronet is usually placed on an escutcheon, on the fess point of the shield. the rules here laid down apply to funeral atchievements, banners, &c. the only difference, as will be seen by the annexed examples, is, that the ground of the hatchment is black, that surrounds the arms of the deceased, whether baron or femme, and white round the arms of the survivor. [illustration: ] in fig. . the black is left on the dexter side, showing that the husband is deceased, and that his wife survives him. [illustration: ] fig. . shows that the husband survives the wife. [illustration: ] fig. . shows that the husband and his first wife are deceased, and that the second wife is the survivor. [illustration: ] fig. . the shield on the dexter side of the hatchment is parted per pale; first, the arms of the bishopric; second, the paternal arms of the bishop. the shield on the dexter (sic) side is the arms of the bishop impaling those of his wife as baron and femme; the ground of the hatchment is black round the sinister side of this shield, showing that it is the wife that is dead. [illustration: ] fig. . is the hatchment of a lady that has died unmarried. the arms of females of all ranks are placed in a lozenge-shaped shield. [illustration: ] fig. . is the hatchment of the widow of a bishop; the arms are the same as those displayed at fig. .: here the lozenge-shaped shield is parted per pale. baron and femme:--first, parted paleways, on the dexter side the arms of the bishopric, on the sinister side the paternal arms of the bishop. second, the arms of the femme: the widow of a bishop has a right to exhibit the arms of the see over which her husband presided, as though (sic) his death has dissolved all connection with the see. she has a right to emblazon all that will honour her deceased husband. for banners, pennons, guidons, cyphers, hatchments, &c., and all other matters where heraldic emblazonment is used in funeral processions, the reader is referred to the dictionary. chap. vii. order of precedency. the order of precedency to be observed in england was settled by an act of parliament passed in the thirty-first year of the reign of henry viii. the order has been varied at different periods to accord with the alterations in the families of the reigning monarchs, and the creation of new offices. the following table shows the order of precedency at the present time, viz. the eighth year of the reign of queen victoria. the queen. the prince of wales. the queen's children. prince albert of saxe cobourg and gotha. the queen's uncles. the children of the queen's uncles. the following dignitaries precede all dukes, except those of the blood royal:-- archbishop of canterbury, primate of all england. lord high chancellor or keeper. archbishop of york, primate of england. lord high treasurer. lord president of the privy council. lord privy seal. the following dignitaries precede all of their own degree:-- the earl marshal. lord steward of her majesty's household. lord chamberlain. secretaries of state. dukes according to the date of their patent. marquises according to the date of their patent. dukes' eldest sons. earls according to their patents. marquises' eldest sons. dukes' younger sons. viscounts according to their patents. earls' eldest sons. marquises' younger sons. bishops of london, durham, and winchester; all other bishops according to their seniority of consecration. barons according to their patents. speaker of the house of commons. viscounts' eldest sons. earls' younger sons. barons' eldest sons. knights of the garter, commoners. privy councillors, commoners. chancellor of the exchequer. chancellor of the duchy of lancaster. lord chief justice of the king's bench. master of the rolls. the vice-chancellor of england. lord chief justice of the common pleas. lord chief baron of the exchequer. judges and barons of the degree of the coif, according to seniority viscounts' younger sons. barons' younger sons. baronets. knights of the bath. knights commanders of the bath. field and flag officers. knights bachelors. masters in chancery. doctors graduate. serjeants at law. esquires of the king's body. esquires of the knights of the bath. esquires by creation. esquires by office. clergymen, barristers at law, officers in the royal navy and army who are gentlemen by profession, and gentlemen entitled to bear arms. citizens. burgesses. the lords spiritual of ireland rank next after the lords spiritual of great britain; the priority of signing any treaty or public instrument by the members of the government is always taken by rank of place, not by title. the style prefixed to the titles of the peerage of great britain and ireland are as follows :-- princes of the blood, his royal highness. archbishops, his grace. dukes, the most noble his grace. marquesses, the most honorable. earls, viscounts, and barons, the right honorable. bishops, the right reverend. * * * * * dictionary of heraldic terms. abaissÉ. a french word, generally used in heraldry instead of the english word abased. when the fess, or any other ordinary properly placed above the fess point of the shield, is brought below it, that ordinary is said to be _abaissé_. abatement. any figure added to coats of arms tending to lower the dignity or station of the bearer. thus, the baton, denoting illegitimacy, is an abatement: so, also, are the differences in coats of arms showing the degrees of consanguinity. addorsed. any animals set back to back. see lion. allerion. an eagle displayed, without beak or feet. [illustration: allerion] ex. argent, an allerion gules. alternate. figures or tinctures that succeed each other by turns. amethyst. a precious stone of a violet colour, the name of which was formerly used instead of purpure, to denote the purple tincture when emblazoning the arms of the english nobility. annulet. a small circle borne as a charge in coats of arms. [illustration: annulet] ex. azure, an annulet argent. annulets are added to arms for a difference. see differences, p. . [chap. iii.] ancient. a small flag or ensign. the bearer of the flag was called by its name. _iago_ was ancient to the troops commanded by _othello_. "this is othello's ancient, as i take it. the same indeed, a very valiant fellow." shakspeare. archbishops. church dignitaries of the first class. there are but two in england--the archbishop of canterbury and the archbishop of york. the former is the first peer of england next to the royal family, and has the title of _grace_ given to him; and likewise _most reverend father in god_. he is styled primate of all england, and metropolitan. the archbishop of york has precedence of dukes and great officers of state, except the lord chancellor. he is called _his grace_ and _most reverend father in god_; and styled _primate of england_ and _metropolitan_. argent. the french word for silver, of which metal all white fields or charges are supposed to consist. [illustration: argent] armed. this word is used to express the horns, hoofs, beak, or talons of any beast or bird of prey, when borne of a different tincture from those of their bodies. [illustration: armed] ex. crest, a demi-griffin armed, gules. armorist. a person skilled in the bearings of coats of arms, and all relating to their emblazonment. arms. a word derived from the latin _arma_, which signifies in heraldry a mark of honour, serving to distinguish states, cities, families, &c. arrows. short darts feathered at the ends. [illustration: arrows] ex. argent, three arrows paleways, points in chief sable, feathered. aspectant. animals placed face to face in a charge are said to be aspectant. if they are about to attack each other, they are said to be combatant. assumptive. arms assumed without being sanctioned by a grant from the college of heralds. assurgent. a man or beast rising out of the sea is said to be assurgent. atchievement. the coat of arms fully emblazoned according to the rules of heraldry. the lozenge-shaped atchievements that are displayed on the outside of the houses of persons deceased are commonly called hatchments. attired. when the horns of a stag are of a different tincture to its head, it is said to be attired. [illustration: attired] ex. argent, a stag lodged, proper, attired, or augmentation. this word signifies in heraldry a particular mark of honour, granted by the sovereign in consideration of some noble action, or by favour; and either quartered with the family arms, or on an escutcheon or canton. [illustration: augmentation] ex. ermine, on a chevron azure, three foxes' heads erased, argent. the augmentation is in a canton azure, a fleur-de-lis argent. azure. the french word for _blue_: it is distinguished in heraldic engraving by lines running parallel to each other in an horizontal direction, as in the annexed example. [illustration: azure] badge. a distinctive mark worn by servants, retainers, and followers of royalty or nobility, who, being beneath the rank of gentlemen, have no right to armorial bearings. the rose and crown is the badge of the servants, &c., of the kings of england: they are displayed as in the annexed example. [illustration: badge (rose and crown)] banded. anything tied with a band. [illustration: banded] ex. argent. three arrows proper, banded. banner. the principal standard of a knight. the great banner borne at the funeral of a nobleman contains all the quarterings of his arms: it varies in size according to the rank of the deceased. the banner of the sovereign is five feet square; that of a prince or duke, four feet square; for all noblemen of inferior rank, three feet square. banner roll is a small square flag containing a single escutcheon of the deceased. thus, if there are twelve quarterings in the banner, the same number of banner rolls will be required to be borne in the funeral procession. the annexed engraving shows the banner and banner-roll. [illustration: banner roll] bar. an honourable ordinary, occupying one-fifth of the shield. it may be placed in any part of the field. it has two diminutives, the closet and barrulet. [illustration: bar] ex. ermine, two bars gules. barbed. bearded. it is also applied to roses. [illustration: barbed] ex. azure, a rose argent, barbed, and seeded proper. baron. the lowest title of the peerage of great britain. baron and femme. terms used in heraldry to denote the arms of a man and his wife, marshalled together. see p. . [chap. vi.] barrulet. the smallest diminutive of the bar. the closet is half the bar; the barrulet half the closet. [illustration: barrulet] ex. gules, two barrulets argent. barry. a field divided transversely into several equal parts, and consisting of two different tinctures interchangeably disposed. [illustration: barry] ex. barry of eight pieces, azure and argent. baton. batune. baston. it is generally used as an abatement in coats of arms to denote illegitimacy. [illustration: baton] ex. or, a cross gules, over all a baton argent. battering ram. an instrument used for battering down walls before gunpowder was known in europe: it is frequently borne as a charge in a coat of arms. [illustration: battering ram] ex. argent, a battering ram proper. battle axe. an ancient military weapon, frequently borne on arms as a mark of prowess. [illustration: battle axe] ex. argent, three battle axes gules two over one. battlements. divisions or apertures on the top of castle walls or towers. [illustration: battlements] ex. gules, three towers embattled argent. beaked. the beak of a bird being of a different tint from the body is said to be beaked. [illustration: beaked] ex. an eagle's head erased, beaked, or. beaver. that part of the helmet that defends the sight. [illustration: beaver] belled. having bells. [illustration: belled] ex. argent, a barrulet gules, belled with three bells proper. bend. one of the honourable ordinaries formed by two diagonal lines drawn from the dexter chief to the sinister base; it generally occupies a fifth part of the shield if uncharged, but if charged one third. [illustration: bend] ex. azure, a bend argent. bend sinister. is the reverse of the bend; it is seldom found in coats of arms, as it is reckoned an abatement. [illustration: bend sinister] ex. argent, a bend sinister gules. in bend. figures placed in a slanting direction from the dexter chief to the sinister base are said to be in bend. [illustration: in bend] ex. or, three torteaux in bend. bendlet. a diminutive of the bend, of the same shape, but only half the width of the bend. bendy. this word serves to denote a field divided diagonally into several bends, varying in metal and colour. [illustration: bendy] ex. bendy of six pieces, azure and argent. besant, or bezant. gold coin of byzantium; when they appear in a coat of arms their colour is not described: a besant is always or. [illustration: besant] billets. this charge is, by some authors, supposed to represent tiles or bricks; by others that it represents a letter or billet. the name and form of the charge most accords with the latter opinion. [illustration: billets] ex. argent, three billets azure, two over one. bishops. church dignitaries: they are barons of the realm, and have precedence next to viscounts: they have the title of _lords_, and _right reverend fathers in god_. blazon. to describe in proper colours, or lines representing colours, all that belongs to coats of arms. arms may also be emblazoned by describing the charges and tinctures of a coat of arms in heraldic terms. blue-mantel. a title of one of the pursuivants at arms. see herald. bordure or border. this was the most ancient difference in coats of arms, to distinguish different branches of the same family. it is a border round the edge of the shield. its situation is always the same; but the inner edge may be varied. [illustration: bordure] ex. argent, a sinister hand couped at the wrist and erected gules, within a bordure azure. bottonny. see cross bottonny. boujet. an ancient water bucket, frequently borne in shields of arms. [illustration: boujet] ex. argent, a boujet proper. braced. two figures of the same form, interlacing each other. [illustration: braced] ex. vert, two triangles braced, argent. brased and brazed are words sometimes used by ancient armorists. they always describe things interlaced or braced together. broad arrow. an ancient weapon of war, thrown by an engine. it is frequently borne as a charge in coats of arms. [illustration: broad arrow] ex. argent, a broad arrow gules. caboched or caboshed. beasts' heads borne without any part of the neck, and full faced. [illustration: caboched] ex. argent, a stag's head caboshed, proper. caltrop. an iron instrument made to annoy an enemy's cavalry. they were formed of iron, being four spikes conjoined in such a manner that one was always upwards. it is found in many ancient coats of arms. [illustration: caltrop] ex. argent, a caltrop proper. canton. the french word for corner. it is a small square figure, generally placed at the dexter chief of the shield, as in the annexed example. [illustration: canton] celestial crown. distinguished from any other crown by the stars on the points or rays that proceed from the circlet. [illustration: celestial crown] chapeau. cap of maintenance or dignity, borne only by sovereign princes. it is formed of crimson or scarlet velvet, lined with ermine. [illustration: chapeau] chaplet. an ancient ornament for the head, granted to gallant knights for acts of courtesy. it is frequently borne as a charge in a shield of arms, and always tinted in its natural colours. [illustration: chaplet] ex. argent, a chaplet proper. charge. the figures or bearings contained in an escutcheon. checky. the field covered with alternate squares of metal and fur. [illustration: checky] ex. checky, sable and argent. chevron. this ordinary is supposed to represent the rafters of the gable of a house. [illustration: chevron] ex. or, a chevron gules. chevronel. the diminutive of the chevron, being one half its size. [illustration: chevronel] ex. argent, two chevronels gules. chief. one of the honourable ordinaries. it is placed on the upper part of the shield and contains a third part of it. the letters show the points in the chief. a is the dexter chief; b, the precise middle chief; c, the sinister chief. [illustration: chief] chimerical figures. imaginary figures, such as griffins, dragons, harpies, &c.: all of them will be found under their proper names. cinque foil. five leaves conjoined in the centre. [illustration: cinque foil] civic cap. a cap of dignity borne by mayors of cities or corporate bodies: it is formed of sables garnished with ermine. [illustration: civic cap] clarion. a horn or trumpet borne in this shape in english and german coat-armour. [illustration: clarion] ex. azure, three clarions or. clenched. the fingers pressed towards the palm of the hand. [illustration: clenched] ex. azure, a dexter arm vambraced couped, the fist clenched proper. close. a bird with its wings closed. [illustration: close] closet. a diminutive of the bar, being only one half its width. [illustration: closet] ex. or, two closets azure. closegirt. a figure whose dress is fastened round the waist. [illustration: closegirt] ex. gules, an angel erect with wings expanded or, dress closegirt. coat armour, or surcoat. a loose garment worn over the armour of a knight; hence the term coat of arms. on this garment were emblazoned the armorial bearings of the wearer. [illustration: coat armour] cockatrice. a chimerical animal, a cock with a dragon's tail and wings. [illustration: cockatrice] collared. having a collar. dogs and inferior animals are sometimes collared: the supporters and charges are generally said to be gorged. see gorged. combatant. a french word for fighting. see lion. complement. the heraldic term for the full moon. when this figure is introduced as a charge in a coat of arms, it is called a moon in her complement. compony. a term applied to a bordure, pale, bend, or any other ordinary, made up of squares of alternate metal and colour. [illustration: compony] ex. argent, an inescutcheon azure, border compony, or and gules. conjoined. joined together. [illustration: conjoined] ex. argent, three legs armed, conjoined at the fess point at the upper extremity of the thigh, flexed in a triangle, garnished and spurred, or. cony. an heraldic name for a young rabbit. [illustration: cony] cotice. one of the diminutives of the bend: cotices are generally borne on each side of the bend. [illustration: cotice] ex. gules, a bend argent, coticed of the same. the cotices are frequently of a different tincture from the bend they cotice. couchant. the french word for lying down with the breast towards the earth, and the head raised. see lion couchant. count. a nobleman that was deputed by the king to govern a county or shire: the title is not used in the british peerage; his rank is equal to an earl. counter. in heraldry implies contrariety, as in the following examples:-- counter-changed. the intermixture of metal with colours opposed to each other. [illustration: counter-changed] ex. per pale, or and azure, on a chevron, three mullets all counter-changed. counter salient. two animals leaping different ways from each other. [illustration: counter salient] ex. argent, two foxes counter salient. counter passant. two animals passing the contrary way to each other. [illustration: counter passant] ex. or, two lions passant counter passant gules, the uppermost facing the sinister side of the escutcheon, both collared sable, garnished argent. counter flory. any ordinary ornamented with fleurs-de-luce: the points of the flowers run alternately in a contrary direction. [illustration: counter flory] ex. or, a pale purpure, flory and counter flory gules. couped. from the french word _couper_, to cut. the cross in the example is couped, part of it being cut off, so as not to touch the edges of the shield. [illustration: couped] ex. azure, a cross couped argent. couped. the head or limbs of any animal cut close is called couped. [illustration: couped] ex. argent, a boar's head proper couped. couple-close. one of the diminutives of the chevron, half the size of the chevronel. [illustration: couple-close] ex. argent, three couple-closes interlaced vert. courant. running. [illustration: courant] ex. argent, a stag proper courant. crenelle. the french heraldic term for embattled. see embattled. [illustration: crenelle] crescent. the half moon with its horns turned upwards. [illustration: crescent] ex. azure, a crescent argent. crest. the ornament on the upper part of the helmet in heraldry placed over coats of arms, either with or without the helmet. by referring to the title-page of this work the crests of great britain will be found with all the adornments of regal helmets. the english crest is a crown surmounted by a lion statant guardant crowned, or. the scottish crest is an imperial crown, surmounted by a lion sejant guardant, displaying two sceptres or. the irish crest is an ancient diadem surmounted by an embattled tower, a stag courant issuing from the portal. the crest of wales is a dragon passant guardant, gules.--the whole of these crests, with mantlings, &c., are emblazoned on the title-page of this manual. [illustration: crest] crests are usually displayed upon a wreath as in the annexed example, which is a demi-lion rampant. if a crest this size had been placed upon an helmet of proportionate size it must have occupied a sixth part of this page, and the shield containing the arms to be in proportion considerably larger: in showing the crest without the helmet proportion is of little consequence. see helmet, wreath, and mantling. crested. a cock or other bird, whose comb is of a different tincture from the body, is said to be crested. see jowloped. crined. this is said of an animal whose hair is of a different tincture from its body. [illustration: crined] ex. argent, a mermaid gules, crined or. crosier. the pastoral staff of a bishop or abbot: a very frequent charge in ecclesiastical arms. [illustration: crosier] ex. or, a crosier gules, in bend. cross. an honourable ordinary, more used as a charge in a coat of arms than any of the others. during the crusades for the recovery of the holy land, the troops of the different nations that joined in the crusade displayed crosses on their banners and arms: every soldier bore a cross upon his dress; this was composed of two pieces of list or riband of equal length, crossing each other at right angles. the soldiers of france attached their national emblem, the fleur-de-lis, to the ends of the members of the cross; hence the introduction of the cross flory. the crusaders from the papal dominions placed transverse pieces on each member of the plain cross, and by this means transformed it into four small crosses springing from a centre, forming what is now called the cross-crosslet. it would be impossible within the limits of this work to give an example of all the crosses that have been introduced as bearings in coats of arms. berry, in his comprehensive work on heraldry, gives nearly two hundred examples, without giving all that might be found. the following are the crosses most used in english heraldry. [illustration: cross] cross [illustration: cross potent] cross potent [illustration: cross flory] cross flory [illustration: cross crosslet] cross crosslet [illustration: cross bottonny] cross bottonny [illustration: cross pattee] cross pattee [illustration: cross raguly] cross raguly [illustration: cross patonce] cross patonce [illustration: cross moline] cross moline [illustration: cross quadrate] cross quadrate [illustration: cross quarter-pierced] cross quarter-pierced [illustration: cross of calvary] cross of calvary [illustration: cross fitchy] cross fitchy [illustration: cross patriarchal] cross patriarchal [illustration: cross potent rebated] cross potent rebated curtana. the pointless sword of mercy is the principal in dignity of the three swords that are borne naked before the british monarchs at their coronation. [illustration: curtana] crown and coronets. [illustration: crown, king of england] the crown of the king of england. [illustration: coronet, prince of wales] coronet of the prince of wales [illustration: coronet, princess of england] of a princess of england [illustration: coronet, marquis] of a marquis [illustration: coronet, royal duke] of a royal duke [illustration: coronet, earl] of an earl [illustration: coronet, duke] of a duke [illustration: coronet, viscount] of a viscount [illustration: coronet, baron] coronet of a baron dancette. a zig-zag figure with spaces between the points, much larger than in the indented. [illustration: dancette] ex. argent, a pale, dancette vert. debruised. any animal that has an ordinary placed upon it is said to be debruised. [illustration: debruised] ex. argent, a lion rampant guardant gules, debruised by a fess azure. decressant, or decrescent. a moon in its wane, whose horns are turned to the sinister side of the escutcheon. [illustration: decressant] ex. azure, a moon decrescent, proper. demi, or demy. this particle is always joined to a substantive, and signifies half; as, a demi-lion, _i.e._ half a lion. detriment. the moon is said to be in its detriment when it is eclipsed. [illustration: detriment] ex. argent, the moon in her detriment sable. dexter. a word used in heraldry to signify the right side of any thing. diadem, a circle of gold with points rising from it, worn by ancient kings as the token of royalty. the diadem of most of the monarchs of europe, as represented in ancient statuary, stained glass, and paintings, resembles the annexed engraving; the kings of england, from the conquest to henry vii., all wore a diadem of this shape. [illustration: diadem] diamond. the hardest and most valuable of precious stones; it was formerly used by english heralds to denote black or sable in blazoning the arms of the nobility. difference. the term given to a certain figure added to coats of arms to distinguish one family from another, and to show how distant younger branches are from the elder or principal branch. see p. . [chap. iii.] diminution. a word sometimes used instead of difference. displayed. a bird whose wings are expanded and legs spread is said to be displayed. [illustration: displayed] ex. argent, an eagle displayed sable. dormant. the french word for sleeping, used to denote the posture of a lion, or any other beast reposing. see lion. doublings. the lining of robes of state, as also the rows of fur set on the mantles of peers. double tressure. two tressures, or orles, one within the other. [illustration: double tressure] dovetailed. a term borrowed from carpentry to show tinctures joined together by reversed wedges, which, being shaped like doves' tails, are by joiners called dovetailing. [illustration: dovetailed] ex. quarterly per pale dove-tailed, or and gules. dragon. an imaginary monster; a mixture of beast, bird, and reptile. it is frequently borne in crests and charges. [illustration: dragon] ex. argent, a dragon proper, tail nowed. dragon's head. part of a celestial constellation, used by ancient english heralds to denote tenne when emblazoning the arms of sovereigns; this style of heraldry has become obsolete. dragon's tail. part of the same constellation; formerly used to denote sanguine. duke. the highest degree of british peerage next to the prince of wales. this title is derived from the latin word _dux_: the title of duke was known in other parts of europe long before it was introduced into england. the first person that was created a duke in this country was edward the black prince, who was created duke of cornwall by his father edward the third. the title has since that time belonged to the first born son of the monarch of england. a duke formerly possessed great authority over the province that formed his dukedom, and had large estates annexed to his title to support its dignity. at the present time dukes are created by patent, and their dukedom is merely nominal, neither power nor possessions being annexed to the title. eagle. _aquila_ in ornithology. in heraldry the eagle is accounted one of the most noble bearings, and ought to be given only to such as greatly excel in the virtues of generosity and courage, or for having done some singular service to their sovereign. eaglet is a diminutive of eagle, properly signifying a young eagle. in heraldry, when several eagles are on the same escutcheon, they are termed eaglets. earl. the third degree of british peerage. under the danish and saxon kings this was the highest title known in england conferred upon a subject. it was formerly the custom upon creating an earl to assign him, for the support of his state, the third penny from the fines and profits of the sheriff's court, issuing out of the pleas of the shire whence the earl took his title; as, formerly, there was no count or earl but had a county or shire for his earldom. when the number of earls was increased, they took their titles from towns and villages. an earl is now created by patent. earl-marshal of england. a very ancient, and formerly a very important, officer, who had several courts under his jurisdiction, as the court of chivalry, the court of honour. he still presides over the heralds' college, and nominally over the marshalsea court. the title of earl marshal of england is now, and has been for some ages, hereditary in the noble family of the howards. eastern crown. a crown with rays proceeding from a circle, called by heralds an eastern crown, is found in ancient achievements. the annexed cut shows its form. [illustration: eastern crown] embattled. a line, formed like the battlements on a wall or tower, is said to be embattled or crenelle. when the line is used to form one of the ordinaries, it is said to be embattled. see the lines, p. . [chap. iii.] [illustration: embattled] ex. gules, a bend sinister embattled, argent. embattled grady. where the battlements gradually rise one above another. [illustration: embattled grady] ex. argent, a fess gules, embattled grady. see the lines, p. . [chap. iii.] embowed. any thing bent or curved, like a bow. [illustration: embowed] ex. gules, a dolphin naiant embowed or. emerald. the name of a precious stone formerly substituted for vert in emblazoning the arms of the nobility of england. en arriÈre. an expression borrowed from the french, to signify any creature borne with its back to view. [illustration: en arrière] ex. argent, an eagle proper en arrière. endorse. the smallest diminutive of the pale. [illustration: endorse] ex. argent, a pale between endorses gules. engrailed. any object being edged with small semi-circles, the points turning outwards, is said to be engrailed. [illustration: engrailed] ex. argent, a pale azure engrailed. enhanced. a term applied to bearings placed above their usual situation. [illustration: enhanced] ex. argent, three bendlets, enhanced gules. ensigned. this word, in heraldic description, means ornamented. [illustration: ensigned] ex. argent, a man's heart gules, ensigned with a celestial crown or. erased. signifies any thing torn or plucked off from the part to which nature affixed it; generally applied to the head and limbs of man or beast. [illustration: erased] ex. argent, a leg erased at the midst of the thigh gules. erect. this is said of any animal or parts of animals, naturally horizontal, being placed in a perpendicular direction. [illustration: erect] ex. argent, a boar's head erect, and erased. ermine. a white fur with black spots, represented as in the annexed example. [illustration: ermine] ermines. this fur is represented by white spots on a black field. [illustration: ermines] erminois. a fur, the field, or, the spots or tufts, sable, as in the annexed example. [illustration: erminois] escalop. the shell of a sea-fish, used to decorate the palmers on their way to and from palestine; frequently used as a charge in heraldry. [illustration] escutcheon. this word is sometimes used to express the whole coat of arms, sometimes only the field upon which the arms are painted. it more generally denotes the painted shields used at funerals. the field, if the husband is dead and wife survives, is black on the dexter side only; if the wife is deceased, it is black on the sinister side; if both, it is black all over. the example shows that this is the escutcheon of a deceased baron, whose lady survives. [illustration] escutcheon of pretence. a small escutcheon, on which a man bears the coat of arms of his wife, being an heiress. see p. . [chap. vi.] [illustration: ex. argent, a chevron or, between three crosslets sable, on the fess point surtout the chevron an escutcheon of pretence gules, three quatrefoils argent.] esquire. the degree below a knight and above a gentleman. those to whom this title is due by right, are all the younger sons of noblemen and their heirs male for ever, the four esquires of the king's body, the eldest sons of baronets, of all knights and of their heirs male: those who bear superior offices, as magistrates, high sheriffs, mayors, and aldermen, have it during their continuance in office and no longer. for the helmet of an esquire, see page . [illustration: etoile.] etoile. the french word for a star. it differs from the mullet in the number of points, and four of the points being rayant. fess. an honourable ordinary occupying the third part of the shield between the centre and the base. [illustration: fess] ex. argent, a fess gules. [illustration: fess point.] fess point. the exact centre of the escutcheon, as seen in the annexed example. see the escutcheon lettered at p. ., where this point is marked with the letter e. [chap. ii.] field. the whole surface of the shield or escutcheon: it is the ground upon which the colours, tinctures, furs, ordinaries, and charges, are represented. figured. those bearings which are depicted with a human face, are said to be figured. [illustration: figured] ex. gules, three bezants figured. fillet. the only diminutive belonging to the chief; its width is one-fourth of the chief, and is always placed at the base of it. see chief, p. . [chap. iv.] fimbriated. an ordinary having a border of a different tincture is said to be fimbriated. [illustration: fimbriated] ex. azure, a bend gules, fimbriated argent. fitchy. is from the french word _fiché_, fixed. it is generally applied to crosses which have their lower branch pointed, so that it could be fixed in the ground. see cross fitchy. flanches. are formed of two curved lines placed opposite each other. [illustration: flanche] ex. azure, a flanche argent. flank. that part of an escutcheon between the chief and the base. [illustration: flank] ex. argent, three mullets gules, accompanied with seven cross crosslets fitchy sable--three in chief, one in fess, two in flanks, one in base. flasques. a subordinate ordinary formed by curved lines placed opposite each other, but not so near as in flanches. [illustration: flasque] ex. azure, a flasque argent. [illustration: fleur-de-lis.] fleur-de-lis. supposed to represent the garden-lily. it is the bearing of the bourbons of france, but is frequently introduced in english charges. flory. signifies flowered or adorned with the fleur-de-lis. see flory counter-flory, and cross-flory. fret. two laths interlaced with a mascle. [illustration: fret] ex. azure, a fret argent. fretty. this word denotes a field covered with fretwork or laths interlacing each other. [illustration: fretty] ex. gules, fretty argent. the fusil. is longer than the lozenge: the upper and lower ends are more acute. [illustration: fusil] ex. or, a fusil purpure. [illustration: galley.] galley. an ancient vessel propelled by oars; frequently used in shields of naval officers. [illustration: gambe.] gambe. an obsolete french word, signifying a leg, and is still used in heraldry, for the leg of a lion or other creature borne in coats of arms. garbe. the heraldic term for a sheaf of any kind of corn. [illustration: garbe] ex. argent, a garbe proper. garter. one of the diminutives of the bend, being half the size. [illustration: garter] ex. or, a garter vert. [illustration: garter.] garter. the insignia of the most noble order of the knights of the garter. it is formed of blue velvet edged with gold wire, and lined with white satin; on the velvet is embroidered the motto of the order. see knight. [illustration: gauntlet.] gauntlet. armour for the hand. gaze. an intent look. this is said of a deer standing still, and turning its head to look earnestly at any object. [illustration: gaze] ex. argent, a stag at gaze proper. [illustration: gemels.] gemels. this word signifies double. the example contains two double bars, which in heraldic language would be called two bars gemels. [illustration: golp.] golps. roundlets of a purple tincture. the colour is not stated, as the name denotes the colour. gorged. any animals, particularly birds, that have collars round the neck, are said to be gorged. [illustration: gorged] ex. a swan's head erased at the neck, ducally gorged or. [illustration: griffin.] griffin or gryphon. a chimerical animal, half bird, half beast. [illustration: guidon.] guidon. a small semi-oval flag used in funeral processions. it is generally charged with the paternal arms of the deceased. [illustration: gules.] gules. signifies red. it is represented in engraving by lines running parallel with each other, from the chief to the base, as in the example. [illustration: gutty.] gutty. a term derived from the latin word _gutta_, a drop. a field bearing drops, as in the example, is called gutty. [illustration: gyron.] gyron. a triangular figure formed by two lines from one of the angles of the shield to the centre. the gyron may be drawn in any part of the shield, but it is generally placed as in the annexed example. gyronny. when the field is covered with gyrons, their points uniting in the centre. [illustration: gyronny] ex. gyronny of eight pieces, azure, argent, and gules. habergeon. a coat of mail: it is also called a corslet and cuirass. [illustration: habergeon] ex. argent, an habergeon proper. habited. clothed figures, either as charges or supporters, are said to be habited. [illustration: harpy.] harpy. a chimerical animal, having the head and breast of a woman, and the body and legs of a bird. haurient. a fish, in a perpendicular direction, with its head upwards. [illustration: haurient] ex. argent, a salmon proper haurient. helmet. an ancient piece of defensive armour for the head; it covered the face, leaving an aperture in the front, secured by bars: this was called the visor. the helmet is now placed over a coat of arms; and by the metal from which it is made, the form, and position, denotes the rank of the person whose arms are emblazoned beneath it. the helmets of sovereigns are formed of burnished gold; those of princes and peers, of every degree, silver figured with gold; knights, esquires, and gentlemen, polished steel. the helmets of the king, the royal family, and peers, are open-faced and grated: the number of bars served formerly to distinguish the bearer's quality. the helmets of knights are open-faced, without bars. esquires and gentlemen are known by the close helmet. [illustration: grated helmet, direct front view.] the position of the helmet is a mark of distinction. the direct front view of the grated helmet belongs to sovereign princes and dukes. [illustration: grated helmet, profile.] the grated helmet in profile is common to all degrees of peerage under a duke. [illustration: open helmet, direct front view.] the helmet without bars, with the beaver open, standing directly fronting the spectator, denotes a knight. [illustration: closed helmet, profile.] the closed helmet seen in profile is appropriated to esquires and gentlemen. see crest, beaver, mantling. herald. an officer at arms, whose business it is to declare war, proclaim peace, marshal all the solemnities at the coronation; baptisms, marriages, and funerals of the sovereign and nobility; and to ascertain and blazon coats of arms. the principal herald is garter-king-at-arms. it is his office to regulate the solemnities, and emblazon the arms of the sovereign, knights, and officers of the most noble order of the garter. garter-king-at-arms likewise presides over all heraldic ceremonies of the court. his crown of gold is formed with oak leaves, one shorter than the other, springing from a circlet of gold, having engraved upon it the words "miserere mei deus." his tabard, as principal herald, is of crimson velvet, splendidly embroidered with the arms of england. clarencieux and norroy are called provincial kings-at-arms, the former regulating all things connected with heraldry in the provinces south of the trent; the latter in the provinces north of the trent. they have likewise crowns; and though the office of herald is not of so much importance now as it was formerly, it is still considered a post of great honour and emolument. there are eight heralds that are not kings-at-arms. their tabards are of silk, embroidered with the royal arms. they are called york, lancaster, somerset, richmond, chester, and windsor. george the first created a new herald called hanover, and another called gloucester. the kings-at-arms, heralds, and pursuivants, form the heralds' college, by whom all matters connected with the coats of arms of every gentleman in the kingdom are arranged and determined. hilted. the handle of a sword tinctured. [illustration: hilted] ex. argent, a sword proper couped, hilted or. [illustration: honour point] honour point. that part of the shield between the precise middle chief and the fess point. in the annexed example the large dot in the centre shows the fess point; the point within the letter d, the _honour point_. see p. . [chap. ii.] horned. this term is used to denote that the horn of a unicorn is of a different tincture from his body. [illustration: horned] ex. azure, three unicorns' heads proper, erased, horned or. humetty. a term used to denote an ordinary, parts of which are couped or cut off, so that it does not touch the edges of the shield. [illustration: humetty] ex. argent, a fess humetty gules, between three mullets sable. [illustration: hurts] hurts. blue roundlets: the colour is expressed in the name; therefore the tincture is not otherwise named in emblazoning a coat of arms. [illustration: spearhead imbued.] imbued. weapons spotted with blood are said to be imbued. the example shows a spearhead imbued. impaled. two coats of arms, conjoined paleways, in one shield. [illustration: impaled] ex. argent, a fess gules, impaled with argent, a bend azure. see p. . [chap. vi.] increscent. the new moon, with her horns turned towards the dexter side of the shield. [illustration: increscent] ex. azure, a moon increscent argent. indented. a serrated figure, much smaller than the dancette. [illustration: indented] ex. or, a chief gules, indented. inescutcheon. the name given to small escutcheons forming a bearing of a coat of arms. [illustration: inescutcheon] ex. argent, three inescutcheons gules. invected. a line formed with small semicircles, with the points turned inward. any ordinary drawn with this line is called invected. [illustration: invected] ex. argent, a bend gules, invected between two hurts. issuant, or issuing. rays or other charges proceeding from any part of the escutcheon. see ray. knight. a title of honour conferred upon a subject for eminent services performed in war. in the course of time, knights that had gained riches and high titles formed societies under the control and direction of their monarchs in every part of europe. the limits of this work will only permit us to notice the orders of knighthood introduced into england. the knights-bachelors were the earliest order of knighthood in england. the title was conferred for services in war. it was merely personal, and, like the knighthood conferred upon individuals at the present time, did not descend to their posterity. [illustration: knights-banneret] knights-banneret. this ancient and honourable order has become extinct. it obtained the title of banneret from the knights having the right of having a square banner borne before them on the field of battle, and at jousts and tournaments. sir w. segar gives the following account of the creation of a knight-banneret:--"it is a military order, and can only be conferred upon persons that have performed some heroic act in the field. when this action is known to the king, or general of the army, he commands the attendance of the gallant warrior, who is led, between two knights, into the presence of the king or general with his pennon of arms in his hand, and there the heralds proclaim his merit, and declare him fit to become a knight-banneret, and thenceforth to display a banner in the field. then the king or general causes the point of the pennon to be cut off to make it square; it is then placed at the top of his lance, and the new-made knight returns to his tent, the trumpets sounding before him." knights-banneret were certainly created in the reign of edward i., but how long before that time it is impossible to tell. knights of the garter. this is considered the most honourable order of knighthood in europe: it was founded by edward iii. in ; the fraternity consists of twenty-six knights, to which are added the princes of the blood royal. the king of england is the sovereign of the order; their officers are a prelate, chancellor, registrar, and king-at-arms. the college of the order is in windsor castle, with the chapel of st. george and the chapter-house. these buildings were erected by the royal founder expressly for the accommodation of the knights of the garter. the garter is considered the principal ensign of this order: it is worn on the left leg below the knee; it is formed of blue velvet, edged with gold: on the velvet is embroidered the motto of the order, honi soit qui mal y pense. the collar is of gold, weighing thirty ounces troy weight, and contains twenty-six garters enamelled proper, in each a rose gules between; the garters are connected by knots. the george is attached to this collar: it represents st. george (the patron saint of the order) attacking the dragon; it is of gold enamelled, and may be enriched with jewels at the pleasure of the possessor. the knights of st. patrick. this illustrious irish order was founded by george iii., . it consists of the sovereign, a grand master, the princes of the blood royal, and thirteen knights. the lord-lieutenant for the time being is grand master. the device on the jewel of this order is argent, a cross saltier gules surmounted with a trefoil vert, charged with three imperial crowns or, the whole inclosed in a circle of gold, bearing the motto quis separabit. mdcclxxxiii. an engraving of this jewel will be found on the sinister side of the title-page. the knights of the thistle. the most ancient order of the thistle was founded by james v. of scotland, , and revived by james ii., king of great britain, , incorporated by queen anne, whose statutes were confirmed by george i. the order consists of the sovereign and twelve brethren or knights. their motto is the national motto, nemo me impune lacesset; their badge or jewel, st. andrew, supporting a cross, surrounded with rays of gold, an engraving of which will be found on the dexter side of the title-page. [illustration: knight and baronet] knight and baronet. a degree of honour next to a baron, created by king james i. to induce the english gentry to settle in the province of ulster. the title is knight and baronet; it is hereditary: the arms are distinguished by an augmentation of a human hand gules, generally borne on an escutcheon in the centre of the shield. [illustration: knight and baronet of nova scotia] knight and baronet of nova scotia. a new creation during the reign of george i. to induce capitalists to settle in that part of north america. the title is hereditary: the arms are argent, st. andrew's cross gules surtout, an escutcheon or, with a lion rampant gules within a double tressure of the same, surmounted by a king's crown as a crest. knights of the bath. an ancient and honourable military order of knighthood. the date of its origin is too remote to be traced with certainty: by some authors it is said to have been instituted in normandy before the conquest; it was re-established in england by henry iv., and revived by george i. the chapel of this order is henry vii.'s chapel in westminster abbey: the dean of westminster for the time being is always dean of the order of the bath. the number of the knights is according to the pleasure of the sovereign. at the close of the late war the prince regent, afterwards george iv., remodelled this order of knighthood; and to enable himself to bestow marks of honour upon the naval and military officers that had distinguished themselves on the ocean and in the field, he divided the order into three classes: first, all the noblemen that were knights of the bath were henceforth to be called knights grand crosses of the bath, which was also the title of the commanders of fleets and armies that were rewarded by being admitted into the highest class of this noble order. the second class are called knights commanders of the bath; a great number of naval and military officers above the rank of captains in the navy and majors in the army are admitted into this class. the third class is styled companions of the order of the bath, and is open to officers of inferior rank. the knights grand crosses of the bath attach the initials k.g.c.b. to their names and titles. the knights commanders use the initials k.c.b. the companions are known by the initials c.b. [illustration: label] label. the noblest of abatements serving as a difference between the eldest and the junior sons. see difference. langued. a term derived from the french word _langue_, tongue. it signifies in heraldry that the tongue of a bird or beast is of a different tincture from the body. lion. the strength, courage, and majestic deportment of this noble animal, has gained him the regal titles of monarch of the forest and king of beasts. ancient heralds selected the figure of the lion as symbolic of command, strength, power, courage, and other qualities attributed to that animal. armorists have introduced lions to denote the attributes of majesty, might, and clemency, subduing those that resist, and sparing those that yield to authority. the lion has been depicted in every attitude which could by any means be construed into a compliment to the person the sovereign delighted to honour, by raising him to a rank that enabled him to bear arms. was it a warrior, who, though victorious, was still engaged in struggling with the foes of his sovereign, the lion rampant was considered a proper emblem of the hero. the warrior having overcome his enemies in the field, yet retaining his military command for the safety and honour of his country, was typified by the lion statant gardant. we might easily find examples to show the propriety of the emblem for all the positions of the lion introduced as charges in coats of arms; but the two given will be sufficient: the rest may easily be imagined by the intelligent reader. the following are the most usual positions in which the lion appears in shields of arms:-- [illustration: rampant] rampant. [illustration: rampant gardant] rampant gardant. [illustration: rampant regardant] rampant regardant. [illustration: salient] salient. [illustration: statant gardant] statant gardant. [illustration: passant] passant. when the lions' heads are placed in the same position as in rampant gardant and regardant, they are then said to be passant gardant and regardant. [illustration: sejant] sejant. [illustration: couchant] couchant. [illustration: dormant] dormant. thus far the lion is drawn in natural positions; these are considered the most honourable, as they have never been properly inserted in arms but for persons of high authority and pre-eminent courage and virtue. there are a great many deviations from the above, which are marks of great honour. it is considered that a lion cannot bear a rival in the field; therefore if two or more lions are introduced they are supposed to be lion's whelps, or in heraldic terms lioncels. [illustration: two lioncels addorsed] two lioncels addorsed or back to back. [illustration: lioncels combatant] lioncels combatant. [illustration: lion rampant double-headed] lion rampant double-headed. [illustration: an incorporated lion gardant in the fess point] an incorporated lion gardant in the fess point. there are a great number of ways of introducing this charge: many of them will be seen under the proper words that describe their condition: such as the word debruised, where the lion is confined by the fess passing over it; demi-lion or half lion; but the examples here given will be sufficient to explain their positions, active or passive. if no mention is made of the tincture it is always supposed that they are proper, that is, to be coloured like nature: they are introduced in arms of every metal and tincture known in heraldry. [illustration: lodged] lodged. a stag sitting on the ground with its head erect, is said to be lodged. lozenge. an angular figure, known as diamond-shaped, to distinguish it from the square. [illustration: lozenge] ex. or, a lozenge vert. lozengy. covered with lozenges. [illustration: lozengy] ex. lozengy gules and argent. luna. the moon: it formerly signified argent in emblazoning the arms of sovereigns. manche. an ancient sleeve with long hangings to it. [illustration: manche] ex. argent, a manche, gules. maned. when the manes of horses, unicorns, &c. are of a different tincture from their bodies they are said to be maned. mantle. a long robe or cloak of state. mantling. the flowing drapery forming the scroll-work displayed on either side of the helmet from beneath the wreath, representing the ancient covering of the helmet, used to protect it from stains or rust. when the mantling incloses the escutcheon, supporters, &c., it represents the robe of honour worn by the party whose shield it envelopes. this mantle is always described as doubled, that is, lined throughout with one of the furs, as ermine, pean, vary. for examples of mantling, see the arms and crests of england, scotland, and ireland. marquis. the second order of nobility in england, next in rank to a duke. marshal. a title of honour. see earl marshal. to marshal. to place persons in due order, according to their precedency, in public processions, such as coronations, proclamations of peace or war, funerals, &c. marshalling arms. the disposing of several coats of arms belonging to distinct families in the same escutcheon, together with their ornaments, parts, and appurtenances. martlet. an imaginary bird said to be without legs; it is used both as a charge and a difference. [illustration: martlet] ex. argent, a martlet, gules. mascle. an open lozenge-shaped figure, one of the subordinate ordinaries. [illustration: mascle] ex. argent, a mascle, vert. membered. a term used to express the beak and legs of a bird when they are of a different tincture from its body. mercury. the name of the planet, used by ancient heralds to describe purple in blazoning the arms of sovereigns. metal. the two metals used in heraldry are gold and silver, called or and argent. it is against the rules of heraldry to place metal upon metal, or colour upon colour, unless for special reasons. therefore, if the field be of any colour, the bearing must be of one of the metals, and on the contrary, if the field be of one of the metals, the bearing must be of some colour. millrind. the iron placed in the centre of a grindstone to protect the hole in the centre from the action of the axis; it is a charge frequently borne on escutcheons of persons connected with agriculture. [illustration: millrind] ex. argent, a millrind, gules. [illustration: mitre.] mitre. a sacerdotal ornament for the head, worn by roman catholic archbishops and bishops on solemn occasions. certain english abbots formerly wore mitres, and they are frequently found as charges in the arms of abbeys and monasteries. the annexed is a representation of the mitre of the archbishops and bishops of the church of england, borne as a mark of distinction over the arms of the see, or over their paternal achievements, when impaled with the arms of their see. the prelates of the protestant church of england never wear mitres. [illustration: mitre.] the bishops of durham were formerly princes of the palatinate of durham, and wore a ducal coronet surmounted by a mitre. they still retain the coronet and mitre as an heraldic distinction, borne over the arms of the bishopric. morion. a steel cap or helmet formerly worn by foot soldiers below the rank of gentlemen. motto. a word or short sentence inserted in a scroll, which is generally placed beneath the escutcheon; in some instances it is placed above the crest. the motto frequently alludes to the name of the bearer of the arms, as the motto of the right honourable lord fortescue--forte scutum salus ducum, a strong shield is the safety of commanders. sometimes the motto is the watchword or war-cry in the battle where the original bearer won the honours that are retained by his descendants. generally the motto is founded upon the piety, loyalty, valour, fortitude, &c. of the persons to whom arms were granted. [illustration: mound.] mound. a globe encircled with a band and surmounted with a cross; it is an ensign of royalty, signifying dominion. mullet. from the french word _molette_, the rowel of a spur: it is generally drawn with five points, as in the annexed example: when more points are used they are named. [illustration: mullet] ex. azure, a mullet or. muraile. a french term for walled. murrey. a word used by ancient armorists instead of sanguine. naiant. a french term for swimming. this term is used in heraldry when a fish is drawn in an horizontal position. [illustration: naiant] ex. argent, a salmon proper, naiant, its head towards the sinister side of the shield. naissant. a french word signifying coming out. it is used when a lion or any other animal appears to be rising out of the centre of an ordinary. [illustration: naissant] ex. or, from the midst of a fess, gules, a lion rampant naissant. nebulÉ, or nebuly. a french word, signifying cloudy, represented by a curved line, thus-- [illustration: nebulÉ, or nebuly.] nobility. under this denomination are comprehended--dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons only. archbishops and bishops are included in the rank of clergy. nombril point. that part of the shield below the fess point. see page . letter f. [chap. ii.] norroy. the name of one of the kings-at-arms. see king-at-arms. nowed. this word signifies tied or knotted, and is applied to serpents, wiverns, or any animals whose tails are twisted and enfolded like a knot. [illustration: ex. argent, a serpent nowed proper.] ogresses. black roundlets. or. the french word for gold. this tincture is denoted in engraving by small points. [illustration: ex. or, a bend gules.] oranges. roundlets tinctured tenne. ordinary. a term used to denote the simple forms which were first used as heraldic distinctions, and therefore called honourable ordinaries, as conferring more honour than later inventions. they are the chief, pale, bend, bend sinister, fess, bar, chevron, cross, and cross saltier. there are thirteen subordinate ordinaries. the form, size, and place that the honourable and subordinate ordinaries occupy in an achievement are all described in the manual, and in this dictionary under their different names. [illustration: orle.] orle. a subordinate ordinary composed of double lines going round the shield at some distance from its edge; it is half the width of the bordure. over all. this expression describes a figure borne over another and obscuring part of it. [illustration: over all] ex. quarterly or and gules, over all a bend vair. pale. one of the honourable ordinaries formed by two perpendicular lines drawn from the base to the chief. the pale occupies one third of the shield. [illustration: pale] ex. azure, a pale or pall. a scarf in the shape of the letter y, forming part of the vesture of a roman catholic prelate. it is introduced as the principal bearing of the archbishops of canterbury, armagh, and dublin. [illustration: pall] ex. azure, on a pall argent, four crosses fitchy sable, in chief a cross pattee of the second. [illustration: pallet] pallet. a diminutive of the pale. paly. a field divided by perpendicular lines into several equal parts of metal and tincture interchangeably disposed. [illustration: paly] ex. paly of four, argent and gules. party or parted signifies divided, and applies to the several parts of an escutcheon parted by a line, which always runs in the direction of one or more of the honourable ordinaries, as may be seen in the following examples:-- [illustration: parted per pale and par bend sinister] parted per pale and per bend sinister counterchanged, or and gules. [illustration: parted per pale and per chevron] parted per pale and per chevron. gules and or, counter changed. party per fess. a shield parted in the centre by an horizontal line through the fess point. [illustration: party per fess] ex. party per fess, engrailed, argent and gules. party per pale. this signifies a shield parted by a perpendicular line down the centre, so that one shield may contain two coats of arms. [illustration: party per pale] ex. parted per pale, gules and argent. paschal lamb, or holy lamb. [illustration: paschal lamb] ex. argent, a lamb passant, carrying a banner charged with a cross. passant. passing or walking. see lion passant and passant guardant. patonce. see cross. patte. a cross small in the centre, wide at the ends. see cross. patriarchal cross. cross used by patriarchs in the greek church. see cross. pearl. a precious stone, used by ancient heralds for argent in emblazoning the arms of peers. pean. the name of a fur, the field sable, the tufts or. peer. name given to all persons included in the rank of nobility. pellets. a name given to black roundlets. pendant. a shield suspended or hanging from a branch of a tree, or from a nail. shields of arms frequently appear drawn thus in architecture, and when described are said to be pendant. [illustration: pennons] pennons. small flags borne at the end of a lance of an esquire or gentleman bearing his paternal arms. the end of the pennon was cut off upon the person being created a knight banneret. see banneret. penoncels or pencils were small flags decorating the helmet or the horse armour. they are now only used at funerals. the large flag in the engraving is a pennon, the smaller, penoncels or pencils. pheon. a missile instrument with a barbed head, thrown from a cross bow. [illustration: pheon] ex. argent, a pheon proper. pierced or perforated. cut through the centre. [illustration: pierced] ex. argent, a mullet pierced, sable, on a chief azure, three mullets pierced, of the first. pile. an angular figure like a wedge, formed by lines running from the dexter and sinister chief to the middle base. [illustration: pile] ex. argent, a pile, purpure. in pile. arms or other charges that are placed so as to form the shape of a pile are said to be borne in pile. [illustration: in pile] ex. argent, three swords in pile, their points towards the base. plate. one of the six roundlets; its colour is argent, but the tincture is not mentioned, as the plate is always silver. pomeis. green roundlets. [illustration: pommelled] pommelled. the pommel of the sword is the round ball or knob at the end of the hilt of a sword. [illustration: portcullis] portcullis. a grating suspended by chains, used to defend the entrance to a castle. potent. the ancient name of a crutch: when the field is covered with figures like small crutches it is called potent; when the heads of the crutches touch each other it is called counter potent. [illustration: potent and counter potent] ex. argent and azure, potent and counter potent. some armorists call counter potent vary cuppy. prince. the only principality in great britain is that of wales. the title of prince of wales is usually conferred upon the eldest son of the british monarch. all other sons, grandsons, brothers, uncles, and nephews, are called princes of the blood royal. for instance, the duke of cambridge, the uncle of queen victoria, is styled his royal highness prince adolphus frederick duke of cambridge. his son is styled prince george of cambridge. princess. daughter of a sovereign. in england the eldest daughter of the monarch is called the princess royal; the others by their christian names. proclamation. a publication by the authority of the king. proclamations of peace or war, or other matters of importance, are usually read by one of the heralds. they are addressed to the whole community under their different orders or ranks, viz. clergy, nobility, gentry, burgesses, and commons. proper. this word is used to denote that animals introduced as charges in an escutcheon appear in their natural colour. modern writers on heraldry consider this word superfluous, as the omission of the name of any metal or tincture is quite sufficient to make any person conclude that a lion, horse, or other animal is to be represented as it appears in nature. [illustration: purpure] purpure. the colour of purple, described in engraving by lines drawn diagonally from the sinister to the dexter side of the shield. pursuivants. four officers of the heralds' college, whose duty it is to attend the king-at-arms on public occasions, and preside over certain departments of the heralds' office. they are called--rouge croix, blue mantle, rouge dragon, portcullis. they are entitled to rank as gentlemen, but not esquires. [illustration: quartered] quartered. a shield divided into four equal parts by a cross is said to be quartered. the quarter occupying the dexter chief is marked , or the first quarter; that occupying the sinister chief, ; the dexter base, ; the sinister base, ; as in the annexed example. quarterly. this term is used to signify that the shield is quartered. in describing the royal arms of england we should say--quarterly, first and fourth gules, three lions passant guardant, or. second, or, a lion rampant gules, within a double tressure of the same, flory and counter flory. third, azure, a harp or, stringed, argent. [illustration: quartered or parted per saltier] quartered or parted per saltier. a field divided by diagonal lines crossing each other in the centre of the field. [illustration: quarter foil] quarter foil. a four-leaved flower. quarterings. an escutcheon divided into any number of squares is said to contain as many quarterings; they may be as numerous as the arms required. an escutcheon containing a number of quarterings is called a genealogical achievement. quadrate. square. see cross quadrate. quarter pierced. see cross quarter pierced. radient. any charge having rays or beams about it. [illustration: radient] ex. azure, a pale, or, radient. raguly. any bearing that is ragged, like the trunk or limbs of a tree lopped of its branches, is said to be raguly. see cross. rampant. any beast in a fighting attitude. see lion rampant. ray. a stream of light proceeding from a luminous body. [illustration: ray] ex. azure, a ray of the sun issuing out of the dexter corner of the escutcheon. the lines on each side are not noticed. rest. the figure inserted in the illustration of the word "clarion" is by some writers on heraldry thought to represent a rest for a lance, and they give the charge that name. see clarion. regardant. an animal looking towards the sinister side of the shield. see lion regardant. riband. a diminutive of the bend. [illustration: riband] ex. gules, a riband, or. roundlets. small round figures, all named from different metals and tinctures. see p. . [chap. ii.] ruby. a precious stone, formerly used instead of gules. sable. the term used in heraldry for black. salient. an animal springing forward. see lion salient. saltier. one of the honourable ordinaries, by scottish heralds called st. andrew's cross. [illustration: saltier] ex. argent, a saltier, gules sanguine. one of the heraldic tinctures. it is a dark red or blood colour. by some armorists it is called murrey. the latter word is considered obsolete. sapphire. the name of a precious stone, formerly used to express azure. sardonyx. a precious stone, formerly used to denote sanguine in emblazoning the arms of the english nobility. saturn. the name of a planet, used to denote sable in emblazoning the royal arms by ancient armorists. [illustration: sceptre] sceptre. a royal staff; an ensign of sovereignty borne in the hand. it was originally a javelin without a head. sceptres of the present time are splendidly decorated with jewellery. the annexed engraving represents two sceptres of the kings of england: _the sceptre with the dove_ is of gold, three feet seven inches long; the circumference of the handle is three inches, and two inches and a quarter at the end of the staff; the pomel is decorated with a fillet of table diamonds and other precious stones; the mound at the top is enriched with a band of rose diamonds; upon the mound is a small cross of calvary, over which is a dove with its wings expanded, as the emblem of mercy. _the royal sceptre with the cross_ is of gold; the handle is plain, and the upper part wreathed; it is in length two feet nine inches, the fleur-de-lis of six leaves; the mound, and the cross above it, are richly embellished with amethysts and diamonds. scarpe. a diminutive of the bend sinister. [illustration: scarpe] ex. argent, a scarpe, gules. scroll. the riband below the escutcheon, on which the motto is inscribed. seeded. when the seed of a rose or any other flower is of a different tint from the petal, it is called seeded. the heraldic colour of the seed in the centre of a flower is or, but, as in other proper names, the colour of the seed is not mentioned unless it is of a different tincture. [illustration: set foil or six foil] set foil or six foil. six leaves conjoined in the centre. segreant. this term is used to describe a griffin displaying its wings as if about to fly. [illustration: segreant] ex. a griffin rampant, segreant, gules. sejant. french word for sitting. see lion sejant. semÉ. a french word for strewed. a field powdered or strewed with any object is said to be semé: thus a shield may be semé of fleur-de-lis, semé of hearts, &c. sinister. a term used in heraldry to signify the left side of any object. thus a bend proceeding from the top of the left side of the shield is called a bend sinister. slipped. torn from the stock or branch. [illustration: slipped] ex. azure, three laurel leaves slipped, argent. sol. a planet, formerly used to denote or, in emblazoning royal arms. it is the latin name for the sun. sol, or the sun in its splendour. the sun is said to be in its splendour when it is figured (that is, delineated with a human face) and surrounded with rays. sometimes this figure is called a sun in its glory. [illustration: sol, or the sun in its splendour] ex. azure, a sun in its splendour. standard. a large square flag bearing the whole of the achievements of the monarch or nobleman, as seen in the royal standard of england. the royal standard, when placed before the pavilion of the monarch either at a tournay or in an encampment, was eleven yards long and three yards broad. the length of the standard when borne in the field denoted the rank of the leader: that of a duke was seven yards long; a peer of lower degree raised a standard five yards in length; that of a knight banneret was only four. in modern times standards of peers or knights banneret are seldom displayed but in funeral processions. the standard is then long and narrow, and pointed at the end; that of a duke is about fifteen feet in length, peers of lower degree about twelve. the flag borne as the ensign of a regiment of cavalry is called a standard. the flags of foot soldiers are called colours. star. this celestial figure is always represented as argent, and is supposed to have six rays or points; if they have more points the number must be named. see etoile. statant. an animal standing still with all its legs on the ground. see lion statant. supporters are figures standing on the scroll, placed on each side of the shield as if to support it. supporters in english heraldry are granted only to persons included in the rank of nobility or to knights banneret by favour of the sovereign. the origin of this addition to the external ornaments of the escutcheon may be traced to the practice which originally prevailed in the regulation of tournaments. some days prior to the tournament taking place, each knight desirous of entering the lists was required to hang up his shield, upon which his arms were emblazoned, at the place appointed by the prince or nobleman that proclaimed the tournament, that they might be examined by the heralds, to prevent unqualified persons entering the lists. each shield thus exhibited was guarded or supported by the servants of the knight to whom it belonged, and to disguise their livery these guardians of the shield assumed the appearance of savages, moors, lions, griffins, and various other animals. in after times, on the creation of a peer, the heralds selected the supporters they deemed most appropriate, having some allusion either to the deeds, name, title, arms, or motto of the newly-created peer. surmounted. a figure or bearing having another over it. [illustration: surmounted] ex. gules, a sword erect in pale, argent, surmounted by two keys, saltier, or. surtout. the french word for "over all." see escutcheon of pretence and over all. talbot. a dog formerly used for hunting. it is formed something between a hound and a beagle, with a large snout, and long, round, thick ears. [illustration: talbot] ex. argent, a talbot's head erased, semé of billets. tenne, or tawney. one of the tinctures used in emblazoning arms. it signifies orange colour, and is represented in engraving by lines drawn diagonally from the sinister to the dexter side of the shield, traversed by perpendicular lines from the base to the chief. [illustration: tiara] tiara. the pope's mitre, with its triple crowns. tincture. a term used in heraldry to express colour. topaz. the name of a precious stone, formerly used instead of or, in emblazoning the arms of the english nobility. torteaux. red roundlets. [illustration: torteaux] ex. argent, three torteaux in bend, sinister. tournaments were combats of honour, in which persons of noble birth entered the lists to gain reputation in feats of arms. the name is derived from _tourner_, to turn, from the horsemen turning frequently as they rode round the enclosure, and during the course of the engagement. the design of tournaments was to train the nobility to the use of arms; none, therefore, were admitted to these sports but persons of noble birth, who could prove their descent, at least, by three generations. they were also required to be men of unspotted honour and integrity. it was customary for princes, on some public festivity or rejoicing, to appoint a day for these entertainments, and give public notice to the knights in their own territories, as well as in the neighbouring states. the knights generally made their appearance four days before the combat. they endeavoured to excel each other in the splendour of their equipage and dress, and in the excellence and beauty of their horses, which were adorned with the most costly caparisons. their armorial ensigns were displayed with great pomp during three days, that all who viewed them might judge if they were worthy of entering the lists. the field where the tournament was to be held was railed in with pales. this place was called the lists. a king was appointed to preside over the sports, as were also judges to examine the knights' armour and arms, and to see that no unfair advantage was taken. a number of other officers were appointed, which our space will not allow us to mention. a short distance from the lists were the galleries and pavilions for the spectators; the most splendid was that fitted up for the lady who presided as queen of the tournament and her attendants, all splendidly attired. the most noble and most beautiful ladies of the court crowded to these martial entertainments to inspire the combatants with ardour, by giving them some token or favour, such as a scarf, veil, or bracelet, with which the knight adorned his helmet or spear. their arms were lances of light wood, without iron at the top; swords without edge or point; in some instances wooden swords were used. the knights were formed into two parties, and entered the lists by different barriers, riding round the lists several times to pay their respects to their sovereign and the ladies. at length the heralds sounded to arms; the quadrils, or troop, took their stations; when the charge was sounded, the knights rushed against each other with the utmost impetuosity. the clashing of swords, the sounding shields, the war-cry of the knights, who shouted the name of their ladye-love in the midst of the mimic strife, greatly excited the spectators, who, in return, cheered and encouraged the combatants. when the knights were brave and determined, the contest lasted some hours; the vanquished, that is, those who were thrown from their horses, withdrew from the lists as quietly as possible, leaving the field to their successful opponents. the victory was decided by the number of knights unhorsed. the prizes to the victors were adjudged and delivered by the queen and the ladies. this authority of the fair sex contributed greatly to polish the manners of the nobility and gentry of the middle ages, who were anxious to court the favour of those who were the distributors of public honours. sometimes this entertainment was followed by jousts. two cavaliers, out of gallantry, would break a lance in honour of the ladies. these were followed by others until the lists were again cleared for the tournament. the difference between tournaments and jousts was, that the former were in the nature of battles, the latter of duels. when the sports were over, the heralds and pursuivants declared the names and titles of the knights, and proclaimed the heraldic ornaments which the emperor, king, or prince that presided at the tournament granted to those whom he pleased to reward or favour. notwithstanding all the precautions to prevent the mischief that might happen at these martial exercises few were exhibited in which a great number were not wounded, some killed in the melée, others crushed by the falling of the scaffolds, or trod to death by the horses. kings, princes, and gallant knights from every part of europe have perished at different times while attending or taking part in those mimic battles. successive popes thundered out their anathemas against all that encouraged this warlike and dangerous amusement. those who perished in these sanguinary entertainments were denied the honour of christian burial; and yet, so strong was the passion of the nobility of europe for these martial sports, from a desire to display their grandeur, courage, and address before the ladies and the assembled multitude, that no bulls, decretals, or anathemas of the church were able to restrain them. the use of gunpowder, and the consequent inutility of armour to defend the person in battle, gradually put an end to these animating shows. the tragical death of henry ii. of france, in , who was accidentally killed in a tournament, caused laws to be passed prohibiting their being held in that kingdom. they were continued in england till the beginning of the seventeenth century. an attempt was made to revive these martial exhibitions in scotland, a few years ago, by lord eglintoun, the acknowledged leader in all manly sports, elegant athletic exercises, and baronial liberality. this noble peer proclaimed a tournament to be held at eglintoun castle on the th and th of august, . the lists were duly prepared, a covered pavilion was erected for the accommodation of the ladies, which would contain persons. in front of this pavilion was the throne of the queen of beauty and her attendants. around the lists, at convenient distances, were arranged the tents or pavilions of the knights, over which floated the gonfalon, or great banner, emblazoned with the arms and motto of the knight to whom the tent was appropriated, penons and penoncils fluttered at each angle of the pavilion, and the shield was placed over the entrance. the knights vied with each other in the decoration of their pavilions; all was in accordance with ancient customs: and if the shade of froissart had witnessed the scene, it could not have complained of modern innovation or misplaced ornament. the procession of the king of the tournament, the queen of beauty, with the judges, heralds, pursuivants, halberdiers, musicians, men-at-arms, as also the splendid retinues of the noble challenger and the gallant knights, presented a scene unparalleled for magnificence and heraldic emblazonment since the days of edward iv. every form was observed in this modern tournament; and a more interesting scene for the historian, the antiquary, and armorist, could not be exhibited. unfortunately, the continued rain cast a gloom over this animated spectacle, which nevertheless excited the highest admiration of all who beheld it: a spectator of the scene could well imagine the enthusiasm similar ones would create in the minds of the gay and brave of former times. it is deemed necessary to briefly notice the last tournament held in britain; as any one that requires full information on every part of heraldic ornament, processional arrangement, and technical definition, may find positive examples in the details of this gorgeous exhibition. transposed. charges or bearings placed contrary to their usual situation. [illustration: transposed] ex. argent, a pile, azure, issuing from the chief between two others, transposed. trefoil. three-leaved grass: the shamrock of ireland. when a flower or leaf is introduced as a charge in a shield of arms, if it is of its natural colour, or, in heraldic language, proper, the tincture is not named, but if of any other colour it must be described. [illustration: trefoil] ex. argent, three trefoils, gules, one over two. [illustration: tressure] tressure. an ordinary not so broad as an orle. it generally forms a border to the inescutcheon. tressures are frequently borne double, and sometimes treble. they are generally ornamented flory and counter-flory. the example contains only a single tressure. the arms of scotland exhibit an example of a double tressure flory and counter-flory, as exhibited in the shield on the title-page of this manual. see double tressure. tricorporated. three lions rampant, conjoined, under one head, guardant, in the fess points. see lions. tripping. the motion of deer, between running and walking. [illustration: tripping] ex. argent, a stag proper, tripping. [illustration: turband] turband. in coats of arms, where the knight was a crusader, this figure often appears. it was the form of the sultan's turban at that period. [illustration: turreted] turreted. a wall or castle having small turrets. in the annexed example the square tower has circular turrets at the angles, and is therefore said to be turreted. tusked. any animal having tusks of a different tincture from its body is said to be tusked. [illustration: tusked] ex. argent, a boar's head, erased proper, tusked gules. undy. a term used to express the word wavy by gwillim and other ancient armorists. [illustration: wavy] ex. argent, a bend undy, gules. [illustration: vair] vair. a kind of fur formerly used for the lining the garments of knights. it is represented in engraving by the figures of small bells ranged in lines, as in the annexed example. unless the colour of the fur is named, vair is always argent and azure. the bend, the cross and saltier, are sometimes formed of this fur. vambraced. armour for the arms. [illustration: vambraced] ex. argent, three dexter arms, vambraced, couped. vamplate. a word used by ancient heralds for armour for the hand, instead of gauntlet. venus. the name of the planet, used for the colour vert by ancient heralds, who emblazoned the arms of sovereigns by planets instead of metals and colours. verdoy. a bordure charged with eight leaves. [illustration: verdoy] ex. vert, a bordure argent, verdoy, of trefoils. [illustration: vert] vert. green. it is represented in engraving by diagonal lines drawn from the dexter to the sinister side of the shield. viscount. a title of honour, a degree below an earl. voided. a term applied when any part of an ordinary is left open to the field. [illustration: voided] ex. gules, a bend sinister, voided, argent. voider. a subordinate ordinary. [illustration: voider] ex. azure, a voider, argent. [illustration: volant] volant. the french word for flying. it is used in heraldry to express the same action. vorant. swallowing or devouring: any animal, in a charge, devouring another creature. [illustration: vorant] ex. argent, a serpent crowned, or, vorant an infant. vulned. a word that signifies wounded, used in emblazonry to denote an animal wounded by another creature. vulning. any creature in the act of wounding itself. [illustration: vulning] ex. argent, a pelican's head, erased, vulning. walled. a term sometimes used in heraldry. when an ordinary is edged or guarded by an embattled wall. [illustration: walled] ex. azure, on a pale, walled on each side with three battlements argent, an endorse gules. wavy. curved lines, undulating like the waves of the sea. [illustration: wavy] ex. argent, the lower half of the shield three bars wavy, azure. white. this word is only used to describe a plain fur. it is represented as argent. winged. when the wings of a bird, or those of chimerical figures which are drawn with wings, are of a different tincture to their bodies, they are said to be winged. thus, in the arms of the state of venice there is a lion sejant guardant, winged or. [illustration: wings erect] wings erect. wings are called erect when their long feathers point upwards. [illustration: wings inverted] wings inverted. when the feathers point downwards. wivern. a chimerical animal, the upper part resembling a dragon. [illustration: wivern] ex. argent, a wivern, wings raised. [illustration: wreath] wreath. a chaplet of two different-coloured silks wound round each other, and placed on the top of the helmet for the crest to rest upon. in heraldry it is usually drawn straight, as in the lower example. * * * * * chap. viii. heraldry in connection with history, architecture, interior decoration, costume, amusement, religious solemnities, funeral rites, etc. in the preface to this manual, we stated that heraldry might be considered as the symbolic history of the nobility of britain, from the conquest to the reign of elizabeth. it would require a volume of far greater pretensions than this to enter fully upon the heraldic history of the peerage; but the assertion may be borne out by merely glancing at the supporters of the shields containing the arms of the british monarchs during that period. supporters were not introduced in english heraldry previous to the reign of richard ii. the shield of this luxurious monarch is supported on each side by an angel habited, and beneath the shield by a white hart couchant, gorged and chained or, beneath a tree. the shield of henry iv., the founder of the lancastrian dynasty, was supported on the dexter side by a swan, on the sinister side by an antelope, both gorged and lined or. the shield of the gallant henry v. was supported on the dexter side by a lion rampant guardant, crowned or; on the sinister side by an antelope, gorged and chained. henry vi. had two antelopes as supporters to his achievement. the shield of the gallant yorkist edward iv. is supported on the dexter side by a lion rampant argent, the tail passed between his legs, and turned over his back; on the sinister by a white hart, and in some instances by a bull. the supporters of the shield of richard iii. were two boars rampant argent, tusked and bristled or. henry vii., as a descendant of the welch prince cadwallader, assumed the red dragon as the supporter of the dexter side of his shield; the sinister was supported by a greyhound argent, collared gules. the shield of henry viii. was supported on the dexter side by a lion guardant, crowned or; on the sinister by a dragon gules. edward vi. had the same supporters. mary on her marriage with philip of spain, empaled the arms of spain and england as baron and femme; the dexter side of the shield was supported by the imperial eagle, the sinister by a lion rampant, crowned or. queen elizabeth rescued england from this degradation; the crowned lion rampant of england resumed his place as the supporter of the dexter side of the shield, and the red dragon on the sinister. on the union of england with scotland, the supporters of the royal arms were, on the dexter side a lion guardant, crowned or, on the sinister maned and unguled or, white unicorn, gorged and chained of the same. the supporters of the royal arms have continued the same to the present time; and, as an emblem of union and strength, long may they continue. the reader may easily read the vicissitudes and changes of dynasty in the great change of these emblems of support and dignity during the period of time that elapsed from the reign of richard ii. to james i.; and even the brief notice here given would enable the reader to determine the date of any building if the royal arms and supporters were placed within it. heraldry had taken too firm a hold of the minds of the higher classes of society to escape the notice of the architects who were engaged by the sovereigns of england and by the wealthy barons, to erect those splendid ecclesiastical edifices that still exist as the architectural gems of britain. westminster abbey teems with heraldic ornament, not only in the gorgeous chapel of henry vii., but in those parts of the structure erected at a much earlier period. during the time when those styles of gothic architecture prevailed that are now called the decorated and the perpendicular, the roof, the columns, the stained glass windows, the seats, altar, tombs, and even the flooring, were filled with emblazonment. a branch of art which our forefathers found so useful as an ornament to architecture cannot be beneath the notice of those who are desirous of treading in their footsteps. nor was heraldic ornament confined to architecture. it formed the grand embellishment of the interior of the palaces and baronial castles, "the gorgeous halls which were on every side, with rich array and costly arras dight." the canopies of state, the furniture and plate, were all emblazoned with the arms of the royal and noble owners. and even at the present day, heraldry is far more effective for interior decoration than the unmeaning italian scroll-work that is substituted for it. some idea of the value of both may be formed by glancing at the interior decoration of the new royal exchange; and it is to be regretted that the shields containing the arms of the different countries should not have occupied the walls, as an indication of the spot where the natives of those countries might be found; and that the compartments of the ceiling, if such ornament should be found in a building of this kind at all, should not be filled with the italian floral scroll decoration. in a preceding chapter of this manual, the reader has been informed that the arms of a knight were emblazoned on the surcoat or outer garment that was worn over his armour, which was the origin of the term coat of arms. heraldic emblazonment was plentifully strewed over the mantles of the nobility when they assembled on state solemnities. nor was this ornament confined to the garments of males. ladies delighted to appear in the cognizances of their lords, or in their own paternal bearings. armourists that have amused themselves by treating on the curious and obsolete terms of heraldry, have supposed that the flanch and flasque represent that part of female attire which covered the body from the lower part of the neck to the waist, and that this part of the ladies' dress contained the heraldic bearing. our contracted space will not allow our indulging in fanciful research, nor would it benefit our readers if we did so. suffice it that we have ample proof that heraldry formed the decoration of female attire. numerous instances may be found, either in stained glass, monumental brasses, or illuminated genealogies, of female figures bearing heraldic devices on their apparel. a married lady or widow had her paternal arms emblazoned upon the fore part of her vest, which by ancient writers is called the kirtle, and the arms of the husband on the mantle, being the outer and the most costly garment, and therefore deemed the most honourable. this is called bearing arms kirtle and mantle. our frontispiece contains two figures kneeling, taken from _dallaway's heraldry_. they are to be found in an illuminated pedigree of the weston family. the male figure is that of sir john de weston, of weston-lizars, in staffordshire, and isabel his wife, whose paternal name was bromley. in three quarterfoils beneath the figures are shields: the first contains the arms of weston, sable, an eagle displayed or, with a lable argent, fretty gules; the centre shield is argent, fretty gules; that under the lady is her paternal arms, quarterly per fess dancette, or and gules. the figure of the knight is represented in chain armour, over which is a surcoat, on which his arms are emblazoned. the vest or kirtle of the lady is formed entirely of the colours of her arms disposed quarterly, and parted horizontally, or fessways, by the line dancette. as both the knight and his lady appear together, each bears their own arms; but if either had been drawn separately, the arms of both would have appeared on one person; if on the male, they would have been empaled baron and femme upon the surcoat; if on the female, they would have appeared on kirtle and mantle. this lady is drawn with a kirtle only. in some of the later monumental brasses, the arms on female figures are arranged differently; the arms of the baron appearing on the outside of the mantle, hanging over the dexter shoulder, the paternal arms of the femme on the lining of the mantle turned outwards on the sinister side of the figure. the reader will find, by referring to the word tournament in the dictionary, that heraldry formed the great embellishment of that animated and costly amusement: and that the attainment of heraldic honours was the only means of gaining permission to join in it, and by this means only was a passport obtained to high society. these honours, which cost some trouble in gaining, could be lost by misconduct. arms were forfeited for uncourteous demeanour, disregard of authority, falsehood, oppression, and ungentlemanly conduct; and there can be little doubt but, in a semi-barbarous age, when prowess in the field of battle was considered the highest acomplishment, that the dread of a blot on the escutcheon, or a reversal of the shield of arms, restrained many a proud baron in his tyrannical proceedings to those beneath him, and tended to keep down the insolence of the upstart favourites of royalty. heraldry tended to soften and polish the manners, and, by the introduction of the manufacture of silken housings tapestry, and carpeting, to increase the comforts and pleasures of society, and compelled those who were anxious to exhibit the insignia of gentility, to seek distinction by other means than rapine and violence. the term canting heraldry frequently occurs in ancient and modern authors. it is a term of contempt and derision, applied to symbolic bearings that are assumed without the authority of the heralds' college. in many cases they allude to the name or occupation of the bearer: the motto is probably a pun upon the figures contained in the shield, or some technical expression used by the parties in their agricultural or commercial pursuits. no person, when heraldry was in its greatest repute, dared assume any cognizance or bearing without permission of the earl marshal or the kings-at-arms. any individuals, who presumed, by assumption, to offend the laws of the court of honour, were liable to heavy fines and personal duresse, which in many instances have been rigidly enforced. the end. * * * * * august, . new works and new editions published by arthur hall, virtue & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * this day, price s. cloth gilt, things hard to be understood; 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"close the curtains, draw the sofa by the fire, fit the ottoman to your feet, and adjust the light. if the reader be thus prepared he is ready to commence reading 'the day of small things.' what is this neat and unpretending volume by the authoress of 'mary powell?' it is a string of pearls. yes. yet the simile will not be perfect unless the thread on which they are strung be golden. then we will accept the resemblance.... the authoress of 'mary powell,' and, we add, 'the day of small things,' feels her own power, and knows how deeply trifles, when judiciously introduced, will tell.... it is a cornucopia filled with rich moral fruits of every kind; and, though small are the hints thrown out here and there, or the advice casually given, still in the aggregate their voice becomes powerful, and we find that we have been reading a powerful lesson while we were scanning the jottings of a diary.... the work is worthy of its author, and will be a general favourite."--_atlas._ * * * * * new and cheaper edition, post vo., price s. d., cloth gilt, poplar house academy. "a tale as touching and alluring as it is simple--a tale sure to interest, whether by its sweet scenes of pathos, its continuous interest, its exquisite traits of nature, or its unaffected, unobtrusive tone of true piety."--_literary gazette._ "in every thing that the author of 'mary powell' writes, there is a pleasant vein of quiet, refined cheerfulness, which, like the tone of a sweet voice, makes one listen with pleasure."--_athenæum._ * * * * * second edition, price s. d., post vo., cloth, with frontispiece, the good old times. a tale of auvergne. "it is written in a clear, pointed style, embellished with original fancies, and eloquent with an earnest meaning. the various scenes and characters are obviously studies from life--the life of restlessness, of fear, of devotion, among the friends of martyrs, described by the chroniclers of that epoch, stained with the blood of fanatical wars and persecutions. colette, as delicately and distinctly limned in the successive chapters, might have formed a figure in the fifteenth-century group, drawn by a home-inspired artist. then, the struggle round the walls of le puy is a picture of olden warfare, of arquebus and halberd battles, of priestly soldiers, sworn to shed no blood, but casuistically, with a ponderous club, immortalizing the miserable _routiers_. again, the _crétin_ is a portrait painfully accurate. indeed, the entire story is vivified by its evident reality."--_athenæum._ * * * * * third edition, price s. d., post vo., cloth, with coloured frontispiece by warren, the provocations of madame palissy. "on the basis of the true history of palissy, the writer has formed the present work; has given a very spirited sketch of his labours; has exhibited the extravagances, amounting to crime, of a man of genius driving on in pursuit of his darling object; and has depicted, as the title promises, with a good deal of power, the plagues of a wife who has such a husband."--_christian observer._ * * * * * in post vo., price s. d. cloth gilt, family pictures. twilight in an uninhabited house. of a fine old english merchant. father and son. a gentleman of the old school. a ghost story. charles lamb. sir francis baring. on leaving an old family house. lone heaths and highwaymen. on the sacred affections. a scrap of autobiography. the emperor alexander. the evelyns of wotton. fabian's dilemma. claremont and the princess charlotte. the father of a family. * * * * * in post vo., price s. d., cloth gilt, with frontispiece, the year nine. a tale of the tyrol. "a highly interesting volume, in which the noble stand made by an army of peasants for independence is told with great power and pathos."--_morning herald._ "sweet 'mary powell' exchanges her lute for a cymbal, clanging with her white fingers upon the sounding brass. the subject is well chosen, and the theme inspiriting. 'hofer' is the hero of her lute."--_art-journal_. * * * * * new edition, price s. d., cloth gilt, with coloured frontispiece after warren, claude the colporteur. "the hero of the narrative is, in plain english, a bible hawker among roman catholics chiefly; and his difficulties, ill-treatment, conversations, and beneficial influence, form the staple of the book-- his character is well drawn."--_english churchman._ "the volume is one of no ordinary merit; for it throws intense interest around common occurrences and common characters, and presents not only a vivid series of pictures, but a well-sustained tale."-- _church and state gazette._ * * * * * post vo., cloth, price s. d., with frontispiece, some account of mrs. clarinda singlehart. "it may be said of all her works, that of their kind they are very good; and this cannot fail to give pleasure to every reader capable of appreciating literary merit, and it will commend itself for family reading, on account of the genial tone of the morality which runs throughout."--_atlas._ * * * * * third edition, post vo., price s. d., antique, ye maiden & married life of mary powell. afterwards mistress milton. "this is a charming little book; and whether we regard its subject, cleverness, or delicacy of sentiment and expression,--to say nothing of its type and orthography,--it is likely to be a most acceptable present to young or old, be their peculiar taste for religion, morals, poetry, history, or romance."--_christian observer._ * * * * * arthur hall, virtue, & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * cheap and popular tales by f.e. smedley. * * * * * price s. d. boards; s. d. cloth, frank fairlegh; or, scenes from the life of a private pupil. "there is no reason to complain of any want of vivacity in this story. the author has made himself well qualified for the task, and excites mirth by the recital of some curious adventures. if any of our readers wish to read a very entertaining and laughter-provoking story, we cannot do better than suggest a perusal of 'frank fairlegh.'"--_somerset gazette._ * * * * * price s. boards; s. cloth, lewis arundel; or, the railroad of life. "the task of the reviewer becomes a pleasant one when such works as the one before us is forced upon his perusal. we must once more commend the taste and talent of the author of 'lewis arundel.'" --_weekly times._ "sparkling like a firefly, 'frank fairlegh' bustles through the scenes of his story, if not the most profound, certainly one of the gayest and prettiest writers of the day."--_bath journal._ * * * * * price s. d. boards; s. d. cloth, the fortunes of the colville family; or, a cloud and its silver lining. * * * * * this day, in fcap., price s. boards; s. d, cloth, seven tales by seven authors. edited by f.e. smedley, esq., author of "frank fairlegh," &c. * * * * * arthur hall, virtue & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * illustrated works for the young. * * * * * cheap edition, s. boards; fine paper, s, cloth gilt, a boy's adventures in the wilds of australia. by william howitt. with designs by harvey. "all the boys in england, whether 'old boys' or young ones, will rejoice in this fascinating book, full of anecdote and wild adventure."--_athenæum._ "a capital book, full of humour, adventure, excitement, and those incidents of peril and pleasure which seem indigenous to australia."--_church and state gazette._ "in vivid portraiture of things as they are, it far excels every publication that has yet reached us from australia."--_british banner._ * * * * * fcap. vo., s. d., cloth lettered, naomi; or, the last days of jerusalem. by mrs. j.b. webb. new edition, with designs by gilbert, and view and plan of jerusalem. "it is in truth an admirable little volume, and well worthy of a yet more extensive patronage than it has already received."--_maidstone journal._ "one of the most interesting works we have read for some time. we are not surprised at the popularity it has attained--it deserves it; and we cordially wish it further success."--_metropolitan._ "the plot is easy, natural, and well sustained. the narrative gracefully written.... seldom have we read a tale better adapted for its purpose."--_monthly review._ * * * * * tenth edition, corrected and enlarged, mo., s. d. cloth; or s. scarlet, gilt edges, select poetry for children. with brief explanatory notes, arranged for the use of schools and families. by joseph payne. "a very nice little volume, containing a charming collection of poetry."--_spectator._ "it is really a treat to see anything so simply good as the little volume before us."--_metropolitan magazine._ "pieces that are at once sprightly and instructive, pathetic and devout."--_congregational magazine._ "a very pleasing and suitable collection."--_westminster review._ * * * * * new and cheaper edition, with illustrations by gilbert, fcap., s. d. cloth winter evenings; or, tales of travellers. by maria hack. * * * * * fcap., s. d. cloth, or s. gilt edges, canadian crusoes. a tale of the rice lake plains. by mrs. traill. new and cheaper edition, edited by agnes strickland. illustrated by harvey. "a very delightful book for young readers. the interest is deep and well sustained. mr. harvey has contributed some excellent woodcuts, and the book is altogether a pretty and interesting one." --_guardian._ "the book is exceedingly well calculated for children, to whom its interesting contents, its handsome appearance, and beautiful illustrations, will render it an acceptable present."--_tait's magazine._ * * * * * new and improved edition, with frontispiece, mo., s. d. cloth gilt, nursery rhymes. an illustrated edition, in large type, with cuts by gilbert, mo., s. d. cloth, gilt edges. "these verses for children have never been surpassed for the happy union of fancy and precept, the simplicity and intelligibility of the ideas and words, and the fluency and conciseness of the rhymes." --_spectator._ * * * * * by the same authors, original poems for infant minds. new and improved edition, with frontispiece, two vols., mo., s. d. each, cloth gilt. * * * * * mo. cloth, gilt edges, s., basket of flowers; or, piety and truth triumphant. a tale for the young. * * * * * mo. gilt edges, s. d., the boy and the birds. by emily taylor. with sixteen fine woodcuts, from landseer's designs. "a delightful book for children. the birds tell of their habits to a little inquiring boy, who goes peeping into their nests and watching their doings, and a very pleasant way they have of talking, sure to engage the young reader's attention. the designs are pretty, and nicely cut on wood."--_spectator._ * * * * * in foolscap vo. cloth, s. d., cola monti; or, the story of a genius. a tale for boys. by the author of "john halifax gentleman," &c. with four illustrations by franklin. "no one possessing common sensibility can read this book without a thoughtful brow and a glistening eye."--_chambers's edinburgh journal._ "an exceedingly well-told tale, which will interest boys of all ages.... as a holiday companion, few books would be more popular."--_english churchman._ "a lively narrative of school-boy adventures." "a very charming and admirably-written volume.... it is adapted to make boys better." "a simple and pleasing story of school-boy life."--_john bull._ * * * * * in fcap. vo., s. d., elegantly bound and gilt, doctor's little daughter. the story of a child's life amidst the woods and hills. by eliza meteyard. with numerous illustrations by harvey. "this is a very delightful book, especially calculated for the amusement and instruction of our young friends; and is evidently the production of a right-thinking and accomplished mind."--_church of england review._ "an elegant, interesting, and unobjectionable present for young ladies. the moral of the book turns on benevolence."--_christian times._ "this story of a child's life is so full of beauty and meekness, that we can hardly express our sense of its worth in the words of common praise."--_nonconformist._ "this will be a choice present for the young."--_british quarterly review._ "the whole story is told with a most touching grace, and a golden glow of poetry pervades it. the fine designs of harvey, which illustrate the book, add greatly to its attractiveness, and we cannot entertain a doubt of its becoming one of the most popular volumes in the 'children's library.'"--_eliza cook's journal._ * * * * * second edition, in square mo., handsomely bound in cloth, price s. d. with gilt edges, how to win love; or, rhoda's lesson. a story book for the young. by the author of "life for a life," &c. with illustrations on steel. "a very captivating story."--_morning post._ "just what a story for children ought to be."--_douglas jerrold's newspaper._ "truthfulness, descriptive talent, and pure morality in every line."--_literary gazette._ * * * * * mo. cloth, price s., open and see; or, first reading lessons. by the author of "aids to development," &c. &c. with twenty-four engravings on wood. * * * * * fcap. vo., price s. d. cloth gilt, recollections of mrs. anderson's school. a book for girls. by jane winnard hooper. illustrated by franklin. "a pretty unpretentious volume, neatly embellished, and gay in its livery of green and gold. outside and in 'tis precisely the _beau ideal_ of a present or a prize-book for a young lady. more fresh and more delightful reading than this book it has rarely been our fortune to meet."--_morning advertiser._ "an amusing series of descriptions likely to interest the young folks for whom they are intended."--_express._ * * * * * mo. cloth, price s., robinson crusoe. with illustrations. * * * * * a new and revised edition, with eighty-eight cuts, mo. cloth lettered, price s., rural scenes; or, a peep into the country. * * * * * in mo. cloth, price s., sandford and merton. with cuts. * * * * * new edition, cloth, s.; gilt edges, s. d., watts's (dr.) divine and moral songs for children. with anecdotes and reflections, by the rev. ingram cobbin, m.a. with frontispiece and fifty-seven woodcuts. * * * * * arthur hall, virtue & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * illustrated works. * * * * * in small to., price s., cloth and gold, the illustrated book of south wales, the wye, and the coast. by mr. and mrs. s.c. hall. with drawings on wood by j.d. harding, f.w. hulme, w.s. coleman, d.h. m'ewen, birket foster, and other artists. * * * * * cheaper edition, in one volume, price s. bound in cloth; in morocco, s., pilgrimages to english shrines. by mrs. s.c. hall. with notes and illustrations by f.w. fairholt, f.s.a. contents. birth-place of john bunyan. burial-place of john hampden. residence of hannah more. tomb of sir thomas gresham. tomb of thomas gray. birth-place of chatterton. birth-place of richard wilson. house of andrew marvel. tomb of john stow. heart of sir nicholas crispe. printing office of caxton. shaftesbury house. dwelling of james barry. residence of dr. isaac watts. prison of lady mary grey. studio of thomas gainsborough. tomb of john kyrle. tomb of william hogarth. grave of izaak walton. grave of william penn. monument of wren. grave of lady rachel russel. edgeworthstown. garden of sir thomas more. esher--residence of jane porter. grave of sir richard lovelace. grave of grace aguilar. dwelling of edmund burke. remains of clarendon house. flaxman's monument. village of eyam. monument of edward bird, r.a. grave of mrs. hofland. chertsey and its neighbourhood. "descriptions of such shrines come home with deep interest to all hearts--all english hearts--particularly when they are done with the earnestness which distinguishes mrs. hall's writings. that lady's earnestness and enthusiasm are of the right sort--felt for freedom of thought and action, for taste, and for genius winging its flight in a noble direction. they are displayed, oftentimes most naturally, throughout the attractive pages of this volume."--_observer._ "mrs. hall's talents are too well known to require our commendations of her 'pilgrimages,' which are every way worthy of the beautiful woodcuts that illustrate almost every page: and this is very high praise indeed."--_standard._ "the illustrations are very effective; and the whole work, externally and internally, is worthy of the patronage of all who love to be instructed as well as amused."--_church and state gazette._ "the book is a pleasant one; a collection of a great deal of curious information about a number of curious places and persons, cleverly and readily put together, and combined into an elegant volume."--_guardian._ * * * * * arthur hall, virtue & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * works by martin f. tupper, esq., d.c.l., f.r.s., author of "proverbial philosophy." * * * * * in a handsome volume, cloth, gilt edges, price s. d., three hundred sonnets. "there is an elaborate sumptuousness about it that is quite imposing."--_saturday review._ "these sonnets will increase his reputation, for they are decidedly the best things we ever saw of his."--_globe._ "a work which, for its moral purpose and its handsome form, is well calculated to grace any library in the kingdom."--_observer._ "there is a great deal in the present volume which will appeal to english feelings."--_illustrated news of the world._ * * * * * cheap edition, in one vol., price s. d. boards; s. d. cloth, the crock of gold, and other tales. with illustrations by john leech. "we have rarely had occasion to speak more highly of any work than of this. the purpose of the writer is admirable, the manner of his working out the story is natural and truthful, and the sentiments conveyed are all that can be desired."--_bell's weekly messenger._ "this charming tale has won its way to the well-merited distinction of a 'popular edition,' embellished with a characteristic frontispiece from the telling pencil of john leech. we can read it again and again with fresh pleasure."--_literary gazette._ * * * * * third edition, with vignette, fcap., cloth, s. d., ballads for the times, and other poems. * * * * * second edition, fcap., cloth, s. d., lyrics. * * * * * fcap., cloth, s. d., with portrait, proverbial philosophy. translated into french. * * * * * price s., cloth, king alfred's poems. * * * * * arthur hall, virtue & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * works by the rev. j. cumming, d.d., f.r.s.e. * * * * * in three vols., price s., cloth, apocalyptic sketches; or, lectures on the book of revelation. new edition, thoroughly revised, corrected, and arranged. i. things that were. ii. things that are. iii. things that will be. this work has undergone a most elaborate revision and correction by the author. new matter of great value has been introduced, allusions to circumstances now obsolete have been expunged, and fresh and interesting evidence of the fulfilment of the prophecies of the book have been added. these volumes form a library edition of a work of unprecedented popularity, replete with interest, and strikingly illustrative of a much neglected portion of the word of god. * * * * * in fcap., price s. d., cloth, ruth: a chapter in providence "the genius of the preacher has fallen on a theme peculiarly agreeable, abounding in nature, truth, simplicity, and pathos. we predict for the publication a very extensive and enduring popularity." --_british standard._ "if the story loses somewhat of its simplicity under the glowing pen of the eloquent doctor, it gains, on the other hand, by the pure evangelical tone which runs like a golden thread through all the history."--_atlas._ "indeed, the book is a woman's book, and we shall be much mistaken if it do not prove more attractive--as it will be certainly more useful--to sensible women than half the sentimental trash which they are insulted by having offered to them."--_freeman._ * * * * * second and cheaper edition, in fcap., price s., cloth, consolations; or, leaves from the tree of life. "there are few of the varieties of human trouble, or the forms and appliances of christian solace, that are not described by the author."--_literary gazette._ "the present volume is worthy to take rank with the best and most successful of the rev. author's previous works. its consolations are leaves gathered from the tree of life, fresh in their lovely verdure, impregnated with the sweet odours of the gospel. the author's contributions to religious literature are marked not less by their eminently evangelical and practical characters, their purity and loftiness of thought, than by their beautiful simplicity of language and style."--_morning herald._ "this volume is eminently practical, and is marked by all the author's characteristic excellences. we have not read a book from dr. cumming for a long time which we can more conscientiously commend."--_weekly christian news._ * * * * * cheap edition, tenth thousand, in one volume, containing pages, price s., cloth lettered, the celebrated protestant discussion, between the rev. john cumming, d.d., and daniel french, esq., barrister-at-law, held at hammersmith, in . "no clergyman's library can be complete without it."--_bell's messenger._ "a compendium of argument."--_gentleman's magazine._ "the subject (_pro_ and _con_) is all but exhausted."--_church and state gazette._ "this cheap reprint of a masterly discussion contains the most comprehensive view of all points at issue between protestants and romanists with which we are acquainted."--_biblical review._ * * * * * price s. d. each. the finger of god. christ our passover. the comforter. or s. d. in cloth gilt. * * * * * price s. each. infant salvation. message from god. baptismal font. or s. with gilt edges. * * * * * in to., cloth, gilt edges, s., daily family devotion; or, guide to family worship. with twenty-four engravings. preface. the services are meant to embody the wants, and praises, and intercessions of christians of every section of the church of christ. any family of any branch of the protestant church may use them. they are meant for man in the world, and designed to render family worship full, without tediousness. they are suited, the writer trusts, by the generality and commonness of the prayers, for every class and type in this busy world. with earnest hearts to feel and use them, and the teaching of god's holy spirit, these forms may become instinct with life, and unload many a full soul that cannot strike out words for itself. the annotations are necessarily few. this work is designed to introduce or facilitate the practice of family worship. by constructing the daily prayer on the passage of scripture selected for reading, greater variety, interest, and practical use are associated with the exercise. what god declares is thus solemnly accepted in prayer; what he promises is embraced by adoring hope; and for special blessings disclosed or promised in his holy word, thanksgiving and praise are ascribed to him from whom cometh down every good and perfect gift, to whom belong the glory and the honour. _shortly._ * * * * * scripture readings; or, popular and practical expositions of the new testament. vol. xii.--the epistles of st. james, &c., price s. in cloth. into the comments and expositions will be introduced illustrative extracts from a variety of valuable sources, giving clear illustrations of disputed passages; so that when the series on the new testament is finished, every family may find in the library a storehouse of useful, interesting, protestant, and evangelical instruction. already complete: vols. i. to iv.--the four gospels, price s. vol. v.--the acts of the apostles, price s. vol. vi.--epistle to the romans, price s. d. vol. vii.--the corinthians, price s. vol. viii.--galatians, ephesians, and philippians, price s. vol. ix.--colossians and thessalonians, price s. d. vol. x.--timothy, &c., price s. vol. xi.--the hebrews, price s. the revelations, price s. d. "one of the most valuable of dr. cumming's numerous publications, and likely to become the most popular, and the most lasting in its popularity, for it has enduring qualities which belong to all ages and generations. the text is simply and clearly opened--critical explanations are given only when they are required--so as not to encumber, but to elucidate; and the practical applications are such as to suit all classes of persons."--_church of england quarterly review._ "the comments are made with great lucidity. the result is the throwing of an additional flood of light on the already dazzling truths of holy writ. the uses of such a work are self-obvious; and when we add that the plan is carried out with all the lucidity, faithfulness, piety, honest reasoning, and felicity of thought and expression which mark its predecessors, we have only said enough to mark our sense of its value."--_church and state gazette._ "for the purpose for which 'the readings' are intended, they are in every sense admirably adapted. they combine simplicity with faithfulness, and critical interpretation with most attractive explanation; so that a child may understand them."--_bell's messenger._ * * * * * readings on the prophets. in monthly numbers, price d., sabbath morning readings on the book of daniel. by the rev. john cumming, d.d., f.r.s.e. "the author has not published any exposition of the last prophecy of daniel, but having studied and lectured on it in the light of existing complications and events, he is satisfied that it will prove interesting and instructive." price s. complete, in cloth. lately published: the books of samuel, price s. the books of kings, price s. d. * * * * * fourth and cheaper edition, revised, fcap. vo. cloth, price s. d., the daily life; or, precepts and prescriptions for christian living. "popular, clear, captivating, and animated."--_british banner._ "dr. cumming is famous for the number and variety of his illustrations, chiefly drawn from natural and familiar objects. the volume before us strikes us as being remarkably felicitous."--_clerical journal._ "it is written in the same terse and vigorous style and earnestness of tone as those of its predecessors, and the strong common sense with which its teaching is enforced, will attract while it improves the student."--_church and state gazette._ * * * * * sixth edition, in fcap. vo., price s. cloth, gilt edges, our father. manual of family prayers for general and special occasions, with short prayers for spare minutes, and passages for reflection. * * * * * cheap editions. church before the flood. fcap. vo., price s. d. prophetic studies; or, lectures on the book of daniel. fcap., price s. d. tent and altar. fcap., price s. d. apocalyptic sketches. original edition, with index, &c. three vols., price s. d. each. foreshadows; or, lectures on our lord's miracles and parables, two vols., price s. d. each. * * * * * arthur hall, virtue, & co., , paternoster row. * * * * * works recently published. * * * * * alpha and omega. a series of scripture studies, forming a history of the great events and characters in scripture. by george gilfillan, author of "the bards of the bible," &c. in two vols., price s. d. cloth. "we know no reading more fascinating than that which mr. gilfillan has provided in these volumes."--_leader._ "a lasting monument alike of mr. gilfillan's genius as a writer, and accomplishments as a divine."--_scottish review._ "we cheerfully acknowledge the religious correctness which pervades these discourses, and admit that the style, especially in the descriptive passages, not unfrequently attains to real eloquence." --_baptist magazine._ "he has extraordinary power of word-painting, and passages from these sermons might be quoted, as some of the brightest specimens of english composition."--_john bull._ "much that is thoughtful and true is expressed in pleasing form, and we do not doubt that the work will be popular."--_clerical journal._ * * * * * nineteenth edition, pp., vo. cl., strongly bound, s.; or in calf, s., tables of simple interest for every day in the year, at , - / , , - / , , and - / per cent. per annum, from £ to £ , &c. by james laurie. "in the great requisites of simplicity of arrangement and comprehensiveness, we have none better adapted for general use." --_mcculloch's commercial dictionary._ "mr. laurie was well known as one of the most correct and industrious authorities on commercial calculations, and the practical value of his various tables have long been recognised."--_times._ * * * * * third edition, vo. cloth, s., high rate tables, at , , , , , and - / per cent, per annum, from day to days. by james laurie. * * * * * new edition, fcap. cloth, s.; gilt edges, s. d., manual of heraldry, being a concise description of the several terms used, and containing a dictionary of every designation in the science. illustrated by engravings on wood. * * * * * price s. post vo. cloth, gilt edges, scripture sites and scenes, from actual survey, in egypt, arabia, and palestine. illustrated by seventeen steel engravings, three maps, and thirty-seven woodcuts. by w.h. bartlett. * * * * * new editions. rippon's (dr.) selection of hymns from the best authors, including a great number of originals, intended as an appendix to dr. watts's psalms and hymns. _nonpareil mo._ _s._ _d._ roan ----, gilt edges morocco _long primer mo._ _s._ _d._ roan ----, gilt edges morocco _large type._ _s._ _d._ sheep roan, gilt edges morocco bound with watts's hymns, vol. mo., roan, s.; gilt edges, s. d.; morocco, s. d. * * * * * bible chants, adapted for public worship. * * * * * new edition, fcap. vo. cloth gilt, s., the chant-book: a selection of the psalms and other portions of holy scripture, arranged and marked for chanting. by william shelmerdine, conductor of the sacred harmonic society, and organist of the mechanics' hall, &c., &c., nottingham. with a preface by the rev. j.a. baynes. * * * * * in crown vo., price s. d., one hundred and eighty chants, ancient and modern. arranged for four voices, with an accompaniment for the organ or pianoforte. to accompany the above. * * * * * in fcap. vo., price s., cloth gilt, the prince of the house of david; or, three years in the holy city. edited by the rev. professor j.h. ingraham, rector of st. john's church, mobile. illustrated with engravings. "our perusal of it has been only to impress us with the ability of the author in the use of the materials, and in the structure of a pleasing and most affecting tale."--_clerical journal._ "this is the best production of its class that has come to our hands for a long time, and it is but candid and just to say that it adds very much to the stores of knowledge already existing about the east."--_british standard._ "we hardly know what to say about this book; it is written in beautiful style, and it conveys much valuable information as to the customs and manners of the inhabitants of the holy land."--_wesleyan times._ "the whole is written in a semi-poetical style, which will prove attractive to religious readers."--_leader._ "the volume contains much information as to jewish manners and customs."--_baptist magazine._ "professor ingraham has worked out his plan with diligence and reverence."--_literary gazette._ * * * * * in post vo., price s. d., cloth gilt, father and daughter. a portraiture from the life. by fredrika bremer. "another of those beautiful stories of home-life in sweden for which miss bremer is so justly famed."--_patriot._ "a work by miss bremer can never fail to delight a great number of readers. it is like a walk through the fields on a frosty day--so free and buoyant is the air--so fresh and sparkling the aspect of nature and human nature in these northern regions."--_john bull._ "'father and daughter' might have made a name for a less distinguished writer.... of course the book will be read by everybody. many will applaud."--_leader._ "the book introduces us to people and things which are new to the novel-reading public, and which possess in themselves no ordinary degree of interest."--_atlas._ * * * * * in fcap., with frontispiece, price s., cloth, the mill in the valley. a tale of german rural life. by the author of "an english girl's account of a moravian settlement in the black forest." 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"it is a book to endear to us our native england, and, produced with all the elegance of the printer's and the binder's art, will richly adorn the drawing-room table."--_daily news._ "it is by far the pleasantest book, certainly the most complete in design and execution, that has been published about the thames for many years, and we can easily understand that in writing it the authors performed 'a labour of love.'"--_morning post._ "this is one of the best in appearance of the ornamental works of the season ... the binding and the typography are excellent, and the style lively, superficial, and showy."--_john bull._ "a faithful as well as an agreeable guide to whatever of interest occurs along the entire course of the river. in short, it is a pleasant, well-written, and very handsome book on the pleasantest river an author could have to write about."--_literary gazette._ in three bindings: cloth s. superbly gilt s. morocco s. arthur hall, virtue, & co., , paternoster row. menzies, edinburgh. m'glashan, dublin. the true story of the american flag john h. fow [illustration: fig. flag carried by the first city troop of philadelphia in escorting washington across the jerseys on his way to take command at cambridge] the true story of the american flag by john h. fow philadelphia william j. campbell copyright, by john h. fow * * * * * introduction i was induced to make this research by the late william h. egle, librarian of the state library at harrisburg, whose knowledge of the early history of pennsylvania was of valuable assistance to me in preparing the data for a history of the country along the delaware river prior to (yet unfinished). mr. egle agreed with me that the claim of mr. canby that betsy ross designed and made the first flag was legendary and without that foundation which is so necessary to uphold claims of this character. statements of such a character, when allowed to go unrefuted, do harm to the history of any people, inasmuch as they encourage others to build "air castles" and purchase old portraits to be palmed off on others as _our_ "grandfather" who "fit" in the revolution, or _our_ "grandmother" who carried supplies to the troops at valley forge. history is the best incentive to make men love their country; it encourages that patriotism which never falters, even at the cannon's mouth. the sight of a flag or the music of a band merely enthuses as long as one is in sight or the other can be heard; but history and its knowledge are lasting and a source of pride. so, therefore, let it be true in all its details, no matter who may fall from the high pedestals upon which they have been placed by vain-glorious descendants. john h. fow. the american flag "it will probably never be known who designed our union of stars, the records of congress being silent upon the subject, and there being no mention or suggestion of it in any of the voluminous correspondence or diaries of the time, public or private, which have been published."--_rear-admiral preble_. so far as regards the adoption of the combination of stars and stripes, the same assertion can be safely made. as to the origin of each this research, it is hoped, will prove conclusively, first, that colored stripes representing a combination for a common purpose were used nearly two hundred years before the declaration of independence; second, that stars were used in the union of a flag in november, , on a flag raised on a massachusetts privateer commanded by captain manley (see fig. ), and that they were also used in the design of the book plate of the washington family along with three stripes. there can be no doubt that the stripes were made thirteen as a mere matter of sentiment to represent the colonies engaged in the revolutionary struggle. as a matter of fact, the number thirteen appeared in a large number of instances during the revolution, and was apparently used as an object lesson to remind the colonists that they were united in a common cause. the colors of the stripes have no special meaning or significance, except that which anyone may apply who desires to make use of his imagination, or who may become sentimental upon the subject. many have written and commented upon it; some have said that the red stripes mean courage, others war, daring, determination, and so on, and that the white stripes mean purity, peace, justice, or equity. "thy stars have lit the welkin dome, and all thy hues were born in heaven." as a matter of fact, the idea of stripes in a flag to represent a combination for a common purpose originated in in the netherlands, and symbolized the union of the dutch republic in its struggles against the power of philip and the persecutions of alva. in a paper read before the new jersey historical society by a mr. haven in january, , he suggested "that the combination of our flag, the stars and stripes, were favored as a compliment to washington, because they were upon the book plate of the general's family." he further stated "that the stars on the book plate were of roman origin," and in support quoted from virgil "redire ad astra," meaning and inferring that a return to the stars meant a future home of peace and happiness for the human race, and that is what this nation would eventually become. assertions and statements similar to the above may be quoted by the score, wherein reasons are given based upon theory and imagination as to the origin of the devices which compose our national banner. the claim that has been made about betsy ross, who worked at upholstering and as a seamstress during the revolution, who is said to have lived in a house either no. or arch street, philadelphia, now said to be no. arch street, as having some time in june, , made and designed the first american flag as we now worship it, cannot be corroborated by historical research. the claim is one of that legendary type that the rabbins of old handed down for centuries, and which were believed to be true, until modern investigation proved their falsity, or like the imagination of artists who attempt to paint historical events without consulting details, historical, and geographical. the two most notorious in our history are leutze's painting of washington crossing the delaware, and benjamin west's painting of william penn treating with the indians. as to the first, i write from authority, having been designated to represent the legislature of pennsylvania as one of a committee of three to act in conjunction with the trenton battle monument committee to select an historical subject for the medallion to be placed upon one of the four sides of a monument, erected at trenton, to represent pennsylvania's part in that memorable event, we chose as the subject "washington crossing the delaware," and the result of our labor, and investigation in conjunction with the monument committee can be seen to-day on the west side of the monument. the bronze tablet placed there by the commonwealth of pennsylvania truthfully delineates that notable event. the late general stryker, of new jersey, aided us, and furnished us books, and documents to obtain part of the data. the tablet represents a small rowboat, with general knox sitting in the bow of the boat, and washington in the stern, the man rowing the boat was a mr. cadwalader. he lived at mckonkey's ferry, on the pennsylvania side of the river. leutze in his painting has washington standing alongside of a horse in a large scow, such as were used in those days on the upper delaware to take produce to the philadelphia markets. a number of others are in the same boat, one holding aloft a flag containing a blue union with thirteen white stars--a flag that did not come into existence until six months after the battle was fought. [illustration: flag carried in the revolution by count pulaski's legion: unita virtus forcior.] as to west's picture, one need only look at it, and then read the facts as related in any history of pennsylvania, and it will be found how historically untrue it is. one instance alone would be sufficient; that is, in the painting, the vessel in which penn came over is anchored out in the river, when, as a matter of fact, she never came up to philadelphia. she was quarantined below chester because of the smallpox, and penn was rowed up the river from chester in a small boat, and landed near the residence of the swensons, two swedes, who lived at wicaco, and from whom he bought the land comprising old philadelphia. again, the elm tree is in full leaf, yet the "pow-wow" that penn held with the indians took place in november, and elm trees do not have leaves on them in this latitude in november. but why digress from the subject about which i started to write, merely to show that artists and those seeking for family distinction are not to be relied upon as truthful delineators of history. the ross claim is based upon the assertions set forth in a paper read in by mr. william canby before the members of the historical society of pennsylvania. it was claimed in the paper or essay that from traditions existing in the ross family, betsy ross, the grandmother of mr. canby on his mother's side, was the maker and designer of the first american flag, and that she lived on arch street. a research shows that a betsy ross did live on arch street; but the exact location is doubtful, and that her maiden name was griscom. she was married three times, first to john ross, second to ashburn, and lastly to john claypoole. [illustration: flag carried in the revolution by count pulaski's legion: non aliusregit.] it was asserted in the paper read that a committee of congress, along with general washington, in june, , called at her house, and engaged her to make a flag from a rough drawing, which, not suiting her, was at her suggestion, redrawn by washington. from other traditional resources it was also claimed, that mrs. ross changed the stars from six-pointed to five-pointed. the whole claim is based upon tales told from memory by relatives, no other proofs have ever been found, and a careful and thorough research fails to discover any. in a pamphlet was issued from the printing office of the state printer at harrisburg, pennsylvania, written by a mr. reigart, based upon the above claim, and calling mrs. ross "the immortal heroine that originated the first flag of the union." the book had an alleged portrait of betsy ross making the first flag; but it was afterwards discovered that it was really the portrait of an old quaker lady who was living in lancaster at the time the book was written. the book was so unreliable that it made the ross claim appear ridiculous in the eyes of the public. if mrs. ross made a flag in an arch street house, as claimed, it was made after a design that had been conceived and born somewhere else, and her contribution was no more than her labor in sewing on some stars, the same labor that is given by any girl or woman who works in a flag manufactory. even according to the paper which was read before the society in it is admitted that a design made by someone else was taken to her, but that she made certain changes in it. now, that is all there is in the betsy ross claim; yet the growing youths of the nation are being misled and taught an historical untruth when it is asserted that mrs. ross designed, originated and made the first american flag, and a lithograph has been issued showing that historical untruth, which has not as good a foundation, in fact, as the two paintings to which i have referred, because the events sought to be depicted in those two cases did happen. all the sentiment exhibited over the betsy ross story is lost upon those who have looked the matter up, and are conversant with the history and growth of our national emblem, which i will now take up. those seeking for more elaborate details are referred to bancroft's history of the united states; lossing's field book of the revolution; philadelphia times, april , ; the american, the colonial and the pennsylvania archives; journals of congress, vols. and ; preble's history of the flag; cooper's naval history; life of john adams; hamilton and sarmiento's histories of our flag; sparks' and washington irving's lives of washington; washington's own letters, diaries and other writings, and william cullen bryant's history of the united states, in which pages and of the third volume he devotes to a history of the flag, but nowhere does he mention the ross claim. he evidently, like myself, could not find any authority for it, yet his history was published in --nine years after the ross claim was made. there are many other authorities, but not one of them gives her the credit claimed, and all of them except those written since the claim was made, leaving out the bryant history, do not even mention her name. a claim similar to the one made by mr. canby on behalf of betsy ross, was made by a woman named elizabeth montgomery, daughter of captain montgomery, of the armed brig _nancy_. she claimed that a flag, "stars and stripes," was made early in july, , by a young man on her father's brig while it was in port at st. thomas; see "reminiscences of wilmington, ancient and new," printed in , on pages to ; but her claim it proved to be absolutely false, as a reference to the american archives, vol. vi, page , fourth series, will show that the brig _nancy_, captain montgomery, was destroyed at cape may, june , , to keep her from being captured by the british. at the outbreak of our revolutionary struggle the different colonies had flags of their own design, which, if grouped together, would have reminded one of joseph's coat, embellished with latin and other mottoes. at the battle of bunker hill the americans fought without a flag, although botta in his history of the american revolution says that there was one with the words "an appeal to heaven" on one side, and the latin inscription "qui transtulit sustinet" upon the other (see fig. ). in lossing's field book of the american revolution, vol. , page , he states that an old lady named manning informed him that the americans did have a flag at the battle, of which the field was blue and the union white, having in it the red cross of st. george and a green pine tree (see fig. ); but this cannot be considered an authority any more than trumbull's picture of the battle in the rotunda of the capital at washington. he depicts the american flag carried in that battle as something which no one ever saw or even heard of, to wit: a red flag with a white union, having in it a green pine tree (see fig. ). [illustration: figs. - ] frothingham in his history of the siege of boston says that there was a flag over prescott's redoubt having upon it the words "come if you dare;" but there is no authority given for the statement. as a matter of fact, it might have been, for at that period flags were used as ensigns, with different sentences upon them, such as "liberty and union," "an appeal to heaven," "liberty or death," "an appeal to god." several such flags were captured by the british and mentioned in the english journals of that period (see figs. , , and ). also in powell's picture of the battle of lake erie in the national capital perry is seen in a boat with a flag of thirteen stripes and thirteen stars; yet when the battle was fought the american flag consisted of fifteen stripes and fifteen stars, and had been so constituted since , because under an act of congress there was to be a stripe and a star added for the two states admitted after the thirteen colonies became states, to wit: kentucky and vermont. so congress on the th day of january, , passed an act fixing the number of stripes and stars at fifteen, and such was the star-spangled banner that key saw at fort mchenry in the "dim morning's light" when he wrote the words of our national hymn, as a matter of fact, the war of was fought under a flag of fifteen stripes and fifteen stars. in , at a fair in boston, the flag of the united states brig "enterprise," that fought the english brig "boxer" on september , , was exhibited. it had fifteen stripes and fifteen stars. it belongs to a mr. quincy, of portland, maine. it was not until the th day of april, , that congress passed the act fixing the number of stripes, alternating red and white, at thirteen, to represent the thirteen original colonies, and a blue union with a white star for every state then in the federal union, and for those that would be admitted an extra star to be added on the th day of july after the admission of the state. now, by a late act, the state is not admitted until the th day of july after the passage of the act admitting her to statehood. the act reads as follows: "an act to establish the flag of the united states. sec. . be it enacted, etc., that from and after the fourth day of july next the flag of the united states be thirteen stripes alternate red and white; that the union have twenty stars white in a blue field. "sec. . and be it further enacted that, on the admission of every new state into the union, one star be added to the union of the flag; and that such addition shall take effect on the fourth of july next succeeding such admission. "approved april , ." the use of stars by the colonies on their flags was first suggested by a little piece of poetry in a newspaper called the "massachusetts spy," published in boston on march the th, . it was as follows: "a ray of bright glory now beams from afar; the american ensign now sparkles a star." [illustration: figs. , , and ] this piece of poetry was the cause of a flag being made in by a patriotic vessel owner of massachusetts having thirteen white stars on it in a blue union, the body of the flag being white, with an anchor upon it having over the top the word "hope" (see fig. ), already mentioned. it was hoisted on the armed schooner lee, captain john manley (see also rhode island colonial records, vol. x, p. . a similar flag is now in the office of the secretary of state. it was carried by a rhode island regiment during the revolution). either this or the stars on the washington book plate, in the absence of any record, may be taken as reasons for the adoption of the stars in the union in place of the crosses of st. andrew and st. george. i have also referred to the claim that the combination of the stars and stripes was probably adopted out of love and respect for washington. if this claim is true, then we would have, according to the ross claim the spectacle of washington complimenting and honoring himself, when, as a matter of fact, his whole life disproves such conduct on his part. now, let us see if this argument as to the origin of the combination is born out by facts. we find in a book printed in london in by j. beaumont that the english east india company had a flag of thirteen red and white stripes alternating (see fig. ) the same as ours, only it had the red cross of st. george in a white union. in they reduced the stripes to ten; but in another work on ship-building, published in , by carl allard in amsterdam, we find that he fixes the number of stripes at nine. also in a book published by le haye in we find that the number of striped flags in existence in europe were as follows: bremen, nine stripes, red and white, with a union of four squares, same colors; rotterdam, eleven stripes, red and green; north holland, thirteen stripes, red and yellow; east india company, thirteen stripes, red and white, with a white union and st. george cross, already mentioned. but no matter as to the number of stripes, it is thus conclusively shown that thirteen red and white stripes were in use seventy years before they were adopted by the american colonies. in october, , while the english troops were besieged in boston by the troops under washington, it became apparent that we should have some sort of a flag to represent the colonies in the aggregate, and show thereby that they were acting in concert; so a committee was appointed, of which benjamin franklin was the chairman. it was determined that the flag should be called the grand union flag, and that it should have thirteen red and white stripes alternating to represent the thirteen colonies, and the crosses of st. george and st. andrew in the union to attest their loyalty to the crown (see fig. ), as at that period national sovereignty was not contemplated. the quarrel as claimed was simply over the right to be represented in the taxing body of the british nation. preble in his history of the flag says, on page , as to the stripes being used at the instance of washington: "without further seeking for the origin for the stripes upon our flag, it is possible that the stripes on his own escutcheon suggested them. they were also on the flag of the philadelphia light-horse that escorted him on the road to cambridge from philadelphia as far as new york in " (see fig. ). this latter flag is in philadelphia, and is the property of the philadelphia first city troop. the philadelphia sunday dispatch in gave a very interesting history of it. messrs. lynch and harrison were franklin's colleagues on the committee. in november, , they met at cambridge in washington's headquarters, and, after carefully considering all the facts, adopted the grand union flag above described. "the union jack" was called "the king's colors" because of the crosses to which allusion has been made. the first flag that was made, there being no record of the name of the maker, was hoisted over washington's headquarters at cambridge on the second day of january, . in a letter to mr. reed, dated the th day of january, washington wrote that "the saluting of this flag by cannon and musketry fire gave rise to a ridiculous idea on the part of the british in boston, who, that day having received copies of the king's speech to parliament, supposed that the colonial troops had also received copies, and that the salute was in honor of the king, and that the rebellious colonists had submitted." so, first, as early as the d day of january, , the flag we all love except the blue union and white stars, was in existence. second. we have the names of the men who designed it. third. that it was raised at cambridge. fourth. the reasons why the combination was adopted; and fifth, that its first raising was an official act.... so therefore we now have to deal only with the change of the union from the crosses to the stars; and this is best arrived at by following the history of the navy of that time: the navy of the colonies in consisted of armed vessels, either maintained by private enterprise, by the councils, boards of war, or navy boards of the different colonies, the general congress making no provisions for the establishment of a colonial navy until october , , when, after a general debate based upon the report of a committee, the following resolution was adopted (see journal of congress, vol. , p. ): "_resolved_, that a swift sailing vessel to carry the carriage guns and a proportionate number of swivels, with eighty men, be fitted with all possible dispatch for a cruise of three months." after discussion it was further "_resolved_, that another vessel be fitted for the same purpose, and that a marine committee, consisting of messrs. dean, langdon and gadsden, report their opinion of a proper vessel and also an estimate of the expense." two days later, october , , washington wrote a letter suggesting to the congress that a flag be adopted, so that "the vessels may know one another." this idea was a flag with a white ground, a tree in the middle, and the sentence: "an appeal to heaven" on it (see fig. , already mentioned). four days afterwards the committee made a report, but it was not accepted, and the above resolution was recommitted. on the th of october the committee made a report recommending more vessels, and four more members were added to the committee--mr. hopkins, mr. hewes, r. h. lee and john adams. at a session of congress on the th of november, , a resolution was passed authorizing the creation of two battalions of marines. they were to be composed only of those acquainted with seamanship. this same committee on the d of november reported certain rules for the government of the navy, which were adopted on the th (see journal of congress , page ). on the d of december the committee was authorized to prepare a commission for the captains of armed vessels in colonial service. on december th the pay of naval officers, marines and seamen was adopted, and on december th a committee was appointed of one from each colony as a committee of ways and means on naval affairs. this committee reported on the th that a number of vessels could be prepared for sea by march, , and that it would cost over eight hundred thousand dollars to purchase them and fit them out. this report was adopted, and the same committee was ordered to go ahead and prepare the vessels for sea, which was accordingly done, and the following vessels were made ready for service: alfred, dorea, columbus, lexington, fly, hornet, wasp, cabot, randolph, franklin, providence, dolphin and lynch. in april, , the council of the massachusetts colony adopted a device for a flag for privateers, and its own armed vessels a white flag with a green pine tree on it (see fig. ); but the general congress made no provision whatever for a naval flag distinct from the grand union flag hoisted in january at cambridge, as stated. in july, , john jay complained in a letter that congress had fixed upon no device "concerning continental colors, and that captains of the armed vessels had followed their own fancies." in the latter part of , m. turgot, the french premier of louis xvi received a report from an agent of his kept in the colonies that "they have given up the english flag, and have taken as their devices a rattlesnake with thirteen rattles, or a mailed arm holding thirteen arrows." the reason given for the maintenance of an agent by the french government was to assure the colonists that they were esteemed and respected by the french people. the ulterior purpose, however, of vergennes and turgot was to recover back if they could the canadian provinces they had lost in their war with the british. many such flags were in use, and some were embellished with mottoes the principal one being "don't tread on me." such a motto was upon the flag of proctor's westmoreland county battalion of pennsylvania (see fig. ). this flag was displayed at the centennial of westmoreland county, pennsylvania, at greensburg, held in the year . a splendid cut of the above flag is in vol. xiv of the archives of pennsylvania. others had upon them a rattlesnake broken into thirteen pieces with the mottoes of "unite or die," or "join or die." these devices were first used to stimulate the colonies into concerted action against the french and indians, and afterwards were revived to unite them in the revolutionary struggle. in bradford's pennsylvania journal of december , , there appeared the following article, which is very interesting and logical: "messrs. printers: i observed on one of the drums belonging to the marines, now raising, there was painted a rattlesnake, with this modest motto under it, "don't tread on me!" as i know it is the custom to have some device on the arms of every country, i supposed this might be intended for the arms of north america. as i have nothing to do with public affairs, and as my time is perfectly my own, in order to divert an idle hour i sat down to guess what might have been intended by this uncommon device. i took care, however, to consult on this occasion a person acquainted with heraldry, from whom i learned that it is a rule among the learned in that science that the worthy properties of an animal in a crest shall be considered, and that the base one cannot be intended. he likewise informed me that the ancients considered the serpent as an emblem of wisdom, and, in a certain attitude, of endless duration; both of which circumstances, i suppose, may have been in view. having gained this intelligence, and recollecting that countries are sometimes represented by animals peculiar to them, it occurred to me that the rattlesnake is found in no other quarter of the globe than american, and it may therefore have been chosen on that account to represent her. but then the worthy properties of a snake, i judged, would be hard to point out. this rather raised than suppressed my curiosity, and having frequently seen the rattlesnake, i ran over in my mind every property for which she was distinguished, not only from other animals, but from those of the same genus or class, endeavoring to fix some meaning to each not wholly inconsistent with common sense. i recollected that her eyes exceeded in brightness that of any other animal, and that she had no eyelids. she may therefore be esteemed an emblem of vigilance. she never begins an attack, nor, when once engaged, ever surrenders. she is therefore an emblem of magnanimity and true courage. as if anxious to prevent all pretensions of quarreling with the weapons with which nature favored her, she conceals them in the roof of her mouth, so that, to those who are unacquainted with her, she appears most defenceless; and even when those weapons are shown and extended for defence, they appear weak and contemptible; but their wounds, however small, are decisive and fatal. conscious of this, she never wounds until she has generously given notice even to her enemy, and cautioned him against the danger of treading on her. was i wrong, sirs, in thinking this a strong picture of the temper and conduct of america? [illustration: fig. flag carried in the revolution by proctor's westmoreland (penna.) battalion] the poison of her teeth is the necessary means of digesting her food, and, at the same time, is the certain destruction of her enemies. this may be understood to intimate that those things which are destructive to our enemies may be to us not only harmless, but absolutely necessary to our existence. i confess i was totally at a loss what to make of the rattles until i counted them, and found them just thirteen--exactly the number of colonies united in america; and i recollected, too, that this was the only part of the snake which increased in numbers. perhaps it may have only been my fancy, but i conceited the painter had shown a half-formed additional rattle, which, i suppose, may have been intended to represent the province of canada. 'tis curious and amazing to observe how distinct and independent of each other the rattles of this animal are, and yet how firmly they are united together, so as to be never separated except by breaking them to pieces. one of these rattles singly is incapable of producing sound; but the ringing of thirteen together is sufficient to alarm the boldest man living. the rattlesnake is solitary, and associates with her kind only when it is necessary for her preservation. in winter the warmth of a number together will preserve their lives, whilst singly they would probably perish. the power of fascination attributed to her by a generous construction may be understood to mean that those who consider the liberty and blessings which america affords, and once come over to her, never afterwards leave her, but spend their lives with her. she strongly resembles america in this: that she is beautiful in youth, and her beauty increases with age; her tongue also is blue, and forked as lightning, and her abode is among impenetrable rocks. having pleased myself with reflections of this kind, i communicated my sentiments to a neighbor of mine, who has a surprising readiness at guessing any thing which relates to public affairs; and, indeed, i should be jealous of his reputation in that way, were it not that the event constantly shows that he has guessed wrong. he instantly declared it his sentiment that congress meant to allude to lord north's declaration in the house of commons that he never would relax his measures until he had brought america to his feet, and to intimate to his lordship that, if she was brought to his feet, it would be dangerous treading on her. but i am positive he has guessed wrong; for i am sure congress would not, at this time of day, condescend to take the least notice of his lordship in that or any other way. in which opinion i am determined to remain your humble servant." on the th day of february, , one of the committee on naval affairs, mr. gadsden, who represented south carolina in the general congress, presented that body with a flag that was made of yellow silk with a rattlesnake upon it (see drayton's american revolution, vol. ii, page ; see fig. ). no one can tell what became of this flag, yet it was placed in the hall of congress in a conspicuous place near the seat of john hancock. some claim that it was this flag that paul jones hoisted on his ship, and others that it was taken south to fort moultrie. so therefore we have, as late as april, , a navy of seventeen vessels, proper committees of congress to look after them, a commander-in-chief, to wit: esek hopkins, who was named for that position december , ; but no national flag had been made nor one even adopted in july, (see jay's letter to the committee), nor in october (see richard's letter, dated october , ), both written months after the date fixed upon in the ross claim; but the supposition is that, so far as the navy is concerned, it either flew the grand union or a flag similar to the gadsden device, and this is borne out by the records. as to who was the first naval officer to raise the first american flag to the peak of his vessel and capture the first prize, we only have to quote ex-president john adams, who wrote from quincy in to vice-president gerry as follows: "philadelphia is now boasting that paul jones has asserted in his journal that his hand first hoisted the first american flag, and captain barry has asserted that the first british flag was struck to him. now, i assert that the first american flag was hoisted by captain john manley and the first british flag was struck to him on the th day of november, ." as captain barry did not go to sea in the lexington until february, , therefore this claim of president john adams is undeniably true so far as regards barry, for the records show that manley, in a schooner called the lee, captured the british vessel nancy, bound to boston, loaded with munitions of war for the use of the british troops besieged there, and among the articles captured was a mortar, which afterwards was used on dorchester heights by washington's troops in shelling the british in boston. this same captain on the th of december, , captured two more british transports loaded with provisions. the paul jones claim rests upon not that his was the first vessel to hoist an american flag, but that the alfred was the first commissioned united states war vessel to hoist the grand union flag; but there is no record anywhere of the date, and as no naval commission was issued to jones until december , , the manley claim made by adams stands alone as regards the first american flag distinct from the english standard as changed by the colonists; and it is also corroborated by a letter sent by general howe on december , , while he was besieged in boston to lord davenport, complaining about manley's capture of the nancy with four thousand stands of arms. now, i claim that adams could not have meant the grand union flag, as it was not agreed upon until december, , but the one i have described as having a blue union with white stars, a white ground with an anchor and the word "hope" over the anchor (see fig. ). the lee was an armed privateer. in a letter to robert morris, october, , jones, in speaking of the flag, made the claim that "the flag of america" was displayed on a war vessel for the first time by him, he then being a lieutenant on the alfred; but there is no record as to whether it was a continental or grand union flag, or some other device; yet there are reasons to suppose it was the grand union flag--first, because the alfred was in the port of philadelphia, and we find from the record (american archives, vol. iv, page ) that the day signal of the fleets on february , , at the capes of the delaware were to be made by using the "grand union flag at the mizzen peak," which was to be lowered or hoisted according to the information intended to be given under the code of signals furnished. in the _ladies' magazine_, published in london, may , , the writer states that the colors of the american navy were "first a flag with a union and thirteen stripes, and the commander's flag a yellow flag with a rattlesnake upon it." [illustration: figs. , , and ] in the pennsylvania _evening post_ of june , , was published a letter stating that the british cruiser roebuck had captured two prizes in delaware bay "which she decoyed by hoisting a continental union flag." there is no doubt that from july , , until june , , we had as a national ensign simply a flag with thirteen stripes, as we had declared ourselves free from the government represented by the crosses of st. george and st. andrew which we had hitherto on our flag, but having upon it a snake with the motto already so often mentioned of "don't tread on me," and this design was used, but without any official action being taken thereon by the general congress (see fig. ); yet from may, , or june, , the date fixed upon in the ross claim, until may, , the american troops fought the following battles: june , , fort moultrie. the flag in that engagement was a blue flag with a crescent and the word "liberty" upon it (see fig. ). battle of long island, august , , the british captured a flag of red damask with the word "liberty" on it; september th, harlem plains, no flag being mentioned; october th, the battle of white plains, the flag carried by the americans was a white flag with two cross-swords on it and the words "liberty or death;" november th, surrender of fort washington, no mention of a flag; december th, battle of trenton, the flags in this battle were state flags; all other claims are the imagination of artists who apparently knew nothing of the history of the flag; january d, princeton, the same as at trenton; january th, tryon's attack on danbury; and yet in all these engagements that took place after we had declared ourselves a free and independent people there is no record in existence, public or private, that the flag claimed to have been designed by mrs. ross in may or june, , was carried. the first time the stars and stripes was carried by american troops of which we have any positive record was at the battle of the brandywine, in september, . it soon became apparent in that we were fighting for more than mere parliamentary representation, and when the culmination was reached by the adoption of the declaration of independence on the th day of july, , the conclusion was also reached that we could not consistently fight under a standard containing in its union the crosses of st. andrew and st. george, devices that belonged to the enemy, but which we had used, to express our loyalty to the king up to that time while fighting for a principle. the want of a change in our emblem as originally adopted can be best appreciated by the contents of a letter dated october , , sent by william richards to the committee of safety, published in the pennsylvania archives, vol. , page , wherein, _inter alia_, he said: "the commodore was with me this morning, and says that the fleet has no colors to hoist if they should be called on duty. _it is not in my power to get them until there is a design fixed on to make the colors by._" yet this letter was written four months after the time fixed in the alleged betsy ross claim. thus it is shown conclusively by the record that we had dropped the old grand union or continental flag, to wit: the crosses and the stripes, but had not yet, october, , adopted a new design, and it was not until june , , one year after the time fixed as to the ross claim, that a new design was adopted, and a resolution was passed wherein congress said "that the flag of the thirteen united states be thirteen stripes alternate red and white, that the union be thirteen stars white on a blue field, representing a new constellation." in the rough journal of congress the word "of" occurs before the words "thirteen stripes;" in the record it appears to have been changed, thus corroborating the former use of the thirteen stripes. there is no record as to how this resolution got before congress--whether a member introduced it, or whether it was the outcome of the report of a committee. no official proclamation of this resolution was made until september, ; but it was printed in the papers previous to that time as an item of news; so, therefore, from june to september, , private enterprise may have made many of them. the ross claim is ridiculous when it contends that washington, col. ross and robert morris, in june, , one month before the declaration of independence had been adopted, called on betsy ross, and that washington drew with a pencil a rough drawing of the present american flag, she making the stars five-pointed. the statement is without any documentary or record proof. as a matter of fact the six-pointed star was not adopted because of its use in english heraldry, while in holland and france, our allies, five-pointed stars were used. now, as to the claim that "old glory" was thus made in by betsy ross, what became of it? preble says of canby: "i cannot agree with his claim, and neither does the record support it" ... and besides it is practically charging washington and the rest of the committee with seeking to establish and set up a national ensign before we had even declared ourselves a free people with an independent national government, and without any delegated authority to do so, the record of congress being silent on the subject; so therefore we have: _first._ on october , , the letter of william richards to the committee of safety already quoted _shows that the ross claim cannot be true_. in fact, at the time the letter was written we had no colors nor was any designed. _second._ that at the time it is alleged the committee called on mrs. ross we had no national existence. we were still simply revolting colonies, not yet having declared our independence. _third._ as a climax i have found in the pennsylvania archives, d series, vol. , page , the following extract from the pennsylvania (not the colonies) navy board's minutes, may , , being the first bill for colors for the fleet on record: "present: william bradford, joseph marsh, joseph blewer, paul cox. "an order on william webb to elizabeth ross for fourteen pounds, twelve shillings and two pence for making ships' colors, etc., put into william richards' store, £ . . ." _fourth._ also in may, , the state of massachusetts knew nothing of a national ensign of the ross description, as seen by the following bill paid by the board of war of that state to joseph webb: "to mending an ensign and sewing in pine tree, _s._" also: "may , state of mass., pay to jos. webb, dr. , . to making a suit of colors, _s._; thread, _s._; painting pine trees, etc., _s._--£ . . . "john conston. "armed brig freedom." [illustration: flag carried in the revolution by the first regiment of the pennsylvania line] _fifth._ if washington and the others had agreed on a design in june, , as mr. canby claims, washington would have had it officially adopted, because he above all men knew the necessity of a national emblem, and more especially would he have done so immediately after the adoption of the declaration of independence in july following, and he would not then have fought at trenton and princeton in december, , under the state ensigns, or at long island or white plains under the flags mentioned. _sixth._ the first official record of the stars and stripes being carried in battle was at the brandywine in september, , although it is claimed that at oriskany, fought on the d day of august, , when fort stanwix was invested by the british, an american flag was made by using white shirts, a red petticoat and captain abraham swartout's blue coat (see lossing's field book of the american revolution, vol. , page ; also preble's origin of the flag, page ). _seventh._ in view of the above-recorded facts, the betsy ross story fails to convince the student and searcher after historical facts as to its authenticity. it is "the imagination of the artist" told in story. he says: "i fix the date because washington at that time was in philadelphia;" but no one else fixes the date of the betsy ross incident, not even the relatives from whom it is claimed the story was obtained. and further in the same statement it says: "washington came to confer upon the affairs of the army, the flag being no doubt one of these affairs." mere guess-work. and if a true guess, then the argument already used by preble as to what became of the design and the flag from that time, june, , to june, , holds good. it was further claimed that stars and stripes were in general use a year before congress adopted them; but it fails _to show one instance to sustain the assertion_; besides, the richards letter of october, , _it being official, completely upsets the claim_. washington irving in his life of washington says that the general, accompanied by mrs. washington, left new york on the st day of may, , and that they were the guests of john hancock while in philadelphia; but neither irving, sparks, nor any other writers of washington's life mention anything whatever of the ross incident. if it happened, it surely would have been mentioned by someone. even washington himself fails to say anything about it in any of the letters he has written, his diaries, or statements made, nor are there any allusions to the subject in the published correspondence of his contemporaries. so therefore the ross claim simply rests on the statements claimed to have been obtained from relatives, while against it are the various facts above given and hundreds of others not mentioned in this article. our flag is the representative of national unity, equal and exact justice to all men. it stands for no sentimental characteristic. it is a practical exhibition in itself of the result of concerted action, and has been from its origin until to-day worshipped as no other ensign designed by man has ever been. it is loved and respected by all who love liberty. it represents the government. it represents our honor. to love it is to love one's country, a duty more sacred than any other, except love and respect for god. "oh, glorious flag! red, white and blue, bright emblem of the pure and true! oh, glorious group of clustering stars, ye lines of light, ye crimson bars." our flag upon the ocean has been the theme for many a song and story, and in the early days of the republic the achievements of our naval heroes were looked upon as more essential for the attainment of our liberties than victories on shore, as every vessel captured or destroyed meant the loss of stores and munitions of war to the british troops, hence early in the struggle, as before stated, private enterprise took the first steps in creating a navy, then the colonies took it up separately, and then, as stated, the general congress. the delaware river was the scene of more activity in that direction than any other port of the colonies, a reputation which it still enjoys. a large number of vessels were fitted out, and here it was the first fleet of american war vessels gathered, and from the delaware sailed the first commissioned war vessel to cruise on the ocean, the lexington, commodore john barry. of course, there had been many, as i have stated, private and colonial vessels that had been at sea since the lee, captain john manley (_ad supra_), in the autumn of , sailed from a massachusetts port, and i have no doubt that many of these private and colonial vessels flew the grand union flag after it had been adopted. so therefore it is fair to presume from the records that lieutenant paul jones was the first commissioned officer to raise it to the peak of a _commissioned american war vessel_, the alfred; that captain john barry was the first to take it to sea on the lexington, and that the first to exhibit it to other countries was captain wickes, of the brig reprisal, who arrived at st. eustatia on july , (see american archives, th series, vol. , page ). the flag he displayed had thirteen stripes and a union of yellow or white; but whether it had on it crosses, pine trees or rattlesnakes no one can tell, as no record can be found; but it is supposed to have been a yellow union with a rattlesnake on it (see fig. ), as the naval flag had been a yellow flag with a rattlesnake on it, with thirteen rattles and one budding, and the motto "don't tread on me." it was also claimed to have been displayed in the same port on november , , and to have received its first salute from a foreign power. in looking the matter up it was discovered that the american brig andrew dorea was in the port named on that day, she having sailed from philadelphia in september, . on her arrival she saluted the fort, and the dutch commander returned it, and he was afterwards dismissed by his government for doing so. so, therefore, it is fair to infer that both claims are made upon a foundation of facts that are corroborated by the records. but the reprisal's flag must have been the grand union or continental flag, as she left port before the adoption of the declaration of independence, while the dorea must have had some other design for a flag, as she did not sail until september, two months after the declaration was adopted. besides, in a letter from st. eustatia, published in the american archives, vol. , th series, page , it said: "all american vessels here now wear the congress colors." as the crosses of st. andrew and st. george had been dropped, the congress colors must have been simply an ensign of thirteen red and white stripes, with an emblem of a rattlesnake on it (see fig. ). the second salute from a foreign power to our flag of which we have any record was given at brest by the french commander in august, , to the general mifflin, captain mcneill. it must have been the congress flag, as the news of the passage of the act of june th creating the stars and stripes could not have been known by those on the mifflin, as in those days we had no merchant marine or other means except through armed vessels of communicating with other countries. the galleys on the delaware were in charge of the pennsylvania committee of safety. they had no colors to hoist in august, , as can be seen by the following letter of mr. richards, dated the th of that month. it was directed to the committee, and said: "i hope you have agreed what sort of colors i am to have made for the galleys, as they are much wanted." and this was two months after the alleged date of the ross claim. the following letter will give a description of the sailing of the first fleet of war vessels this government ever owned: "newbern, n. c., feb. , . "by a gentleman from philadelphia, we have received the pleasing account of the actual sailing from that place of the first american fleet that ever swelled their sails on the western ocean in defense of the rights and liberties of the people of these colonies, now suffering under the persecuting rod of the british ministry, and their more than brutish tyrants in america. this fleet consists of five sail, fitted out from philadelphia, which are to be joined at the capes of virginia by two ships more from maryland, and is commanded by admiral hopkins, a most experienced and venerable sea captain. the admiral's ship is called the columbus, after christopher columbus, thirty-six guns, and -pounders, on two decks, forty swivels and five hundred men. the second ship is called the cabot, after sebastian cabot, who completed the discoveries of america made by columbus, and mounts thirty-two guns. the others are smaller vessels, from twenty-four to fourteen guns. they sailed from philadelphia amidst the acclamations of many thousands assembled on the joyful occasion, under the display of a union flag with thirteen stripes in a field, emblematical of the thirteen united colonies; but, unhappily for us, the ice in the river delaware as yet obstructs the passage down; but the time will now soon arrive when this fleet must come to action. their destination is a secret, but generally supposed to be against the ministerial governors, those little petty tyrants that have lately spread fire and sword throughout the southern colonies. for the happy success of this little fleet three millions of people offer their most earnest supplications to heaven." see american archives, th series, vol. iv, page ; also cooper's naval history as to who named the vessels. john adams claimed that honor. see american archives, th series, vol. iv, p. . the fleet made a descent upon new providence, and, after capturing the place and taking away a large quantity of munitions of war and stores, it left and coasted along the coast from cape cod to cape charles, making many captures. on the th of april, , occurred the first engagement between an english war vessel and a commissioned american war vessel. the english vessel was the brig edward, mounting sixteen four-pounders, and, by a strange coincidence, the american vessel was the lexington, captain barry. it was at lexington on land in april, , the first shot was fired by americans, and it was from the lexington at sea that the first broadside was delivered at the "wooden walls" of old england. the fight resulted in the capture of the british vessel. no one can tell in the absence of a record the name of the vessel to first fly the stars and stripes. paul jones claimed it for the alliance; but in cooper's life of paul jones, page , occurs the following. speaking of jones' claim, he says: "he may have been mistaken. he always claimed to have been the first man to hoist the flag of (the grand union) in a national ship, and the first man to show the present ensign (the stars and stripes) on board of a man-of-war. this may be true or not. there was a weakness about the character of the man that rendered him a little liable to self-delusions of this nature; and while it is probable he was right as to the flag which was shown before philadelphia on the alfred (the grand union) the place where congress was sitting, it is by no means as reasonable to suppose that the first of the permanent flags (stars and stripes) was shown at a place as distant as portsmouth. the circumstances are of no moment, except as they serve to betray a want of simplicity of character, that was rather a failing with the man, and his avidity for personal distinction of every sort." to corroborate cooper i have only to state that jones' claim is absurd when, as a matter of fact, the alliance was not launched until , and jones did not command her until , when, as a matter of course, she must have carried the stars and stripes (see mackensie's life of jones, vol. , pages and ). much to our regret, as lovers of our country, we must admit that the first american flag (the grand union) displayed on any of the lakes was by that arch traitor, benedict arnold, on the royal savage. he had command of the fleet on lake champlain in the winter of -- a man who died without a flag, without a country, without love, without respect. the first british man-of-war to enter an american port after the revolution was the alligator, capt. isaac coffin. he entered the harbor of boston on the d day of may, . he saluted the american flag on the fort by firing thirteen guns, which was returned. a full report of this occurrence is to be found in the _columbian sentinel_ of may d, . the first ship to enter a british port after peace had been declared flying the american flag was the ship bedford, of nantucket, capt. william mooers. she entered the thames in february, , and proceeded up to london. she was loaded with whale oil. the first publication of the terms of the treaty of peace was on the th day of january, , the treaty itself having been made in november, . the first time the american flag was ever displayed over conquered territory outside of the united states was on the th day of april, , during the war between this country and tripoli, when, after the capture of the tripolitan fortress at derne, it was hoisted by lieutenant bannon and a mr. mann. this flag has fifteen stripes and fifteen stars, and was exhibited at a celebration on the th of july, , at brumfield, massachusetts. for ten years prior to the declaration of independence men, in defiance of the government, protesting against the oppressive stamp duty act and other causes, held public demonstrations, at which a liberty pole would be raised, and flags with devices and sentences upon them would be carried. associations calling themselves "sons of liberty" were formed, and so tense became the feeling that the people looked with contempt both upon king and parliament. so pronounced did it become that the obnoxious act was repealed in , after having been in operation only four months. but these associations of "liberty boys," formed in in every community from boston to charleston, continued in existence, and formed the nucleus of the army of the revolution, and the very devices and sentences used in were afterwards adopted and put upon their flags in and prior to the adoption of the grand union flag and the present ensign. i have in the foregoing pages endeavored to collate truly all the documentary and other tangible evidence that is in existence to fully, absolutely, and without fear of contradiction, sustain the contention that the betsy ross claim exists only because of a statement made by a relative who did not produce one scintilla of documentary or recorded evidence to sustain the claim. the records of the time refute it, and the dates are so at variance with facts that are known that it is a surprise that any credence whatever has been given to the story. this is god's land, overflowing with promises to the oppressed of all nations. our shields have been dented in honorable warfare to establish individual liberty and religious freedom, and in all the coming years may our government reign supreme over all this fair land, and everywhere from ocean to ocean may our flag, like the bow of promise, be a sign to all the people of the earth that, being heaven-born, it is a covenant that liberty will and shall be maintained as long as love of country exists in the breast of man. * * * * * transcriber's notes: the following errata were noted in the original text. these have been corrected in the above text. page , line . page should be page . page , line . should be . fig. should be the flag of the westmoreland battalion, page , and not the flag carried by the first regiment of the pennsylvania line, at page . the code of honor; or rules for the government of principals and seconds in duelling by john lyde wilson summary: originally this was published by the author ( - ), a former governor of south carolina, as a -page booklet, in . before his death he added an appendix of the irish duelling code, but this second edition was not printed until , as a -page small book, still sized to fit in the case with one's duelling pistols. this code is far less blood-thirsty than many might suppose, but built on a closed social caste and standards of behavior quite alien to today. transcriber's note: in the appendix the term "rencontre" is used. in british law (then covering ireland) this refers to an immediate fight in the heat of offense. a duel would be undertaken in "cold blood" if not cool temper. killing a man in a rencontre counted as manslaughter; in a duel, as murder. on more than one occasion, the author refers to "posting" an offender. this refers to posting to the public a notice as to his behavior in some central club or business spot frequented by all men of that level of society; exactly where varied from town to town. it was the ultimate sanction, making the challengee's refusal to either apologize or fight a public stain upon his character. to the public the man who adds in any way to the sum of human happiness is strictly in the discharge of a moral duty. when howard visited the victims of crime and licentiousness, to reform their habits and ameliorate their condition, the question was never asked whether he had been guilty of like excesses or not? the only question the philanthropist would propound, should be, has the deed been done in the true spirit of christian benevolence? those who know me, can well attest the motive which has caused the publication of the following sheets, to which they for a long time urged me in vain. those who do not know me, have no right to impute a wrong motive; and if they do, i had rather be the object, than the authors of condemnation. to publish a code of honor, to govern in cases of individual combat, might seem to imply, that the publisher was an advocate of duelling, and wished to introduce it as the proper mode of deciding all personal difficulties and misunderstandings. such implication would do me great injustice. but if the question be directly put to me, whether there are not cases where duels are right and proper, i would unhesitatingly answer, there are. if an oppressed nation has a right to appeal to arms in defence of its liberty and the happiness of its people, there can be no argument used in support of such appeal, which will not apply with equal force to individuals. how many cases are there, that might be enumerated, where there is no tribunal to do justice to an oppressed and deeply wronged individual? if he be subjected to a tame submission to insult and disgrace, where no power can shield him from its effects, then indeed it would seem, that the first law of nature, self-preservation, points out the only remedy for his wrongs. the history of all animated nature exhibits a determined resistance to encroachments upon natural rights,--nay, i might add, inanimate nature, for it also exhibits a continual warfare for supremacy. plants of the same kind, as well as trees, do not stop their vigorous growth because they overshadow their kind; but, on the contrary, flourish with greater vigor as the more weak and delicate decline and die. those of different species are at perpetual warfare. the sweetest rose tree will sicken and waste on the near approach of the noxious bramble, and the most promising fields of wheat yield a miserable harvest if choked up with tares and thistles. the elements themselves war together, and the angels of heaven have met in fierce encounter. the principle of self-preservation is co-extensive with creation; and when by education we make character and moral worth a part of ourselves, we guard these possessions with more watchful zeal than life itself, and would go farther for their protection. when one finds himself avoided in society, his friends shunning his approach, his substance wasting, his wife and children in want around him, and traces all his misfortunes and misery to the slanderous tongue of the calumniator, who, by secret whisper or artful innuendo, has sapped and undermined his reputation, he must be more or less than man to submit in silence. the indiscriminate and frequent appeal to arms, to settle trivial disputes and misunderstandings, cannot be too severely censured and deprecated. i am no advocate of such duelling. but in cases where the laws of the country give no redress for injuries received, where public opinion not only authorizes, but enjoins resistance, it is needless and a waste of time to denounce the practice. it will be persisted in as long as a manly independence, and a lofty personal pride in all that dignifies and ennobles the human character, shall continue to exist. if a man be smote on one cheek in public, and he turns the other, which is also smitten, and he offers no resistance, but blesses him that so despitefully used him, i am aware that he is in the exercise of great christian forbearance, highly recommended and enjoined by many very good men, but utterly repugnant to those feelings which nature and education have implanted in the human character. if it was possible to enact laws so severe and impossible to be evaded, as to enforce such rule of behavior, all that is honorable in the community would quit the country and inhabit the wilderness with the indians. if such a course of conduct was infused by education into the minds of our youth, and it became praiseworthy and honorable to a man to submit to insult and indignity, then indeed the forbearance might be borne without disgrace. those, therefore, who condemn all who do not denounce duelling in every case, should establish schools where a passive submission to force would be the exercise of a commendable virtue. i have not the least doubt, that if i had been educated in such a school, and lived in such a society, i would have proved a very good member of it. but i much doubt, if a seminary of learning was established, where this christian forbearance was inculcated and enforced, whether there would be many scholars. i would not wish to be understood to say, that i do not desire to see duelling to cease to exist entirely, in society. but my plan for doing it away, is essentially different from the one which teaches a passive forbearance to insult and indignity. i would inculcate in the rising generation a spirit of lofty independence; i would have them taught that nothing was more derogatory to the honor of a gentleman, than to wound the feelings of any one, however humble. that if wrong be done to another, it was more an act of heroism and bravery to repair the injury, than to persist in error, and enter into mortal combat with the injured party. this would be an aggravation of that which was already odious, and would put him without the pale of all decent society and honorable men. i would strongly inculcate the propriety of being tender of the feelings, as well as the failings, of those around him. i would teach immutable integrity, and uniform urbanity of manners. scrupulously to guard individual honor, by a high personal self respect, and the practice of every commendable virtue. once let such a system of education be universal, and we should seldom hear, if ever, of any more duelling. the severest penal enactments cannot restrain the practice of duelling, and their extreme severity in this state, the more effectually shields the offenders. the teaching and preaching of our eloquent clergy, may do some service, but is wholly inadequate to suppress it. under these circumstances, the following rules are given to the public, and if i can save the life of one useful member of society, i will be compensated. i have restored to the bosoms of many, their sons, by my timely interference, who are ignorant of the misery i have averted from them. i believe that nine duels out of ten, if not ninety-nine out of a hundred, originate in the want of experience in the seconds. a book of authority, to which they can refer in matters where they are uninformed, will therefore be a desideratum. how far this code will be that book, the public will decide. the author rules for principals and seconds in duelling. chapter i. the person insulted, before challenge sent . whenever you believe that you are insulted, if the insult be in public and by words or behavior, never resent it there, if you have self-command enough to avoid noticing it. if resented there, you offer an indignity to the company, which you should not. . if the insult be by blows or any personal indignity, it may be resented at the moment, for the insult to the company did not originate with you. but although resented at the moment, you are bound still to have satisfaction, and must therefore make the demand. . when you believe yourself aggrieved, be silent on the subject, speak to no one about the matter, and see your friend, who is to act for you, as soon as possible. . never send a challenge in the first instance, for that precludes all negotiation. let your note be in the language of a gentleman, and let the subject matter of complaint be truly and fairly set forth, cautiously avoiding attributing to the adverse party any improper motive. . when your second is in full possession of the facts, leave the whole matter to his judgment, and avoid any consultation with him unless he seeks it. he has the custody of your honor, and by obeying him you cannot be compromitted. . let the time of demand upon your adversary after the insult, be as short as possible, for he has the right to double that time in replying to you, unless you give him some good reason for your delay. each party is entitled to reasonable time, to make the necessary domestic arrangements, by will or otherwise, before fighting. . to a written communication you are entitled to a written reply, and it is the business of your friend to require it. second's duty before challenge sent. . whenever you are applied to by a friend to act as his second, before you agree to do so, state distinctly to your principal that you will be governed only by your own judgment,--that he will not be consulted after you are in full possession of the facts, unless it becomes necessary to make or accept the amende honorable, or send a challenge. you are supposed to be cool and collected, and your friend's feelings are more or less irritated. . use every effort to soothe and tranquilize your principal; do not see things in the same aggravated light in which he views them; extenuate the conduct of his adversary whenever you see clearly an opportunity to do so, without doing violence to your friend's irritated mind. endeavor to persuade him that there must have been some misunderstanding in the matter. check him if he uses opprobrious epithet towards his adversary, and never permit improper or insulting words in the note you carry. . to the note you carry in writing to the party complained of, you are entitled to a written answer, which will be directed to your principal and will be delivered to you by his adversary's friend. if this be not written in the style of a gentleman, refuse to receive it, and assign your reason for such refusal. if there be a question made as to the character of the note, require the second presenting it to you, who considers it respectful, to endorse upon it these words: "i consider the note of my friend respectful, and would not have been the bearer of it, if i believed otherwise." . if the party called on, refuses to receive the note you bear, you are entitled to demand a reason for such refusal. if he refuses to give you any reason, and persists in such refusal, he treats, not only your friend, but yourself, with indignity, and you must then make yourself the actor, by sending a respectful note, requiring a proper explanation of the course he has pursued towards you and your friend; and if he still adheres to his determination, you are to challenge or post him. . if the person to whom you deliver the note of your friend, declines meeting him on the ground of inequality, you are bound to tender yourself in his stead, by a note directed to him from yourself; and if he refuses to meet you, you are to post him. . in all cases of the substitution of the second for the principal, the seconds should interpose and adjust the matter, if the party substituting avows he does not make the quarrel of his principal his own. the true reason for substitution, is the supposed insult of imputing to you the like inequality which if charged upon your friend, and when the contrary is declared, there should be no fight, for individuals may well differ in their estimate of an individual's character and standing in society. in case of substitution and a satisfactory arrangement, you are then to inform your friend of all the facts, whose duty it will be to post in person. . if the party, to whom you present a note, employ a son, father or brother, as a second, you may decline acting with either on the ground of consanguinity. . if a minor wishes you to take a note to an adult, decline doing so, on the ground of his minority. but if the adult complained of, had made a companion of the minor in society, you may bear the note. . when an accommodation is tendered, never require too much; and if the party offering the amende honorable, wishes to give a reason for his conduct in the matter, do not, unless offensive to your friend, refuse to receive it; by so doing you may heal the breach more effectually. . if a stranger wishes you to bear a note for him, be well satisfied before you do so, that he is on an equality with you; and in presenting the note state to the party the relationship you stand towards him, and what you know and believe about him; for strangers are entitled to redress for wrongs, as well as others, and the rules of honor and hospitality should protect him. chapter ii. the party receiving a note before challenge. . when a note is presented to you by an equal, receive it, and read it, although you may suppose it to be from one you do not intend to meet, because its requisites may be of a character which may readily be complied with. but if the requirements of a note cannot be acceded to, return it, through the medium of your friend, to the person who handed it to you, with your reason for returning it. . if the note received be in abusive terms, object to its reception, and return it for that reason; but if it be respectful, return an answer of the same character, in which respond correctly and openly to all interrogatories fairly propounded, and hand it to your friend, who, it is presumed, you have consulted, and who has advised the answer; direct it to the opposite party, and let it be delivered to his friend. . you may refuse to receive a note, from a minor, (if you have not made an associate of him); one that has been posted; one that has been publicly disgraced without resenting it; one whose occupation is unlawful; a man in his dotage and a lunatic. there may be other cases, but the character of those enumerated will lead to a correct decision upon those omitted. if you receive a note from a stranger, you have a right to a reasonable time to ascertain his standing in society, unless he is fully vouched for by his friend. . if a party delays calling on you for a week or more, after the supposed insult, and assigns no cause for the delay, if you require it, you may double the time before you respond to him; for the wrong cannot be considered aggravated; if borne patiently for some days, and the time may have been used in preparation and practice. second's duty of the party receiving a note before challenge sent. . when consulted by your friend, who has received a note requiring explanation, inform him distinctly that he must be governed wholly by you in the progress of the dispute. if he refuses, decline to act on that ground. . use your utmost efforts to allay all excitement which your principal may labor under; search diligently into the origin of the misunderstanding; for gentlemen seldom insult each other, unless they labor under some misapprehension or mistake; and when you have discovered the original ground or error, follow each movement to the time of sending the note, and harmony will be restored. . when your principal refuses to do what you require of hi, decline further acting on that ground, and inform the opposing second of your withdrawal from the negotiation. chapter iii. duty of challenger and his second before fighting. . after all efforts for a reconciliation are over, the party aggrieved sends a challenge to his adversary, which is delivered to his second. . upon the acceptance of the challenge, the seconds make the necessary arrangements for the meeting, in which each party is entitled to a perfect equality. the old notion that the party challenged, was authorized to name the time, place, distance and weapon, has been long since exploded; nor would a man of chivalric honor use such a right, if he possessed it. the time must e as soon as practicable, the place such as had ordinarily been used where the parties are, the distance usual, and the weapons that which is most generally used, which, in this state, is the pistol. . if the challengee insist upon what is not usual in time, place, distance and weapon, do not yield the point, and tender in writing what is usual in each, and if he refuses to give satisfaction, then your friend may post him. . if your friend be determined to fight and not post, you have the right to withdraw. but if you continue to act, and have the right to tender a still more deadly distance and weapon, and he must accept. . the usual distance is from ten to twenty paces, as may be agreed on; and the seconds in measuring the ground, usually step three feet. . after all the arrangements are made, the seconds determine the giving of the word and position, by lot; and he who gains has the choice of the one or the other, selects whether it be the word or the position, but he cannot have both. chapter iv. duty of challengee and second after challenge sent. . the challengee has no option when negotiation has ceased, but to accept the challenge. . the second makes the necessary arrangements with the second of the person challenging. the arrangements are detailed in the preceding chapter. chapter v. duty of principals and seconds on the ground. . the principals are to be respectful in meeting, and neither by look or expression irritate each other. they are to be wholly passive, being entirely under the guidance of their seconds. . when once posted, they are not to quit their positions under any circumstances, without leave or direction of their seconds. . when the principals are posted, the second giving the word, must tell them to stand firm until he repeats the giving of the word, in the manner it will be given when the parties are at liberty to fire. . each second has a loaded pistol, in order to enforce a fair combat according to the rules agreed on; and if a principal fires before the word or time agreed on, he is at liberty to fire at him, and if such second's principal fall, it is his duty to do so. . if after a fire, either party be touched, the duel is to end; and no second is excusable who permits a wounded friend to fight; and no second who knows his duty, will permit his friend to fight a man already hit. i am aware there have been many instances where a contest has continued, not only after slight, but severe wounds, had been received. in all such cases, i think the seconds are blamable. . if after an exchange of shots, neither party be hit, it is the duty of the second of the challengee, to approach the second of the challenger and say: "our friends have exchanged shots, are you satisfied, or is there any cause why the contest should be continued?" if the meeting be of no serious cause of complaint, where the party complaining had in no way been deeply injured, or grossly insulted, the second of the party challenging should reply: "the point of honor being settled, there can, i conceive, be no objection to a reconciliation, and i propose that our principals meet on middle ground, shake hands, and be friends." if this be acceded to by the second of the challengee, the second of the party challenging, says: "we have agreed that the present duel shall cease, the honor of each of you is preserved, and you will meet on middle ground, shake hands and be reconciled." . if the insult be of a serious character, it will be the duty of the second of the challenger, to say, in reply to the second of the challengee: "we have been deeply wronged, and if you are not disposed to repair the injury, the contest must continue." and if the challengee offers nothing by way of reparation, the fight continues until one or the other of the principals is hit. . if in cases where the contest is ended by the seconds, as mentioned in the sixth rule of this chapter, the parties refuse to meet and be reconciled, it is the duty of the seconds to withdraw from the field, informing their principals, that the contest must be continued under the superintendence of other friends. but if one agrees to this arrangement of the seconds, and the other does not, the second of the disagreeing principal only withdraws. . if either principal on the ground refuses to fight or continue the fight when required, it is the duty of his second to say to the other second: "i have come upon the ground with a coward, and do tender you my apology for an ignorance of his character; you are at liberty to post him." the second, by such conduct, stands excused to the opposite party. . when the duel is ended by a party being hit, it is the duty of the second to the party so hit, to announce the fact to the second of the party hitting, who will forthwith tender any assistance he can command to the disabled principal. if the party challenging, hit the challengee, it is his duty to say he is satisfied, and will leave the ground. if the challenger be hit, upon the challengee being informed of it, he should ask through his second, whether he is at liberty to leave the ground which should be assented to. chapter vi. who should be on the ground. . the principals, seconds, one surgeon and one assistant surgeon to each principal; but the assistant surgeon may be dispensed with. . any number of friends that the seconds agree on, may be present, provided they do not come within the degrees of consanguinity mentioned in the seventh rule of chapter i. . persons admitted on the ground, are carefully to abstain by word or behavior, from any act that might be the least exceptionable; nor should they stand near the principals or seconds, or hold conversations with them. chapter vii. arms, and manner of loading and presenting them. . the arms used should be smooth-bore pistols, not exceeding nine inches in length, with flint and steel. percussion pistols may be mutually used if agreed on, but to object on that account is lawful. . each second informs the other when he is about to load, and invites his presence, but the seconds rarely attend on such invitation, as gentlemen may be safely trusted in the matter. . the second, in presenting the pistol to his friend, should never put it in his pistol hand, but should place it in the other, which is grasped midway the barrel, with muzzle pointing in the contrary way to that which he is to fire, informing him that his pistol is loaded and ready for use. before the word is given, the principal grasps the butt firmly in his pistol hand, and brings it round, with the muzzle downward, to the fighting position. . the fighting position, is with the muzzle down and the barrel from you; for although it may be agreed that you may hold your pistol with the muzzle up, it may be objected to, as you can fire sooner from that position, and consequently have a decided advantage, which ought not to be claimed, and should not be granted. chapter viii. the degrees of insult, and how compromised . the prevailing rule is, that words used in retort, although more violent and disrespectful than those first used, will not satisfy,--words being no satisfaction for words. . when words are used, and a blow given in return, the insult is avenged; and if redress be sought, it must be from the person receiving the blow. . when blows are given in the first instance and not returned, and the person first striking, be badly beaten or otherwise, the party first struck is to make the demand, for blows do not satisfy a blow. . insults at a wine table, when the company are over-excited, must be answered for; and if the party insulting have no recollection of the insult, it is his duty to say so in writing, and negative the insult. for instance, if the man say: "you are a liar and no gentleman," he must, in addition to the plea of the want of recollection, say: "i believe the party insulted to be a man of the strictest veracity and a gentleman." . intoxication is not a full excuse for insult, but it will greatly palliate. if it was a full excuse, it might be well counterfeited to wound feelings, or destroy character. . in all cases of intoxication, the seconds must use a sound discretion under the above general rules. . can every insult be compromised? is a mooted and vexed question. on this subject, no rules can be given that will be satisfactory. the old opinion, that a blow must require blood, is not of force. blows may be compromised in many cases. what those are, much depend on the seconds. appendix. since the above code was in press, a friend has favored me with the irish code of honor, which i had never seen; and it is published as an appendix to it. one thing must be apparent to every reader, viz., the marked amelioration of the rules that govern in duelling at the present time. i am unable to say what code exists now in ireland, but i very much doubt whether it be of the same character which it bore in . the american quarterly review for september, , in a notice of sir jonah barrington's history of his own times, has published this code; and followed it up with some remarks, which i have thought proper to insert also. the grave reviewer has spoken of certain states in terms so unlike a gentleman, that i would advise him to look at home, and say whether he does not think that the manners of his own countrymen, do not require great amendment? i am very sure, that the citizens of the states so disrespectfully spoken of, would feel a deep humiliation, to be compelled to exchange their urbanity of deportment, for the uncouth incivility of the people of massachusetts. look at their public journals, and you will find them, very generally, teeming with abuse of private character, which would not be countenanced here. the idea of new england becoming a school for manners, is about as fanciful as bolinbroke's "idea of a patriot king." i like their fortiter in re, but utterly eschew their suaviter in modo. "the practice of duelling and points of honor settled at clonmell summer assizes, , by the gentleman delegates of tipperary, galway, mayo, sligo and roscommon, and prescribed for general adoption throughout ireland. "rule .--the first offence requires the apology, although the retort may have been more offensive than the insult.--example: a. tells b. he is impertinent, &c.; b. retorts, that he lies; yet a. must make the first apology, because he gave the first offence, and then, (after one fire,) b. may explain away the retort by subsequent apology. "rule .--but if the parties would rather fight on: then, after two shots each, (but in no case before,) b. may explain first, and a. apologize afterward. "rule .--if a doubt exist who gave the first offence, the decision rests with the seconds; if they won't decide or can't agree, the matter must proceed to two shots, or a hit, if the challenger requires it. "rule .--when the lie direct is the first offence, the aggressor must either beg pardon in express terms; exchange tow shots previous to apology; or three shots followed up by explanation; or fire on till a severe hit be received by one party or the other. "rule .--as a blow is strictly prohibited under any circumstances among gentlemen, no verbal apology can be received for such an insult; the alternatives therefore are: the offender handing a can to the injured party, to be used on his own back, at the same time begging pardon; firing on until one or both is disabled; or exchanging three shots, and then asking pardon without the proffer of the cane. "if swords are used, the parties engage till one is well-blooded, disabled or disarmed; or until, after receiving a wound, and blood being drawn, the aggressor begs pardon. "n.b. a disarm is considered the same as a disable; the disarmer may (strictly) break his adversary's sword; but if it be the challenger who is disarmed, it is considered ungenerous to do so. "in case the challenged be disarmed and refuses to ask pardon or atone, he must not be killed as formerly; but the challenger may lay his sword on the aggressor's shoulder, than break the aggressor's sword, and say, 'i spare your life!' the challenged can never revive the quarrel, the challenger may. "rule .--if a. give b. the lie, and b. retorts by a blow, (being the two greatest offences,) no reconciliation can take place till after two discharges each, or a severe hit; after which, b. may beg a.'s pardon for the blow, and then a. may explain simply for the lie; because a blow is never allowable, and the offence of the lie therefore merges in it. (see preceding rule.) "n.b. challenges for individual causes, may be reconciled on the ground, after one shot. an explanation, or the slightest hit should be sufficient in such cases, because no personal offence transpired. "rule .--but no apology can be received, in any case, after the parties have actually taken their ground, without exchange of fires. "rule .--in the above case, no challenger is obliged to divulge the cause of his challenge, (if private,) unless required by the challenged to do so before their meeting. "rule .--all imputations of cheating at play, races, &c, to be considered equivalent to a blow; but may be reconciled after one shot, on admitting their falsehood, and begging pardon publicly. "rule .--any insult to a lady under a gentleman's care or protection, to be considered as, by one degree, a greater offence than if given to the gentleman personally, and to be regulated accordingly. "rule .--offences originating or accruing from the support of a lady's reputation, to be considered as less unjustifiable than any other of the same class, and as admitting of lighter apologies by the aggressor; this to be determined by the circumstances of the case, but always favorably to the lady. "rule .--in simple unpremeditated rencontres with the small sword or couteau-de-chasse, the rule is, first draw, first sheathe; unless blood be drawn: then both sheathe, and proceed to investigation. "rule .--no dumb-shooting, or firing in the air, admissible in any case. the challenger ought not to have challenged without receiving offence; and the challenged ought, if he gave offence, to have made an apology before he came on the ground: therefore, children's play must be dishonorable on one side or the other, and is accordingly prohibited. "rule .--seconds to be of equal rank in society with the principals they attend, inasmuch as a second may choose or chance to become a principal, and equality is indispensable. "rule .--challenges are never to be delivered at night, unless the party to be challenged intend leaving the place of offence before morning; for it is desirable to avoid all hot-headed proceedings. "rule .--the challenged has the right to choose his own weapon, unless the challenger gives his honor he is no swordsman; after which, however, he cannot decline any second species of weapon proposed by the challenged. "rule .--the challenged chooses his ground; the challenger chooses his distance; the seconds fix the time and terms of firing. "rule .--the seconds load in presence of each other, unless they give their mutual honors that they have charged smooth and single, which should be held sufficient. "rule .--firing may be regulated, first by signal; secondly, by word of command; or, thirdly, at pleasure, as may be agreeable to the parties. in the latter case, the parties may fire at their reasonable leisure, but second presents and rests are strictly prohibited. "rule .--in all cases a miss-fire is equivalent to a shot, and a snap or a non-cock is to be considered as a miss-fire. "rule .--seconds are bound to attempt a reconciliation before the meeting takes place, or after sufficient firing or hits, as specified. "rule .--any wound sufficient to agitate the nerves and necessarily make the hands shake, must end the business for that day. "rule .--if the cause of meeting be of such a nature that no apology or explanation can or will be received, the challenged takes his ground, and calls on the challenger to proceed as he chooses: in such cases firing at pleasure is the usual practice, but may be varied by agreement. "rule .--in slight cases, the second hands his principal but one pistol; but in gross cases, two, holding another case ready charged in reserve. "rule .--when seconds disagree, and resolve to exchange shots themselves, it must be at the same time and at right angles with their principals. "if with swords, side by side, at five paces interval. "n.b. all matters and doubts not herein mentioned, will be explained and cleared up by application to the committee, who meet alternately at clonmell and galway, at their quarter sessions, for the purpose. "crow ryan, president." "james keog, "amby bodkin, secretaries." additional galway articles "rule .--no party can be allowed to bend his knee or cover his side with his left hand; but may present at any level from the hip to the eye. "rule .--one can neither advance nor retreat, if the ground be measured. if the ground be unmeasured, either party may advance at pleasure, even to touch muzzle; but neither can advance on his adversary after the fire, unless his adversary step forward on him. "the seconds stand responsible for this last rule being strictly observed; bad cases have accrued from neglecting it." this precise and enlightened digest was rendered necessary by the multitude of quarrels that arouse without "sufficient dignified provocation:" the point of honor men required a uniform government; and the code thus formed was disseminated throughout the island, with directions that it should be strictly observed by all gentlemen, and kept in their pistol cases. the rules, with some others, were commonly styled "the thirty-six commandments," and, according to the author, have been much acted upon down to the present day. tipperary and galway were the chief schools of duelling. we remember to have heard, in travelling to the town of the former name in a stage coach, a dispute between two irish companions, on the point, which was the most gentlemanly country in all ireland--tipperary or galway? and both laid great stress upon the relative duelling merits of those counties. by the same criterion, tennessee, kentucky, georgia and south carolina, would bear away the palm of gentility among the states of the union. knights of malta - by r. cohen late scholar of wadham college, oxford the lothian prize essay for (university of oxford) contents chapter i settlement at malta, - departure from rhodes--residence in italy--settlement in malta, --condition of the mediterranean--the corsairs--turkey--fortification of malta--loss of english "langue"--enterprises of the order--solyman decides to attack malta chapter ii the siege of malta, preparations--size of opposing forces--siege of st. elmo--arrival of dragut--capture of st. elmo, june --death of dragut--siege of main fortresses--great losses on both sides--arrival of reinforcements from sicily--turks evacuate island chapter iii the constitution of the order of st. john classes in the order--langues--chapter-general--councils--grand master--bishop of malta--finances--justice--criminal council--court of Égard--the hospital chapter iv the decline, - decadence of turkey--knights become anachronism--valetta built--fortifying the island--disturbances in the order--quarrels with different powers--treatment of the maltese--buildings in valetta--papal interference--naval operations--independence of the order chapter v the fall, - attacks on the order during the french revolution--french estates confiscated--poverty of the order--tsar paul i.--french schemes--napoleon appears off malta--condition of the island--its capture--dispersion of the order appendix i. appendix ii. books consulted note on the authorities knights of malta chapter i settlement at malta - . on january , , a fleet of fifty vessels put out from the harbour at rhodes for an unknown destination in the west. on board were the shattered remnants of the order of st. john of jerusalem, accompanied by , rhodians, who preferred the knights and destitution to security under the rule of the sultan solyman. the little fleet was in a sad and piteous condition. many of those on board were wounded; all--knights and rhodians alike--were in a state of extreme poverty. for six months they had resisted the full might of the ottoman empire under its greatest sultan, solyman the magnificent; europe had looked on in amazed admiration, but had not ventured to move to its rescue. now they were leaving the home their order had possessed for years, and were sailing out to beg from christendom another station from which to attack the infidel once again. the knights of rhodes--as they were called at the time--were the only real survivors of the militant order of chivalry. two centuries earlier their great rivals, the templars, had been dissolved, and a large part of their endowments handed over to the hospitallers. the great secret of the long and enduring success of the order of st. john was their capacity for adapting themselves to the changing needs of the times. the final expulsion of the christians from syria had left the templars idle and helpless, and the loss of the outlets for their energy soon brought corruption and decay with the swift consequence of dissolution. all through the history of the great orders we find the kings of europe on the lookout for a chance to seize their possessions: any excuse or pretext is used, sometimes most shamelessly. an order of knighthood that failed to perform the duties for which it was founded was soon overtaken by disaster. the hospitallers had realised, as early as , that their former rôle of mounted knights fighting on land was gone for ever. from their seizure of rhodes, in , they became predominantly seamen, whose flag, with its eight-pointed cross, struck terror into every infidel heart. nothing but a combination of christian monarchs could cope with the superiority of the turk on land: by sea he was still vulnerable. the knights took up their new part with all their old energy and determination: it is but typical that henceforward we never hear of the "knights" of malta fighting as cavalry. after various adventures the fleet found itself united at messina, whence it proceeded to baiae. the election to the papacy of the cardinal de' medici--one of their own order--as clement vii., gave the knights a powerful protector. he assigned viterbo as a residence for the order till a permanent home had been discovered. villiers de l'isle adam, grand master of the order, was faced with many difficulties. remembering the fate of the templars, he was afraid that the order would disperse, and its present helpless condition was surely tending to disintegration. at this time the war between charles v. and francis i. was at its height, and the quarrel between france and spain was reflected within the ranks of the hospitallers. as the french and spanish knights formed the greater part of the members, the unity of the order was threatened by the quarrels between them that arose out of national sentiment. the reformation was rapidly spreading, and was likely to prove dangerous to the lands of the order in northern europe, and various monarchs were meditating the seizure of the hospitallers' estates now that the order was temporarily without a justification for its existence. the grand master showed himself a skilful diplomat, as well as a brave soldier. from to the order remained without a home, while l'isle adam visited the different european courts to stay the grasping hands of the various kings. all this time negotiations were proceeding between charles v. and the knights for the cession of malta. the harsh conditions which the emperor insisted upon in his offer made the knights reluctant to accept, while his preoccupation with the war against france made negotiations difficult. further, the cause of the knights had been damaged when the pope--who had acted as their intercessor--joined the ranks of charles's enemies, and clement vii. was now a prisoner in the emperor's hands. in march, , an agreement was finally arrived at, which was the most favourable the emperor would grant. one harassing burden the knights could not escape: charles insisted that tripoli must go with malta, a gift which meant a useless drain upon their weak resources, and which fell in to dragut-reis and the turkish forces at the first serious attack. l'isle adam had insisted that he could not take the island over as a feudatory to the king of spain, as that was contrary to the fundamental idea of the order--its impartiality in its relations to all the christian powers. the only condition of service, therefore, that was made was nominal: the grand master henceforth was to send, on all souls' day, a falcon to the viceroy of sicily as a token of feudal sub-mission.[ ] this was a splendid bargain for the emperor. malta had hitherto been worthless to him, but henceforth it became one of the finest bulwarks of his dominions. to understand the supreme value of the island, we must take a glance at sea power in the mediterranean in the sixteenth century. the beginning of the century had seen the growth of the corsairs' strength to a most alarming extent. while all the european powers were fighting among themselves, these barbary corsairs (as they were later called) had become the terror of the western mediterranean. spain, by its unrelenting persecution of the moriscoes, following on centuries of bitter conflict between christian and mussulman, had earned the undying hatred of the dwellers on the north african coast, many of whom were the children of the expelled moors. these moors had wasted their energy in desultory warfare up to the beginning of the sixteenth century, when the genius of the two brothers, uruj and khair-ed-din barbarossa, had organised them into the pirate state of algiers, which was to be a thorn in the side of christendom for over three centuries. the corsairs were not content with merely attacking ships at sea: they made raids on the spanish, italian, and sicilian sea-boards, burning and looting for many miles inland. the inhabitants of these parts were driven off as captives to fill the bagnios of algiers, tunis, bizerta, and other north african towns. these prisoners were used as galley slaves, and the life of a galley slave was generally so short that there was no difficulty of disposing of all the captives that could be seized. cupidity, allied with fanaticism, gave this state of war a cruelty beyond conception: both sides displayed such undaunted courage and such fierce personal hatred as to make men wonder, even in that hard and bitter century. those low-lying galleys, which were independent of the wind, were ideal pirates' craft in the gentle mediterranean summer, and many a slumbering spanish or italian village would be startled into terror by their sudden approach. the audacity of their methods is illustrated by the raid on fundi in , when barbarossa swooped down on that town simply to seize giulia gonzaga--reputed the loveliest woman in italy--for the sultan's harem: the fair duchess of trajetto hardly escaped in her nightdress. the eastern mediterranean, after the capture of rhodes, was almost entirely a turkish preserve. though venice at this period still kept her hold on cyprus and crete, the former of which was not yielded by the republic till and the latter till , yet the treaty of constantinople in had definitely reduced the position of venice in the levant from an independent power to a tolerated ally. the growth of the ottoman sea power had been alarming enough, but it became a distinct menace to the christian powers of the mediterranean when the corsair chiefs of the north african coast became turkish vassals. all the african coast from morocco to suez, the coast of asia minor, and the european coast from the bosphorus to albania (with the exception of a few islands), were in turkish hands. from , with the conquest of the crimea, the black sea had become a turkish lake, and under solyman the magnificent the turks had become masters of aden and the red sea, with a strong influence along the arabian and persian coasts. malta, then as always, was of supreme strategic importance for the domination of the mediterranean. it lay right in the centre of the narrow channel connecting the eastern and western mediterranean, and, in the hands of such a small but splendidly efficient band of sailors as the knights hospitallers, was sure to become a source of vexation to the mighty turkish empire. though not so convenient as rhodes for attacking turkish merchant shipping, yet it had one advantage, in that it lay close to christian shores and could easily be succoured in the hour of need. a small, highly defensible island, strengthened by all the resources of engineering, it could, and did, become one of the most invulnerable fortresses in the world, and of the utmost importance for the control of the mediterranean. charles v., therefore, made a splendid bargain when he handed over the neglected island to the order of st. john, even had the gift been unconditional. the knights rendered him valuable service by sharing in the several expeditions the spaniards undertook to the african coast. barbarossa, by the capture of tunis from the old hafside dynasty in , threatened the important channel between sicily and africa, which it was essential for charles v. to keep open. in the next year, therefore, the emperor attacked the town and conquered it without much difficulty. the victory was unfortunately stained by the inhuman excesses of the imperial troops, and charles's hold on tunis was very short-lived. in came the miserable fiasco of the spanish expedition to algiers. here, also, the knights behaved with their usual bravery; but charles's disregard of the advice of his admiral, andrea doria, resulted in the failure of the whole expedition. in these and other expeditions the knights took part: some--like the attack in on mehedia[ ]--were successful, others--like the siege of the isle of jerbah in --ended in disaster. such was the importance of malta when the knights took over the island in . the first need was to put it into a state of defence. on the northeast of the island was the promontory of mount sceberras, flanked by the two fine harbours, the marsa muscetto and what was later known as the grand harbour.[ ] the eastern side of the grand harbour was broken by three prominent peninsulas, later occupied by fort ricasoli, fort st. angelo, and fort st. michael. the only fortification in was the fort of st. angelo, with a few guns and very weak walls. the intention of the knights, even from the beginning, was to make the main peninsula, mount sceberras, the seat of their "convent"; but as that would mean the leveling of the whole promontory, a task of enormous expense and difficulty, and as immediate defence was necessary, they decided to occupy the peninsula of st. angelo for the present. wedged between st. angelo and the mainland there was a small town, "il borgo": this, for the present, the knights made their headquarters, drawing a line of entrenchments across the neck of the promontory to guard it from the neighboring heights. when it became certain that malta was to be its permanent home--for l'isle adam had at first cherished hopes of recapturing rhodes--the order proceeded to take further measures for its security. both st. angelo and il borgo were strengthened with ramparts and artillery, and the fortifications of the città notabile, the main town in the centre of the island, were improved. in a commission of three knights with leo strozzi, the prior of capua, at its head--one of the most daring corsairs of the day--made a report of the fortifications of the island. they recommended strengthening il borgo and st. angelo, and pointed out that the whole promontory was commanded by st. julian, the southernmost of the three projections into the grand harbour. further, as it was necessary to command the entrances both of marsa muscetto and of the grand harbour, the tip, at least, of mount sceberras should be occupied, as the finances of the order would not allow of anything further being done. these recommendations were carried out, and fort st. michael was built on st. julian and fort st. elmo on the end of mount sceberras. a few years later the grand master de la sangle supplied the obvious deficiencies of st. julian by enclosing it on the west and the south by a bastioned rampart. now the commitments of the order in tripoli proved a constant drain on its resources. time after time charles v. was appealed to for help in holding tripoli, which was very difficult to fortify because of the sandy nature of the soil, and difficult to succour because of its distance from malta. but charles v. was at once reluctant to let go his grip of any parts of the african coast, and too much absorbed by his own troubles to be able to render much help, however much he might have desired to do so. it was obvious that the first determined attack of the turks would mean the fall of tripoli. in , after putting in an appearance off malta, dragut, the successor of barbarossa, sailed to tripoli and easily captured the place owing to the disaffection of the mercenary troops in the garrison. during this period, - , the order lost for ever one of the eight national divisions or "langues." henry viii., soon after the fall of rhodes, had shown himself unfriendly to the interests of the order, but had been appeased by a visit of l'isle adam in february, .[ ] but henry's proceedings against the pope and the monasteries inevitably involved the order of st. john, which had large possessions both in england and in ireland. the grand priory of england was situated at clerkenwell, and the grand prior held the position in the house of lords of the connecting link between the lords spiritual and the barons, coming after the former in rank and before the latter. there is extant a letter written by henry viii. in to the grand master, juan d'omedes, wherein conditions are laid down for the maintenance of the order in england. the two main stipulations were, that any englishman admitted into the order must take an oath of allegiance to the king, and that no member in england must in any way recognise the jurisdiction or authority of the pope. henry was well aware that the knights could never consent to terms such as these, which were the negation of the fundamental principle of international neutrality of their order. henry's offers were refused, and the english langue, which had a brilliant record in the order, perished. many of the knights fled to malta; others were executed for refusing obedience to the act of supremacy. a general confiscation of their property took place, and in april, , an act of parliament was passed vesting all the property of the order in the crown, and setting aside from the revenues of such properties certain pensions to be paid to the lord prior and other members. the grand prior, sir william weston, died soon after, before he could enjoy his pension of £ , a year. with the accession of mary, in , negotiations were at once opened with the knights for the restoration of the english langue, and during her reign the old order was restored once again, though the lands were not returned. but elizabeth, in the first year of her reign, suppressed the knights for good and all. in north africa, philip ii., on his accession, had taken over the troubles of his father, and after the corsairs had failed in their attack on the spanish ports of oran and mazarquivir, he carried the war once more into the enemy's territory. finding themselves isolated, they appealed to their overlord, the aged sultan solyman, to help them against spain. the most important seaman on the turkish side was dragut--pasha of tripoli since --who had been the greatest of barbarossa's lieutenants. in dragut had been surprised and captured by giannetin doria, the nephew of the great admiral, and had served four years chained to the bench of a genoese galley. one of the last acts of khair-ed-din barbarossa had been to ransom his follower in the port of genoa, in , for , crowns, an arrangement of which the genoese afterwards sorely repented. dragut had the ear of the sultan when the appeal for help came from africa, and his suggestion was to attempt the capture of malta. it had become more and more certain that the turks would not leave the island unassailed. not only did the knights lend splendid help to the various christian powers, but they were in themselves a formidable foe. their fleet was always small, six or seven galleys, but they became the dread of every turkish vessel in the mediterranean. annually these red galleys, headed by their black _capitana_, swooped down on the turkish shipping of the levant and brought back many rich prizes. malta grew steadily in wealth, and the island became full of turkish slaves. the generals of the maltese galleys, strozzi, la valette, charles of lorraine, and de romegas, were far more terrible even than the great corsairs, because of their determination to extirpate the infidel. the state of war between the order and the mussulman was recognised by all as something unique; neither side dreamt of a peace or a truce, and only once in the history of the order does there seem to have been the suggestion of an agreement. the fanaticism which actuated the knights in their determination to destroy the infidel made them formidable enemies, despite their fewness in number. solyman the magnificent must have often repented of his clemency in letting the knights leave rhodes alive, and in he decided it would be a fitting end to his reign if he could destroy the worst pest of the mediterranean by capturing malta and annihilating the order of st. john of jerusalem. [footnote : _vide_ appendix i.] [footnote : the chroniclers, such as vertot, often call this town, which was the ancient adrumetum, "africa," and it is therefore necessary to watch their use of that word carefully.] [footnote : see map on p. .] [footnote : this visit caused a great sensation in europe, as de l'isle adam crossed the alps in the depth of winter, and this haste to pay his respects touched the king of england.] chapter ii the siege of malta . the grand master of the knights of malta in was jean parisot de la valette. born in of a noble family in quercy, he had been a knight of st. john all his life, and forty-three years before had distinguished himself at the siege of rhodes. he had never left his post at the "convent" except to go on his "caravans,"[ ] as the cruises in the galleys were named. as a commander of the galleys of the "religion," as the order called itself, he had won a name that stood conspicuous in that age of great sea captains; and in , on the death of the grand master de la sangle, the knights, mindful of the attack that was sure to come, elected la valette to the vacant office. no better man could be found even in the ranks of the order. passionately religious, devoted body and soul to his order and faith, jean de la valette was prepared to suffer all to the death rather than yield a foot to the hated infidel. unsparing of himself, he demanded utter sacrifice from his subordinates, and his cold, unflinching severity would brook no hesitation. both sides spent the winter and spring of in preparations for the great attack. the grand master sent a message to all the powers of europe; but philip ii., who sent him some troops, and the pope, who sent him , crowns, alone responded to his appeal. the message sent to the various commanderies[ ] throughout europe brought the knights in haste to the defence of their beloved convent. the maltese militia was organised and drilled and proved of great value in the siege, and even galley slaves were released on promise of faithful service. altogether la valette seems to have had at his disposal about , men (though the authorities differ slightly as to the exact figures). of these over were knights with their attendants, about , were hired troops, about , were volunteers, chiefly from italy, and the remainder maltese militia and galley slaves. the turkish fleet at the beginning consisted of vessels, of which were galleys; and the troops on board consisted of about , men, of whom , belonged to the select troops of the janissaries. twice during the siege the ottomans received reinforcements: first, dragut himself with galleys and , men, and later, hassan, viceroy of algiers and son of khair-ed-din barbarossa, with , corsairs. altogether the ottoman forces at the maximum, inclusive of sailors, must have exceeded , men. a small reinforcement of men, of whom were knights, contrived to steal through the turkish lines on june ; but that was all the help the garrison received before september. [illustration: plan to illustrate siege of malta ] the turkish army was under the command of mustapha pasha, and the fleet under that of piali. both had received orders not to take any steps without the advice of dragut. it would have been far better for the turkish cause had the corsair been in supreme command, for his skill as an artilleryman was famous. but there had always been trouble in the ottoman fleet when a corsair was in command. the proud turkish generals were unwilling to be under the orders of men who were of doubtful antecedents, and whom they despised in their hearts as low-born robbers. even barbarossa, acknowledged by all to be the greatest seaman in the turkish empire, could not enforce strict obedience in the campaign of prevesa in . the grand vizier ibrahim had seen the folly of putting generals in command of fleets, and had therefore secured the promotion of barbarossa: but ibrahim was now dead, and solyman, bereft of his wise counsel, made a compromise. on may the turkish fleet was sighted off the island, and almost immediately the army disembarked, partly at marsa scirocco, and partly at st. thomas's bay. the first misfortune was the non-appearance of dragut at the rendezvous, and in his absence mustapha and piali decided to attack st. elmo and to leave to dragut the responsibility of sanctioning the operations or breaking them off. batteries were erected on mount sceberras, in which ten -pounders were brought into action, besides a huge basilisk throwing balls of pounds, and two -pounder _coulevrines_. the turks at the height of their power put great faith in novel and massive artillery, which, though clumsy, and at times more dangerous to their own gunners than the enemy, was terribly effective at the short distance it was placed from st. elmo. the walls of the fortress soon began to crumble under the continuous bombardment, and the garrison, which had been increased to knights and two companies of spanish infantry, soon felt the position untenable without reinforcements. as an attack had not yet been delivered la valette was incensed at the appeal for help and offered to go himself to hold the fort; his council dissuaded him from doing so, and he permitted knights and spanish troops to cross to st. elmo. it was of the utmost importance that st. elmo should be held to the last minute. not only did it delay the attack on the main forts, but don garcia de toledo, the viceroy of sicily, had made it a condition in his arrangements with the grand master, before the siege, that st. elmo must be held if the reinforcements from sicily were to be sent. at this point--june --dragut arrived with his galleys and expressed nothing but disapproval for the turkish operations. he pointed out that the besiegers should have isolated the fortifications from the rest of the island before proceeding to attack st. elmo; but, as the siege had started, he insisted on continuing it as vigorously as possible. he erected a powerful battery on the summit of mount sceberras, which swept both fort st. angelo and fort st. elmo, and erected another on the headland opposite st. elmo on the other side of the marsa muscetto, which was henceforth known as point dragut. as soon as this was done the bombardment restarted with relentless fury. the knights made a sortie to destroy some of the turkish guns, but were driven back, and the turks then captured and held a covered way leading up to a ravelin; a few days later, taking advantage of the negligence of the garrison, they surprised the ravelin itself, and, but for the efforts of a spanish officer, would have captured the fort. after desperate fighting the knights were still holding the fort, but had been unable to recapture the ravelin. the next day another attack was made by mustapha, but without avail; the ravelin remained in turkish hands, but it had cost them , men. it was a great gain, however; two guns were mounted on it, and all the turkish artillery, including that of the galleys, began to play on the hapless fort. it was no question of a breach; the walls were gradually destroyed till there was nothing left of the enceinte but a mass of ruins. every part of the fort was directly exposed to the fire of the two guns on the ravelin, and this exposure made the strain on the knights intolerable. the garrison sent a knight, renowned for his bravery, to report these conditions to the grand master and to ask for permission to withdraw. la valette, feeling it imperative that the fort should hold out to the last minute, sent him back with orders that it was to be defended to the end. the garrison, amazed by his reply, sent a prayer for relief, failing which they would sally forth, sword in hand, to meet their death in open fight rather than be buried like dogs beneath the ruins. the grand master received the request with the stern comment that, not only were their lives at the disposal of the order, but the time and manner of their death; but to make sure that their complaints were justified he would send three knights to investigate the condition of the fort. one of the three (probably in collusion with la valette) maintained the fort could be held, and offered himself to hold it with volunteers, who were immediately forthcoming in large numbers; but when the message arrived at st. elmo announcing that the garrison was to be relieved, there was consternation among the defenders, who, now realising the ignominy of their prayer, sent out yet another request to st. angelo, this time to be allowed to hold st. elmo to the death. after some delay the grand master granted the permission. this was june ; on the th the ottomans delivered a grand assault. the fort was attacked on three sides, from mount sceberras and on each flank. the guns of st. angelo rendered great service all day by raking the attacking forces in enfilade, and especially by breaking up the flank attack from the side of the grand harbour. all day long the battle went on with unabating fury; time after time the janissaries burst over the ruined walls, and each time they were repulsed. attacked on all sides, the few defenders fought with dauntless heroism, and when the night fell the maltese cross still waved over the fort. reinforcements were dispatched as soon as night set in, and the volunteers far exceeded all requirements. now at last the turkish commanders perceived that, to capture st. elmo, it must be isolated from st. angelo. in the course of the next few days a battery was constructed on the promontory at the entrance of the grand harbour where fort ricasoli stood in later times, and another was mounted on the side of mount sceberras to sweep the landing place beneath the fort. both batteries cost many turkish lives, but their construction and the extension of the investing trenches to the grand harbour meant the complete isolation of st. elmo. the turks sustained their greatest loss when dragut, while superintending the works, received a wound from which a week later he died. for three days twenty-six guns kept up the bombardment, and on the early morning of june another grand assault was made. three times repulsed and three times renewed, the attack failed in the end, and the handful of surviving knights was left at nightfall in possession of their ruins. all attempts during the night to send reinforcements failed under the fire of dragut's new batteries, and la valette saw that his men were beyond all hope of rescue. the sixty shattered survivors prepared for death; worn out, they betook themselves at midnight to their little chapel, where they confessed and received the eucharist for the last time. dawn found them waiting, even to the wounded, who had been placed in chairs sword in hand to receive the last onslaught. incredible as it may appear, the first assault was driven back, but the attack finally broke up the defence, and, with the exception of a few maltese who escaped by swimming, the garrison perished to a man. june , st. john the baptist's day, was one of sorrow inside the beleaguered fortress. the turks had soiled their victory by mutilating their dead foes and throwing them into the grand harbour; la valette took reprisals, and from that time neither side thought of quarter. nor were the besiegers greatly elated; the tiny fort of st. elmo had delayed them for five weeks and had cost them , men and their best general. the order had lost , men, of whom were knights, and the disparity of the losses shows the impatience and recklessness of the turkish attacks. mustapha now transferred the main part of his army to the other side of the grand harbour, and, drawing a line of entrenchments along the heights on its eastern side, succeeded in investing completely the two peninsulas of senglea and il borgo. batteries were established and a constant bombardment commenced, the main target being fort st. michael at the end of senglea, on which a converging fire was brought to bear. unable to bring his fleet into the grand harbour under the guns of st. angelo, mustapha had eighty galleys dragged across the neck of mount sceberras and launched on the upper waters of the grand harbour. this was a blow to the besieged, as it meant an attack by sea as well as by land, and la valette made all the preparations possible to meet the danger. along the south-west side of senglea, where the beach is low, he constructed, with the aid of his maltese divers, a very firm and powerful stockade to prevent the enemy galleys from running ashore, and he also linked up il borgo and senglea with a floating bridge. on july the turks delivered a grand assault by sea and by land. the attack by sea, under the command of the renegade candellissa, proved the more formidable. at the critical moment the defenders were thrown into confusion by an explosion on the ramparts, during which the turks were able to make their way through the stockade and into the fortress, being checked with difficulty by the desperate resistance of the garrison and finally driven out by a timely reinforcement sent by la valette. ten boatloads of troops sent by mustapha incautiously exposed themselves to the guns of st. angelo and were almost all sunk, while the attack on the land side, led by hassan, viceroy of algiers and son of khaired-din barbarossa, proved an utter failure. as at the siege of rhodes, so at malta, a distinct part of the fortifications had been allotted to each langue to defend. the langue of castile held the north-east section of il borgo, which was destined to be the scene of most desperate fighting. on august a joint attack was made on the land side of senglea and on the bastion of castile. on that day the turks came nearer success than ever before or after. mustapha's desperate attacks on senglea were at last successful: masters of the breach made by their guns, the assailants' weight of numbers began to tell, and slowly the defenders were being pushed back inside the fortress. at this moment, to everyone's amazement, mustapha sounded the retreat. the little garrison of the città notabile, which had been left alone by the turks, had been raiding the enemy's lines as usual, and, hearing the grand assault was in progress, had made a determined attack on the turkish entrenchments from behind, burning and slaying all they could find. the confusion arising from this started the rumour that sicilian reinforcements had landed and were attacking the turkish army. mustapha, in fear of being surrounded, drew off his troops in the moment of victory. meanwhile,[ ] farther north, the bastion of castile had been almost captured by piali. the rock at that part of the fortification was extremely hard, and the possibility of mines had occurred to none of the garrison. piali, however, with great labour, had dug a mine which had been sprung that morning and had blown a huge gap in the ramparts. this unexpected attack threw the whole of il borgo into confusion, and, but for the grand master's promptitude and coolness of mind, the enemy had been masters of the fortress. seizing a pike, la valette rushed into the fight, and, inspired by his example, the knights succeeded in driving the enemy out of the breach. he ordered the garrison to remain there all night, as he expected an attack under the cover of darkness, and insisted on taking the command himself. his subordinates protested against this reckless exposure of a valuable life, but his precautions were justified when a turkish attack made in the darkness was defeated by his prompt resistance. the bombardment continued unceasingly, and on august another desperate assault was made, which, like the other, failed. yet the position of the besieged was becoming desperate: dwindling daily in numbers, they were becoming too feeble to hold the long line of fortifications; but, when his council suggested the abandonment of il borgo and senglea and withdrawal to st. angelo, la valette remained obdurate. why the viceroy of sicily had not brought help will always remain a mystery. possibly the orders of his master, philip ii. of spain, were so obscurely worded as to put on his own shoulders the burden of a decision; a responsibility which he was unwilling to discharge because the slightest defeat would mean exposing sicily to the turk. he had left his own son with la valette, so he could hardly be indifferent to the fate of the fortress, and malta in turkish hands would soon have proved a curse to sicily and naples. whatever may have been the cause of his delay, the viceroy hesitated till the indignation of his own officers forced him to move, and then the battle had almost been won by the unaided efforts of the knights. on august came yet another grand assault, the last serious effort, as it proved, of the besiegers; it was thrown back with the greatest difficulty, even the wounded taking part in the defence. the plight of the turkish forces, however, was now desperate. with the exception of st. elmo, the fortifications were still intact. by working night and day the garrison had repaired the breaches, and the capture of malta seemed more and more impossible. those terrible summer months with the burning sirocco had laid many of the troops low with sickness in their crowded quarters; ammunition and food were beginning to run short, and the troops were becoming more and more dispirited at the failure of their numerous attacks and the unending toll of lives. the death of dragut, on june , had proved an incalculable loss, and the jealousy between mustapha and piali prevented their co-operation. the whole course of the siege had been marked by a feverish haste and a fear of interruption, which showed itself in ill-drawn plans. dragut himself, early in the siege, had pointed out the necessity of more foresight, but his warnings went unheeded. the turkish commanders took few precautions, and, though they had a huge fleet, they never used it with any effect except on one solitary occasion. they neglected their communications with the african coast and made no attempt to watch and intercept sicilian reinforcements. on september mustapha made his last effort, but all his threats and cajoleries had but little effect on his dispirited troops, who refused any longer to believe in the possibility of capturing those terrible fortresses. the feebleness of the attack was a great encouragement to the besieged, who now began to see hopes of deliverance. mustapha's perplexity and indecision were cut short by the news of the arrival of sicilian reinforcements in melleha bay. hastily evacuating his trenches, he embarked his army; but, on learning that the new troops numbered but some , , was overcome by shame and put ashore to fight the reinforcements. it was all in vain, however, for his troops would not stand the fierce charge of the new-comers, and, helped by the determination of his rearguard, safely re-embarked and sailed away on september . at the moment of departure the order had left men capable of bearing arms, but the losses of the ottomans had been yet more fearful. the most reliable estimate puts the number of the turkish army at its height at some , men, of which but , returned to constantinople. it was a most inglorious ending to the reign of solyman the magnificent. [footnote : a reminiscence of the syrian days of the order.] [footnote : the name given to the different estates of the hospitallers scattered throughout europe: they were so called because they were each in charge of a "commander," sometimes also named a "preceptor," from his duty of receiving and training novices.] [footnote : most historians make this event part of the attack of august . but prescott (_philip ii_., vol. ii., p. ) points out that balbi, who is undoubtedly the best authority for the siege as he was one of the garrison, places it on august .] chapter iii the constitution of the order of st. john before proceeding to trace the history of the last two centuries of the knights at malta it will perhaps be advisable to examine the organisation of an order which was the greatest and most long-lived of all the medieval orders of chivalry. the siege of was its last great struggle with its mortal foe; after that there is but little left for the historian but to trace its gradual decadence and fall. and, as might be expected in a decadent society, though outwardly the constitution changed but little in the last two centuries, yet gradually the statutes of the order and the actual facts became more and more divergent. there were three classes of members in the hospitallers, who were primarily distinguished from each other by their birth, and who were allotted different functions in the order. the knights of justice[ ] were the highest class of the three and were the only knights qualified for the order's highest distinctions. each langue had its own regulations for admitting members, and all alike exercised severe discrimination. various kinds of evidence were necessary to prove the pure and noble descent of the candidate. the german was the strictest and most exacting of the langues, demanding proof of sixteen quarters of nobility and refusing to accept the natural sons of kings into the ranks of its knights. italy was the most lenient, since banking and trade were admitted as no stain on nobility, while most of the other langues insisted on military nobility only. the chaplains, who formed the second class of the order, were required to be of honest birth and born in wedlock of families that were neither slaves nor engaged in base or mechanical trades. the same regulations were in force for the third class--that of servants-at-arms, who served under the knights both on land and sea. as the military character of the order became less and less marked in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, these servants-at-arms became fewer and fewer, but in earlier days they were of considerable importance. the chaplains performed their duties at the convent or on the galleys; the priests at the various commanderies throughout europe were a class apart, known as priests of obedience, and never came to malta, but resided permanently in their respective countries. a number of commanderies was allotted to the two inferior classes. the order, as we know, was an international one, and for purposes of administration was divided into sections or langues. in the sixteenth century there were eight of these divisions, which, in order of seniority, were provence, auvergne, france, italy, aragon, england, germany, and castile. when henry viii. suppressed the english langue in , the knights, with a reluctance to face the facts which was characteristic of a proud order of chivalry, kept up the fiction of its existence. in , when the elector of bavaria secured the establishment of a bavarian langue, it was united to the dormant langue of england and named the anglo-bavarian. each langue had its own quarters at the convent known as the "auberge," presided over by a "conventual bailiff," who in all matters was the head of the langue. each conventual bailiff had an important office in the hierarchy of the order which was permanently appurtenant to the headship of that langue. thus the conventual bailiff of the langue of france was always the grand hospitaller in charge of the hospital of the order, while that of england was turcopolier, or commander of the light cavalry--a survival from the syrian days. the possessions of each langue in its native land were divided into grand priories and bailiwicks. thus england, which meant the possessions throughout the british isles, was divided into the grand priory of england at clerkenwell, the grand priory of ireland at kilmainham, and the bailiwick of the eagle, which was situated near lincoln and had originally belonged to the templars. these grand priors and bailiffs of each langue, as well as its conventual bailiff, were all knights grand cross, and, as such, entitled to seats in the chapter-general of the order. the supreme control of the order was vested in the chapter-general, consisting of all the knights grand cross. though these chapters-general were often convened in the early history of the order, their difficulty of assembly and their clumsy method of procedure made them less and less frequently summoned, as the grand master had it in his power to convoke it when he pleased, though an interval of five years--later extended to ten--had been sanctioned by custom. in the seventeenth century the institution fell into utter disuse, and there was no meeting of the chapter-general from to , when its uselessness was finally demonstrated. when the chapter-general was not sitting the government of the order was carried on by the grand master and the councils, known as the ordinary, complete, secret, and criminal. the ordinary council consisted of the grand master, the conventual bailiffs, together with any grand cross residing at the convent. this council, as its name indicates, transacted the ordinary business of government, which mainly consisted of appointing to these offices and making those arrangements which were not definitely assigned to the grand master himself. the secret and criminal councils, respectively, dealt with foreign affairs and offences against the statutes, while the complete, consisting of the ordinary council with the addition of two knights from each langue of more than five years' residence at the convent, dealt with appeals from the other councils. in the later days of the order the pernicious practice of appealing to the pope destroyed all semblance of authority in this council. the election of the grand master was an exceedingly complicated affair, the intention being to prevent intrigue. each langue solemnly elected three knights to represent it, and this body of twenty-four chose a triumvirate, which consisted of a knight, a chaplain, and a servant-at-arms. these three co-opted a fourth, and the four a fifth, and so on, till the number of sixteen was reached, and this body of sixteen elected the grand master. every stage of the proceedings was hedged about with meticulous precautions to prevent intrigue and corruption, and it was a thoroughly typical medieval attempt to secure an honest election. the framers of the order's statutes had taken the precaution of limiting the authority of the grand master by a minute enumeration of all his rights. but, as the order developed into a purely military body, even officially his powers became greater. no subject for discussion could be introduced at the councils except by himself; he had a double vote, and, in case of an equal division, a casting vote also; he had the right of nomination to many administrative posts besides all those of his own household, and in each priory there was a commandery in his own gift whose revenues went to himself. but even such wide powers were less than the reality. while the order was at rhodes, and during the first half-century at malta, it was obviously necessary that the grand master should possess the powers of a commander-in-chief. as a purely military body, surrounded by powerful foes, the order was in the position of an army encamped in enemy territory. further, the absolute possession of rhodes, and later of malta, tended to give the grand masters the rank of independent sovereigns, and the outside world regarded them as territorial potentates rather than as heads of an order of aristocratic knights. but when the order's existence was no longer threatened the grand master's position was assailed from many sides. no one, while reading the history of the knights, can fail to be impressed by the numerous disturbances among them during the last years of the order. drawn from the highest ranks of the nobility, young, rich, and with very little to occupy their time (except when on their "caravans"), the knights were perpetually quarrelling among themselves or defying the constituted authorities of the order. charles v. had insisted on keeping in his own hands the nomination of the bishopric of malta, and the custom grew up that the bishop of malta and the prior of st. john--the two most important ecclesiastics in the order--should be chosen from the chaplains who were natives of the island. this was intended as a compensation for an injury which had been inflicted on the maltese. to prevent the grand mastership falling into the hands of a native, the maltese members of the order were unable to vote at the election. the bishop was often engaged in quarrels with the grand master, and the disputes were generally carried to the pope, who, as the head of christendom, was regarded as having supremacy over all religious orders. but the pope himself often encroached upon the rights of the order, not only by sending nuncios to malta with large and undefined powers, but by arrogating to himself the patronage of the langue of italy when he wished to bestow gifts upon his relatives and friends. this led to bitter resentment among the italian knights, who saw all the lucrative posts of their langue given away to strangers. the introduction of the inquisition in and the jesuits in , brought additional disputes about the chief authority in the island, and these different ecclesiastical personages had no hesitation in interfering in matters which should have been entirely beyond their province. many a grand master of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had his time occupied in efforts to assert his authority. the grand mastership was also weakened by the practice of electing very old men to the post, as the short tenure of the office and the feebleness of its holder meant a lax control over the turbulent knights. this practice became very common in the last two centuries of the order's existence. but many of the grand masters, though over seventy at the time of election, disappointed expectation by living till eighty or even ninety. we possess detailed accounts of the financial system of the order in the work of two knights, boisgelin and boisredon de ransijat, accounts which agree almost entirely. the average revenue of the order before the french revolution was £ , per annum--i.e., the revenue which definitely reached malta. it is to be remembered that this sum only represented the residue which was sent to the _chef-lieu_. the knights possessed over estates throughout europe, each of which, besides sending contributions to malta, maintained several members of the order, gave a liberal income to its commander, and contributed towards the revenues of the grand priory in which it was situated. the chief items of the above sum were: . responsions. a proportion of the net income of each commandery fixed by the chapter-general and liable to increase in case of need--£ , per annum. . mortuary and vacancy. on the death of a commander all the net revenues from the day of his death to the following may went to the treasury: this was the mortuary; the whole revenue of the succeeding year was also sent to malta: this was called the vacancy--£ , per annum. . passages. these were sums paid for admission into the order, and were especially heavy for those who wished to enter the order at an age earlier than that laid down in the statutes--£ , per annum. . spoils. these were the effects of deceased knights, who were only allowed to dispose of one-fifth of their property by will, the remainder going to the treasury--£ , . these made up about five-sixths of the total revenue, the remainder being small sums accruing from various sources, such as the proceeds from the timber of the commanderies (which went entirely to the council), rents from buildings in malta, and so forth. at the height of their prosperity the knights derived a very considerable revenue from their galleys, and just as algiers, tunis, or tripoli throve on piracy, even so the wealth of the east contributed largely to the splendour of malta. but during the seventeenth century various christian powers, such as venice or france, insisted on restricting the knights' claims to unlimited seizure of infidel vessels and infidel property on board ship. as early as the pope had forbidden the order to seize in a christian harbour turkish ships or turkish property on christian ships, and, despite the strenuous opposition of the knights, enforced his commands. the expenditure of the order was, on the whole, within the limits of its revenue. the chief charge upon the expenditure was the fighting forces--the fleet and the garrisons--which together absorbed about half the revenue. of the other items, the most important were the hospital, the churches of the order, and the support of its officers both at the convent and in the various european countries. the knights were never seriously threatened financially till the french revolution wiped out half their revenues at one fell swoop. emergencies were always successfully met by an appeal to the self-denial of the members of the order and the generosity of europe. the control of the revenues was in the hands of the chambre de commun trésor, which consisted of eight officials, the most important of whom were the president, who was always the grand commander (the conventual bailiff of provence, the senior langue of the order), and the secretary through whose hands all the revenues passed. in each langue certain specified towns were used as receiving treasuries, under the control of receivers who paid the money direct to the central treasury; these towns numbered twenty-nine in all. these receivers obtained the revenues from each estate or commandery within their district. at first the order had possessed one common chest, but with the growth of its possessions each grand prior was put in control of his priory's revenues; this proving unsatisfactory, from the difficulty of exercising control over these powerful knights, the finances of each estate were administered by the commanders themselves, who dealt directly with the receivers in their area. they paid their quota or "responsions" biennially, and were subject to inspection from their grand priors; commanderies were rewards to aged knights, and good administration brought promotion to richer estates. the criminal council, which consisted of the grand master, the bishop of malta, the prior of st. john, the conventual bailiffs, and any grand crosses present at the convent, dealt with offences against the estates of the order. the accused were brought in, the evidence taken, and the verdict declared. all evidence was verbal and no written testimony was accepted; each knight, unless he could show good reason to the contrary, had to plead in person. any english or german knights, who knew only their own tongue and so had difficulty in being understood, were allowed advocates. the order, by its statutes, discouraged litigation to the utmost, desiring to promote concord and harmony among its members, and for that reason all legal procedure was made as simple and as summary as possible. in such an exclusive and aristocratic order there was naturally much jealousy of the power of its head. facts gave the grand master a very strong position, but technically he was only _primus inter pares_. to make sure the knights were not oppressed, they were always at liberty to disregard the grand master's or any superior's command and to appeal to a court of Égard to prove that the given command was a violation of the order's statutes. the court of Égard consisted of nine members, each langue choosing one from its own ranks, and the grand master appointing the president. either disputant could object to any member of the court, whereupon that member's langue chose a substitute. after hearing the evidence, which was entirely oral, the court discussed the case behind closed doors and came to a decision. the litigants were called back, and if they agreed to accept the verdict the court's decision was announced and was deemed final; if they refused to accept it, an appeal lay to another court, called the renfort of the Égard, which was constituted by each langue electing another member, thus doubling the original number. the same procedure was carried out as in the first court, and if the litigants expressed themselves still dissatisfied, a new court was summoned, called the renfort of the renfort, which was formed by the election from each langue of another member, thus making twenty-five with the president. if their decision was not accepted a final court of appeal, called the bailiffs' Égard, was formed by the addition of the conventual bailiffs, or, if absent, their lieutenants, and their decision was final. this admirable court of equity existed almost unaltered right down to . the hospital was a characteristic institution of the order, and deserves some mention. originally the chief scene of their activities, the hospital was never forgotten by the knights. their first duty, wherever they went, was always to build a hospital to tend the sick, and to the end every knight at the convent, in theory at least, went to take his turn in attending at the hospital for one day in the week. the site of the hospital, on the south-east side of valetta, has been condemned by science as unhealthy, and it is very easy with modern knowledge to find many faults in its organisation. howard, in his "lazarettos in europe," in , gave a vivid description of its condition and exposed its defects. at that time, however, the hospital was sharing the general decadence of the order, and discipline had become very lax. but, even so, the hospital was far superior to most other hospitals in europe and still kept much of that distinction it had acquired in the great days of the order. we must remember that hospital organisation is a very recent science, and it would be unfair to accuse the knights of neglecting what had not yet been discovered. their hospital was one of the most famous in europe, and was used by many from sicily and southern italy as well as by the natives of malta. it was open to all who wished to use it, and the attendance of patients from a distance proved that it supplied a need. the hospital, which had generally over invalids, was maintained at great cost to the order, and the regulations were drawn up with great care, though they reveal an amazing ignorance of some fundamental laws of health. patients, for instance, who were members of the order received meals twice as large as other patients. [footnote : so called because they were knights "by right" of noble birth.] chapter iv the decline - . the history of the order of st. john after the siege of malta in is a sad story of gradual and inevitable decay. the magnificent heroism of the knights at the siege raised their fame throughout europe to the highest pitch, and the siege was rightly regarded as one of the first decisive checks received by the ottoman conquerors. it is easy to imagine the anxious expectation of europe in that summer of , when the heretic queen of england ordered prayers to be offered in the diocese of salisbury for the safety of the knights of st. john. the battle of lepanto, six years later, despite its lack of immediate results, dissolved the spell which the invincibility of the ottoman fleet had woven, and in the seventeenth century the turkish empire showed plainly that it had passed its meridian. now that they were in a weakened condition, the ottomans, though never fully regarded as a european power, were more acceptable to the christian states, most of whom followed the example of francis i. and concluded commercial agreements and treaties with the porte. the turk was no longer regarded as a being beyond human intercourse, and the levant trade was too valuable to be ignored by france, england, or the italian republics. the knights of malta, with their attitude of truceless war against the infidel, were thus becoming more and more of an anachronism as time went on. they never concluded peace with the sultan, and always regarded the possessions of the infidel as fair and lawful booty. it was obviously impossible for the christian states trafficking in turkish waters to allow such a theory to go unchallenged, and we therefore find the order quarrelling with the pope, venice, england, and france, as to their rights of seizure of turkish goods in christian vessels or of turkish vessels in christian harbours. in this led to a dispute with gregory xiii., and in with louis xiv., and the knights were forced to confine their attentions to turkish vessels trading between turkish ports. england was destined later to incur similar trouble with neutrals for a similar theory of international law. had the knights wished, their unending warfare against the mohammedan would have found a suitable enemy in the barbary corsairs, who were a plague to europe right to the year ; but though we find many a struggle between knight and corsair in the seventeenth century, the sloth and decadence that were mastering the order made it gradually neglect its duty in that direction. whatever energies they had were more profitably spent in the levant; for the knights, in their seafaring expeditions, became little more than corsairs themselves. when it was necessary, as at the twenty-five years' siege of candia ( - ), the knights displayed once more that magnificent heroism that had made their name ring throughout the world. we find through the seventeenth century many a display of bravery, but they became more and more infrequent, till, in the eighteenth century, the order's squadron was used for little else but show voyages to different mediterranean ports. it was becoming too great a task even to raid turkish merchantmen. after the siege it was determined to move the _chef-lieu_ of the order from il borgo to mount sceberras, and on march , , the building of valetta was commenced. it was originally intended to bring the hill down to a certain level and on the plateau thus constructed to build the city. the fear of another turkish invasion, however, did not allow of the completion of this plan, with the result that valetta consists of a long, narrow plateau with slopes descending to marso muscetto on one side and the grand harbour on the other. the difficulty of moving about in this hilly town is commemorated in byron's lines: adieu, ye joys of la valette, adieu, sirocco, sun, and sweat, adieu, ye cursed streets of stairs, how surely he who mounts you swears. each grand master strove to enlarge and strengthen the town's fortifications, with the result that, in the eighteenth century, valetta was recognised as one of the greatest fortresses in the world. the building and upkeep of these fortifications proved a great drain upon the resources of the order, and served but little purpose, except that of ministering to the vanity of successive grand masters, who desired to leave behind them memorials of themselves by bestowing their name upon a new fort or outwork. the continual increase of security and strength did not serve to improve the daring of the knights, but rather helped to engender a condition of sloth that was destined to prove fatal. this period is marked by constant tumults among the members of the order and by acts of defiance against the grand masters. even in the days of its glory there had been much jealousy and friction between the different nationalities composing the order. the three french langues of provence, auvergne, and france, by acting together, exercised a preponderant influence; they contributed half the revenues of the order, and were generally able to secure their object against the opposition of the remaining knights. the constant wars between spain and france in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries led to constant troubles at malta, and the grand masters throughout this period had great and increasing difficulty in preserving the order's neutrality. many knights broke their oath of obedience by enlisting in the french and spanish armies. when this was discovered, the offended king would make out that the order had taken sides and would threaten it with his vengeance. as the order possessed many estates in both kingdoms, the grand masters were in constant fear that these would be encroached upon if an excuse could be found to justify such an action. but spain, while it possessed the kingdom of the two sicilies, possessed an even surer method of punishing the order. malta, despite all the care lavished upon it, has never been able to produce sufficient corn for its population, and for this reason imported food regularly from sicily, where the order had built granaries for storing the corn while awaiting transshipment. as soon as the knights offended the king of spain malta was plunged into scarcity, and the unhappy natives had often to suffer heavily because the grand master was a frenchman. another result of the wars of france and spain was the frequent internal quarrels at malta. as the feelings of the two nations towards each other were often embittered, it is not surprising to find that french and spanish knights would come to open blows in the streets of valetta. the unhealthy life of those young and idle aristocrats was conducive to turbulence, and the grand masters often adopted the policy of sending them to sea as soon as trouble was foreseen. the french were generally in the preponderance, as we can see from the great number of french grand masters; and the increasing greatness of the french monarchy in the seventeenth century was reflected at malta. the position of the maltese became worse and worse as the order declined. the natives, who had enjoyed a considerable measure of local autonomy under spanish rule, had been very reluctant to submit to the knights, and had protested to charles v. against their surrender to the order, as a violation of the promise given in by alphonse of sicily that malta would never be separated from the sicilian crown. they knew that the order would conduct itself in malta as a garrison in a fortress, and that this would mean strict military control over the inhabitants. it was also probable that the turks would again besiege the knights, as they had done at rhodes in and , and the maltese were strongly averse to being drawn into such danger. during the residence of the knights the native population of valetta was considerably modified. some of the rhodians who had, in , accompanied the knights, came with them to malta; mercenaries who fought for the order sometimes stayed on in the island, and many in this new population were illegitimate children of the knights. for, though the vow of chastity was insisted on to the end as a condition of entrance into the order, in practice, by the eighteenth century, it had become entirely ineffective. at first the knights made but slight inroads on the privileges of the natives, curtailing them only so far as was necessary for their military security, and imposing but few taxes upon them. as the island grew rich with the wealth brought in by the raids of the knights, the condition of the maltese also improved, and while the order flourished it was not an excessive burden to the natives. but when the knights started upon their decline the condition of the islanders deteriorated. they had always suffered from the occasional scarcity due to the ill-humour of the spanish king or the natural failure of the sicilian harvest. but now the taxes became heavier and heavier, and the free services of the maltese, either as labourers in the constant fortifying of valetta, or as soldiers in the garrison, or as sailors in the fleet, were more and more rigorously exacted. many natives lost their lives while fighting with the order, and from the generous behaviour of grand masters to the native women and children, which we find mentioned in chronicles, we can see there was occasionally acute distress in the island. in its degeneracy the order treated the maltese with boundless contempt, as might be expected from spoiled members of the great european aristocracies towards petty islanders. one of the most intolerable forms of the arrogance of the knights during their last years at malta was their disgusting behaviour towards the womenfolk of the natives; complaint was dangerous and futile. when the british captured the island in october, , the mere proposal to restore the order raised such a storm of protest from the maltese as to prove conclusively to all how hated had been the domination of the knights. the splendour of the knights at the height of their greatness can be judged from the many magnificent buildings they constructed in the island. the church of st. john in particular received such careful and lavish attention that it became one of the most splendid churches in christendom, being especially famous for its wonderful mosaic floor. the "auberges" of the various langues were also built in the most magnificent manner, and the palace of the grand master at valetta was a sumptuous building worthy of a king. the decline of the order brought with it a diminution of respect from the nations of europe, and we read of constant and increasing interference from outside in the affairs of the order. the greatest offender was the pope, who had always enjoyed a nominal headship over the order, and who had been kept at a distance with difficulty even while the knights had been at rhodes. the creation of a bishopric at malta, the introduction of the inquisition, and then of the jesuits, had led to constant quarrels between the knights and the ecclesiastics, and from these had arisen the evil practice of appeals to the curia. in the seventeenth century the popes regarded the valuable patronage of the langue of italy as in their gift, and the grand masters were powerless to protect their defrauded knights. the depths of the order's humiliation were shown by the demand of pope urban xiii., in , that the order's galleys should help him fight the league of italian princes which had been formed to resist his invasion of parma. lascaris, the grand master, was unable to refuse, and for the first time the famous red galleys were seen arrayed against christian neighbours. the operations of the knights in the seventeenth century were mainly carried out in alliance with the venetians, who were the one power who continued to resist the turk at sea. they were still lords of the great island of crete, which lay athwart the trade routes of the levant, and only by its conquest would the ottoman control of the eastern mediterranean be complete. in ibrahim i. declared war on venice and besieged candia; but the attack was so remiss that success seemed impossible. the knights of malta threw themselves into the struggle on the side of the venetians, feeling bound in honour to do so, as the refuge of maltese galleys in venetian harbours was the turkish pretext for war. in mocenigo, the venetian admiral, with the aid of the knights, won a brilliant victory off the dardanelles, capturing lemnos and tenedos. this imminent peril brought mohammed kiuprili to power as grand vizier, and the war was thenceforward conducted with great energy by the turks. year after year volunteers flocked to candia to save the last christian outpost in the levant, but it was all fruitless, and in the island, with the exception of three ports, was surrendered to the turks--their last important conquest in europe, and the final term of their advance. the seventeenth century saw the gradual displacement of galleys in favour of sailing ships. the long voyages across the atlantic and to the east had given great impetus to the development of the sailing vessel; its increasing use, and the entrance of england and holland into the mediterranean, had shown the powers of that sea its superiority over the galley; finally, slaves were becoming more difficult to obtain in sufficient quantities, while criminals had never been a satisfactory source of supply. the knights were slow in changing the oar for the sail, and to the end kept a small squadron of galleys as well as men-of-war. when napoleon captured the island, in , he found there two men-of-war, one frigate, and four galleys. the pride and the renown of the order had always demanded a salute from the warships of other nations, and even the mighty louis xiv. yielded this privilege to the little squadron. there is extant an interesting correspondence between charles ii. and the grand master, nicholas cottoner, on the subject of salutes. a squadron of the british fleet, under admiral sir john narborough, had refused to salute valetta unless assured of a response from the guns of the fortress--a mark of respect that the order was unwilling to pay to the british flag. the grand master had also ventured to doubt narborough's rank as admiral, but the affair was amicably settled to the satisfaction of all. though the decline of the order was obvious to europe throughout the eighteenth century, and the value of such a fortress as malta to a mediterranean power apparent to all, yet there is little definite proof of any desire to wrest the island from the knights. of all the nations round the mediterranean, france alone could be said not to be in a state of decay; venice, genoa, and turkey were becoming more and more feeble at sea, and there was little fear of an attack on malta from any of them; and though spain paid great attention to her fleet in the second part of the eighteenth century, there was little reason to fear her aggression. britain was acquiring greater and greater interests in the mediterranean, but most of her attentions were directed to spain and france. while the knights kept their neutrality, however decadent and feeble they might be, there was little fear of their being disturbed. europe still respected the relics of a glorious past of six centuries of unceasing warfare against the moslem; but the moment that past with its survivals became itself anathema the knights and their organisation would collapse at once. the french revolution meant death to the knights of the order of st. john as well as to other bodies of aristocrats. chapter v the fall - . a wealthy order of knights drawn exclusively from the ranks of the nobility was sure to attract the attention of the french revolutionaries. its international character was a cause of offence to the strong french nationalism engendered during the revolution, while its traces of monastic organisation helped to identify the knights with the church. when necker, in the financial distress of the autumn of , appealed for a voluntary contribution from all landowners, the order gave him a third of the revenue of its french commanderies, and later it pledged its credit for , francs to the destitute louis xvi., to help him in the flight that ended so disastrously at varennes. this last act put it in definite opposition to the revolution. the constituent assembly declared the order of st. john to be a foreign power possessing property in france, and, as such, liable to all taxes to be levied on natives, and immediately afterwards a decree was passed declaring that any frenchman belonging to an order of knighthood which demanded proofs of nobility from entrants could not be considered a french citizen. this was followed by the main attack on september , , when all the property in france was declared confiscate and annexed to the french national domains. there was some mention of indemnification to the despoiled knights, but as the necessary condition to a pension was residence in france--a dangerous course for a noble in and --the scheme came to naught. the decree of september, , was the death-blow to the order, and its extinction was simply a matter of time. the course of the war and the constant french successes made their position even more perilous. half the revenues had gone with the confiscation in france; but this was not all, for bonaparte's italian campaigns meant the loss of the order's estates in northern italy, and the conquests of the french on the rhine diminished the german possessions. with decreasing resources and dwindling numbers, the fortress of malta could not long hold out if attacked, and the position of the order was becoming desperate. de rohan, the grand master, temporised and refused to declare war on france, but he seems to have helped the spanish and english fleets by allowing them to recruit at malta, a privilege hitherto granted very sparingly by the knights. but whatever the grand master's policy, no words or pretences could disguise the fact that the french republic by its confiscation had assaulted the order. it was only too probable that france would seize the first opportunity of attacking the order in its own home and by this means increasing its power in the mediterranean. one gleam of light came to cheer the gloom at malta. the third dismemberment of poland had brought the polish priory into the hands of the tsar paul i. among other eccentricities of that monarch was a passionate admiration for chivalry, which he displayed by changing the polish into a russian priory, increasing its revenues to , florins, and incorporating it in the anglo-bavarian langue; he also assumed the title of "protector of the order of malta." in , at ancona, napoleon had intercepted a message from the tsar to the grand master containing this news. plans for the capture of malta took shape in bonaparte's mind, and he sent a cousin of the french consul at malta, poussièlgue by name, to spy out the condition of the island, at the same time ordering admiral brueys, on his journey from corfu to toulon, to examine the situation of malta. when the expedition to egypt was decided upon, the capture of malta formed part of the instructions to napoleon. bonaparte, relying on the demoralisation of the island, intended the capture to be a swift piece of work, and poussièlgue had helped him by winning over some natives and french knights to his side. the grand master, von hompesch, seems to have been utterly unnerved by the bewildering problems before him, and the cowardice and irresolution he displayed were a disgrace to the traditions of the order. speed was essential to the french army, as discovery by nelson would be fatal to bonaparte's plans, but had von hompesch been an utter traitor the capitulation could not have been more sudden and disgraceful and beneficial to the enemy. on june the vanguard of the french appeared off the island, and on the th it was joined by the main fleet, the whole now numbering about sail, of which were ships of the line and were frigates; the grand master had about knights and , men, chiefly maltese, under arms. had this garrison been resolute and united, the fortifications of valetta could have held the french for a considerable time. but the natives were divided, many regarding the french, despite their doubtful career of the last few years, as liberators from a detestable tyranny. two-thirds of the knights were french, and many of them had become infected with republican principles, though the french langues also contained the fiercest opponents to the invaders. bonaparte sent for permission for his fleet to enter the harbour for water and for his soldiers to land--a request which was tantamount to a demand for surrender. von hompesch sent back a conciliatory letter, saying that treaty obligations forbade the entrance of more than four vessels at a time. napoleon thereupon threw off the mask, and during the night landed troops at seven different parts of the island. a slight resistance was encountered from a few detached forts, but by the evening of the th valetta was closely invested. the mob was encouraged by hired emissaries to attack as traitors the knights, who were really the most bitter enemies of the invaders. while napoleon's agents were busy throughout the town, von hompesch sat motionless in his palace, and no subordinate commander would take the responsibility of firing on the besiegers. finally, a party of citizens interviewed von hompesch and threatened to surrender the town if he refused to capitulate. at this point a mutiny broke out in the garrison, and the grand master and his council, seeing the hopelessness of the situation, sent for an armistice preliminary to surrender. the armistice was concluded on the th, and on the th napoleon entered valetta, full of amazement at the might of the fortress he had so easily captured. on the th the capitulation was drawn up, of which the main clauses were: . the knights surrendered malta and its sovereignty to the french army. . the french republic would try to secure to the grand master an equivalent principality and would meanwhile pay him an annual pension of , livres. . the french would use their influence with the different powers assembled at rastadt to allow the knights who were their subjects to control the property of their respective langues. . french knights were allowed to return to france. . french knights in malta were to receive a pension from the french government of livres per annum; if over sixty years old, , livres. such was the end of the order at malta. napoleon treated the knights and the grand master with extreme harshness. most of them were required to leave within three days, and some even within twenty-four hours. on june , von hompesch, taking with him the three most venerable relics of the order--all that the conqueror allowed him from the treasures at valetta--left for trieste, whence he withdrew to montpellier, dying there in obscurity in . most of the homeless knights proceeded to russia, where, on october , , paul i. was elected grand master, though von hompesch still held the post. but on the tsar's death in the order lost the one man who might have been powerful enough to bring about a restoration, and the survival of some scattered relics could not conceal the fact that vanished for ever was the order of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem. appendix i sovereignty of the order there can be no doubt whatever that, after , the order was no longer independent and sovereign, and that l'isle adam, despite all his efforts, had become a feudatory, though the service demanded was very slight. the act of donation of malta put them definitely into the position of feudal vassals of charles v. as king of the two sicilies. this is plain to everyone who examines the charter itself (vertot, iii., p. , or codice diplomatico, ii., p. ). the tenure on which the knights held the island from the king of the sicilies may be classed as a form of serjeanty--the annual payment of a falcon being the only feudal service demanded. there were other conditions in the charter concerning the bishop of malta and the grand admiral of the order, but they were not strictly feudal. the chroniclers of the order were naturally reluctant to admit this, and as the feudal tie was very weak, they glossed it over. but the sovereign of the island, strictly speaking, was the king of the two sicilies, and the knights were never more than tenants. when the order had been expelled by napoleon we can see this universally admitted. while the fate of the island was in doubt--that is, before the preliminary peace between england and france in --both natives and english regarded the king of naples as lord of the island (hardman, , . foreign office records, sicily, ). when the maltese wanted to be put under the protection of england, either temporarily or, later, permanently (hardman, , , ), they applied to the king of the sicilies, as their lawful sovereign, to grant their request. events soon made malta a question of great importance in the relations between france and england, and the renewal of war, in , left great britain in _de facto_ possession of the island, until the treaty of may , , gave england full right and sovereignty over malta. appendix ii connection between knights of malta and the modern order of st. john during the napoleonic wars the surviving knights were too scattered and too helpless to be able to improve their condition. but from onwards we find various attempts of the order to obtain from europe another _chef-lieu_, and representatives of the knights at the congress of vienna ( ) and at the congress of verona ( ) tried in vain to persuade the allies to grant them an island. the french knights were by far the largest and most powerful section of the order, and in they had established a capitular commission in which they vested plenary powers to treat on their behalf. during the various negotiations for a _chef-lieu_ the question of reviving the english langue was started, and the french commission entered into communication with the rev. sir robert peat, chaplain to king george iv., and other distinguished englishmen. the outcome was the reconstitution of the english langue on january , , with sir robert peat as grand prior. the english branch of the order of st. john has devoted itself for the last ninety years to the succour of the sick and wounded, setting up cottage and convalescent hospitals, aiding the sick in other hospitals, and establishing ambulance litters in dangerous industrial centres, such as coal-mines and railway-stations, which at last developed into the st. john ambulance association, which rendered such magnificent service during the great war. the german branch of the order was the first to start ambulance work in the field in the seven weeks' war of , work which was continued in the franco-prussian war of . since that date the mitigation of the sufferings of war has been a conspicuous part of the work of the order of st. john, and nowhere has the order's magnificent spirit of international comradeship been more fully displayed. books consulted primary authorities statuta ordinis domus hospitalis hierusalem. edited by fr. didacus rodriguez. rome. . statuti della religione de cavalieri gierosolimitani. florence. . statuta hospitalis hierusalem. rome. . collection of statutes in volume iv. of vertot's histoire de chevaliers de malte. paris. . [as there was no chapter-general between and , all the above collections are practically complete, vertot's containing little more than the others.] codice diplomatico del sacro militare ordine gierosolimitano oggi di malta. fr. sebastiano pauli. lucca. . letters and papers, foreign and domestic. - . calendar of state papers. (foreign.) - . calendar of state papers. (venetian.) calendar of state papers. (spanish.) les archives de s. jean de jerusalem à malte. delaville le roulx. paris. . report of philip de thame. grand prior of england. . camden society. volume lxv. . armoury of the knights of st. john of jerusalem at malta. edited by g.f. laking. london. . carta y verdadera relacion escrita por il eminentissimo señor gran maestre al commendador fr. don joseph vidal. . e tanner. notitia monastica. ed. james nasmith. cambridge. . malte. par un voyageur français. anonymous. . le monete e medaglie del s. ordine gierosolimitano. c. taggiasco. camerino. . relation du voyage et description exacte de malte. paris. . malta illustrata. giovanni abela. malta. - . volumes. liste de chevaliers des langues de provence, auvergne et france. malta. . secondary authorities giacomo bosio: dell' istoria della sacra religione et ill'ma militia di san giovanni gierosolimitano. rome. . volumes. abbÉ de vertot: histoire des chevaliers de malte. paris. . volumes. chevalier de boisgelin: malta ancient and modern. english edition. volumes. . prescott: life of philip ii. volume ii. major-general porter: history of the knights of malta. revised edition. volume. london. . de goussancourt: le martyrologe des chevaliers de s. jean de hierusalem. paris. . anonymous: memoire de' gran maestri del sacro militare ordine gierosolimitano. parma. . l. hÉritte: essai sur l'ordre des hospitaliers de s. jean de jérusalem. paris. . hardman: history of malta, - . edited by j. holland rose. london. . rev. w.k.r. bedford: malta and the knights hospitallers. london. . rev. w.k.r. bedford: the hospital at malta. edinburgh. . j. taafe: history of the order of s. john. volumes. london. . a.t. drane: history of the order of st. john. london. . miÈge: histoire de malte. volumes. paris. . m.m. ballou: story of malta. boston and new york. . rev. w.k.r. bedford and r. holbeche: order of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem. london. . admiral jurien de la graviere: ( ) les chevaliers de malte et la marine de philippe ii. paris. . ( ) les corsaires barbaresques et la marine de solyman le grand. paris. . ( ) les marins du xv'e et xvi'e siècles. paris. . ( ) les derniers jours de la marine à rames. paris. . commander e.h. currey: sea wolves of the mediterranean. london. . sir julian corbett: england in the mediterranean, - . volumes. london. . s. lane-poole: barbary corsairs. (stories of the nations.) . e. driault: la question d'orient. paris. . j.a.r. marriot: the eastern question. oxford. . g. viullier: le tour du monde. malte et les maltais. p.j.o. doublet: l'lnvasion et i'occupation de malte. paris. . c.t.e. de toulgoet: les responsabilités de la capitulation de malte en . (revue des questions historiques. .) de la jonquiÈre: l'expedition d'Égypte. paris. . note on the authorities for the statutes of the order we possess the italian edition of , two latin editions of and , and the collection at the end of vertot's fourth volume, which is later and more complete. the codice diplomatico of fr. pauli is the only collection of charters to my knowledge which covers practically the whole history of the order: the magnificent cartulaire of delaville le roulx only covers the syrian period in the knights' history. many valuable hints can be found in the calendars of state papers issued by the record office, but they fail us at the beginning of the seventeenth century. of the various historians above mentioned, bosio, for the period he covers, is by far the best and completest. vertot only goes down to : after the siege he treats the subject in a bare annalistic form. boisgelin, who was a knight himself and wrote his history after his expulsion from malta, is valuable for his elaborate excursus on the financial system of the order. all three--who are our completest authorities--wrote from the point of view of the order, and consequently are very unreliable in some matters. the treatment that the maltese received from the order is very inadequately dealt with, and none of them can seriously estimate the mediterranean background to the history of the knights, and especially their relations with the barbary pirates. general porter, whose history is the only english one at all worthy of mention, possesses the same faults. though his knowledge of the island is thorough, his ignorance of european history makes him neglect the importance of the external activities of the knights, and he follows the order's chroniclers too slavishly to claim authority as an independent investigator. miège, who was a french consul at malta, is interesting as a bitter opponent of the order and all its work; and he practically confines himself to the treatment of the maltese at the hands of the knights. the best authority on sixteenth-century sea power in the mediterranean is admiral jurien de la gravière, while commander currey's book is very sound and interesting. transcriber's note: a few typographical errors have been corrected: they are listed at the end of the text. * * * * * the boke of noblesse addressed to king edward the fourth on his invasion of france in * * * * * with an introduction by john gough nichols, f.s.a. * * * * * [illustration] burt franklin new york * * * * * published by lenox hill pub. & dist. co. (burt franklin) east th st., new york, n.y. reprinted: printed in the u.s.a. burt franklin: research and source works series selected studies in history, economics, & social science: n.s. (b) medieval, renaissance & reformation studies reprinted from the original edition in the university of minnesota library. library of congress cataloging in publication data the boke of noblesse. reprint of the ed. printed for the roxburghe club. . chivalry--history. . hundred years' war, - . . great britain--history--edward iv, - . i. roxburghe club, london. cr .b '. ' - isbn - - - * * * * * the roxburghe club. mdccclx. the duke of buccleuch and queensberry, k.g. president. the duke of hamilton and brandon. the duke of sutherland, k.g. his excellency monsieur van de weyer. marquis of lothian. earl of carnarvon. earl of powis, v.p. earl cawdor. earl of ellesmere. lord vernon. lord delamere. lord dufferin. lord wensleydale. right hon. sir david dundas. hon. robert curzon, jun. sir stephen richard glynne, bart. sir edward hulse, bart. sir john benn walsh, bart. sir john simeon, bart. sir james shaw willes. nathaniel bland, esq. beriah botfield, esq. treasurer. rev william edward buckley. paul butler, esq. francis henry dickinson, esq. thomas gaisford, esq. ralph neville grenville, esq. rev. edward craven hawtrey, d.d. robert stayner holford, esq. adrian john hope, esq. alex. james beresford hope, esq. rev. john stuart hippisley horner, m.a. john arthur lloyd, esq. evelyn philip shirley, esq. william stirling, esq. simon watson taylor, esq. george tomline, esq. charles towneley, esq. * * * * * to the president and members of the roxburghe club this interesting historical treatise, written in encouragement of the invasion of france by king edward the fourth in , is dedicated and presented by their obedient servant, delamere. june , . * * * * * {i} introduction. * * * * * the book of noblesse, which is now for the first time printed, was addressed to king edward the fourth for a political purpose, on a great and important occasion. he was in the midst of his second reign, living in high prosperity. he had subdued his domestic enemies. his lancastrian rivals were no longer in existence, and the potent king-maker had fought his last field. edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate reason to dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and treacherous we now know them to have been. he was the undisputed king of england, and, like his predecessors, the titular king of france. his brother-in-law the duke of burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile in , was continually urging, for his own ambitious views, that the english should renew their ancient enterprises in france; and edward, notwithstanding his natural indolence, was at last prepared to carry his arms into that country. the project was popular with all those who were burning for military fame, indignant at the decay of the english name upon the continent, or desirous to improve their fortunes by the acquisitions of conquest. the book of noblesse was written to excite and inflame such sentiments and expectations. its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited by the occupation of the english provinces in france, and particularly with the celebrated sir john fastolfe, knight of the garter, whom the writer in several places mentions as "myne autor." sir john fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in france, and died at an advanced age in the year . it seems not at all improbable that the substance of this book was written during his life-time, and that it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of edward the fourth's invasion of france. all the historical events which are mentioned in it date at least some five-and-twenty years before that expedition. the author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how necessary it is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace of god: and then {ii} introduces a definition of true nobility or noblesse, in the words of "kayus' son," as he designates the younger pliny. he next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the realm had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of france, the duchies of normandy, gascony, and guienne, and the counties of maine and ponthieu; which had been recovered by the french party, headed by charles the seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year . to inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the ancestral glories of the english nation, from their first original in the ancient blood of troy, and through all the triumphs of the saxons, danes, normans, and angevyns. of the romans in england he says nothing, though in his subsequent pages he draws much from roman history. the next chapter sets forth how every man of worship in arms should resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. in illustration of this it may be remarked, that froissart, when describing the battle of poictiers, says of the black prince, "the prince of wales, who was _as courageous and cruel as a lion_, took great pleasure this day in fighting and chasing his enemies." so our first richard is still popularly known by his martial epithet of coeur de lyon: and that the lion was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour is testified by its general adoption on the heraldic shields of the highest ranks of feudal chivalry. the royal house of england displayed three lions, and the king of beasts was supposed to be peculiarly symbolic of their race-- your brother kings and monarchs of the earth do all expect that you should rouse yourself as did the former lions of your blood. shakspere's henry v. act i. scene . in the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the french party began first to offend, and break the truce." this truce had been concluded at tours on the th of may . the french are stated to have transgressed it first by capturing certain english merchant-men on the sea; and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore allegiance to the english king. of such are enumerated sir giles son of the duke of bretagne[ ]; sir simon morhier, the {iii} provost of paris, taken at dieppe[ ]; one mansel an esquire, taken on the road between rouen and dieppe, in january - [ ]; and the lord fauconberg, taken at pont de l'arche on the th may .[ ] the writer is careful to state that these acts of aggression on the part of the french, or some of them, were committed "before the taking of fugiers," for it was by that action that the english party had really brought themselves into difficulty.[ ] there is next discussed (p. ) "a question of great charge and weight, whether it be lawful to make war upon christian blood." this is determined upon the authority of a book entitled the tree of batailes, a work which had evidently already acquired considerable popularity whilst still circulated in manuscript only, {iv} and which so far retained its reputation when books began to be multiplied by the printing-press as to be reproduced on several occasions. our author frequently recurs to it, but his references do not agree with the book as it now remains; and it is remarkable that he attributes it, not to honoré bonnet its real author,[ ] but to one dame christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. ) as an inmate of the house of religious ladies at passy near paris. it would seem, therefore, that he made use of a somewhat different book, though probably founded on the celebrated work of honoré bonnet. the fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions i have distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between the houses of burgundy and orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty and violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century. king edward is next reminded "how saint louis exhorted and counselled his son to move no war against christian people;" but, notwithstanding that blessed king's counsel,[ ] it is declared on the other hand that "it is notarily and openly {v} known through all christian realms that our adverse party hath moved and excited war and battles both by land and sea against this noble realm without any justice or title, and without ways of peace showed; and consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king of england to defend (or drive away) those assailants upon his true title, and to put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance." the writer then bursts forth into a passionate exhortation to the english nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he proceeds to set forth in several subsequent chapters. he enumerates the examples of king arthur, of brennus, edmond ironside, william the conqueror, henry the first, his brother robert elect king of jerusalem, fulke earl of anjou, richard coeur de lyon, philip dieudonné of france, edward the first, and richard earl of cornwall and emperor of almaine. he rehearses how edward the third had the victory at the battle of scluse, gat caen by assault, won the field at the great and dolorous battle of cressy, captured david king of scots and charles duke of bretany, and took calais by siege; how edward prince of wales made john king of france prisoner at poictiers; and how the battle of nazar was fought in spain. in the following chapter it is related how king henry the fifth conquered normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the defence of harfleur against the power of france. here it is that the name of sir john fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a circumstance of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed themselves of the assistance of mastiffs--"and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys i herd the seyd ser johan fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a lyes (_or_ leash), to barke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to aproche the towne for to scale yt." the chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of agincourt and the marriage of king henry to the french king's daughter. the following chapters (pp. et seq.) contain how in the time of john duke of bedford, who was for thirteen years regent of france, the victory of cravant was obtained by his lieutenant the earl of salisbury; how the duke in his own person won the battle of verneuil in perche; how that the greater part of the county of mayne, and the city of mauns, with many other castles, were brought {vi} into subjection; and how that henry the sixth, by the might of great lords, was crowned king in paris; after which the writer bursts forth into another exhortation, or "courageous recomforting" of the "valiauntnes of englishemen." the author now flies off (p. ) to more remote examples, to the noblesse of that vaillant knight hector of troy, to the deeds in arms of agamemnon the puissaunt king of greece, and to those of ulysses and hercules. he recites, from the book of vegetius on military tactics,[ ] how a conqueror should especially practise three things,--the first, a scientific prudence or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms: and the third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people. he next argues how men of noblesse ought to leave sensualities and delights. in the following chapters (p. et seq.), he sets forth the king's title to the duchy of normandy, to the inheritance of anjou, maine, and touraine, and to the duchies of gascoigne and guienne. the "historier" proceedeth (p. ) in his matter of exhortation, strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous authority of master alanus de auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence tullius," of caton, the famous poet ovid, and walter malexander. the work of the first of these authors, alain chartier, seems to have been at once the source from which many of our author's materials were derived, and also to have furnished the key-note upon which he endeavoured to pitch his {vii} appeals to the patriotism and prowess of his countrymen. alain chartier[ ] had been secretary to king charles the seventh, and wrote his quadrilogue[ ] in the year , in defence of the native party in france, and in opposition to the english usurpation. our author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some of his verbal artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against the party of their original deviser. in the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from alain chartier[ ]; and further advice is drawn from the arbre des batailles (pp. , ), and from the treatise of vegetius (p. ). it is related (p. ) how king john lost the duchy of normandy for lack of finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next follows (p. ) a long and important chapter recounting the various truces made between the kings of england and france, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the french party, to the decay of the english power, except when revived by the victories of edward the third and henry the fifth. this part of the discussion is concluded with a representation (p. ) of the lamentable condition of the french subjects of the english crown, when put out of their lands and tenements. "heh allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme (they saide) that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the frenshe partie or theire allies in any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes!" yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is expressed that the inheritance of france will at length be brought to its true and right estate. the writer then proposes (p. ) a question to be resolved by divines, how be {viii} it that at some times god suffereth the party that hath a true title and right to be overcome, yet for all that a man should not be discouraged from pursuing his right. he mentions the last unfortunate overthrow sustained at formigny[ ] in , and the consequent loss of guienne and bordeaux. after which follows (p. ) "another exhortation of the historier," addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king of englonde and of france, and alle y^e other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers astates olde or yong." a brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful prince of renommee henry the fifth and the three full mighty and noble princes his brethren; where, in the commendation of humphrey duke of gloucester, the second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as yt ys seyd to the value of m^l marks, of the vij sciences, of dyvinite, as of law spirituall and cyvyle, to the universite of oxford." allusion is made (p. ) to the order of the garter, "founded (as yt ys seyd) in token of worship that he being in bataile, what fortune fille, shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that god lust sende;" of which fellowship sir john chandos, seneschal of poictou, had been a right noble exemplar. the historical reminiscences of the author then again lead him on to the disastrous period during which the continental possessions of england had been lost, "within the space of one year and fourteen (fifteen) weeks, that is to wete, from the xv. day of may in the year unto the xv. day of august in the year , that every castle, fortress, and town defensable of the said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to the adverse party." after a break (p. ), in consequence of the loss of a leaf of the manuscript, we find ourselves in the midst of a discussion of the merits of astrology. the author addresses himself to combat the prevalent confidence in prophecies and in the influence of the stars: "which judgments (he avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely contingent or likely, and, he adds, "as likely not to be as to be." for if, he puts the case, "a constellation or a prophecy signified that such a year or within {ix} such a time there should fall war, pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country or region, or privation of a country, it is said but dispositively, and not of necessity or certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies, constellations, and influence of the stars were masters over god's power, and that would soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." after this pious determination upon a question that at that period presented great difficulties, the author adds, that he believed god to have bestowed that sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even turn the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary disposition: to which effect he quotes the bold assertion of the famous astrologian ptolemy, _quod homo sapiens dominatur astris._ with these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of the age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of the recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from "havyng no consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and enriche one silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffering extorcions over the pore peple." on this subject he subsequently speaks still more plainly. this leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries that had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old bretons were, when driven out of england by the saxons into cornwall and wales. "and where (he exclaims[ ]) is nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and babilon, the gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of troy and thebes, ij. grete magnified citeis? also athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of wisdom?" carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme," had been burnt to ashes by the romans. rome {x} herself had for the greater part been overthrown; and jerusalem had shared the like fate. in the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his matter from roman history: which he derives from the decades of titus livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "tree of batailes." tullius and cato are also repeatedly cited. it is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable passages in the book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir john fastolfe:-- "i hafe herd myne autor fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and nobles at his solasse (_i.e._ tuition), how that there be twey maner condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a hardye man; but he sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth grete aventur he scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his felyshyp detrussed (or disordered). and the manly man, hys policie ys that (if) he avaunce hym and hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn racountre, he wulle so discretely avaunce hym that he wulle entend [_i.e._ be sure] to hafe the over-hand of hys adversarye, and safe hymself and hys felyshyp." it was thus that the experienced captain sir john fastolfe distinguished between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on some feasible and well conceived exploit. it is evident that the term "hardy" was then sometimes understood in the sense we now call fool-hardy.[ ] the author himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. . {xi} at p. will be found another anecdote of sir john fastolfe. it shows that the writer had access to those books of accompt which sir john had kept when a captain in france. "i fynde (he says) by his bookes of hys purveonds how yn every castell, forteresse, and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete providence of vitaille, of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh and saltfysh owt of england commyng by shyppes." it was because of his good management in this respect that the regent and lords of the council intrusted so many castles to his custody that he yearly had under his command three hundred spears (or mounted men-at-arms) with their attendants. also in like manner he purveyed yearly for his soldiers a livery of red and white; and equipments sufficient for any naked man that was able to do the king and regent service. the good result of this provision was manifested on a memorable occasion, when the duke of exeter was captain of the city of paris, and fastolfe captain of the bastille of st. anthoine. it happened, in consequence of the arrest of the lord de lisle adam,[ ] a favourite with the commons of the city, that they suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of exeter, who found it necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. {xii} at his coming the first question he asked of fastolfe was how far he was furnished with corn, with wheat, beans, peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other vitail. fastolfe replied, with sufficient for a half-year or more: which gave the prince great "comfort," or re-assurance. so he made ready his ordnance, and discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty shot of arrows: by which means, and because the french king and queen, who were in the city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a short time constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of exeter.[ ] at p. occurs a curious chapter in the praise of agriculture, or "labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, illustrated by a description of the gardens and herbers of king cyrus. but the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical point of view, is the chapter commencing at p. , intended to inforce the wisdom and necessity of making just pay to soldiers, for eschewing of great inconveniences that may otherwise insue. it is here admitted that in this respect there had been more neglect in the english possessions in france than was elsewhere known[ ]: {xiii} that in consequence the people had suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their vitail without payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for ten or twelve years previously to the country being lost. our author advises that the chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, either monthly, as had been usual during the time of the regent bedford, or quarterly, and that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, defalcation, or abridgment, or any undue assignation; and that such payments be made content without delay, or long and great pursuit. it appears from the writer's statements, that the royal officers, deputies, and commissioners had not only been guilty of the practices thus denounced, but that those officers themselves had been needlessly numerous, living as they did upon bribery and extortion, and neglecting the exercise of arms necessary for the defence and protection of the territory. oftentimes they had wasted of the subjects'[ ] livelode more than was necessary, and oftentimes had suffered them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved their beasts with their weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits for sorrow, and thus enforced "for duresse" to forsake the title and laws of their english sovereign. moreover, they had been so often grievously surcharged with paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and impositions, besides their rents paid either to the crown or their landlords, and many of them dwelling upon the marches having also patised (or compounded?) to the adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that these innumerable charges and divers torments had effected their uttermost undoing. the author cannot quit these reflections without this passionate appeal to the almighty: "oh god! which art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein and just, how maist thou long suffre this (misery) regnyng without the stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom?" the next chapter (p. ) appears to intimate that the writer personally sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. "moreover, (he exclaims,) in way of gret pitee, and in the worship of god, suffre ye not the prelates of the chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and their ministrours, to be oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as in your predecessour's {xiv} daies they have been accepted in fulle litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges been privily coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the marches and countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to live at rest upon their livelodes. and oftentimes they were visited by strangers of great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by those intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers, praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of necessity. the following chapter (p. ) is a remarkable one in respect to ancient chivalric usages. it sets forth "how lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, shulde exercise hem in armes lernyng." it is urged that "the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, while they ben of grene age, (should be) drawen forthe, norisshed, and excercised in disciplines, doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to renne with speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, and wele brethed;" ... "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for to take entrepresis, to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in worship to doo armes in liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein pointis, or in a quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend their sovereign and his realm. such was the ancient custom of the kings both of france and of england: as especially of king edward the third, and of henry duke of lancaster. that chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by sir john fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions, as out of spain, aragon, portugal, navarre, and france, their children, young knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his noble court, in scole of armes, and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship." this useful custom had been maintained by other noble princes and lords of great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the greater pity is! many that be descended of noble blood and born to arms, as the sons of knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set themselves to "singuler practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn "the practique of law or custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so waste greatly their time in such needless business, as to undertake the holding of manorial courts, to keep and bear out a proud {xv} countenance at the holding of sessions and shire-motes,[ ] and "there to embrace[ ] and rule among youre pore and symple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest." and it is added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such matters, was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates than he who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great jeopardies in the conquests and wars of his sovereign. the author pursues the argument at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his decided opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather learn to be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to be a captain or ruler at a sessions or shire-day; leaving such matters to the king's justices and officers,[ ] and that "suche singuler practik shulde not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come of noble birthe,"--except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly. the following chapter (p. ) discusses "how officers of the law shulde be {xvi} chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe." there is nothing however in this chapter so remarkable as in that which has preceded. the author next shows (p. ) "how over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed;" in which respect he asserts that in france "alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away:" whilst in england the like "costues arraymentis and disguising of clothing, of so many divers facion," had caused impoverishing of the land, and excited great pride, envy, and wrath amongst the people. whether this was truly a national grievance may be doubted. it is, however, more probable that the "pore comyns" of england had really suffered, as set forth in the succeeding chapter (p. ), "gret hurt and inconvenientis because the creditours have not been duelie paid of here lonys and prestis made to high sovereins." this, it is stated, had been oftentimes the case in the reign of henry the sixth. they had advanced loans, "prests of vitails and other merchandise," of which the payment was so long delayed that great part of their property was previously expended, and they were sometimes fain to defalke and release part of their dues, in order to recover the rest. as an alternative for this inconvenience the writer recommends a course that would scarcely have proved more efficacious. "let your riche tresours (he advises the king) be spradde and put abrode, both juellis (and) vesselle of golde and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of your indigent and nedie peple, and inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis, livelode, and goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from your adversaries." in another chapter (p. ), having recommended the king, "after the blessed counceile of saint louis," to cherish and favour the good cities and towns, the author pursues the former argument of raising supplies, urgently exhorting all classes to strain their utmost for that object. "youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns if they be tendred shalbe of power and of good courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to be yoven for to resist the adversaries." those who had not able bodies nor usage in arms, were yet to come forth with a good courage, spiritual men as well as temporal, and, as true englishmen should do, "every man put forthe of his goodes after that his power is." with this strain the epistle terminates, its last chapter (p. ) being an illustration of the same argument from the _punica bella_ of titus livius, consisting of {xvii} "a noble history of the largesse of romaynys, how amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite, to make an armee yn to the contree of auffrique." these final passages of the book, which so urgently recommend a voluntary contribution in aid of the intended war, were certainly written in the year , with which date the whole composition concludes: for it is recorded by the historians of the day that it was on this occasion that king edward the fourth, after he had already raised all the supplies he could obtain by the ordinary methods of taxation, adopted the new device of a contribution nominally voluntary and its amount optional, and therefore termed a benevolence,[ ] but which eventually, when repeated, was regarded with peculiar repugnance and discontent. after this review of the contents of the work, we will proceed to notice the circumstances of the occasion for which it was professedly composed. the english invasion of france in the year originated in the events of and . the temporary deposition of edward the fourth from his throne had been abetted by the aid which the king-making earl of warwick derived from that forger of all mischief louis the eleventh of france. at that time edward took refuge with his brother-in-law the duke of burgundy, a man as ambitious of aggrandisement as king louis, but whose disposition instigated him to pursue it by the more ordinary path of martial enterprise. his enmity to the king of france was bitter and inveterate; and it doubtless formed the topic of much of his discourse with the exiled english monarch. edward, on his part, vowed an ample revenge when the forces of england should be again at his command: and the result was a mutual understanding between these princes to prosecute their common quarrel at the earliest opportunity. having this object in view, edward summoned a parliament[ ] in the autumn {xviii} of , in order to obtain the requisite supplies; and on the last day of november an act was passed whereby the commons granted to the king a force of , archers (the like number which had been granted to his predecessor in the st year of his reign[ ]), assigning as their motives for so doing, that "for the wele and suerte of this your reame inward, and the defence of the same outeward, to assiste youre roiall astate, ye verraily entendyng, in youre princely and knightly corage, with all diligence to youre highnes possible, all your bodely ease leyde apart, to resiste the seid confedered malice of youre and oure seide ennemyes, in setting outeward a myghty armee, able by the helpe of god to resiste the seid ennemyes." the archers were to abide in the king's service by the space of a year, each receiving the pay of six pence a day; and the commons granted for their support a disme, or tenth part of the income from lands, tenements, and possessions of every temporal person, not being a lord of parliament: but, if the said army held not before the feast of saint michael in , the grant was to be void, and the money repaid. [ ] the lords spiritual and temporal made a similar grant, on the consideration "that the kyng oure soverayn lord is disposed by the grace of god in his owne persone to passe forth of this his seid reame with an armee roiall, for the saufegarde of the same reame, and the subduyng of the auncien ennemyes of hym and of his seid reame."[ ] in the next session, on the th april , the commons granted to the king a fifteenth and a tenth, because, among other causes, "that ye verraily entend, as we understond, to aredye youre self, by all measnes to you possible, in youre moost noble persone to goo, departe, and passe with an arme roiall to the parties outward, to subdue by the myght of god youre and oure auncien enemyes, to the weele of you and prosperite of this youre reame."[ ] notwithstanding these earnest intentions and costly preparations, the season of wore away without any embarkation for france; and, at the close of the session on the st of february - , the chancellor, by the king's command, informed the commons that the parliament was prorogued to the th of may following,[ ] "because in the matter of foreign war the king was not certainly {xix} informed of the disposition of his brother of burgundy, and on that account he had lately sent his ambassadors to his said brother." the treaty with burgundy was concluded in july . the principal documents[ ] respecting it bear date on the th of that month, on which day they were ratified both by king edward and duke charles. the former undertook to land in normandy, or in other parts of france, with more than ten thousand men, before the st of july following (_i.e._ ); and the latter agreed to support the king's part in person and with his forces, in order to accomplish the recovery of the duchies of normandy and aquitaine, and the kingdom and crown of france, from louis, then unjustly occupying them. the king engaged not to treat with louis, without the consent of the duke of burgundy; and the duke in like manner covenanted not to treat with him without the consent of king edward. henceforth louis was to be deemed and proclaimed their common enemy. by further articles, dated on the next following day, the contracting parties agreed that, when either of them waged war, they should have liberty to demand from the other aid to the amount of six thousand armed men; which were to be paid at the expense of the party requiring them, unless the war were in his own defence, in which case he was to pay only three fifths, and the other party two fifths of the soldiers' wages. by a further treaty, also dated on the th july , king edward ceded to the duke of burgundy the duchy of barr, the counties of champagne, nevers, rethelle, eu, and guise, the barony of douzi, the cities of tournay and lingon, with their dependencies, the castle and town of picquigny, all the towns and lordships on either side the somme before pledged to him, and further all the lands and lordships then possessed by louis de {xx} luxemburgh count of st. paul: retaining no feudal sovereignty over the same, but conceding that the duke and his successors should in future be esteemed as the sovereign princes thereof. it was further agreed that edward should be crowned and anointed king of france at rheims, notwithstanding that the county of champagne was ceded to the duke of burgundy. from this time the whole military population of england made constant and earnest preparation for hostilities. they were retained by indenture to serve the king for a whole year in his duchy of normandy and realm of france, each receiving the wages assigned to their respective ranks. these were,--to a duke xiij s. iiij d. by the day, to an earl vj s. viij d., to a baron or banneret iiij s., to a knight ij s., to a man at arms xij d. by the day and vj d. more as of reward, and to an archer vj d. by the day.[ ] {xxi} in december proclamations were made throughout england for all bowyers and fletchers to pursue their labours with the utmost haste and diligence, the latter to make only "shefe arrowes;" and purveyors were sent into several circuits to superintend the delivery of their supplies.[ ] other commissions were issued for impressing into the king's service carpenters, wheelers, cartwrights, masons, smiths, plumbers, and other artificers; and also for taking all ships of the burden of sixteen tons and upwards, for the transport of the army.[ ] for all these expenses the large sums already voted by the lords and commons in parliament, together with those granted by the clergy in their convocation, were not sufficient. it was then that recourse was had to the collections called benevolences, to which allusion has been already made, from their being so strongly advocated by the author of the boke of noblesse. the process by which they were first brought into operation is thus described by fabyan the london chronicler: "he sent for the mayer of london and his brethren the aldermen, and them severally examined and exorted to ayde and assyst hym towarde the sayd great journaye; of whiche the maier (robert drope, draper,) for his parte granted xxxli. and the aldermen some xx marke, and the leest xli. and that done he sent for all the thryfty commoners within the sayd cytie, and theym exortyd in lyke maner, whiche for the more partye granted to hym the wages of halfe a man for a yere, the whiche amounted to iiijli. xjs. iijd. and after that he rode about the more part of the lande, and used the people in suche fayre maner, that he reysed therby notable summes of money, the whiche way of the levyinge of this money was after named a benevolence." "but here (adds the chronicler hall on this subject) i wil not let passe a prety conceyt that happened in this gathering, in the which you shall not onely note the humilitie of a kyng, but more the fantasie of a woman. kyng edward had called before hym a wydow, muche aboundynge in substance, and no lesse grown in yeres, of whome he merely demaunded what she gladly woulde geve him towarde his greate charges. by my treuth, (quod she,) for thy lovely countenance thou shalt have even xxl. the kyng, lokyng scarce for the halfe of that summe, {xxii} thanked her, and lovingly kyst her. whether the flavor of his brethe did so comfort her stommacke, or she estemed the kysse of a kynge so precious a juell, she swore incontinently that he should have xxl. more, which she with the same will payed that she offered it. "the kynge, willing to shew that this benefite was to hym much acceptable, and not worthy to be put in oblivion, called this graunt of money a benevolence, notwithstanding that many with grudge and malevolence gave great summes toward that new-founde benevolence. but the using of such gentill fashions toward them, wyth frendly prayer of their assistance in his necessitie, so tempted theim, that they could not otherwise do, but frankely and frely yelde and geve hym a reasonable reward." in the spring of the season for the campaign had at length arrived; and on the st of may proclamation was made that all "the lordes and capitaignes" who were retained for the army should muster at portsdown in the county of southampton on the th of the same month.[ ] john lord dynham, by letters patent dated the th of april, was appointed to conduct the army across the sea.[ ] the transport of the army to calais occupied the greater part of the month of june. the king, having left london on the th of that month,[ ] proceeded towards the coast through the county of kent. on the th and th he was at canterbury, and on the th at sandwich, where on that day he made his will,[ ] and executed the instruments by which he constituted his son edward prince of wales to be custos and lieutenant of the kingdom during his absence.[ ] there was still some further delay, and the king appears not to have crossed the channel until the th of july,[ ] just one month after his quitting london. the king was accompanied in this expedition by his two brothers, the dukes of clarence and gloucester, by the dukes of suffolk and norfolk, the marquess of {xxiii} dorset, the earls of northumberland, rivers, and pembroke, the earl of ormond, the earl of douglas, and lord boyd, the barons grey of ruthyn, scrope, grey of codnor, stanley, hastings, ferrers, howard, lisle, and probably others[ ]; together with a long train of knights, among whom were sir thomas mountgomery and sir ralph hastings bannerets and knights for the king's body, sir john astley a banneret, sir john parre a knight for the body, sir william parre, and sir richard tunstall. when the king had landed at calais his sister the duchess of burgundy came thither to welcome him, on the th of july. she was followed by the duke her husband on the th; at which time the duchess was at st. omer's with her brothers the dukes of clarence and gloucester. on the th the sovereigns of england and burgundy went together to the castle of guisnes, where the duke was entertained at king edward's expense, as he had been at calais.[ ] {xxiv} meanwhile, (relates molinet,) "the army spread itself through the neighbouring countries, numbering about twenty-two thousand men in the king's pay, of which the archers were badly mounted, and little used to go on horseback. the english were then inflated with high expectations, and thought that france might well tremble before them. they brought a new engine of artillery in the form of a carriage, which required, to put it in action, more than fifty horses, and it was calculated to make at every stroke breaches both deep and wide. many of the english, who were natives of the duchies of guienne and normandy, brought with them the deeds of purchase, and registrations duly sealed, of the inheritances and rents that they used to possess in those duchies before their expulsion, looking forward to recover their title and enjoyment thereof. "the king (continues the same chronicler) drew his army towards fauquenbergh, where he raised the richest tent ever seen; then he moved on rousseauville, and stayed for two nights in the place where king henry, the father of his predecessor, had obtained a glorious victory over the french, in the year --_i.e._ at agincourt; from thence he marched to blangy, and from blangy towards peronne. supplies came to his army from the countries and lordships of the duke of burgundy. the english repeatedly passed and repassed the river somme; and the duke of burgundy, in person departing from valenciennes, (where he had been honourably received, and where many pageants had been exhibited and performed before him in compliment to the king of england and himself,) came to view the army of the english, whom he caused to march and countermarch at his orders, to show his desire to lead them. the duke and king edward, who then kept the field, held a conference for the space of three hours. a dove was observed to remain on the king's tent for a whole day and a half[ ]: and after its departure there {xxv} followed a terrible thunder-storm, which did great damage to the army, by the hail stones which fell, as large as walnuts. from that day forward the english were in trouble enough, and began to murmur, saying that the king had kept badly the promises that had been made to them. the time passed away without anything being accomplished. the duke of burgundy parted from them, and went to lorraine, where he had left part of his forces, to conquer the duchy and county of vaudemont." our own historians have not discoursed at any length of the campaign made in france on this occasion. it has not offered to them the attractions of a creci, a poictiers, or an agincourt; nor even presented any minor achievement that might have inspired their eloquence or stimulated their researches. its laurels in fact withered under the wily diplomacy of louis the eleventh; and, besides the chapter of molinet from which the preceding passages have been taken, it is in the pages of that monarch's vivid biographer, philippe de commines, that we are most fully informed of its transactions. its results were entirely in correspondence with the personal characteristics of the three sovereigns concerned. the obstinate self-will of charles the rash, the luxurious indolence of king edward, and the timid but crafty time-serving of louis the eleventh, all contributed to work out their natural effects. when the english began to land in france, the duke of burgundy, already engaged in warfare with the german princes, was besieging the town of neuss, upon the rhine; and, until he could effect his object there, he would not be persuaded to leave the spot, although other projects of far greater political importance were now at stake. commines states that "the lord scales (meaning anthony then earl rivers, the king's brother-in-law,) was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke[ ]; but the duke was perverse, as if god almighty had infatuated his senses and understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the english over to invade france, and now, when they were ready, and all things prepared to receive them both in bretagne and elsewhere, he obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him to succeed." {xxvi} there was an apostolic legate at that time with the emperor, and the king of denmark was quartered in the same neighbourhood, and they both endeavoured to negociate a peace, by which means the duke of burgundy might, if he would, have had honourable terms, and thus have been free to join the king of england, but he would not accept their overtures. to the english he excused himself as plausibly as he could, telling them that his honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to raise the siege of neuss, with other like excuses. "the englishmen (adds the historian) were not the same who had flourished in his father's days, and had conducted themselves with so much valour and skill in the old wars with france; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with french affairs; so that the duke acted very unwisely, if he had any design to make a future use of them, for in that case he ought to have led them on, as it were step by step, at least during the first campaign." the earliest bad consequence that resulted to the duke of burgundy from his lingering at the seige of neuss, was the loss of the three towns of montdidier, roye, and corbie, which were taken by the king of france, shortly after the termination of his truce with burgundy, which expired on the st of may . still the duke would not quit the siege of neuss before the th of june. in the meanwhile, king edward landed at calais. his army is described by commines as "the most numerous, the best mounted, and the best equipped, that ever any king of england had invaded france withal. he was attended by all the lords of england, with few exceptions. he had men of arms, richly accoutred after the french fashion, well mounted, and most of them barded,[ ] and every one of them had several persons on horseback in his retinue. the archers were , , all on horseback; besides a great number of footmen, and others to pitch the tents and pavilions, take care of the artillery, and inclose the camp; and there was not one varlet in the whole army. there was besides a body of men who were to be landed in bretagne." after these particulars, commines repeats his censures of the duke of burgundy's infatuated conduct, in throwing away that advantage of english aid, which he had been labouring all his life to procure. he ought (it is remarked) to have known that it was necessary for him to have made at least one campaign with the english, in order to have instructed them in the method of the french wars; for, though no nation is more raw or undisciplined than the english on their first coming over, yet a little time makes them excellent soldiers, equally brave and skilful. but the duke's conduct was just the reverse; and, among other {xxvii} disadvantages which ensued, the season was almost lost, and his own army so worn out and diminished, that he was ashamed they should be seen, for he had lost before neuss of his soldiers, the very flower of his army. the english were, however, assisted in the transport of their horses by the duke of burgundy providing them five hundred flat-bottomed vessels of holland and zeeland; yet, notwithstanding that large number, and all the vessels king edward could procure from his own ports, the passage of his forces occupied more than three weeks: "from whence one may observe (remarks commines) with what amazing difficulty the kings of england transport their armies into france; and, if the king of france had understood maritime affairs as well as he did those of the land, king edward would never have crossed over, at least that year; but king louis had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he committed his authority knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, belonging to eu, took two or three of their transports. "before the king of england embarked from dover, he sent one of his heralds, named garter, who was a native of normandy,[ ] to the king of france, with a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in such polite language, that i can scarcely believe any englishman indited it. the contents were, that our king should surrender france to the king of england, as his right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve them from the great oppression and burthens they groaned under; and, if king louis refused, it was declared that all the ensuing miseries and calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such occasions. "the king of france read the letter to himself, and then, withdrawing into another room, commanded the herald to be called in; to whom he said,--i am very sensible that your master has not made this invasion of his own seeking, but at the importunity of the duke of burgundy and the commons of england. he then remarked that the season was visibly far spent, and that the duke of burgundy {xxviii} had returned from neuss in so weak and miserable a condition, that he would not be in a capacity to assist the invaders; that, as to the constable,[ ] he was satisfied he held intelligence with the king of england, who had married his niece,[ ] but there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would deceive king edward, as he had often deceived himself; and, after enumerating the favours which he had conferred upon him, louis added, 'his plan is to live in eternal dissimulation, to traffic with everybody, and to make his advantage of all.' besides these, the king used several other arguments to induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him, giving him crowns with his own hand, and promising him more upon the conclusion of the peace; and afterwards, in public, his majesty ordered him to be rewarded with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in length. "the herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master would be glad to entertain the proposal; but nothing could be done until he was landed in france, and then, if king louis pleased, he might send a herald to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind to send any to king edward; but withal garter desired the king to address letters to the lords howard or stanley,[ ] and also to himself, that he might introduce the french herald. "there was a host of people attending outside during the king's private discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the king would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. when he had done, (continues commines,) he called me, and charged me to entertain the herald till he {xxix} ordered him an escort, that i might keep him from talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which i did. after which the king addressed himself to the rest of the company, giving them an account of the letters of defiance; and, having called seven or eight of them apart, he ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was much revived by what he had learned from the herald." when the duke of burgundy first came to wait on the king of england at calais, he was attended only by a small retinue,[ ] having dismissed his army into the countries of barrois and lorraine to plunder and refresh themselves (the duke of lorraine having declared himself his enemy). the english had expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least men at arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot; and that he should have opened the campaign in france three months before their descent, when they might have found king louis already harassed with the war and in great distress. king edward (by the stages already described from molinet,) marched to peronne, a town belonging to the duke of burgundy. the english, however, except in small companies, were not received within its gates, but they formed their encampment in the adjacent fields.[ ] at this place a messenger arrived from the constable of france, bringing letters both for the duke and the king.[ ] to the former he made strong professions of friendship and service, declaring that he would assist him and his allies, and particularly the king of england, against all persons and princes whatever. in his letter to king edward he referred his good-meaning to the duke of burgundy's testimony. the duke communicated also to the king the contents of his own letter from the constable, somewhat exaggerating them, and assuring edward that the constable would receive him into the town of st. quentin, and all the other towns under his control; and king edward really believed it, because he had married the constable's niece, and he thought him so terribly afraid of the king of france, that he would not venture to break his promise to the duke and himself. nor was the duke of burgundy less credulous than king edward. {xxx} but neither the perplexities of the constable, nor his dread of the king of france, had as yet carried him so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them (according to his custom), and suggest to them such plausible reasons as might prevail with them not to force him to declare himself openly. "the king of england and his nobility (remarks commines,) were not so well skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of france, but went more bluntly and ingenuously about their business; so that they were not so sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side of the water. the english that have never travelled are naturally headstrong, as the people generally are in all cold countries." commines next relates how the english, when they attempted to occupy the town of st. quentin, were driven off with the loss of some killed and others taken prisoners; and how on the following morning the duke of burgundy took his leave of king edward, in order to return to his forces in barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the english; but the english, being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an ill opinion of their ally, and were not satisfied he had any army at all; besides, the duke of burgundy could not reconcile them to the constable's manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the duke of burgundy's arguments did not pacify them, and, being disheartened at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more inclinable to peace than war. meanwhile, king louis was thinking upon the suggestions which had been made to him by garter king of arms; and a message he received from the lords howard and stanley by a dismissed prisoner determined him to put them in action. with the assistance of commines, he tutored a clever servant to act as a herald, equipping him for the occasion in a coat of arms formed from the banner of a trumpeter,--for king louis was not so stately nor so vain as to maintain a herald in his train as other princes did. the man was sent off to the english camp, where, on his arrival, he was immediately conducted to the tent of king edward. being asked his business, he said he was come with a message from the king of france to the king of england, and had orders to address himself to the lords howard and stanley. he was taken into a tent to dinner, and very gently entertained. when king edward had dined, he sent for the herald, who then said that his errand was to acquaint his majesty that the king of france had long desired to be at amity with him, that {xxxi} both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy the blessings of peace; that, since his accession to the crown of france, he had never made war or attempted anything against king edward or his kingdom; and, as for having formerly entertained the earl of warwick, he had done that more from opposition to the duke of burgundy than from any quarrel with the king of england. he next proceeded to represent that the duke of burgundy had invited king edward over, only in order to make his own terms the better with france; and, if others had joined with him, it was to secure themselves against their former offences, or to advance their private objects; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard the interests of the king of england, provided they had attained their own ends. he represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charges king edward had been at, and that he knew that in england there were many, both of the nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side of the water; yet, if the king should be inclined to a treaty, his master would not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and to his subjects; and if the king of england had a mind to be more particularly informed of these matters, on his giving a passport for horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or, if king edward should prefer to depute certain commissioners, king louis would gladly consent to that arrangement, and send them a passport to hold a conference in some village between the two armies. the king of england and part of his nobility were extremely pleased with these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his request, and, having been rewarded with four nobles in money, he was attended by a herald from the king of england to obtain the king of france's passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the next morning the commissioners met in a village near amiens. on the part of the king of france, there were the bastard of bourbon admiral of france, the lord of st. pierre, and the bishop of evreux. on the king of england's side, there were the lord howard, doctor morton then master of the rolls and afterwards archbishop of canterbury, william dudley dean of the king's chapel, and thomas selynger.[ ] many overtures passed between these negociators. the english at first demanded, according to their custom, the crown of france; and then gradually fell to normandy and guienne. the french commissioners replied as became them; so that the demands were well urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very first day {xxxii} of the treaty there was great prospect of an accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to reasonable proposals. king louis was exceedingly pleased when matters had taken this favourable turn, and he employed all his arts to bring the negociation to a peaceful termination. he sent every hour to entertain and wheedle the treacherous constable, and prevent him from doing any harm. he resolved to raise without delay the money required to buy off the invaders,[ ] declaring that he would do any thing in the world to get the king of england out of france, except putting any towns into his possession, for, rather than do that, which had been suggested by the constable, he would hazard all. the conclusion of the terms of the treaty was made on the th of august, king edward being then "in his felde beside a village called seyntre,[ ] within vermondose, a litell from peronne," attended by his brothers the dukes of clarence and gloucester, the dukes of norfolk and suffolk, the bishop of lincoln his chancellor, the marquess of dorset, the earls of northumberland, riviers, and pembroke, the lords grey de ruthyn, scrope, grey of codnor, stanley, hastings, ferrers, howard, the earl douglas, lord lisle, the master of the rolls, the dean of the king's chapel, the deans of wells and westminster, sir thomas mountgomery, sir thomas borough, sir william parre, sir richard tunstall, thomas selynger, and john elkyngton treasurer of the king's wars; most of whom signed the public declaration[ ] of the king's determination, which is stated to have been founded on these three considerations,--"the povertie of his armyes, the nygh approachyng of wynter, and small assistance of his allies." it was at the same time agreed, that the two kings should have an interview, and swear mutually to the performance of certain articles; after which the king of england should return to his own country, upon the receipt of , crowns (as stated by commines, but the amount finally settled was , ), leaving the lord howard and sir john cheyne as hostages until his arrival in england. in addition, pensions amounting to , crowns were promised to the privy councillors {xxxiii} of the king of england, viz. to the lord hastings[ ] crowns a-year, to the chancellor (rotherham) , and the remainder to the lord howard, the master of the horse (cheyne), thomas st. leger, sir thomas mountgomery, and several others, besides a great deal of ready money and plate[ ] that was distributed among the rest of the king of england's retinue. louis contrived to carry his corruption through every grade of his adversaries. he purchased from one of the english secretaries for sixty silver marks two letters which had been addressed by the seigneur d'urfé, who was then in the duke of bretagne's service, (and afterwards master of the horse of france,) one directed to the king of england, and the other to the lord hastings, lord chamberlain of england. they were shown to commines, who noticed in them this, among other expressions, that the duke of bretagne would do more by his intelligence in a month, than the king of england and the duke of burgundy both, with all the force they could make. the duke of burgundy, who was then at luxembourg, having intimation of these negociations, came in great haste to the king of england, attended only with sixteen horse.[ ] king edward was much surprised at his unexpected arrival, and inquired what it was that had brought him, for he saw by his countenance that he was angry. the duke told him that he came to talk with him. the king of england asked whether it should be in public or private? then the duke demanded whether he had made a peace? the king replied, that he had made a truce for nine years, in which the duke of bretagne and himself were {xxxiv} comprehended,[ ] and his desire was that they should accept of that comprehension. the duke fell into a violent passion, and in english, a language that he spoke very well, began to recount the glorious achievements of edward's predecessors on the throne of england, who had formerly invaded france, and how they had spared no pains, nor refused any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them immortal honour and renown abroad. then he inveighed against the truce, and told the king he had not invited the english over into france out of any necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of recovering their own right and inheritance; and, to convince them he could subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the truce until the king had been three months in england. having unburthened himself in this manner, the duke took his leave, and returned to luxembourg. the king of england and his council were extremely irritated by his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it. but, however dissatisfied the duke was with the truce, the constable of france had cause to be still more so: for, having deceived all parties, he could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. he made one more attempt to ingratiate himself with king edward, by offering him the towns of eu and st. valery for winter quarters, and a loan of , crowns; but king louis immediately received intimation of this, and at once ordered the two towns to be burned. king edward returned to the constable this answer, "that the truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but, had the constable performed his former promise (as to the town of st. quentin), the truce would never have been made." this answer stung the constable to the very soul, and made him desperate on all sides. in order to bring the treaty to a conclusion, king edward advanced within half a league of amiens; and the king of france, being upon one of the gates of the city, (where he had arrived on the d of august,) viewed from a distance the english army marching up. "speaking impartially, (continues commines,) the troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. our king sent the king of england cartloads[ ] of the best wines in france as a present, and i think the {xxxv} carts made as great a show as the whole english army. upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the english came into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the streets all armed, and in great companies, so that if the king of france could have dispensed with his oath, never was there so favourable an opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty's design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that might endure during his reign. the king had ordered two long tables to be placed on either side the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of viands most likely to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the richest that france could produce, with a troop of servants to wait on them; but not a drop of water was drank. at each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to entertain those who had a mind to take a hearty glass, amongst whom were the lord of craon, the lord of briquebec, the lord of bressure, the lord of villiers, and several others. as the english came up to the gate, they saw what was prepared, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take their horses by the bridles and lead them to the tables, where every man was treated handsomely, as he came in his turn, to their very great satisfaction. when they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, the french king bearing all the costs of that entertainment, which lasted three or four days." on childermas day (the th of august[ ]) the license of the english visitors had grown to such a height, that it was. estimated that there were at least of them in the town. the councillors of louis were alarmed, and although on that day the superstitious monarch never spoke upon business, nor allowed any one else to address him thereon, but took it as an ill omen, commines was induced to disturb his devotions, in order to inform him of the state of affairs. the king commanded him immediately to get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the english captains of note, to persuade them to order their troops to retire, and if he met any of the french captains to send them to him, for he {xxxvi} would be at the gate as soon as commines. commines met three or four english commanders of his acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king's directions; but for one man that they directed to leave the town, there were twenty that came in. in company with the lord of gié (afterwards maréchal of france) commines went into a tavern, where, though it was not yet one o'clock, there had already been a hundred and eleven reckonings that morning. the house was filled with company; some were singing, others were asleep, and all were drunk; upon observing which circumstance, commines concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came immediately to the gate, well attended, having commanded or men at arms to be harnessed privately in their captains' houses, some of whom he posted at the gate by which the english entered. the king then ordered his dinner to be brought to the porter's lodgings at the gate, where he dined, and did several english captains the honour of admitting them to dinner with him. the king of england had been informed of this disorder, and was much ashamed of it, and sent to the king of france to desire him to admit no more of his soldiers into the town. the king of france sent him word back he would not do that, but if the king of england pleased to send a party of his own guards thither, the gate should be delivered up to their charge, and they then might let in or shut out whomever they pleased, which was done accordingly. in order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, consultation was now taken for the place that might be most convenient for the proposed interview between the two kings, and commissioners were appointed to survey it,--the lord du bouchage and commines on the french part, and the lord howard, thomas st. leger, and a herald on the english. upon taking view of the river, they agreed upon picquigny, where the somme is neither wide nor fordable. on the one side, by which king louis would approach, was a fine open country; and on the other side it was the same, only when king edward came to the river, he was obliged to traverse a causeway about two bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, "which might (remarks commines) have produced very dangerous consequences to the english, if our intentions had not been honourable. and certainly, as i have said before, the english do not manage their treaties and capitulations with so much cunning and policy as the french do, let people say what they will, but proceed more openly, and with greater straightforwardness; yet a man must be careful, and take heed not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling with them." when the place of meeting was settled, the next business was to build a bridge, {xxxvii} which was done by french carpenters. the bridge was large and strong, and in the midst was contrived a massive wooden lattice, such as lions' cages were made with, every aperture between the bars being no wider than to admit a man's arm; at the top were merely boards to keep off the rain, and the area was large enough to contain ten or twelve men on a side, the bars running full out to either side of the bridge, to hinder any person from passing either to the one side or the other. for passage across the river there was provided only one small boat, rowed by two men. the incident in french history which suggested these extraordinary precautions had occurred fifty-six years before; when, at a similar meeting upon a bridge at montereau fault yonne, john duke of burgundy and his attendants were treacherously slaughtered in the presence of charles the seventh (then dauphin), in revenge for the murder of louis duke of orleans. in the barricade of that fatal bridge there was a wicket, which the duke himself incautiously opened; a circumstance which the timid louis well remembered, and he now repeated the story to commines, and expressly commanded that there should be no such doorway. when the bridge at picquigny was ready, the interview between the two kings took place on the th of august . the description which commines gives of it is highly graphic and interesting: "the king of france came first, attended by about men of arms. on the king of england's side, his whole army was drawn up in battle array; and, though we could not ascertain their total force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the body of troops which was with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. it was arranged that twelve men of a side were to attend each of the kings at the interview, and they were already chosen from among their greatest and most trusty courtiers. we had with us four of the king of england's retinue to view what was done among us, and they had as many of ours, on their side, to have an eye over their actions. as i said before, our king came first to the barriers, attended by twelve persons, among whom were john duke of bourbon and the cardinal his brother.[ ] it was the king's pleasure (according to his old and frequent custom) that i should be dressed like him that day.[ ]" {xxxviii} "the king of england advanced along the causeway very nobly attended, with the air and presence of a king." commines recognised in his train his brother the duke of clarence, the earl of northumberland, his chamberlain the lord hastings, his chancellor, and other peers of the realm; "among whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of gold like himself. the king wore a black velvet cap upon his head, and on it a large fleur-de-lis made of precious stones--[probably as a compliment to the french king]. he was a prince of a noble and majestic presence, but a little inclining to corpulence. i had seen him before when the earl of warwick drove him out of his kingdom, in [ ]; then i thought him much handsomer, and, to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a more handsome person. when he came within a little distance of the barrier he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of the ground; and the king of france, who was then leaning against the barrier, received him with abundance of reverence and respect. they embraced through the apertures of the barriers, and, the king of england making him another low bow, the king of france saluted him thus, 'cousin, you are heartily welcome! there is no person living i was so desirous of seeing; and god be thanked that this interview is upon so good an occasion.' king edward returned the compliment in very good french[ ]." {xxxix} "then the chancellor of england (who was a prelate, and bishop of lincoln) began his speech with a prophecy (with which the english are always provided), that at picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded between the english and french. after he had finished his harangue, the instrument was produced containing the articles which the king of france had sent to the king of england. the chancellor demanded of the king, whether he had dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? the king replied, yes; and when king edward's letters were produced on our side, he made the like answer. the missal being then brought and opened, both the kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the other upon the holy true cross, and both of them swore religiously to observe the contents of the truce. "this solemnity performed, king louis (who had always words at command) told king edward in a jocular way that he should be glad to see him at paris, and that if he would come and divert himself with the ladies, he would assign the cardinal of bourbon for his confessor, who he knew would willingly absolve him if he should commit any peccadillo in the way of love and gallantry. king edward was extremely pleased with his raillery, and made him many good repartees, for he was aware that the cardinal was a gay man with the ladies, and a boon companion. "after some further discourse to this purpose, the french king, to shew his authority, commanded those who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind to have a little private discourse with the king of england. they obeyed; and those who were with king edward, seeing the french retire, did the same, without waiting to be commanded. after the two kings had conversed together alone for some time, our master (continues commines) called me to him, and asked the king {xl} of england whether he knew me. king edward said that he did, naming the places where he had seen me, and told the king that i had formerly endeavoured to serve him at calais, when i was in the duke of burgundy's service. the king of france demanded, if the duke of burgundy refused to be comprehended in the treaty--as might be suspected from his obstinate answer--what the king of england would have him do? the king of england replied, he would offer it to him a second time, and, if he then refused it, he would not concern himself any further, but leave it entirely to themselves. by degrees king louis came to mention the duke of bretagne, who was really the person he aimed at in the question, and made the same demand as to him. the king of england desired that he would not attempt anything against the duke of bretagne, for in his distress he had never found so true and faithful a friend. louis then pressed him no further, but, recalling the company, took his leave of king edward[ ] in the politest and most flattering terms imaginable, and saluted all his attendants with especial courtesy; whereupon both monarchs at the same time retired from the barrier, and, mounting on horseback, the king of france returned to amiens, and the king of england to his army. king edward was supplied from the french household with whatever he required, to the very torches and candles." by the treaty thus concluded king edward engaged to return to england with his army so soon as king louis had paid him the sum of , crowns. a truce for seven years was concluded between the two sovereigns; and they mutually undertook to assist each other in case either prince should be attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and, to make this alliance still closer, charles the son of louis was to wed the princess elizabeth, king edward's eldest daughter, so soon as they were both of marriageable age. by the fourth and last article, the king of france engaged to pay annually to the king of england, in two instalments, the sum of , crowns. commines states that the duke of gloucester, king edward's younger brother, and some other englishmen of high rank, being averse to the treaty, were not present at the interview; though (he adds) they afterwards recollected themselves, and the duke of gloucester waited upon king louis at amiens, where he was splendidly entertained, and received noble presents both of plate and of fine horses. {xli} the chronicler jean de molinet also mentions the duke of gloucester's disapproval of the peace, although, as we have seen, he had signed the preliminary articles of agreement on the th of august. it is by no means inconsistent with the aspiring character of richard duke of gloucester--who at this period was not twenty-three years of age--that he should have affected to place himself at the head of the more martial and chivalrous party of the english nobility, and that commines had good information of his policy in that respect. the same delightful historian, who, not content with barren facts, confidentially introduces his readers into the secret motives and reflections of the actors in his story, supplies some remarkable particulars of the sentiments of his master king louis on the result of this memorable interview, which form as it were the finishing touches of his picture. whilst louis was riding back to amiens, he expressed his misgivings upon two incidents in what had passed. one was that the king of england had so readily caught at the idea of visiting paris. "he is (said louis,) a handsome prince, a great admirer of the ladies, and who knows but that he might find one of them at paris, who would say so many pretty things to him, as to make him desirous to come again? his ancestors have been too often in paris and normandy already; and i do not care for his company so near, though on the other side of the water i shall be ready to esteem him as my friend and brother." louis was also displeased to find the english king so resolute in relation to the duke of bretagne, upon whom he would fain have made war; and to that purpose he made him further overtures by the lord de bouchage and the lord de st. pierre; but when edward found himself pressed, he gave them this short but honourable answer, that if any one invaded the duke of bretagne's dominions he would cross the sea again in his defence. upon which the french king importuned him no more. when louis was arrived at amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three or four of the english lords, who had attended upon the king of england at the interview, came to sup with his majesty; and one of them, the lord howard, told the king in his ear that, if he desired it, he would readily find a way to bring the king his master to him to amiens, and perhaps to paris too, to be merry with him. though this proposition was not in the least agreeable to louis, yet he dissembled the matter pretty well, and began washing his hands, without giving a direct answer; but he whispered to commines, and said that what he had dreaded was really coming to pass. after supper the subject was renewed, but the king then put it off with the greatest quietness and tact {xlii} imaginable, alleging that his expedition against the duke of burgundy would require his departure immediately. thus, (as our pleasant friend remarks,) though these affairs were of the highest moment, and required the gravest caution to manage them discreetly, yet they were not unattended by some agreeable incidents that deserve to be related to posterity. nor ought any man to wonder, considering the great mischiefs which the english had brought upon the kingdom of france, and the freshness of their date, that the king should incur so much trouble and expense to send them home in an amicable manner, and endeavour to make them his friends for the future, or at least divert them from being his enemies. the next day the english came into amiens in great numbers, and some of them reported that the holy ghost had made the peace, producing some prophecy in support of the assertion: but their greatest proof was that during the interview a white dove came and sat upon the king of england's tent, and could not be frightened away by any noise they could make. the less superstitious, however, explained the incident more rationally; a shower having fallen, and the sun afterwards shining out very warm, when the pigeon, finding that tent higher than the others, came thither to dry herself. this was the explanation given to commines by a gascon gentleman named louis de bretailles,[ ] who was in the king of england's service. this gentleman was one of those who saw further than others into the state of affairs, and, being an old acquaintance of commines, he privately {xliii} expressed his opinion that the french were making sport of the king of england. during the conversation, commines asked him how many battles king edward had fought. he answered nine, and that he had been in every one of them in person. commines then asked how many he had lost. bretailles replied, never but one; and that was this, in which the french had outwitted him now; for in his opinion the ignominy of king edward's returning so soon after such vast preparations, would be a greater disgrace and stain to his reputation than all the honour he had achieved in his nine previous victories. commines repeated this smart answer to his master, who replied, he is a shrewd fellow, i warrant him, and we must have a care of his tongue. the next day louis sent for him, had him to dinner at his own table, and made him very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his master's service, and live in france; but, finding he was not to be prevailed upon, he presented him with a thousand crowns, and promised he would do great matters for his brothers in france. upon his going away, commines whispered him in his ear, and desired him to employ his good offices to continue and propagate that love and good understanding which was so happily begun between the two kings. though louis could scarcely conceal his delight and self-gratulation at the success of his policy, yet his timidity was continually revived when he imagined that he had dropped any expressions that might reach the ears of the english, and make them suspect that he had overreached and deluded them. on the morning following the interview, being alone in his closet with only three or four of his attendants, he began to droll and jest upon the wines and presents which he had sent into the english camp, but, turning suddenly round, he became aware of the presence of a gascon merchant who lived in england, and was come to solicit license to export a certain quantity of bordeaux wines without paying the duties. louis was startled at seeing him, and wondered how he had gained admission. the king asked him of what town in guienne he was, whether he was a merchant, and whether married in england. the man replied yes, he had a wife in england, but what estate he had there was but small. before he went away, the king appointed one to go with him to bordeaux, and commines had also some talk with him, by his majesty's express command. louis conferred on him a considerable post of employment in his native town, granted him exemption from duty {xliv} for his wines, and gave him a thousand francs to bring his wife over from england, but he was to send his brother for her, and not go personally to fetch her; and all these penalties the king imposed upon himself for having indulged in too great freedom of speech. as soon as king edward had received his money, and delivered the lord howard and sir john cheyne as hostages until he was landed in england, he retired towards calais by long and hasty marches, for he was suspicious of the duke of burgundy's anger, and the vengeance of the peasants; and, indeed, if any of his soldiers straggled, some of them were sure to be knocked on the head. "uppon the xxviijth daye of septembre folowynge he was with great tryumphe receyved of the mayor and cytezeyns of london at blakheth, and with all honoure by theym conveyed thorugh the cytie unto westmynster, the mayer and aldermen beynge clade in scarlet, and the commoners to the nombre of v c. in murrey."[ ] the treacherous constable of france again turning round, in order if possible to recover his lost favour with his own sovereign,[ ] sent a messenger to louis, offering to persuade the duke of burgundy to join his forces with the king's, and destroy the king of england and his whole army on their return. but this last shift of the baffled traitor only contributed to confirm his ruin. king edward communicated to louis (probably before this offer) two letters which the constable had addressed to him, and related all the proposals he had from time to time made; so that his three-fold treasons were revealed to all the princes with whose rival interests he had endeavoured to play his own game, and they were all alike provoked to join in his destruction. louis contemplated his punishment with the bitterest animosity. when he received the overture above stated, there were only in his presence the lord {xlv} howard the english hostage, the lord de coutay, who was newly returned from an embassy to the duke of burgundy, the lord du lude, and commines, which two had been employed to receive the constable's messenger. the king, calling for one of his secretaries, dictated a letter to the constable, acquainting him with what had been transacted the day before in relation to the truce; and adding that at that instant he had weighty affairs upon his hands, and wanted such a head as his to finish them. then turning to the english nobleman and to the lord de coutay, he said, "i do not mean his body. i would have his head with me, and his body where it is." after the letter had been read, louis delivered it to rapine the constable's messenger, who was mightily pleased with it, and took it as a great compliment in the king to write that he wanted such a head as his master's, for he did not perceive the ambiguity and sting of the expression. we are now arrived at the closing reflections of commines upon the course which events had taken in france at this memorable crisis. "at the beginning of our affairs with the english, you may remember that the king of england had no great inclination to make his descent; and as soon as he came to dover, and before his embarkation there, he entered into a sort of treaty with us. but that which prevailed with him to transport his army to calais was first the solicitation of the duke of burgundy, and the natural animosity of the english against the french, which has existed in all ages; and next to reserve to himself a great part of the money which had been liberally granted him for that expedition; for, as you have already heard, the kings of england live upon their own demesne revenue, and can raise no taxes but under the pretence of invading france. besides, the king had another stratagem by which to content his subjects; for he had brought with him ten or twelve citizens of london, and other towns in england, all fat and jolly, the leaders of the english commons, of great power in their countries, such as had promoted the wars and had been very serviceable in raising that powerful army. the king ordered very fine tents to be made for them, in which they lay; but, that not being the kind of living they had been used to, they soon began to grow weary of the campaign, for they expected they should come to an engagement within three days of their landing, and the king multiplied their fears and exaggerated the dangers of the war, on purpose that they might be better satisfied with a peace, and aid him to quiet the murmurs of the people upon his return to england; for, since king arthur's days, never king of england invaded france with so great a number of the nobility and such a formidable army. but, as you have heard, he returned immediately into england upon the conclusion of the peace, and then reserved for his own private use the {xlvi} greater part of the money that had been raised to pay the army; so that, in reality, he accomplished most of the designs he had in view. king edward was not of a complexion or turn of mind to endure much hardship and labour, and such any king of england must encounter who designs to make any considerable conquest in france. besides, our king was in a tolerable posture of defence, though he was not so well prepared in all respects as he ought to have been, by reason of the variety and multitude of his enemies. another great object with the king of england was the arrangement of a marriage between our present king charles the eighth and his daughter; and this alliance, causing him to wink at several things, was a material advantage to our master's affairs. "king louis himself was very desirous to obtain a general peace. the vast numbers of the english had put him into great alarm; he had seen enough of their exploits in his time in his kingdom, and he had no wish to witness any more of them." when louis went to meet the duke of burgundy's plenipotentiaries at a bridge half-way between avesnes and vervins, he took the english hostages with him, and they were present when he gave audience to the burgundians. "one of them then told commines that, if they had seen many such men of the duke of burgundy's before, perhaps the peace had not been concluded so soon. the vîcomte of narbonne, (afterwards comte of foix,) overhearing him, replied, 'could you be so weak as to believe that the duke of burgundy had not great numbers of such soldiers? he had only sent them into quarters of refreshment; but you were in such haste to be at home again, that six hundred pipes of wine and a pension from our king sent you presently back into england.' the englishman was irritated, and answered with much warmth, 'i plainly see, as everybody said, that you have done nothing but cheat us. but do you call the money your king has given us a pension? it is a tribute; and, by saint george! you may prate so much as will bring us back again to prove it.' i interrupted their altercation, and turned it into a jest; but the englishman would not understand it so, and i informed the king of it, and his majesty was much offended with the vîcomte of narbonne." king edward, being highly disgusted with the duke of burgundy's rejection of his truce, and his subsequent offer to make a distinct peace with the king of france, despatched a great favourite of his, named sir thomas mountgomery, to king louis at vervins, and he arrived whilst the negociation was proceeding with the duke of burgundy's envoys. sir thomas desired, on the behalf of the king his master, that the king of france would not consent to any other truce with the {xlvii} duke than what was already made.[ ] he also pressed louis not to deliver st. quentin into the duke's hands; and, as further encouragement, edward offered to repass the seas in the following spring with a powerful army to assist him, provided his majesty would continue in war against the duke of burgundy, and compensate him for the prejudice he should sustain in his duties upon wool at calais, which would be worth little or nothing in war time, though at other times they were valued at , crowns. he proposed likewise that the king of france should pay one-half of his army, and he would pay the other himself. louis returned edward abundance of thanks, and made sir thomas a present of plate: but as to the continuation of the war, he begged to be excused, for the truce with burgundy was already concluded, and upon the same terms as those which had been already agreed to between them; only the duke of burgundy had pressed urgently to have a separate truce for himself; which circumstance louis excused as well as he could, in order to satisfy the english ambassador, who with this answer returned home, accompanied by the hostages. "the king (adds commines) felt extremely surprised at king edward's offers, which were delivered before me only, and he conceived it would be very dangerous to bring the king of england into france again, for between those two nations, when brought into contact, any trifling accident might raise some new quarrel, and the english might easily make friends again with the duke of burgundy." these considerations greatly forwarded the conclusion of the king of france's treaty with the burgundians. in fact, the duke of burgundy at last overreached his brother-in-law king edward, for he concluded a truce with france for nine years, whilst that of england with france was for seven years only. the duke's ambassadors requested king louis that this truce might not be proclaimed immediately by sound of trumpet, as the usual custom was, for they were anxious to save the duke's oath to king edward (when he swore in his passion that he would not accept of the benefit of the truce until the king had been in england three months), lest edward should think their master had spoken otherwise than he designed. as for edward himself, whatever selfish satisfaction he may have derived from the result of the campaign,--such as commines has already suggested--it must have weakened his popularity both with his nobles and with his people, whilst it terminated the former cordiality that had existed with his brother of burgundy. the king of england had now become the pensioner of france, the great {xlviii} absorbing power of that age, which was soon to swallow up england's nearest and best allies, the duchies of burgundy and britany. the french pension of , crowns was, as commines relates, punctually paid every half-year in the tower of london; and by a treaty made in feb. - it was renewed for the lives of edward and louis, and extended for a hundred years after the death of both princes: which seemed to give it more directly the character of a tribute, a term that commines says the english applied to it, but which the french indignantly repelled. however, after little more than four years longer, it had answered its purpose, and its payment ceased. the english voluptuary then found himself entirely outwitted by the wily frenchman. after the duke of burgundy's death (in ) and that of his only daughter the wife of the archduke maximilian (in ) his grand-daughter margaret of austria was suddenly betrothed to the dauphin, in the place of the lady elizabeth of england. louis caught at this alliance in order to detach the counties of burgundy and artois from the territory of the netherlands, and annex them to the crown of france; and the turbulent citizens of ghent, in whose keeping the children[ ] of their late sovereign lady were, were ready to make this concession, without the concurrence of the children's father, in order to reduce the power of their princes. this infant bride was then only three years and a half old; and had consequently made her appearance on the stage of life subsequently to the dauphin's former contract with the english princess.[ ] commines describes at some length the mortification experienced by king edward when he heard of this alliance,--"finding himself deluded in the hopes he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the dauphin, of which marriage both himself and his queen were more ambitious than of any other in the world, and never would give credit to any man, whether subject or foreigner, that endeavoured to persuade them that our king's intentions were not sincere and honourable. for the parliament (or council) of england had remonstrated to king edward several times, when our king was in picardy, that after he had conquered {xlix} that province he would certainly fall upon calais and guines, which are not far off. the ambassadors from the duke and duchess of austria, as also those from the duke of bretagne, who were continually in england at that time, represented the same thing to him; but to no purpose, for he would believe nothing of it, and he suffered greatly for his incredulity. yet i am entirely of opinion that his conduct proceeded not so much from ignorance as avarice; for he was afraid to lose his pension of fifty thousand crowns, which our master paid him very punctually, and besides he was unwilling to leave his ease and pleasures, to which he was extremely devoted." the enervated temper of edward's latter years is faithfully depicted in the opening lines of one of the best-known works of our great dramatic poet: now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths, our bruised arms hung up for monuments; our stern alarums chang'd to merry meetings, our dreadful marches to delightful measures. grim-visaged war hath smooth'd his wrinkled front, and now, instead of mounting barbed steeds, to fright the souls of fearful adversaries, he capers nimbly in a lady's chamber, to the lascivious pleasing of a lute. _shakspeare's richard the third, act i. sc. ._ in another place commines attributes the death of edward the fourth to the vexation he conceived at the great reverse in his political prospects, which disclosed itself on his loss of the french alliance. this conclusion is probably imaginary, though edward's death certainly occurred whilst the dauphin's new betrothal was in progress. the treaty of arras, by which the arrangement was made, was signed on the d dec. , and the lady margaret was delivered to the french, and met the dauphin at amboise, on the d of june following. king edward died on the intervening th of april, a victim, as is generally thought, to his long course of intemperate living. it is obvious, however, that the failure of the french alliance must have been a very serious loss to edward's family, who were left defenceless on his death, although he had previously contracted his daughters to the heirs of france, scotland, spain, and burgundy. altogether, the ruin of the house of york, if we may credit commines, was the eventual result of the fatal compromise made in the campaign of , and of {l} the enervating and corrupting influences exercised by the french pensions which were then accepted by king edward and his ministers. thenceforward, any hope of recovering the english provinces of france was indefinitely deferred; the very echoes of those martial glories which had once made the english name so dreadful in that country were allowed to die away; the dreams of conquest were dissipated; and the hands of englishmen again turned to internecine contests, which resulted in the total destruction of the royal house of plantagenet, and the ruin of a large proportion of the ancient nobility. the boke of noblesse, after the total failure of those more generous sentiments and aspirations which it was intended to propagate, at once became, what it is now, a mere mirror of by-gone days; and, considering these circumstances, we cannot be surprised that it was never again transcribed, nor found its way to the press. it is with regret that i relinquish to some future more fortunate inquirer the discovery of the author of this composition. the manuscript from which it is printed is certainly not his autograph original; for its great inaccuracy occasionally renders the meaning almost unintelligible. and yet the corrections and insertions, which i have indicated as coming _à secundâ manu_, would seem to belong to the author. i have already, in the first page of this introduction, intimated the possibility of the work having been composed in the lifetime of sir john fastolfe, and merely re-edited, if we may use the term, upon occasion of the projected invasion of france in . there are three circumstances which decidedly connect the book with some dependent of sir john fastolfe:-- . that the writer quotes sir john as "mine autour," or informant, in pp. and , as well as tells other anecdotes which were probably received from his relation. . his having access to sir john's papers or books of account (p. ); and . there being still preserved in the volume, bound up with its fly-leaves, the two letters, probably both addressed to fastolfe, and one of them certainly so, which are printed hereafter, as an appendix to these remarks. sir john fastolfe is not commemorated as having been a patron of literature. in the inventory of his property which is printed in the twentieth volume of the archæologia, no books occur except a few missals, &c. belonging to his chapel. though william of worcestre, now famous for his historical collections, (which have been edited by hearne, nasmith, and dallaway,) was fastolfe's secretary, he was kept in a subordinate position, and valued for his merely clerical, {li} not his literary, services. sir john fastolfe's passion was the acquisition of property; whilst william of worcestre, on his part, followed (as far as he could) the bent of his own taste, and not that of his master; being (as his comrade henry windsore declared) as glad to obtain a good book of french or of poetry as his master fastolfe was to purchase a fair manor.[ ] the translation of cicero de senectute, which was printed by caxton in , is indeed in the preface stated to have been translated by the ordinance and desire of the noble ancient knight sir john fastolfe;[ ] and, though worcestre's name is not mentioned by caxton, we may conclude that it was the same translation which from worcestre's own memoranda we know was made by him.[ ] still, it was but a very slight deference to literature, if the ancient knight approved of his secretary's translating "tully on old age," and did not make any further contribution towards its publication. but on the particular subject of the loss of the english provinces in france, and the causes thereof, there can be no question that sir john fastolfe, the "baron {lii} of sillie le guillem," once governor of anjou and maine, and lord of piron and beaumont, took the deepest interest; considering that he had spent his best days in their acquisition, administration, and defence, and that he was one of the principal sufferers by their loss. he may, therefore, well have promoted the composition of the work now before us. william of worcestre has the reputation of having written a memoir[ ] of the exploits of sir john fastolfe; but this is not traceable beyond the bare assertion of bale, and a more recent misapprehension of the meaning of one of the paston letters. {liii} another person whose name has occurred as having been employed in a literary capacity for sir john fastolfe[ ] is peter basset[ ]; who is commemorated with some parade by bale as an historical writer, but whose writings, though quoted by hall the chronicler, have either disappeared or are no longer to be identified. i have, however, mentioned the names of william of worcestre and peter basset only from the circumstance of their being connected with that of sir john {liv} fastolfe; and not from there being any other presumptive proof that either of them wrote "the boke of noblesse." we have no known production of basset with which to compare it; and as to worcestre his "collectanea" and private memoranda can scarcely assist us in determining what his style might have been had he attempted any such work as the present. altogether, the boke of noblesse is more of a compilation than an original essay. it has apparently largely borrowed from the french; and i have already shown that it was partly derived from former works, though i cannot undertake to say to what extent that was the case. in its general character our book resembles one which was popular in the middle ages, as the _secretum secretorum_, falsely attributed to aristotle,[ ] and which was also known under the title _de regimine principum_. the popularity of this work was so great that ms. copies occur in most of our public libraries, and not less than nine english translations and six french translations are known.[ ] a scots translation by sir gilbert de hay, entitled "_the buke of the governaunce of princis_," is contained in a ms. at abbotsford, accompanying a version of _the tree of batailes_, already noticed in pp. iii. vi. another work of the same class is that of which caxton published (about the year ) a translation entitled _the booke of the ordre of chevalrye or knyghthode_, and of which the scots translation by sir gilbert de hay was printed for the abbotsford club by beriah botfield, esq. in . to his translations of the treatises of cicero on old age and friendship, which caxton printed in , he also appended two "declaracyons," or orations, supposed to be spoken by two noble roman knights before the senate, in order "to know wherein noblesse restith," or, as otherwise expressed in the title-page, "shewing wherin honoure should reste." these imaginary orations were the work of an italian, who styled himself, in latin, banatusius magnomontanus. after a time, the term noblesse, which we here find synonymous with honour, and (in p. xv. _ante_) with chivalry, in the sense of a class or order of society, {lv} became obsolete as an english word. in the former sense, at least, it was changed into our english "nobleness;" and about the year we find published a "book of noblenes," printed by robert wyer, without date.[ ] this work had been translated from latin into french, and "now into english by john larke." i have not seen it, but i imagine it was a far smaller and slighter composition than the present.[ ] ames[ ] mentioned our "boke of noblesse" as a printed work, on the authority of tanner's mss., but this was evidently a misapprehension. it only now remains that i should describe the manuscript, which is preserved in the royal collection at the british museum, and marked b. xxii. it is written in a paper book, which is formed of four quires of paper, each consisting of six sheets, and is of the size of a modern quarto volume. the quires are marked in the lower margin with the signatures of the scribe: the first quire consisting of six sheets, placed within one another, and marked j. ij. iij. iiij. v. vj.; the second also of six sheets, marked .a.i. .a.ij. .a.iij. .a.iiij. .a.v. and .a.vj.; the third, b. . .b. . .b. . .b. . .b. .; the fourth .c. . c. . c. . c. . c. . c. . thus it is seen that the sheet containing the leaf b. . and the attached leaf (b. . as it might be called) is lost: and this loss occasions the defects which will be found in the present volume at p. and p. . in front of the volume are bound three leaves of vellum, on the last of which is fastened a slip of the like material, inscribed, apparently edwarde w [iiij?] wych ys bold on the back of the same leaf is the name of _symond'_ _samson._ at the foot of the first paper leaf is the autograph name of _lumley._ _i. e._ john lord lumley, the son-in-law of the last earl of arundel, into whose {lvi} possession the volume probably came by purchase in the reign of elizabeth or james the first. on the leaf .c. . is the autograph name of _robert savylle_. on the last leaf are many scribblings, and attempts in drawing grotesque heads and figures, apparently done about the time of queen mary. among them occurs again the name of _symeon sampson p._ also those of _richarde dyconson_ and _edward jones of clemente in the jor of_ ---- and these sentences, john twychener ys booke he that stellys thys booke he shall be hangid a pon a hooke and that wylle macke ys necke to brake & that wyll macke ys neck awrye a nyes wiffe & a backe dore makythe } outon tymys a ryche man pore. } in the name of the father of the sonne and the holey gost. so be itt. jhesus nazerinus rex iudior[=u] fillij dei miserere mei. jhesus.) god save the king o^r souu'ain lorde. jhesus nazarinus. god save king p. & mary. o gloryous jesu o mekest jesu o moost sweteste jesu have m'cye on us. quite at the bottom of the page is the name of _edward banyster._ * * * * * letters addressed to sir john fastolfe. (royal ms. b. xxii. f. .) from john appulton, captain of pontdonné and the haye de puis. mon treshonnouré et redoubté sr., toute humble recommendacion primier mise, plaise vous savoir que jay entendu que piecha vous aviez quittie et transporté afin de heritaige a degory gamel vostre terre et seignourie de piron pour le prix de deux mille francs lesquelx il devoit paier a chinq annees enssuit du dit transport, cest assavoir pour la premir ann six cens francs, et le demourant es autres quatres anns ensuit, a chacun par egalle porcion; de la quelle chose j'entens que le dit degory na pas acompli ces termes ne ses {lvii} paiemens, car il nest pas tousjours prest de paier, et est de tel gouvernement que p..... que navez eu que peu de chose de vostre ditte s'rie dempuis quil en a eu le gouvernement. et pour ce, mon treshonnouré et redoubté, janvois grant desir davoir icelle terre afin de heritaige si c'estoit vostre plaisir et volenté. car elle est pres de mes et bien a mon aise. sy vous prie et requier tant humblement comme je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, qu'il vous pla[ira] que j'aie icelle terre et seigneurie de piron par les prix et condicions dessus desclerés et que l'aviez accordee au dit degory en cas que [sera] vostre plaisir de vous en des faire, et que je la puisse avoir aussi tost que ung autre, et j'en seay a tousjours mais tenu ... car vous estes le seigneur qui vive en monde a qui je suis plus tenu et a qui jay greigno' service, et que elle me soit confe[rmé?] par le roy nostre seigneur tellement que je ny puisse avoir empeschement. et je vous promet que je vous paieray loyalment es termes qui seront assignes sans aucune faulte, et se faulte y avez per moy que le marchie ne fust nul, et sur paine de perdre s ... que jen avoie paié. et sy est ce grant chose pour le present de deux mille francs attendans la guerre qui est a present ou ... a l'occasion de la prinse et perte de la place de grantville. car se remede ny est mis de brief tout le bailliage de costentin est en voie destre destruit, et estre comme le pais de caulx, que dieu ne vueille. car se seroit grant dommaige et grant pitie. et pour ceste cause jenvoie jehan dotton devers vous, qui est vostre serviteur, porteur de ces presentes, auquel jay donné pouvoir et puissance den composer et appointier avecque vous ainsi quil vous plaira, et que regarderez quil sera bon a faire, tout aussi comme se je y estoie present, et lequel vous parlera plus a plain de lestate et gouvernement de vostre ditte seigneurie de piron et comme elle a esté gouvernée. et pour ce que autrefois je vous avoie rescript de vostre terre et seigneurie de beaumont, que jeusse volentiers eue se ceust esté vostre plaisir et volenté, pour ce que ma terre d'asineres est parmys la vostre et joingnent ensemble, et en cas que se ne seroit vostre plaisir que jeusse vostre ditte seigneurie de piron, jentend' encores volentiers a icelle de beaumont, et quil vous pleust la mettre a prix de raison, car je ne scay pas bien que elle peult valloir, mes vous le savez bien, car vous en avez fait fe presn(?) et en avez eu la desclaracion, non obstant que les terres depar de cha sy sen vont en tres grant diminucion pour la cause dessus dict. sy vous plaise de vostre grace a y avoir sur le tout advis, et den faire tant que jen puisse estre tous jours vostre petit et humble serviteur, et comme jay tousjours esté et seray tant que je vivray. et se il vous plaist faire quelque appointe des choses dessus dictes, quil vous plaise a le faire vous mesmes, et que ne menvoiez a raouen ne ailleurs, car les chemins sont trop dangereux, et ne voudroie pas aler a rouen voulentiers pour gaignier deux cens frans. mon treshonnouré et redoubté seigneur, je me recommande a vous tant humblement comme je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, et se il est chose que faire puisse pour vous, mandez le moy et je l'acompliray de tout mon cuer et volentiers, en priant le saint esprit qu'il soit garde de vous et vous donne bonne vie et longue et acomplisse(ment) de vous nobles desirs. escript a la haie du puis, le derrain jour dé may. {lviii} mon treshonnouré et redoubté seigneur, je vous recommande ma fille qui est demour' veufue, et quil vous plaist qelle soit (en) vostre bonne grace et service, et la conseiller et conforter en tous ses afaires. letout vostre humble serviteur jhon 'appulton, cap(itaine) du pont donne et de la haie du puis. (_directed on the back_,) a mon treshonnouré et tresredoubté sire messire jehan fastouf, chevalier, seigneur de piron et de beaumont en normendie. from the bailiffs of winchester.[ ] right worshipfulle sire,--we recommande ws unto you, latyng you wete of howre taryng that we brynge nat hoppe (up) howre money for howre ferme ys for be cawse that we wholde receyve of howre dewte of the cete, and of the awnage sum of xiij. li.; the wheche money we cannat receyve in to the time that we have a wrette to the mayre and to ws ballys, for the cete scholde have of the awnage as easter terme xx. marcs, for that the cete grant(ed) us to howre eryste ferme, and here a pon we tryst; and now the fermeris of the awnage sey it pleynli that the cete schale nat have a peny in to mighelmas terme but zyffe so be that ye sende us a wrytt that we mowe brynge the fermers in to the cheker, and ther to pay ws thys xx. marcs, for we lacke no money but that, for the fermers makit hyrr a skowsce apon the refuson that was thys tyme thre zere, for they fere laste they schold pay agen, and there for they sey it they whole nat pay us no peni but in the cheker, also howre mayre takyt no hede of ws, nother howe whe schal be servyd of the mony, theirefore we pray you sende a wrett down to the mayre and to ws for to brynge ho(ppe, _i.e._ up) howre ferme for the halfe zere, for dowt hyt nat ze schale be as wel payd of ws as zevr (ever) ye w(ere) of zeny men, for in trowyf we pay of howre money more than xiiij. li. no more, but god kepe you. i-wretyn at wynchester the viij. day of may. by the baillifes of wynchester. (to this letter no address is preserved.) * * * * * {lix} additional notes. page liv. _de regimine principum._--sir john paston (temp. edw. iv.) had a copy of this work, which formed part of a volume which he thus described in the catalogue of his library:-- "m^d. my _boke of knyghthode_ and the maner off makyng off knyghts, off justs, off tornaments, ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden by soldiers and chalenges, statutes off weere, and _de regimine principum_." (paston letters, vol. iii p. .) it is more fully described by william ebesham, the scribe who had written the book, in his bill of accompt, which is also preserved in the same volume, p. :-- "item as to _the grete booke_. "first for wrytyng of the _coronacion_ and other _tretys of knyghthode_ in that quaire, which conteyneth a xiij. levis and more, ij^d. a lefe ij^s. ij^d. "item for the _tretys of werre_ in iiij. books, which conteyneth lx. levis, after ij^d. a leaff x^s. "item for _othea pistill_, which conteyneth xliij. levis vij^s. ij^d. "item for the _chalenges_ and the _acts of armes_, which is xxviij^{ti}. lefs iiij^s. viij^d. "item for _de regimine principum_, which conteyneth xlv^{ti}. leves, after a peny a leef, which is right wele worth iij^s. ix^d. "item for rubriesheyng of all the booke iij^s. iiij^d. the "treatise of knighthood" here mentioned, may probably have resembled _the booke of the ordre of chyvalrye or knyghthode_ printed by caxton (see p. liv.); and the "treatise of war" may have been a version of _the boke of fayttes of armes and of chyvallrye_, which caxton also published from the _arbre de batailes_, &c. as before noticed in p. vi. the "othea pistill" was certainly the same book which passes under the name of christine de pisan, and which was printed at paris by philippe pigouchet, in to, under the title of "_les cent histoires de troye._ lepistre de othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit cheualereux hector de troye, auec cent hystoires." in every page of this book there is a _texte_ in french verse, and a _glose_ in prose, which agrees exactly with sir john paston's description in his catalogue (where it appears as distinct from ebesham's "great book,") in this entry,--"item, a _book de othea_, text and glose, in quayers." page . _matheu gournay de comitatu somerset._ this personage, whose name has been inserted by the second hand, was a very distinguished warrior in the french wars, and has been supposed to have been the model of the knight in chaucer's canterbury {lx} pilgrims. his epitaph at stoke upon hampden in somersetshire, which has been preserved by leland, describes him as "le noble et vaillant chivaler maheu de gurney, iadys seneschal de landes et capitain du chastel daques por nostre seignor le roy en la duche de guyene, qui en sa vie fu a la batail de beaumarin, et ala apres a la siege dalgezire sur les sarazines, et auxi a les batailles de lescluse, de cressy, de yngenesse, de peyteres, de nazara, dozrey, et a plusiurs autres batailles et asseges, en les quex il gaina noblement graund los et honour per lespece de xxxxiiij et xvj ans, et morust le xxvj jour de septembre, l'an nostre seignor jesu christ mccccvj, que de salme dieux eit mercy. amen." (see records of the house of gournay, by daniel gurney, esq. f.s.a. p. .) page . _sir john fastolfe's victualling of the bastille._ this anecdote is illustrated by the following passage of one of sir john's books of accompt:-- "item, in like wise is owing to the said fastolfe for the keeping and victualling of the bastile of st. anthony in paris, as it appeareth by writing sufficient, and by the creditors of sir john tyrel knight, late treasurer of the king's house, remaining in the exchequer of westminster of record, the sum of xlij li. (paston letters, iii. .) * * * * * { } the boke of noblesse. [ms. reg. b. xxii.] * * * * * the boke of noblesse, compiled to the most hyghe and myghety prince kynge edward the iiij^{the} for the avauncyng and preferryng the comyn publique of the royaumes of england and of fraunce. first, in the worship of the holy trinite, bring to mynde to calle, in the begynnyng of every good work, for grace. and sithe this litille epistle is wrote and entitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes to be in perpetuite of remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right convenient is soo to bee. and as it is specified by auctorite of the noble cenatoure of rome kayus son, in these termes foloweng: "hoc igitur summum est nobilitatis genus, posse majorum suorum egregia facta dicere, posse eorum beneficiis petere honores publicos, posse gloriam rei publicæ hereditario quodam jure vendicare, posse insuper sese eorum partes vocare, et clarissimas in suis vultibus ymagines ostendere. quos enim appellat vulgus nisi quod nobilissimi parentes genuere." de remedio casus reipublicæ. [sidenote: anglorum nacio originem sumpsit ex nacione trojanorum.] [sidenote: nota j^{o}. quod lingua britonum adhuc usitatur in wallia et cornibea, que lingua vocabatur corrupta greca.] here folowethe the evident examples and the resons of comfort for a reformacion to be had uppon the piteous complaintes and dolorous lamentacions made for the right grete outragious and most { } grevous losse of the royaume of fraunce, duchee[gh] of normandie, of gascoyne, and guyen, and also the noble counte of mayne and the erledom of pontife. and for relevyng and geting ayen the said reaume, dukedoms, [and earldoms,] undre correccion of amendement ben shewed the exortacions and mocions, be auctorite, example of actis in armes, bothe by experience and otherwise purposid, meoved and declarid, to corage and comfort the hertis of [the] englisshe nacion, havyng theire first originalle of the nacion of the noble auncient bloode of troy more than m^l. yere before the birthe of crist; in token and profe wherof the auncient langage of the brutes bloode at this day remayneth[ ] bothe in the princedome of walis and in the auncient provynce and dukedom of cornewale, whiche was at tho daies called corrupt greke. [sidenote: ij^{o}. lingua saxonum alias lingua germanorum.] [sidenote: dux cerdicius applicuit in britania tempore regis arthuri, et sic per favorem regis inhabitavit, et . . ex natione grecorum.] and next after the mighty saxons' bloode, otherwise called a provynce in germayne, that the vaileaunt duke cerdicius arrived in this reaume, with whom[ ] arthur, king of the breton bloode, made mighty werre, and suffred hym to inhabit here. and the saxons, as it is writen in berthilmew in his booke of propreteis, also were decendid of the nacion of grekis. [sidenote: iij^{o}. lingua danorum ex nacione grecorum. rex danorum knott conquestum fecit.] and next after came the feers manly danysh nacion, also of grekis bene descendid, that the gret justicer king knowt this land subdued and the saxons' bloode. and sithen the noble normannes, also of the danys nacion, descendid be william conquerour, of whome ye ben lyniallie descendid, subdued this lande. and, last of alle, the victorius bloode of angevyns, by mariage of that puissaunt erle geffry plantagenet, the son and heire of fouke king of jherusalem, be mariage of dame maude, emperes, soule doughter and heire to the king of grete renoune, henry the first of inglond, and into this day lineally descendid in most prowes. and whiche said englisshe nacion ben sore astonyed and dulled { } for the repairing and wynnyng ayen, uppon a new conquest to be hadde for youre verray right and true title in the inheritaunce of the saide reaume of fraunce and the duche of normandie. of whiche duchie, we have in the yere of oure lorde m^l.iiij^cl., lost, as bethyn the space of xv monithes be put out wrongfullie, tho roughe subtile wirkingis conspired and wroughte be the frenshe partie undre the umbre and coloure of trewis late taken betwyxt youre antecessoure king harry the sext then named king, and youre grete adversarie of fraunce charles the vij^{the}. and where as the saide piteous complaintes [and] dolorous lamentacions of youre verray true obeisaunt subjectis for lesing of the said countreis may not be tendrid ne herde, [they] many daies have had but litille comfort, nether the anguisshes, troubles, and divisions here late before in this reaume be cyvyle batailes to be had, may not prevaile them to the repairing and wynnyng of any soche manere outrageous losses to this reaume, whiche hathe thoroughe sodein and variable chaunces of unstedfast fortune so be revaled and overthrow; the tyme of relief and comfort wolde not be despendid ne occupied so: namely with theym whiche that have necessite of relief and socoure of a grettir avauntage and a more profitable remedie for theire avauncement to a new conquest: or by a good tretie of a finalle peace for the recovere of the same: but to folow the counceile of the noble cenatoure of rome boicius in the second prose of his first booke of consolacion seieng _sed medicine_ (inquid) _tempus est_, _quàm querele_. therfor, alle ye lovyng liege men, bothe youre noble alliaunces and frendis, levithe suche idille lamentacions, put away thoughte and gret pensifnes of suche lamentable passions and besinesse, and put ye hem to foryetefulnesse. and doo not away the recordacion of actis and dedis in armes of so many famous and victorious kingis, princes, dukis, erles, barounes, and noble knightis, as of fulle many other worshipfulle men haunting armes, whiche as verray trew martirs and blissid souls have taken theire last ende by werre; { } some woundid and taken prisonneres in so just a title and conquest uppon youre enheritaunce in fraunce and normandie, gasquyn and guyen; and also by the famous king and mighty prince king edward the thrid, first heriter to the said royaume of fraunce, and by prince edwarde his eldist son, and alle his noble bretherin, [who] pursued his title and righte be force of armes, as was of late tyme sithe the yere of crist m^l.iiij^cxv. done, and made a new conquest in conquering bothe the saide reaume of fraunce and duche of normaundie by the prince of blissid memorie king harry the v^{the}. also be the eide of tho thre noble prynces his bretherne and be other of his puissant dukes and lordis, being lieutenaunt[gh] for the werre in that parties, as it is notorily knowen thoroughe alle cristen nacyons, to the gret renomme and[ ] worship of this reaume. how every good man of [worshyp yn[ ]] armes shulde in the werre be resembled to the condicion of a lion. and therfor, in conclusion, every man in hym silf let the passions of dolours be turned and empressid into vyfnes of here spiritis, of egre courages, of manlinesse and feersnesse, after the condicion of the lion resembled in condicions unto; for as ire, egrenesse, and feersnesse is holden for a vertu in the lion, so in like manere the said condicions is taken for a vertue and renomme of worship to alle tho that haunten armes: that so usithe to be egre, feers uppon his advers partie, and not to be lamentable and sorroufulle after a wrong shewed unto theym. and thus withe coragious hertis putting forthe theire prowes in dedis of armes, so that alle worshipfulle men, whiche oughte to be stedfast and holde togider, may be of one intencion, wille, and comon assent to vapour, sprede out, according to the flour delice, and avaunce hem forthe be feernesse of strenght and power to the verray effect and dede ayenst the untrew reproches of oure auncien adversaries halding uppon the frenshe partie, whiche of late tyme by unjust dissimilacions, undre the umbre { } and coloure of trewis and abstinence of werre late hadde and sacred at the cite of tairs the .xxviij. day of maij, the yere of crist of m^l.iiij^cxliiij^{to}. have by intrusion of soche subtile dissimilacion wonne uppon us bethyn v yeres next foloweng withyn the tyme of [the last[ ]] trieux the said reaume and duchees, so that in the meane tyme and sethe contynued forthe the saide trewes from yere to yere, to this land grete charge and cost, till they had conspired and wrought theire avauntage, as it approvethe dailie of experience. and under this they bring assailours uppon this lande and begynneris of the trewis breking. how the frenshe partie began firste to offende and brake the trewis. [sidenote: tempore regis h. vj^{th}.] first by taking of youre shippis and marchaundises upon the see, keping men of noble birthe undre youre predecessoure obedience and divers other true lieges men prisoneris under arest, as that noble and trew knight ser gilis the duke is son of bretaine, whiche for his grete trouthe and love he hadde to this youre royaume warde, ayenst all manhode ungoodely entretid, died in prison. and also before the taking of fugiers ser simon morhier knight, the provost of paris, a lorde also of youre partie and chief of the kingis counceile, take prisoner by deepe and paieng a grete raunson or he was deliverid. and sone after one mauncelle a squier, comyng fro rone, with .xx. parsones in his company, to deepe, pesibly in the monythe of januarij next before the taking of fugiers, were in deepe taken prisoneris wrongfullie undre the umbre of trewis. and sithen the lord faucomberge take prisoner by subtile undew meanys of a cautel taken under safconduct of youre adversarie at pountelarge the xv day of maij, the yere of crist m^l.iiij^cxlix. and also the said forteresse of pountlarge take the said day be right undew meanys taken uppon the said lorde faucomberge contrarie to the said trewis, { } forging here colourable matieris in so detestable unjust quarellis. for reformacion of whiche gret injuries conspired, shewed, and doone, alle ye put to youre handis to this paast and matier. comythe therfor and approchen bothe kyn, affinitees, frendis, subgectis, allies, and alle wellewilleris. now at erst the irnesse be brennyng hote in the fire thoroughe goode courage, the worke is overmoche kindelid and begonne, thoroughe oure dulnesse and sleuthe slommering many day, for be the sheding of the bloode of good cristen people as hathe be done in youre predecessours conquest that now is lost: is said be the wordis of job: criethe and bewailethe in the feelde, frendis and kyn, take heede pitously to your bloode. a question of grete charge and wighte,[ ] meoved first to be determyned, whethir for to make werre uppon cristen bloode is laufulle. [sidenote: : p^{a}] [sidenote: : ij^{da}] [sidenote: : iij^{d}] but first ther wolde be meoved a question, whiche dame cristyn makithe mencion of in the seconde chapitre of the tree of batailles: whethir that werres and batailes meintenyng and using ben laufulle according to justice or no. and the oppinion of many one wolde undrestond that haunting of armes and werre making is not lefull, ne just thing, for asmoche in haunting and using of werre be many infinite[ ] damages and extorsions done, as mourdre, slaugheter, bloode-sheding, depopulacion of contrees, castelles, citees, and townes brennyng, and many suche infinite damages. wherfor it shulde seme that[ ] meintenyng of werre is a cursid deede: not dew to be meyntened. as to this question it[ ] may be answerd that entrepruises and werris taken and founded uppon a just cause and a trew title is suffred of god, for dame cristen seiethe and moevithe, in the first booke of the arbre of bataile, how it is for to have in consideracion why that princes shuld maynteyne werre and use bataile; and the saide dame cristin saiethe v. causes principalle: thre of them { } bene of righte: and the other tweyne of vallente. the first cause is to susteyne right and justice; the second is to withestande alle soche mysdoers the whiche wolde do foule[ ] greif and oppresse the peple of the contre that the kyng or prince is gouvernoure of; the thrid is for to recuver landes, seignories and goodes [that] be other unrightfully ravisshed, taken away be force, or usurped, whiche shulde apperteine to the kyng and prince of the same seignorie, or ellis to whome his subgettys shuld apparteine [and] be meinteined under. and the other tweyne be but of violence, as for to be venged for dammage or griefe done by another; the othir to conquere straunge countrees bethout[ ] any title of righte, as king alexandre conquerid uppon the romayne: whiche tweine last causes, though[ ] the conquest or victorie by violence or by roialle power sownethe worshipfulle in dede of armes, yet ther ought no cristen prince use them. and yet in the first thre causes, before a prince to take an entreprise, it most be done be a just cause, and havyng righte gret deliberacion, by the conduyt and counceile of the most sage approuved men of a reaume or countre that the prince is of: and so for to use it in a just quarelle as[ ] the righte execution of justice requirithe, whiche is one of the principalle iiij. cardinall virtues. and if that using of armes and haunting of werre be doone rather for magnificence, pride, and wilfulnesse, to destroie roiaumes and countreis by roialle gret power, as whan tho that wolde avenge have noo title, but sey _vive le plus fort_, [that] is to sey, let the grettest maistrie have the feelde,-- [in this place the following insertion is made by a second hand in the margin:] lyke as when the duc off burgoyn by cyvyle bataylle by maisterdom expelled the duc of orlyance partie and hys frendis owt of parys cytee the yere of christ m^l.iiij^cxij, and slow many thowsands and[ ] hondredes bethout title of justice, but to revenge a synguler querel betwen both prynces for the dethe of the duc off orlyans, { } slayn yn the vigille of seynt clement by raulyn actovyle of normandie, yn the yeer of crist m^l.iiij^cvij^o. and the bataylle of seynt-clow besyde parys, by the duc of burgoyn with help of capteyns of england owt of england, waged by the seyd duc, was myghtly foughten and had the fielde ayenste theyr adverse partye. albeyt the duc of orlyance waged another armee sone aftyr owt of england to relyeve the ovyrthrow he had at seyntclowe. and the dyvysyon betwene the duc of orlyance and the duc of burgoyn dured yn fraunce continuelly by .xj. yeerday, as to the yeere of crist m^liiij^cxviij, yn wyche yeere phelip duc of burgoyn, a greet frende to the land, was pyteousely slayn at motreaw, and the cyte of parys ayen taken by the burgonons; lord lyseladam pryncipalle capteyn and the erle of armonak conestable sleyn by the comyns the seyd yere. (_end of the insertion._) in soche undew enterprises theire can be thought no grettir tiranny, extorcion, ne cruelte [by dyvysyons[ ]]. how seint lowes exorted and counceiled his sonne to moeve no werre ayenst cristen peple. [sidenote: seynt lowys. .] and the blissid king of fraunce seint lowes exhortid and comaunded in his testament writen of his owne hand, that he made the tyme of his passing of this worlde the year of crist m^l.cclxx to his sonne philip that reigned after hym, that he shulde kepe hym welle, to meove no werre ayenst no christen man, but if he had grevously done ayenst him. and if he seke waies of peace, of grace and mercie, thou oughtest pardon hym, and take soche amendis of hym as god may be pleasid. but as for this blessid kingis counceile, it is notorily and openly knowen thoroughe alle cristen royaumes that oure[ ] adverse party hathe meoved [and] excited werre and batailes bothe by lond and see ayenst this noble royaume bethout any justice [or] title, and bethout waies of pease shewed; and as forto { } defende them assailours uppon youre true title may be bethout note of tiranye, to put yow in youre devoire to conquere youre rightfulle enheritaunce, without that a bettir moyene be had. a exortacion of a courageous disposicion for a reformation of a wrong done. [sidenote: exclamacio.] o then, ye worshipfulle men of the englisshe nacion, which bene descendid of the noble brutis bloode of troy, suffre ye not than youre highe auncien couragis to be revalid ne desceived by youre said adversaries of fraunce at this tyme, neither in tyme to come; ne in this maner to be rebuked and put abak, to youre uttermost deshonoure and reproche in the sighte of straunge nacions, without that it may be in goodely hast remedied [as youre hyghnesse now entendyth,[ ]] whiche ye have be conquerours of, as ye[ ] to be yolden and overcomen, in deffaute of goode and hasty remedie, thoroughe lak of provision of men of armes, tresour, and finaunce of suffisaunt nombre of goodes, in season and tyme convenable to wage and reliefe them. for were ye not sometyme tho that thoroughe youre gret [prowesse,[ ]] corages, feersnes, manlinesse, and of strenght overleid and put in subgeccion the gret myghte and power of the feers and puissaunt figheters of alle straunge nacions that presumed to set ayenst this lande? how many worthi kinges of this lande have made gret conquestis in ferre contrees in the holy lande, and also for the defence and right of this lande, and for the duche of normandie. [sidenote: arthur.] [sidenote: brenus.] [sidenote: edmondus ironside.] [sidenote: willelmus conquestor.] [sidenote: henricus primus fundator plurimorum castrorum.] [sidenote: robertus frater henrici primi, electus rex de jherusalem, sed renuit.] [sidenote: fulco comes de angeu, rex jerusalem.] [sidenote: .] [sidenote: de ricardo rege primo in terra sancta.] [sidenote: archiepiscopus cant', robertus clare comes glouc', comes cestr'.] [sidenote: philippus rex francie, vocatus deo datus, in terra sancta.] [sidenote: edwardus rex primus.] [sidenote: sanctus lodowicus rex francorum obiit in viagio antequam pervenit ad terram sanctam.] [sidenote: ricardus imperator alemannie et comes cornewayle.] [sidenote: edwardus primus rex.] and for an example and witnes of king arthur, whiche discomfit and sleine was undre his banere the emperoure of rome in bataile, and conquerid the gret part of the regions be west of rome. and many othre conquestis hathe be made before the daies of the said { } arthur be many worthi kinges of this roiaume, as brenus, king belynus' brother, a puissaunt chosen duke, that was before the incarnacion, wanne and conquerid to rome, except the capitoile of rome. and sithen of other victorious kinges and princes, as edmonde irensede had many gret batailes [and] desconfited the danes to safe englond. and what victorious dedis william conqueroure did gret actis in bataile uppon the frenshe partie [many conquestys [ ]]. and also his son [kyng[ ]] harry after hym defendid normandie, bilded and fortified many a strong castelle in his londe, to defende his dukedom ayenst the frenshe partie. and how victoriouslie his brother roberd did armes uppon the conquest of the holy londe, that for his gret prowesse there was elect to be king of jherusalem, and refusid it for a singuler covetice to be duke of normandie, returned home, and never had grace of victorie after. and to bring to mynde how the noble worriour fouke erle of angew, father to geffrey plantagenet youre noble auncetour, left his erledom to his sonne, and made werre upon the sarasynes in the holy land, and for his noble dedis was made king of jherusalem, anno christi m^l.cxxxi. as how king richarde the first, clepid cuer de lion, whiche in a croiserie went in to the holy londe, and baldewyne archebisshop of caunterburie, hubert bisshop of salisburie, randolfe the erle of chestre, robert clare erle of gloucestre, and werreied uppon the hethen paynemys in the company of king philip dieu-donné of fraunce, whiche king richard conquerid and wanne by roiall power uppon the sarrasyns in the yere of crist m^l.c.iiij^{xx}vij^o. and toke the king of cipres and many other gret prisonneris. also put the londe of surie in subjeccion, the isle of cipres, and the gret cite of damask wanne be assaut, slow the king of spayne clepid ferranus. and the said king richard kept and defendid frome his adversarie philip dieu-donné king of fraunce, be mighty werre made to hym, the duchees of normandie, gascoigne, gyen, the countee[gh] of anjou and mayne, tourayne, { } pontyve, auverne, and champaigne, of alle whiche he was king, duke, erle, and lorde as his enheritaunce, and as his predecessours before hym did. also in like wise king edward first after the conquest, being prince, in about the yere of crist m^l.ij^c.lxx, put hym in gret laboure and aventure amonges the sarrasins in the countye of aufrik, was at the conquest of the gret cite of the roiaume of thunes. [yn whiche cuntree that tyme and yeere seynt lowys kyng of fraunce dyed, and the croyserye grete revaled by hys trespasseinte, had not the seyd prince edward ys armee be redye there to performe that holy voyage to jerusalem, as he dyd wyth many noble lordes off england.[ ]] also fulle noblie ententid about the defence and saufegarde of the gret cite of acres in the londe of sirie, that had be lost and yolden to the sarrazins had not [hys armee and[ ]] his power bee, and by an hole yere osteyng and abiding there in tyme of gret pestilence and mortalite reigning there, and by whiche his peple were gretly wastid, where he was be treason of a untrew messaunger sarrasin wounded hym in his chambre almost to dethe, that the souldone of babiloyne had waged hym to doo it, becaus of sharpe and cruelle werre the seide edwarde made uppon the sarrasines, of gret fere and doubte he had of the said prince edward and of his power; whiche processe ye may more groundly see in the actis of the said prince edwarde is laboure. and his father king harry thrid decesid while his son was in the holy londe warring uppon the sarasines. and how worshipfullie richard emperoure of almaine and brother to the said king henry did gret actis of armes in the holy londe uppon the sarasynes and in the yere of crist m^l.ij^c.xl. and overmore the said king edwarde first kept under subjeccion bothe irelond, walis, and scotlond, whiche were rebellis and wilde peple of condicion. and also protectid and defendid the duchees of gascoigne and guyen, his rightefull enheritaunce. { } how king edward [the] thrid had the victorie at the bataile of scluse, and gate cane by assaute, and havyng the victorie at the batelle of cressye [and wanne calix by sege.[ ]] [sidenote: t. regis e. iij^{cii} et ejus filiorum.] [sidenote: comes de ew captus. comes tankervyle captus.] [sidenote: cressye.] [sidenote: comes derbye.] and sithen, over that, how that the most noble famous knighte of renomme, king edwarde the thrid, the whiche, with his roialle power, the yere of christ m^l.ccc.xl. wanne [the day of seynt john baptiste[ ]] the gret bataile uppon the see at scluse ayenst philip de valoys callyng hym the frenshe king and his power, and alle his gret navye of shippis destroied, to the nombre of .xxv.m^l. men and ccxxx^{ti}. shippis and barges. and also after that, in the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.xlvj. the said king philip purposid to have entred into englond and had waged a gret noumbre of genues shippis and other navyes. and the said king edward thrid thought rather to werre withe hym in that countre rather: tooke his vyage to cane withe xij^c. shippis, passed into normandie by the hagge,[ ] wynnyng the contrees of constantine [from chyrburgh[ ]] tylle he came to cane, and by grete assautes entred and gate the towne, and fought withe the capitaine and burgeises fro midday till night; where the erle of eu, connestable of fraunce, the erle of tancarville, and others knightes and squiers were take prisoneris: but the castelle and donjoune held still, where the bisshop of baieux and othre kept hem; and than the king departid thens, for he wolde not lese his peple [by segyng yt.[ ]] and after that the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.xlvj descomfit the said king philip and wanne the feelde uppon hym at the dolorous and gret bataile of cressy in picardie the .xxvj. day of august the said yere, where the king of beame was slayne the son of henry the emperoure, and alle the gret part of the noble bloode of fraunce of dukes, erlis, and barons, as the erle of alaunson king of fraunce is brother, the duke of lorraine, the erle of bloys, the erle of flaundres, the erle of harecourt, the erle of sancerre, the erle of fennes, to the nombre of .l. knightis sleyne, as well as to othre gret { } nombre of his liege peple, as in the . . chapitre of the actis of the said king philip more plainly is historied. and also the full noble erle of darby, havyng rule under the said king edwarde in the duchie of guyen, hostied the said tyme and yere, and put in subjeccion fro the towne of saint johan evangelist unto the citee of peyters, whiche he wanne also, be the said erle of derbye is entreprises. how david king of scottis was take prisoner. [sidenote: david rex scotorum captus est apud doraham.] and in the said king edward tyme david king of scottis was take prisoner, as i have undrestond, at the bataile beside deram upon the marchis of scotlond. [sidenote: karolus dux britanniæ captus est per e. iij^{m}.] [sidenote: calicia capta est eodem tempore per edwardum iij^{m}.] [sidenote: calicia reddita est in manus regis edwardi iij.] [sidenote: edwardus princeps cepit johannem vocantem se regem franciæ a^{o}, d'ni m^{o}ccc^{o}lvj^{o}.] [sidenote: edwardus rex angliæ iij^{us} retribuit xx.m^{l}.li. edwardo principi filio suo.] [sidenote: karolus filius regis johannis fraunciæ ac nominando se pro duce normandiæ captus est.] [sidenote: edwardus princeps navim ascendit cum johanne nominando se pro rege franciæ et applicuerunt prope dover iiij^{o}. die maij, a^{o} d'ni m^{l}. &c.] [sidenote: de redempcione johannis dicentis [se] regem franciæ.] [sidenote: de bello de nazar.] [sidenote: chandos.] [sidenote: beauchamp comes.] [sidenote: d'n's hastyngys.] [sidenote: d'n's nevyle.] [sidenote: d'n's rays.] [sidenote: rad's hastyngys ch'l'r.] [sidenote: tho's felton.] [sidenote: robertus knolles.] [sidenote: courteneyes. tryvett.] [sidenote: matheu gournay.] [sidenote: et quam plures alii milites hic nimis diu ad inscribendum.] [sidenote: bertl's clekyn, locum tenens adversæ partis, captus est prisonarius.] and also the said king kept bretaine in gret subjeccion, had the victorie uppon charles de bloys duke of breteine, and leid a siege in breteine to a strong forteresse clepid roche daryon, and kept be his true subjectis. after many assautes and grete escarmisshes and a bataile manly foughten, the said duke was take, and havyng .vij. woundes was presentid to the said king edward. and he also wanne calix after, by a long and puissaunt sieges keping[ ] by see and be londe; and they enfamyned couthe have no socoure of king philip, and so for faute of vitaile yeldid calix up to king edwarde the .iiij. day of august in the yere of crist m^l.ccc.xlvij. and also put normandie gret part of it in subgeccion. and therto in his daies his eldist sonne edward prince of walis the .xix. day of septembre the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lvj had a gret discomfiture afore the cite of peyters uppon john calling hym king of fraunce, where the said king was taken prisoner, and in whiche bataile was slaine the duke of bourbon, the duke of athenes, the lord clermont, ser geffrey channy that bare the baner of the oriflamble, and also take withe king johan ser philip duc [le hardye[ ]] of bourgoine his yongist sonne, and for whois raunson and othres certaine lordes { } king edwarde rewarded the prince xx.m^l.li. sterlinges. also taken that day ser jaques de bourbon erle of pontieu [and] charles his brother erle of longville, the kingis cosins germains, ser john meloun erle of tancarvile, ser william meleum archebisshop of sens, the erle dampmartyn, the erle vendosme, the erle vaudemont, the erle salebruce, the erle nanson, ser arnolde of doneham mareshalle of fraunce, and many other knightis and gentiles to the nombre of m^l.vij^c. prisonneris, of whiche were taken and sleine .lij. knightis banerettis. and the kingis eldist sonne charlis calling hym duc of normandie, the duc of orliauns the kingis brother, the duc of anjou, the erle of peiters that after was clepid [johan[ ]] the duc of berrie, the erle of flaundris, withe a few other lordis, withdrewe hem and escapid from the seide bataile. and sone after, the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lvij. the .xvj. day of aprill the said prince edward with king johan tooke the see at burdeux to englond, and londed the .iiij. day of maij and came to london the .xxiiij. day of maij, the said king edwarde his father meeting withe king johan in the feelde, doing hym gret honoure and reverence. and after in the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lxvij the month of maij the said king johan was put to finaunce and raunson of thre millions of scutis of golde, that two of them be worth .j. noble, of whiche was paied sex hondred thousand scutis be the said king johan comyng to calix, and in certein yeris after was obliged under gret seurtees, as it is declared in the articulis of the pease finalle made betwene both kingis, to be paied , till the said thre hondred m^l crones[ ] were fullie paied, whiche as it is said was not parfourmed. and, after that, the said prince edwarde and harry that noble duke of lancastre had the bataile of nazar in spaine withe king peter ayenst the bastarde henry callinge hym king of spain, haveng lxiij m^l. fighting men in his host, and hym descomfit, voided the feelde, and many a noble knighte of englonde and of gascoigne and guyen withe many othre worshipfulle gentiles quite hem righte manlie, and amongis { } many goode men of chevalrie ser john chandos avaunced hym chief in that bataile [havyng the avauntgard[ ]], for he had in his retenu m^l.ij^c penons armed and x.m^l. horsmen; and ser william beauchampe the erle of warwik is sonne, lorde hue hastinges, lord nevyle, lorde rais a breton lorde of aubterré, withe many gascoignes there also: ser raufe hastingis, ser thomas felton, ser roberd knolles, withe many other notable of the chevalrie of inglonde, passed the streit high monteyns of pirone by runcyvale in the contre of pampilon, going from the cite of burdeux into spaine, and ser hughe courtney, ser philip courtnay, ser john tryvet, [matheu gournay de comitatu somerset[ ]]. and there was take ser barthilmew clekyn the frenshe kingis lieutenaunt for the werre prisoner, also the mareshalle of fraunce, the besque, with many othre notable lordis. whiche bataile of nazar was in the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lxvj. the thrid day of aprille. how king henry the v. conquerid [normandy and fraunce[ ]]. [sidenote: de henrico quinto.] [sidenote: nota quomodo rex henricus v^{te}. obtinuit harefleet.] [sidenote: de extrema defensione ville harflue contra potestatem franciæ et de fame ibidem.] [sidenote: nota, qualiter per civitates et mare obtinuit.] [sidenote: bellum supermare et le[gh] carrikes.] [sidenote: nota de bello apud agincourt.] [sidenote: henricus rex duxit in uxorem filiam regis fraunciæ.] and sithe now late the noble prince[ ] henry the v^{te}. how in his daies, withyn the space of .vij. yere and .xv. daies, thoroughe sieges lieng, [[ ] wan the towne of harflete bethyn .xl. days, made thomas beauford then erle dorset hys oncle capteyn of yt. and the seyd erle made ser john fastolfe chevaler his lieutenaunt wyth m^l.v^c soudeours, and the baron of carew, wyth .xxxiij. knyghtys, contynuelly defended the seyd toune ayenst the myghty power of fraunce by the space of one yere and half aftyr the seyd prince herry. v^{te}. departed from hareflue. and the seyd towne was beseged by the frenshe partye by lond and also by see, wyth a grete navye of carekys, galeyes, and shyppis off spayne, tille that yn the meene tyme johan duc of bedfor(d), the erle of marche your moste noble antecessour, accompanyed wyth many other nobles, wyth a puissaunt armee of shypps, fought wyth the carrekys and shypps lyeng at seyn hede before hareflue, were { } taken and many one sleyn and drowned; and so vyttailled harflue yn grete famyn, that a wreched cowys hede was solde for vj s. viij d. sterling, and the tong for xl d., and dyed of englysh soudeours mo then v^c. yn defaut of sustenaunce. and the second voyage after wythynne the tyme before seyd johan erle of hontyndon was made cheif admyralle of a new armee to rescue harflue, beseged of the new wyth a grete navy of shyppys and carekys of the frenshe partye, [which] were foughten wyth and ovyrcom throw myghty fyghtyng; and of the new vitailled hareflue, the seyd erle dorset then beyng yn england at the emperour comyng hedre, called sygemondus. i briefly title thys incident to th'entent not to be foryete how suche tweyn myghety batailles were foughten uppon the see bethyn one yere and half, and how the seyd toune of hareflue was deffended and kept ayenst the puyssaunt power of fraunce beseged as yt were by the seyd tyme; and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys i herd the seyd ser johan fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a lyes, to berke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to aproche the towne for to scale yt. and the seyd prince herry v^{the},[ ]] albeit that it consumed gretlie his peple, and also by batailes yeveng, conquerid [the towne of harflete[ ]], and wanne bothe the saide duchie of normandie first and after the roiaume of fraunce, conquerid and broughte in subjeccion and wanne be his gret manhode, withe the noble power of his lordis and helpe of his comonys, and so overleid the myghtie roialle power of fraunce be the seide sieges lieng, first in his first viage at harflete, and in the second viage he made manly besegid cane, the cite of rone, falleise, argenten, maunt, vernonsurseyne, melun, meulx, enbrie, and at many other castellis, forteressis, citeis, and townes to long to rehers. also had gret batailes on the see ayenst many grete carekkis and gret shippes that beseiged hareflue after it was englisshe. and had a gret discomfiture at the bataile of agincourt in the yere of crist m^l.iiij^cxv. { } at his first viage, where many dukes, erlis, lordis, and knightis were slaine and take prisoneris that bene in remembraunce at this day of men yet livyng. and after allied hym to the frenshe king charlis .vj.^{te} is doughter, because of whiche alliaunce gret part of the roiaume of fraunce were yolden unto hym his obeisaunce. and now also in the said noble conquest hathe be kepte undre the obediaunce of englisshe nacion from the begynnyng of the said late conquest by .xxxv. yeris be continued and kept by roialle power, as first be the noble and famous prince johan duke of bedforde, regent and governoure of the roiaume of fraunce by .xiij. yeris, with the eide and power of the noble lordis of this lande, bothe youre said royaume of fraunce and duchie of normandie was kept and the ennemies kept ferre of in gret subjeccion. [sidenote: joh'es dux bedforde.] how that in johan duke of bedforde tyme be his lieutenaunt erle of salisburie had the victorie at the batelle of cravant. [sidenote: bellum de cravant.] [sidenote: thomas montagu comes sarum.] [sidenote: will's pole comes suff'.] [sidenote: dominus willughby.] [sidenote: vindicatio mortis ducis clarenciæ.] [sidenote: secunda vice punicio mortis ducis clarenciæ.] in profe wherof how and in the first yere of the reigne of king harry the sixt, at whiche tyme his seide uncle toke uppon hym the charge and the name of regent of the roiaume of fraunce, that had the victorie at the bateile of cravant, where as at that tyme thomas montagu the noble erle of salisburie, the erle of suffolke, the marchalle of bourgoine, the lord willoughebie, withe a gret power of phelip the duke of bourgoine is host, holding the partie of the said johan regent of fraunce, duc of bedford, withe the eide and help of the trew subgettis of this lande, had the overhande of the ennemies assembled to the nombre of .ix. m^l. frenshemen and scottis at the said bataile of cravant in the duchie of bourgoine, where there were slayne of the ennemies to the nombre of .iiij. m^l., beside .ij. m^l. prisonneris take, of whiche gret part of them were scottis, the erle bougham being chief capitein over them;[ ] which late before were the cause of the male-infortuned journey at bougée, where the famous { } and victorious knight thomas duc of claraunce, youre nere cousyn, for the right of fraunce, withe a smale company of his side, withe the scottis to a grete nombre there assembled among hem in the feelde, was slayn, withe many a noble lorde, baron, knightis, squyers of englond, that never so gret an overthrow of lordes and noble bloode was seene in no mannys daies as it was then. aboute the nombre of .ij^c. l. cote-armes slaine and take prisoneris as yt was seyd, be the saide scottis holding withe youre adverse party of fraunce, whiche god of his infinite goodenes sone after at the saide batelle [of] cravant, and after at the bateile of vernell, was sent a chastisement upon the saide scottis for theire cruelltie vengeable and mortelle dethe of the said victorious prince, duke of claraunce, and of other of his noble lordis and knightis. how johan duke of bedforde had yn his owne parsone the batelle of vernelle. [sidenote: .] [sidenote: batelle of cravant.] [sidenote: batelle of vernoyle.] [sidenote: .] also in the said daies, sone after the saide batelle of cravant, in the yere of crist m^l.iiij^c.xxiij., the .iij. yere of king harry the sext, the .xvij. day of august, the said johan duke of bedford had a gret discomfiture and the victorie upon your adversaries of fraunce and of scottis at the batelle of vernelle in perche, where as johan cleping hym duc of alaunson, lieutenaunt for the frenshe partie, was take prisoner that day, and the said erle bougham of scotlonde, marchalle of fraunce, whiche was cause of that noble prince thomas duke of claraunce dethe, was in the said bataile overthrow and sleyne, and the erle douglas made duc of tourayne, aswelle as his sonne and heire that was in the feelde at shrewisburie ayenst king henry the .iiij^{the}, and another tyme being ayenst the said johan duc of bedford at homeldonhille in scotlond, was also slaine at the said batelle, withe many other grete lordis of the frenshe partie slayne and taken prisoneris at the said bataile. { } how that the grettir part of the counte of mayne, the cite of mauns, withe many other castellis, were yolden. [sidenote: mayn.] [sidenote: redempcio joh'is dicentis [se] ducem de allunson pro .clx. m^{l}. salux bene solutis ultra alia onera suarum expensarum.] and, overmore, not long after, youre auncien enheritaunce in the counté of mayne, the cite of maunce, conquerid and brought be the said regent duc of bedforde, withe the power of his lordis and helpers, in subgeccion, [by the erle of salysbery, lord scalys, ser john fastalf, ser john popham, ser n. mongomery, ser wylliam oldhalle, chevalers, and many othyr noble men of worshyppe.[ ]] and whiche counté of mayne was accustomed sithen to be in value yerely to the eide and helpe of the werres of fraunce, and to the releve of the kyng ys subgettis obeisauntes lyvyng uppon the werre for the furtheraunce of that conquest, .x. m^l. li. sterlinges. also the said regent of fraunce, with the power of youre noble bloode and lordes, wanne the feeld at the forseid grete bataile of vernelle in perche ayenst the power of the frenshe adverse party of fraunce, being assembled to the nombre of .xl. m^l. fighters of the frenshe partie; and there johan cleping hymsilf duke of alaunson, lieutenaunt to charles the .vij. calling hym frenshe king, taken prisonner, withe many other lordis, barons, and knightes, and noble men of worship, whiche paied to the said regent duc of bedforde for his raunson and finaunce allone .clx. m. salux, beside his other grete costis and charges, whiche was a gret relief and socoure to the eide of the conquest, whiche bataile was in the yere of crist m^l.iiij^c.xxiiij., the seyd .iij^d. yere of the reigne of king henry sext. [sidenote: nota bene pro titulo regis henrici sexti.] how that henry the sext was crouned king be the might of grete lordes. [sidenote: coronatio regis henrici sexti.] [sidenote: de magna fama regni angliæ tempore regis hen. vi^{th}] and he also, for a gret act of remembraunce to be had in writing, was crouned king of fraunce in the noble citee of paris, in the yere of crist m^l.iiij^c.xxix., the .ix. yere of his reigne, withe right gret solennyte amongis the lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and be the gret mighte and power, as well in goodes and richesse, of his graunt { } oncle henry cardinalle of englande, byshop of wynchester, and by the gret mighte and power of his uncle johan regent of the roiaum of fraunce, duc of bedforde, being present at that tyme to their grettist charge and cost to resist theire gret adversarie of fraunce calling hym dolphin. for sethen the roiaume of englonde first began to be inhabite withe peple was never so worshipfulle an act of entreprise done in suche a case, the renoume of which coronacion spradde thoroughe alle cristen kingis roiaumes. [sidenote: a courageous recomfortyng.] [sidenote: exortacio militaris.] o then ye most noble and cristen prince, for notwithestanding gret conquestis and batailes had in the said roiaume be the famous knight king edwarde the thrid, he never atteyned to that souvraine honoure but by valiauntnes of englishe men, whiche have in prowes avaunced hem, and governed so nobly as is before briefly historied and specified, be youre saide noble, puissaunt, and vailaunt progenitours in divers regions, and inespecialle in fraunce and normandie, and in the duchie of gascoigne and guyen, that this sodenly wern put oute of by usurpacion ayenst alle trouthe and knyghthode. now therfore, in repairing this undew intrusion uppon yow, mantelle, fortifie, and make yow strong ayenst the power of youre said adversaries of fraunce. for now it is tyme to clothe you in armoure of defense ayenst youre ennemies, withe the cotes of armes of youre auncien feernesse, haveng in remembraunce the victorious conquestis of youre noble predecessours, the whiche clothing many histories, cronicles, and writinges witnessithe moo than myn simple entendement can not suffice to reherse in this brief epistle. of the noblesse of ectour and other mighty kinges of grece. [sidenote: nota de exemplis aliorum nobilium.] [sidenote: hector.] [sidenote: agamemnon.] [sidenote: ulixes.] [sidenote: hercules.] [sidenote: . j.] [sidenote: . ij.] [sidenote: . iij.] and also let be brought to mynde to folow the steppis in conceitis of noble courage of the mighty dedis in armes of the vaillaunt knight hector of troy, whiche bene enacted in the siege of troy for a perpetuelle remembraunce of chevalrie [that your noblesse ys decended of[ ]]. also of the dedis in armes of agamemnon the { } puissaunt king of greece, that thoroughe cruell and egre werre ayenst the trojens bethin .x. yere day conquerid the gret cite of troie. in like wise of the famous knight ulixes, that alle his daies dispendid in marciall causis. and of the .xij. puissaunt entreprinses and aventurous dedis that hercules, as it is figured and made mencion in the vij^{the} metre of the .v. booke of boecius, toke uppon hym, putting himself frome voluptuouse delites and lustis, being subget to grete laboure, wynnyng renomme and worship; whiche .xij. entreprinses of hercules, albeit it be thought [but a poesye[ ]] impossible to any mortalle man to doo or take uppon hym, as for to bereffe the skyn of the rampant lion, wrestlid withe antheus and poliphemus, the gret giauntes, and hym overthrew, he slow the serpent clepit ydra, made tame the proude beestis clepid centaurus, that be of halfe man and halfe best, and many soche wonderfulle entreprises as is wreten that hercules did, whiche is writen in figure of a poesy for to courage and comfort alle othre noble men of birthe to be victorious in entreprinses of armes. and how, in conclusion, that there is no power, puissaunce, ne strenght, who so lust manly [wyth prudens[ ]] put forthe hymsilf may resist and withestande ayenst such gret entreprises. how a conquerour shulde use in especialle thre thinges. [sidenote: a conqueroure shuld use iij thinges.] [sidenote: j.] [sidenote: ij.] and, as vegecius in his booke of chevalrie counceilithe that a conquerour shulde use thre thinges in especialle whiche the romains used, and alle that tyme they had the victorie of here ennemies, that is to wete, the first was science, that is forto undrestonde prudence, to seene before the remedies of bonchief, or the contrarie; the second was exercitacion and usage in dedis of armes, that they might be apte and redie to bataille whan necessite fille; the thrid was naturalle love that a prince shulde have to his peple, as doing his trew diligence to doo that may be to the comon wele of his peple, whiche is to be undrestonde in the executing of justice egallie. and for to kepe them in tranquillite and pece within hemsilfe. { } [sidenote: menne of noblenesse shuld lefe sensualites and delites.] how men of noblesse ought lefe sensualitees and delites. let it no lenger be suffred to abide rote, no forto use the pouder and semblaunce of sensualite and idille delites, for water malexander seiethe, that voluptuous delitis led be sensualite be contrarie to the exercising and haunting of armes. wherfor, like and after the example of the boore whiche knowethe not his power, but foryetithe his strenghte tille he be chafed and see his owne bloode, in like wise put forthe youre silf, avaunsing youre corageous hertis to werre, and late youre strenght be revyved and waked ayen, furious, egre, and rampanyng as liouns ayenst alle tho nacions that soo without title of right wolde put you frome youre said rightfulle enheritaunce. and where is a more holier, parfiter, or a juster thing than in youre adversary is offence and wrong-doing to make hym werre in youre rightfull title, where as none other moenys of pease can be hadde. and therfore considering be this brief declaracion that youre right and title in alle this royaumes and contrees is so opyn-- [sidenote: mentio brevis de titulo ducatus normandiæ.] here is briefly made mencion of the first title of normandie, and how frely it holdithe. [sidenote: nota pro titulo ducatus normanniæ.] [sidenote: richardus dux normandiæ cepit in bello lodovicum regem franciæ, qui resingnavit totum titulum ricardo de ducatu predicto.] [sidenote: ccccc.^{th}xxx.v^{te}.] [sidenote: arma ducatus illius.] for as youre first auncien right and title in youre duchie of normandie, it is knowen thoroughe alle cristen landes, and also of highe recorde by many credible bookis of olde cronicles and histories, that william conqueroure descendid frome duc rollo, after cristned and called roberd, that came out of dennemarke aboute the yere of crist .ix^c.xij., was righte duke of normandie by yeft of charlys the symple, king of fraunce, [who] maried his doughter to rollo and gave hym the saide ducdome. and after richarde due of normandie, in the yere of crist .ix^c.xlv. in plaine batelle before the cite of rone toke lowes king of fraunce prisoner, and the said lowes relesid the seide dukedom to the said richarde and to alle his successours to holde frely in souvereinte and resort of none creature but of god, as in act therof is made mencion that was sene and rad uppon this writing. { } and after the said william conquerour being king of englond, of whome ye and youre noble progenitours bene descendid and entitled this .v^c.xxxv. yere, and beere in armes by the saide duchie of normandie in a feelde of gulis .ij. libardis of golde. [sidenote: nota de tempore quo rex angliæ intitulatus ducatui de angew et comitatui mayne.] how long the king is entitled to the righte enheritaunce of angew and mayne. [sidenote: matildis filia et heres henrici primi copulata fuit imperatori, et quo mortuo copulata fuit galfrido plantagenet, et ex ea henricus .ij. natus est.] [sidenote: .] [sidenote: angew. nota, pro titulo ducat' andegav'.] and that as for youre next enheritaunce that fille to youre seide progenitoures and to you in the duchie of anjou and countee of mayne and tourayne, it is also notorily knowen among alle cristen princes and be parfit writing how that dame maude, whiche was doughter and soule heire to that puissaunt king henry the first, that after she weddid was to the emperoure of almayne; after his decese the saide maude emperesse was maried the yere of crist .m^l.cxxvij. to geffry plantagenest son to fouke king of jherusalem, that was erle of anjou, of mayne, and toreyne, by whome the saide maude had issue that most famous king in renome henry the seconde, whiche be right of his moder maude was right king and enheritoure of englonde, also duke of normandie seisid. and be right of his foresaide father geffrey plantagenet was bethout any clayme or interupcion right enheritour and seisid of the said countee of anjou, mayne, toreyne continued this .iij^c.xlvij. yer. [and the noble actys of the seyd erles of angew wyth her lynealle dessentys ben wryten yn the cronicles called _ymago historiarum_ that maister raffe de diceto dene of poulys yn seynt thomas canterbery days wrote notablye. and therfore the armys of the noble erlys that for her prowesse were chosen king of jerusalem wold be worshypped, because yowr hyghnes ys descended of the eyr masle, that ys to wete of geffry plantagenest erle of angew, and the countee of mayne by maryage was unyoned to the erledom of angew to longe to wryte.[ ]] { } [sidenote: gyen.] here is made mencion of the title of gascoigne and guien, and how long agoo passed possessid. [sidenote: nota, pro titulo vasconiæ.] [sidenote: m^{l}.cxxxvij.] [sidenote: alienora et aliciæ filiæ et heredes will'mi ducis guion.] [sidenote: nota, divortio facta inter regem franciæ et alienoram.] [sidenote: henricus ij^{d'} angliæ rex superduxit alienoram filiam et heredem willielmi ducis de guien circa m.cxlvj^{ad}] [sidenote: nota pro titulo henrici ij.] [sidenote: nota bene, karolus vij rex fraunciæ primo intrusionem fecit in ducatum normanniæ, gascon, guion, etc. circa annum m^{l}iiij^clj.] and than for to be put in remembraunce of youre auncien enheritaunce, verray right and title in youre duchies of gascoigne and guien, withe the countrees, baronnyees and seignouries therto belonging. it is in like fourme knowen of highe recorde, enacted in divers cronicles, as amongis many other historialle bookis of auctorite, that aboute the yere of crist .m^l.cxxxvij. william the duke of guien died bethout heire masle, uppon his voiage he made to seint james, havyng .ij. doughters and heires, called alienore, the second alice, and king lowes of fraunce in his yong age, by the agrement of lowys le gros his father, spoused the said alienor, to whome the said duchie was hole enheriter. and after the said king lowes came to yeris of discretion, the archebisshoppis of sens, of rayns, of rone, and of burdeux, withe others barouns, made relacion to the said king lowes that the saide alienor was so neere of his blode that he might not laufullie be the chirche kepe her to wiffe, so be theire counceile they bothe were departed laufully, and the said king lowes maried after that constance the king of spayne doughter. and the said alienor the duches of gascoigne and guien went to burdeux. than came the forsaid king harry the seconde of englande, that was the erle of anjou is sonne and heire, and wedded the said alienor about the yere of crist m^l.cxlvj. by whome he was duke of gascoigne and guien, and his heires after hym, of whom ye bene descended and come right downe. and the said king henry the seconde bare in armes frome that day forthe the saide libarde of golde withe the other two libardis of the same that is borne for duke of normandie. so in conclusion he was, be right of his moder dame maude, the empresse, king of englonde and duke of normandie, and, be right of his father geffry plantagenest, erle of anjou and of mayne and torayne; be right of his wiffe dame alienor, duke of guien; of whiche duchie of gascoigne and guien your noble { } progenitours have continually be possessid and seased of, this .iij^c.xxviij. yere complete, tille that by intrusion of youre said adversarie charlis the vij^{the}. of fraunce have disscasid yow in or about the monithe of june the yere of crist m^l.iiij^c.lj., as he hathe late done of youre enheritaunce of fraunce and normandie and of the counte of mayne, thoroughe umbre of the said fenied colour of trewes, ayenst alle honoure and trouthe of knighthode. how the historier procedithe in his matier of exhortacion. [sidenote: nota bonum concilium.] [sidenote: magister alanus de auriga dicit.] and for to think to alle cristen nacions for to fight in bataile if the cas require it soo, that youre said enheritaunce can not be recuverid by none other due meane of pease, bothe for youre defens for the recuverey of youre roiaume of fraunce, duchie of normandie, and sithen sone after the duchie of gascoigne, that alle cristen princes opynly may know it is youre verray true enheritaunce, and for salvacion of youre enheritaunce by undew menys lost; for that yt ys wryten by [maister aleyn chareter, _id est_ de auriga, in hys boke of quadrilogue, secretaire to charlys le bien amée, the yere of crist . . yn thys termys: "ayenst herry the .v^{th}., named kyng," yn provokyng the adverse partye to werre ayenst the seyd king herry. how[ ]] the famous clerke of eloquence tullius seithe in his booke of retherique that, like as a man recevethe his lyving in a region or in a countree, so is he of naturall reason bounde to defende it; and law of nature, as welle as law imperiall whiche is auctorised by popis and emperours, wol condescend and agre to the same. also caton affirmithe withe the said tullie. therfor late not this gret and importune losses now by infortune and of over grete favoure and trust put to youre adversaries, fallen ayenst this lande undre the umbre and coloure of trewes and abstinence of werre late hadde and taken at towris atwixen charlis the .vij^{th}. youre adversaire of fraunce and your predecessour { } harry the sext, and now uppon the exercise and usaige of bataile and left by so little a tyme, forto discomfort or fere to a new recovere. not so: god defende that! for the famous poet ovide seiethe that who so levithe the pursute and foloweing of good fortune for one mysaventure, it shalle never come to hym. and namely the said water malexander agreithe hym to the same saieng, and affermyng that good courages of hertis be not mynissed, broken, ne lessid for disusage and levyng armes for a litille season, nether for sodeyn recountres and hasty comyng on, be force of whiche one mysadventure may folow. [sidenote: nota quod pro defectu excercicii armorum mala sequentur exercitui romanorum.] how for the defaute of exercise of armes the gret nombre of romains were scomfited by men of cartage. [sidenote: syr alanus de auriga.] [sidenote: notand' est.] [sidenote: nota de cede romanorum.] [sidenote: nota de annulis inventis super digitos romanorum occisorum.] a, mercifulle god! what was the losses of the romayns, whiche in defaute and by negligence lost by a litille tyme left the exercise of armes was fulle gret ayenst the doughty men of cartage, whan alle the puissaunce of the romains were assembled in bataile, where that were so many noble men and coragious peple, the whiche were innumerable, assembled and joyned in bataile, that men say was betwene camos and hanibal prince of cartage, the whiche discomfit before duke camos in puylle be suche power that the ringis of golde take frome the fingers of ded bodies of the said romains, whiche were men of price and renomme, and titus livius seiethe in his booke of romayne batailes were extendid and mesurid to the quantite of mesure of .xij. quarters or more, whiche hanibal brought withe hym to his countre of cartage in signe of victorie. [sidenote: nota de experiencia armorum ex parte romanorum.] how after the seide gret descomfiture that a few nombre of romans expert in werre (_unfinished_) but the worthy romains, for alle that, left not the hope and trust of recovering on another day, whan god lust, onnere and fortune, theyme so exercised daily armes, [and] after accustumyng hem ayene { } to werre, were by experience lerned and enhardid, that, as by the exorting and comforting of one of theire princes, he assembled another time in bataile ayenst the litille residue that were left of the said romayns, and by subtile craft of wise policie and good conduyt in actis of werre they fille and tooke uppon theym and charged theym so moche that by unware of theire purveiaunce met withe the said haniballe at certen streightes and narow places fille into the handis of romains, to the gret discomfiture and destruccion of haniballe his gret oost of cartage. [sidenote: exercitium armorum excedit divicias.] how men of armes welle lerned and excercised is of a grettir tresoure then any precious stones or riche tresour. dame cristen saiethe in the first booke of the tree of batailes that there is none erthely thing more forto be allowed than a countre or region whiche be furnisshed and stored withe good men of armes well lerned and exercited; for golde, silver, ne precious stones surmountethe not ne conquerithe not ennemies, nother in time of pease wardithe the peple to be in rest, the whiche thing a puissaunt man in armes dothe. how a few nombre of the romains that were expert and connyng in the werre descomfited .c.iiij^{xx}.m^l. of frenshemen that the prince of hem tolde and set right litille by. [sidenote: magister alanus de auriga. id est compilam de libro suo.] [sidenote: in multitudine gencium non consistit victoria, ut infra. nota bene.] [sidenote: averaunces. d'n's talbot. d'n's fauconberge. harflete.] [sidenote: j. dux som', ed's dors'. cane.] [sidenote: fastolf. harynton.] [sidenote: nota bene et applica.] also ye may consider by example of king bituitus of the countre of gaule clepid fraunce, the whiche went ayenst the romains withe an hondred and fourescore thousande men of armes; and he saw so few a companie of the romains comyng that he despraised hem, and seid of gret pride that there were not inoughe of the romains for to fede the doggis of his oost: neverthelesse, that few company were so welle excersised and lerned in armes that there were ynoughe whiche overcome and destroied the said king of gaule and alle his gret { } oost; whiche storie may be verified in every bataile or journay atwix youre adversarie of fraunce and youre predecessoures entreprises this .xxxv. yeres that continued in possession frome king [named[ ]] henry the .v. is conquest till it was lost: for at the bataile of agincourt descomfited by seid king henry the .v.^{th} [wyth a few nomber.[ ]] and at the bataile of the see ayenst the carrakes descomfited by johan duke of bedforde and the erle of the marche being principalle cheveteins also in that bataile [wyth a few nombre yn comparison of the grete frensh navye.[ ]] also at the journay of kedecause descomfited be thomas beauforde erle dorset after was duke of eccestre; [the erle of armonak conestable of fraunce beyng aboute x.m^l fyghtyng men ayenst aboute .ix^c. accompanyed wyth the erle dorset.[ ]] also at the bataile of cravaunt descomfited by [johan duc of bedford as by hys lieutenaunt[ ]] thomas montague the erle of salisbury and roberd [lord[ ]] willugheby chiefeteynes. and at the bataile of vernelle fought and descomfited by johan regent duke of bedforde, the said erle of salisbury and the erle of suffolke, [lord wyllughby, lord pownynnys, ser john fastolf, and many other noble men yn armys.[ ]] also at the bataylle of roveraye foughte [ayenst the bastard of burbon, the bastard of orlyance,[ ]] be ser johan fastolfe, ser thomas rempstone, chiefteins, upon the vitailing the siege of orliaunce. also at the rescue of the cite [of] averaunces fought by edmonde duke of somerset and the erle of shrewisburie and lorde fauconberge chiefeteins. and at the second wynnyng of hareflete fought [beseged[ ]] by johan duke of somerset, by edmund erle of dorset, and the erle of shrewisbury, at the rescue of cane fought by ser johan fastolfe and ser richarde harington, and his felouship, [ayenst .xxx.m^l. men.[ ]] and so in many other [sodeyn jorneys and[ ]] sharpe recountres sodenly met and foughten, to long to write here. and also for the gret part at any maner bataile, journey, enterprise, [seges,[ ]] and rescuse of places, it hathe bene alway seen that the power of fraunce have be in nombre of peple assembled ayenst youre power { } by double so many, or by the thrid part, yet youre right and title have bene so goode and fortunat, and men so well lernid and exercised in armes, that withe few peple have descomfited the gret multitude of your adverse partie. how vegesse in his booke of chevalrie also gretly recomendithe exercise in men of armes. [sidenote: vegescius de re militari.] o then, seith vegecius in his booke of chevalrie, therbe none that knowethe the gret merveilles and straunge aventures of armes and knighthode, the whiche be comprehendid and nombred in dedis of armes, to tho that be exercised in suche labouris of armes, that withe wise conduyt prudently can aventure and hardely take uppon theym such sodein entreprinses on hande. [sidenote: animacio.] [sidenote: concideracio.] o then, ye noble englisshe chevalrie, late it no mervaile be to yow, in lessing youre courage ne abating of your hardiesse, they that ye renew youre coragious hertis to take armes and entreprinses, seeing so many good examples before yow of so many victorius dedis in armes done by youre noble progenitoures, and that it hathe be a thing to moche left discorage you not; for, thoughe that ye were in renomme accepted alleway withe the most worthi as in dede of armes, but now at this time ye ben take and accepted in suche marcialle causes that concernithe werre on the left hande, as withe the simplest of price and of reputacion. and it is to suppose that it is rather in defaute of exercising of armes left this .xxiiij. yere day that the londes were lost, thoroughe the said coloure of trewes, and for lak of good provisions bothe of artillery and ordenaunce for the werre and soudeyng to be made in dew season, and for singuler covetice reignyng among some peple endowed with worldly goodes, that can not depart but easily withe finaunce [wagyng[ ]] and soulde theim in tyme of nede, then for defaut of good corage and manhode, whiche is to deme werre never feerser ne corageouser to dedis of armes, so they may be cherished and avaunced therafter, as ben at this day. { } how dame cristen counceilithe to make true paimentis to sowdieris. [sidenote: hic nota optime pro solucione soldariorum.] [sidenote: nota concilium.] [sidenote: nota bene, ne forte.] for ye shalle rede in the first part of the arbre of batailes, where dame cristen exhortithe and counceilithe that every chieftein and capiteyne of men of armes ought to have goode paimentis and sewre for assignacion of paiment for his sowdieris for so long tyme that he trustithe to endure and be souded in that voiage and armes; for to that singlerly before thing alle chieveteyns shulde have regarde, by as moche as it is the principalle and chief cause of the good spede and conduit of here entreprise, and the undoing and mischief of it [the contrarye[ ]], if the paimentis be not duely made to the soudeours; for late it be put in certein that no cheveteyn can not have ne kepe long tyme good men of armes eville paied or long delaied, but discoragethe them as sone as paiment failethe, and takethe theire congie and licence of theire prince, if they can have licence, orellis they departethe bethout licence. and also of overmoche trust and avauntage gyven to your adversaries be this dissimiled trewes as otherwise. and also when that the cheveteins take more kepe to good than to worship [and] using justice. and as welle as in defaute of largesse to youre obeissauntes, not rewarding ne cherisshing youre obeissauntes subgettis yolden and sworne stedfastly abiding under your obeissaunce, but suffring them to be oppressid and charged unduely in divers wises, as well by over gret taskis and tailis rered uppon them, and therto they finding bothe horsmete and mannysmete to youre soudeours riding be the contre without contenting or agreing hem, becaus of nompower of youre said men ben not paide of here wages and soude, by lak of simple payment [caused the rather the ducdom of normandy to be lost.[ ]] [sidenote: nota peroptimum concilium istud.] [sidenote: inquiratur pro libro illo, bonum est.] [sidenote: nota bene, ne forte.] [sidenote: nota bene.] [sidenote: dux bedfordiæ.] [sidenote: nota bene.] [sidenote: exhortacio.] [sidenote: nota bene.] [sidenote: exhortacio ad observandum ordinacionem principis in bello.] [sidenote: verba m'ri alani de auriga.] and the same dame cristen in the .xiiij. chapiter seiethe that a noble good cheveteyn, whiche wolbe a leder of a felowship in werre, he must use justice to goddis pleasure; and that he may stand in the grace and favoure of the worlde, and of his retenu and { } of other peple undre hym, that the said chieftein must pay his men of soude so justly and truly, bethout any defalking [or] abbregging of here wagis, that they have no nede to lyve by pillage, extorcion, and rapyn uppon the countreis of here frendis that be yolden undre obeisaunce of here prince. and be this way the ost may never faut, for then the ost shalbe furnished of alle costis coostis[ ] commyng withe vitailes inoughe; so that it be provided that marchauntes and vitailers may surely passe and come, and that a payne resonable be made, that uppon forfeiting that payne no man take vitaile beforce without payment made in hande, as the proclamacions made by henry the .v^{the}., that victorious prince, in his host. [and also the statutes made by johan regent of fraunce, duc of bedford, by a parlement at cane, yn the .ij^{de}. yeere of [blessed[ ]] henry .vj^{te}., named kyng, uppon the conduyt of the werre, that i delyvered to your hyghenes enseled, the day before your departyng out of london, that remayned yn the kepyng of ser johan fastolfe for grate autoritee, a. iij.[ ]] and that no damage or offence be done to the marchauntes. it is fulle gret jupardie and perille to an oost where as covetise of pillage and rappyne reignithe among men of armes more than theire entencion is to kepe and meinteine the right of theire prince's partie. and the worship of chevalrie and knighthode ys that they shulde peine hem to wynne. and suche as ben of that inordynat condicion of covetise and rappyne oughte rather be clepid pilleris, robberis, extorcioneris, than men of armes chevalerous. in example the said dame cristen puttithe that the men of armes of the countre of gaule, whiche now is fraunce, that had in a tyme a discomfiture and the overhande uppon the romains, being assembled withe a grete oost embatailed upon the river of rosne in burgoyne; and the men of gaule had wonne gret praies and good, as horse harneis, vesselle of golde and of silver gret plente; but as to the worldly goodes they set no count ne prise of it, but cast it into the river. and in semblable wise it was saide of johan duke of bedforde, then regent, that the day he had the victorie at the { } bataile of vernaile, he exhorted, making an oration to his peple, that they attende not to covetise, for no sight of juelx and riches of cheynes of golde or nouches [or] ringis cast before hem or left in the feelde, to take them up, whiche might be the losse of the feeld, tille god had shewed his power and fortune; but onely to worship and to doo that that they come for. and so be the jugement of god had the victorie withe gret worship and riches, be the raunsonyng of prisoneris, and be rewardis of the said regent in londis and goodis to every man for theire welle doing that day, rewarded in lifelode of londes and tenementis yoven in the counte of mayne to the yerely valeu of .x.m^l. marcs yerely, whiche was .lx.m^l.li. turneis, as it is of record to shew; the whiche was don aftyr the romayns' condicion, seeing that thei set so litille by goodis dispising but onely by worship, the whiche the saide romains were gretly astonied and dred her power, for thei saw it never done before. and wolde jhesus for his highe grace that every prince, chieftein, or captein wolde be of so noble condicions as is before made mencion of! i have be credibly enfourmed by tho as were present in bateile withe the fulle noble and victorius prince of renomme king henry the .v^{te}. youre cousin and antecessour, used the saide counceile among his ostes. and also at the bateile of agincourt be the exortacion of that forseyd noble prince henry the .v^{the}. counceiled to set not be no tresure, praies, ne juelx and vesselle of golde and of silver, aswelle of tho that were his there lost, ne of the juelx that he wonne, but only to his right and to wonne worship. and that also fulle noble prince youre cousin johan duke of bedforde, another victorius prince, folowed his steppis tho daies that he was regent of the roiaume of fraunce, and whan his chariottes of his tresoure and vesselle at the bataile of vernelle in perche was bereved frome hym by lombardis and other sowdieris holding youre adverse partie, he comaunded the oost embatailed not forto breke ne remeve [theyr aray[ ]] for wynnyng or kepyng worldly goodis, but only to wynne worship in the right of englonde that day, whiche he hadde the victorie to his grettist renomme. { } but yet it most be suffred paciently the fortune that is gevyn to youre ennemies at this tyme, and late the case be taken for a new lerning, and to the sharping of goode corages, to the refourmyng and amendement of theire wittis. for the saide ovide the lawreat poet saiethe that it happithe often times that mysaventures lernithe tho that bene conquerid to be wise. and so at other times in actis and dedis of armes that for lak of providence or mysfortune were overthrow, enforcethe hem to be conquerours [another seson.[ ]] here is yet noone so gret inconvenient of aventure ne mysfortune falle at this tyme, but that it hathe be seene fallen er now [yn kyng johan dayes and in kyng edward iij^d day, as yn hys gret age put owt of normandye and off many castells and townes yn gyen by kyng charlys the .v^{te}.[ ]] [sidenote: defectus pecuniæ ad solvendum soldarios fuit causa una prodicionis ducatus normanniæ.] how the duchie of normandie for lak of a sufficient arme waged in due time, that king johan [of england[ ]] had not sufficiently wherof to wage [his peple,[ ]] he lost the duchie of normandie. [sidenote: infinita mala ex sensualitate corporis.] [sidenote: . .] for a like mysfortune and overthrow fille unto us for defaute of providence and helpe in dew tyme, and sensualite of lustis of the bodie idely mispendid, and for lak of finaunce and goode[gh] to soude and wage goode mennys bodies over into normandie and other contrees, ande thoroughe the umbre of trewes, the hole privacion of your duchie of normandie, and of angew, mayne, and torayne, and a gret part of gascoigne and guyen, was in king johan daies by king philip dieudonné of fraunce, the yere of crist .m^l.ij^c.iij^o. in the monithe of maij began. { } [sidenote: treugæ pluries infractæ.] how many divers times trewes that were taken betwene king richarde the first, king johan, and king edward the thrid at the finalle peas generalle betwene tho kinges and the frenshe kinges, were afterwarde be the frenshe partie first broken. [sidenote: nota fallacias francorum in rupcione treugarum; vide et attende bene.] [sidenote: treuga pessima a^{o} xp'i .] [sidenote: de infinitis dampnis ex ilia treuga sine pace.] [sidenote: de pluribus treugis sine effectu durationis.] [sidenote: edward ij^{d}.] [sidenote: nota pro titulo regis.] [sidenote: effectus maritagii isabellæ reginæ heredis regni franciæ.] [sidenote: edwardus ij^{us} duxit isabellam filiam et heredem karoli regis franciæ a^{o}. x^{l}. m^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.] and thus undre the coloure of trewes at divers times taken atwixt youre noble progenitoures king henry the seconde, and also divers treties taken betwene the said king johan and king philip, and also sondry tymes trewes taken betwene king richarde the first and the frenshe king philip dieudonné. and notwithestanding so oft tymes trewes and alliaunces taken and made betwene the forsaide kinges of englonde and of fraunce, alle waye whan the frenshe partie coude have and fynde any avauntage or coloure to breke here trewes they did make new werre ayenst this lande. also there was another trewes made at paris the monithe of octobre the yere of crist m^l.cclix. betwene king henry the thrid and lowes king of fraunce, the whiche king lowes haveng grete conscience that he heelde bethout title of right the duchie of normandie, the counté of angew, mayne, and toureyne, out of the handis of the kinges of englonde, therfore toke a trewis withe king henry the thridde; and the saide king lowes graunted and confirmed to the saide king henry and to his heires for ever all the right that he hadd or myght have in the duchie of gascoigne, withe thre eveschies clepid diocesis and citees in the saide duchie, that is to witt, limogensis, caourcensis, and pieregourt. also at[ ] agenois and peito. and a peas to be made atwix bothe kinges undre the condicion that the saide king henry thrid shuld relese unto king lowes alle his right in normandie and in the countre of anjou, of mayne, and toreyne, your verray auncient enheritaunce tailed, whiche albeit if the said king henry thrid had alone made any suche relese it was of none strenght ne effect, for it was never graunted be the auctorite of the parlement of thre astatis of his roiaume. for it is to be undrestande that be no law imperialle ne by no dew reason can be founded { } that a prince may not gyve away his duchees or countees ne his demaynes that is his propre enheritaunces to a straunge parsone, of what astate or degre he is, bethout the agrement and consenting of a parlement of his lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and of his comyns assembled, and a sufficient nombre of every of hem, as it hathe bene accustumed; so in conclusion the relese of king henry thrid to king lowes was and is voide. and if any relese of king lowes to the said king henry in the said duchie of gascoine had be made it standithe of fulle litille effect, becaus it was the said king henry propre enheritaunce by his aiel king henry the second that weddid dame alienor duchesse and heriter of guien, as is before expressid. and so the said king lowes relese was a confirmacion of the said duchie of guien into king henry thrid is possession and a disclayme frome the kinges of fraunce for ever. also ther was another trux and pease made the yere of crist m^l.cclxxix., at amyens, betwen king edwarde first and king philip of fraunce, that the said king edwarde shulde holde peasibly all the saide landes in gascoigne. another trewes and peas made at paris the yere of crist m^l.ij^c.lxxxvj. betwene the said king edwarde first and king philip of fraunce for the saide duchie of guien. another trews made at paris, the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.iij^o., the monithe of maij, betwene king edwarde first and king philip of fraunce, that marchauntes and alle maner men might passe to bothe roiaumes of englond and fraunce bethout empeshement, and heelde not long. another trux made in the yere of crist m^l.cc.xiij., in a towne clept in latyn pissaicus, betwene king edwarde second and king phelip king of fraunce for the said duchie of guien. and in the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.xxiiij. king charles of fraunce and of navarre seased certein townes and forteresses in guien for defaut of homage of the king edwarde second for the said duchie of guien, whiche townes and forteresses after was delivered ayen to the king edwarde by the moyen of edmonde erle of kent, his lieftenaunt. also another pease made in the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.xxv. betwene king edwarde second and king charles de valoys of fraunce, be reason and meane that { } the saide king edwarde weddid dam isabel king charles of fraunce daughter, [soule[ ]] enheriter of fraunce; and at that tyme king edward made edmond his brother erle of kent his lieftenaunt for the duchie of guyen, whiche fulle nobly governed and kept that contre. [sidenote: a^{o}. x^{l}. m^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.] [sidenote: bellum scluse.] also in semblable wise in the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.xl. the .xiij. yere of king edwarde the thrid, after the saide king had wonne the gret bataile of scluse ayenst philip de valois his adversarie, and besieged tourenay in picardie, whan the saide philip de valois and the [kyngis[ ]] frenshe lordis were gretly rebuked and put abak, they desired a trux of king edwarde frome the monithe of septembre tille the feest of saint john next sueng, to the gret damage of the king edwarde conquest. and the bretons making under that colour mortalle werre to this land, but they were kept in subgeccion, and a gret bataile of descomfiture ayenst them had by the erle of northampton, then the kingis lieutenaunt in that parties. also the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.xliij^o., the .xix. day of januarii, another gret trux for the yere take withe philip de valois calling hym king, youre saide adversarie, and his allies, and the saide trux broken be the seide philip bethin thre yeris after, comaunding the bretons to make werre ayenst youre progenitours. [sidenote: obcidio cane.] [sidenote: bellum cressye.] and the noble king edwarde the thrid, seeing that, in the monithe of julie, the yere of crist m^l.ccc.xlvij^o., the .xx. yere of his reigne, disposed hym ayen to werre ayen withe the saide philip, and wanne upon hym the strong towne of cane, [and had[ ]] the sore fought bataile of cressy, the castelle of calix by a harde siege bethin few daies after leide and (_unfinished_.) [sidenote: de pace finali quamvis non sortiebatur diu effectum.] [sidenote: . .] [sidenote: chaundos chevalier.] [sidenote: de magnificencia joh'is chundos.] [sidenote: princeps edwardus.] [sidenote: de pluribus comitatibus in vasconia sub obediencia regis angliæ.] [sidenote: .] how notwithestonding a finalle peas was made solempnely be the fulle assent of king johan of fraunce prisoner, as it is the chief auctorite, and comprehendid in many articles most sufficiauntly grounded by auctorite of the pope, confermed that, for alle that it helde not passe .vij. or .viij. yere after. and so contynued by .xiij. { } yeris fro the saide tyme mortal werre continued tille a final generalle peas was made after by agrement of king johan of fraunce that was take betwene the said noble king edwarde the thrid and the saide king johan the monithe of maij the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lx., at bretigny, the pope assentyng, and be mediacion of cardinales, archebishoppis, bisshoppis, abbotis, dukes, erles, barons, and lordis, and by the assent of bothe parties of englande as of fraunce, and confermed by the saide pope and the sacramentis of both cristen kinges, made bothe by hemselfe and by here commissaries in suche solempne wise that alle cristen princes wolde have thought it shulde stande ferme and have bene stable for ever, ande whiche finalle peas dured not scant .viij^{the}. yere after, but that it was broke fraudulentlie be feyned causes and colourable quarellis of the frenshe partie, as of the erle of armenak and other lordis of guien. and after king charles the .v^{the}, of fraunce, son to king johan, under colour of the seide trux and fynal peas made be his father, put king edwarde the thrid and his sonnes and other his lieutenauntes out of alle his conquest, aswelle of alle the londis that king edwarde conquerid in fraunce, normandie, burgoyne, and flaundres, and out of many other countee[gh], baronies, and lordshippes, and of a gret part of the duchie of guien, whiche countee[gh] and lordshippes in gascoigne and guien were given utterly and plenerlie to doo none homage, ne sovereinte to holde but of the saide noble king edwarde, and of alle his enheriteris, never to resort ayen in homage ne feute to youre adversaries of fraunce, as it is expresly enacted and recorded in the registres of alle the homagieris of guien and gascoigne, that was made by the erle of armenak, the lorde de la brette, vicecountes, barons, chevalers, and escuiers, and alle other nobles of the saide duchies, made to the saide king edwarde and to prince edwarde the duke of guien the kingis lieutenaunt; that is to wete, in the cathedralle chirche of saint andrieu chirche at burdeux, the .xix. day of juilly, the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lxiij., present there ser thomas beauchampe erle of warewik, that aventurous and most fortunat knighte in his daies, and ser john chaundos of herfordshire { } vicount de saint saveoure [in normandye,[ ]] whiche had bene in many batailes, and had the governaunce of m^l. speris, and was comissarie for king edwarde, withe a fulle grete ost of multitude of peple well defensid in guien. and so, after that prince edwarde had received alle the homages aboute bourdeux, bordelois, and bassedois, within the seneschalcie of gascoigne, than he and the said comissaries went to alle the countees foloweng and received theire homages and feutees bothe in the name of king edwarde .iij^d., and than in like fourme did homage to the prince as duc of guien. and was no differens betwene the bothe homages doing to the king and to the duc of guien, except that homager at his othe making to the saide duke he reserved the sovereinte and the ressort dew to his highe soverein seigneur king edwarde. [so he] toke the homages of alle the vassallis and subgettis in the seneschalcie of agenois, after in the seneschalcie of landis, after in the counte of bigorre, then in the seneschalcie of pierregort, in the seneschalcie of caoursyn and roergev' and lymosyn, also in the counté of engwillom, also in the seneschalcie of xantonge, than in the counté of poitou and poytiers. by whiche it may be considerid be the said countees and countrees before specified, it was of a wide space and many a thousand peple that were at that tyme and yet ought be under youre obeisaunce. and the saide prince edwarde and the kinges commissaries made here journeis by .viij. monithes day as tille the .iiij^{the}. day of aprille the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lxiiij., or thei coude receive alle the saide homagiers; whiche now in the yere of crist m^l.iiij^c.li., after that hole normaundie was lost, and also gascoigne and guien yoven up in defaute of socoure [of an armee made[ ]] in season, many of youre saide trew liege peple be overcome by youre adversaries of fraunce, and many a thousand peple of nobles and others coherted and be force ayenst theire hertis wille and entent to become homagiers to youre saide adversarie by the hole privacion of the saide duchie of guien, as of normandie, whiche withe the helpe of almightie god and { } saint george, chief defendoure and protectoure of these youre londis, withe the comfort of youre true subgectis, shalnot abide long in theire possession ne governaunce. [sidenote: de pace finali.] [sidenote: . .] [sidenote: pro titulo regis nota.] and now of late tyme a peas finalle was made and take withe king charlis the sext, and the whiche finalle peas made solempnelie at trois in champayne, the .xxj. day of maij the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xx., and registred in the court of parlement, confermed that alle divisions and debates betwene the roiaume of englande and the roiaume of fraunce shulde for ever cease; and the saide finalle peas heelde not fullie .ij. yeris, but brake sone after the decese of that victorioux prince king harry the .v^{the}., upon his mariage withe quene katerin. [sidenote: de infractione treugarum nota hoc.] and now last of alle the gret trewes taken and made at towris betwene henry the sext, the innocent[ ] prince, and charlis the .vij^{the}., youre adversarie of fraunce, in the said .xxiiij. yere of his reigne, solempnely sworne and sealed, and sone after broken be the frenshe partie. [sidenote: de continuacione hereditatis ducatus normandiæ. rollo dux vocatus robertus filius magnifici d'ni in regno daciæ vocati byercoteferre.] [sidenote: nota causam &c.] [sidenote: nota optime.] and none of alle these trewes hathe ben observed ne kept, notwithstanding any sacremente, othes, [or] promisses made by youre adversarie and be his dukes, erlis, and barones of the seide frenshe partie, but alway brake the saide trewes whan they coude take any avauntage ayenst us, as it shewethe openly, and may be a mirroure for ever to alle cristen princes to mystrust any trewes taking by youre saide adversarie or his allies and subjectis, be it the duke of breteyne, the duke of orliens, or any suche other his complisses: for where as youre noble progenitours were seased and possessid of the said duchie of normandie sithe that duke rollo of the nacion of denmarke, the yere of crist .ix^cxij. conquerid it upon charlis le simple, to whome he gave his doughter in mariage withe the seide duchie, and so hathe continued from heire to heire .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere, but after as it may be cast it was .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere that it was nevor in no king of fraunce is hande tille it was lost in king johan is daies of englande. and than for suche inconvenientis as was used now be mysfortune under { } [the umbre of trewes and for puttyng down arthur of breteyn,[ ]] it was lost and yoven up to the seide king phelip dieudonné in the yere of crist m^l.cc.iij., about the first [and second[ ]] yere of the seide king johan. and frome the saide first yere of king johan the possession of the saide duchie of normandie discontynued .c.xxxvj. yere, that was to the yere of crist m^l.ccc.xxxix., that youre right and possession was refourmed by youre noble progenitoure king edwarde the thrid, whiche by many yeris leide segis and had batailes withe philip de valois and johan of fraunce, occupieris of that kingdom. how king edwarde the thrid made first grete alliaunces withe gret astatis or he began to make werre in fraunce. [sidenote: nota de auxilio regis edwardi.] [sidenote: conciderand'.] [sidenote: in cronicis frodsard.] [sidenote: pax finalis sperata fuit.] [sidenote: . .] [sidenote: exclamacio.] [sidenote: consideracio.] and therto king edwarde allied hym withe fulle mighty princes to socour and reliefe hym in his werres or he began to set on hem: first withe lowes emperoure of allemayne, to whome he rewardid fifty thousande sak wolle for perveaunce, and soulde men of werre that he shulde make to helpe king edward the thrid in his conquest; and after allied hym to the erle of heynew and to the erle of flaundres, and also withe the duke of bretein; the whiche alliaunces was a fulle gret socoure and helpe to his conquest in fraunce and normandie, for he wanne at the first raise that he made over the see m^l.m^l.v^c. townes and castellis, and soforthe reigned and continued in armes .xxxiiij. yeris, by putting the frenshe king and his allies in gret subgeccion for the right of his enheritaunces, like as who so lust rede the booke [of] his actis clepid [mayster[ ]] froddesarde more plainly may perceyve. and so alle his daies contynued tille unto the tyme that be dissimulacion of the gret peas taken atwix hym and his prisoner king johan of fraunce, made at bretigny the yere of crist m^l.iij^c.lx., that undre umbre of the seid trewes charles le sage his sonne, after the decese of king johan, did put king edwarde thrid out of alle his said conquest in fraunce and normandie, and partie of guyen. and sithen more effectuelle laboures and dedis of armes { } hathe be done by that victorioux prince henry the .v^{the}., he being parsonelly bothe at many sieges, leyng at assautes, at batailes, and journeis frome the second yere of his reigne [exclusyfe[ ]] into the day of his trespassement the space of .vij. yere. whiche labouris parcellis of them briefly bene specified before. and there youre obeisaunt subgeitis and trew liege peple be put owt of their londis and tenementis yoven to hem by youre predecessoures, as wel as be that highe and mighty prince richarde duke of yorke youre father, being at two voiages lieutenaunt and gouvernaunt in fraunce, for service done unto hem in theire conquest, not recompensed ayen to theire undoing. heh allas! thei did crie, and woo be the tyme they saide, that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the frenshe partie or theire allie[gh] in any trewes keping, considering so many folde tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes as is late before specified. and yet not for alle these inconvenientis that have falle to us be conspiring of deceitis undre umbre of suche dissimuled trewes, late it be out of doubte that, thoughe they holde theym never so proude, puissaunt, and strong, ne so sotill and crafty in suche deceitis conspiring, they by goddis might shalbe overcome and brought to the right astate that it oughte be, where as the title and clayme of thenheritaunce of fraunce is verray trew, whan dew diligence have be shewed by us in executing the saide right, as it is verefied briefly by examples here before. [sidenote: divina concideracio enodanda per theologos.] how be it that at som tymes that god suffrithe the partie that hathe a true title and right to be overcome, yet for alle that a man shulde not be discouraged alway to sew his right. [sidenote: . .] [sidenote: infortunium bellum apud fermenye ultima vice.] [sidenote: gyen.] [sidenote: burdeux.] [sidenote: de sancto lodovico rege fraunciæ.] and albeit that at som tymes god suffrethe the partie that hathe right and a trew title, and that livethe after his lawes, to be gretly parsecuted, and to be put to over gret aventure, laboure, and peyne, some tyme to be overthrow, some tyme to be prisoner or slaine in { } bataile be divine providence whan hym lust to be juge, thoughe the peple be never so goode, ne the querelle, title, and right never so trew; and yet not for no suche adversite and as have fallen the yere of crist m^l.iiij^c.l., be the last overthrow of a notable arme at fremyny, where ser thomas kirielle knight, lieftenaunt in that voiage, [was take prysoner wyth many othyrs to the nombre about .ix^c.,[ ]] a grete caus was that the pety capteins wolde not obbey at the day of that journay at that sodeyne recountre to her chieftein, and taried lengir in his voiage after he was londed or he came to any strong holde was present.[ ] also another gret armee and voiage fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this yere of crist m^l.cccclj., whiche were at last redy to goo to gyen, the armee taried upon the see coostis in englande almost a quarter of a yere or theire payment was redie. and the cite of burdeux lost in the meane tyme for lak of rescue. yet god defende that thoroughe suche adversitees we shulde be utterly discoraged. late us take example in according to this. it is wretin in the booke of machabeus, in the .viij. chapitre, how the worshipfull judas machabeus, seeyng goddis peple gretly febled and abashed be divers discomfitures of theym, seide to his knightis, a, a, it is bettir to us to avaunce us forthe and rather to die in bataile then lengre to suffre the gret passions and troubles of oure infortune. and fro thens forthe by the wille of god, good corage and comfort taken to theyme, they were made conquerours and had the victorie in alle theire batailes. also another example by seint lowes king of fraunce, whiche in encresing the cristyn feithe made gret armees into the holy land in [about[ ]] the yere of crist m^l.ij^c.lxx., and suffrethe gret adversiteis among the sarresyns, he and his knightis overthrow and take prisoneris to the soudan of babilon, and the king put to gret raunsom paide, his peple died up by gret mortalite of pestilence, suffred famyne, hungur, and thurst, yet god at the last releved hym, and [he] came into fraunce withe gret worship. { } [sidenote: animacio.] an nother exhortacion of the historier. o ye highe and myghtifulle prince, king of englande and of fraunce, and alle ye other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers astates olde or yong, of so auncien a stok and of so worthy a lineage, as of the noble trojan is blode descendid, as it is auctorised and may appere by many croniclers and histories of noble doctours enacted and registred, that ye alonly have ever ben halden without note of errour or deformite of the law withe the most puissaunt and of power thoroughe alle regions cristen or hethen, haveng alway under youre regencie and governaunce the habondaunce of noble men of chevalrie, passing alle othir landes after the quantite and afferaunt of youre roiaume, lete then be as a mirrour noted and had before youre eyen by contynuell remembraunce to thentent that the excersising of theire noble actis in conquestis may the more vigorously endeuce you to succede the prowesse and vaillauntnesse of youre highe predecessoures in armes, like as it shewethe welle at this tyme of what worship they have bene by here victorious dedis, for they in difference of other nacions have ever ewred and shewed the renomme and excellence of youre highe and mighty antecessours' corages, aswelle in straunge regions as among the sarrazyns in the region of sirie and turkie, as in the said neere regions of fraunce, spayne, lumbardie, spruce, and other countrees. and therfor ye shulde yeve laude and praisingis alway to god, for, sithe the trespassement of prince edwarde and good henry duc of lancaster that was, [ther wer but few like to hem in armys.[ ]] here is brieflie made mencion of the recomendacion of acyn[ ] worship of henry the .v^{the}. and his bretheryn thomas, johan, and humfrey, .iiij. noble princes. where was he of late daies descendid of noble bloode that was so corageous in dedis of armes as was that mightifull prince of renommee of { } youre noble lynage henry .v^{te}. and his said thre full mighty and noble princes his brethern, and next .ij. cosyns germayns of youre kynne, that in here daies were as the pilours and chief postis of the holders up of the [last conquest, and of the[ ]] possession of youre rightfulle enheritaunce, bothe of youre roiaumes of fraunce as of justice keping, tranquillite and pease in youre roiaume of englonde, also of the duchies of normandie, gascoigne, guyen, and of the counte of mayne. [sidenote: dux clarence.] [sidenote: conciderandum est.] for as for a brief advertisement and remembraunce how thomas the duc of clarence in his yong age, the yere of crist m^l.cccc.iij., lieutenaunt of alle irelonde, and after that lieutenaunt and governoure of youre duchees of gascoyne and guien, defending the true subgettis frome theire adversaries, holding up youre right and keping youre peple and subgettis under youre lawes. and after [the seyd duc,[ ]] in company of the victorioux prince henry the .v^{te}., labourid in armes upon that noble conquest in fraunce and the duchie of normandie, there being lieutenaunt for that marchis, where as he in bataile among youre adversaries in the duchie of anjou at bowgée most worshiplie at a sodeyn recountre fighting withe a few felouship of lordes and nobles, levyng his hoste behynde, not abiding theire comyng, ayenst a gret multitude of fighters, the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xxj. among the frenshemen and scottis was slayne; whiche not long after god thoroughe power suffred the seid capteyns of scottis to be overthrow bothe at the batailes of cravant, also at the bataile of vernelle, and [also[ ]] at the bataile of rouverey. [sidenote: j. dux bedfordie regens regni frauncie.] [sidenote: conquestus comitatus de mayn.] [sidenote: . .] also youre second cousyn johan duc of bedforde, that in his grene age was lieutenaunt of the marchis, werrid ayenst the scottis, keping them in subgeccion, havyng gret journeis and batailes ayenst them. after that made admirall and kepar of the see, havyng a gret mortal bataile and victorie ayenst the carrakes, galeis, and othir gret shippis. beyng also a certayn tyme lieutenaunt and protectoure in this lande; and sethe yeede upon youre said conquest into fraunce and { } normandie, therof being regent and gouvernoure in the daies of the devout prince henry the sext over alle the subgeitis of fraunce and normandie .xiij. yeris, and conquerid the counte of mayne, defending, keping, and gouvernyng the said countreis in gret tranquillite and peace, to the gret worship of bothe roiaumes, and there made his faire ende at rone, where he liethe tombid, the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xxxv., the .xiiij. day of septembre. [sidenote: dux glouc'.] [sidenote: comes de marche. comes suff'.] [sidenote: calix.] [sidenote: . .] [sidenote: . .] and how the thrid brother humfrey duc of gloucestre, withe a notabille power, was upon youre conquest in normandie withe his said brother, and at the bataile of agyncourt was sore woundid, and after he wanne [with help of the noble erle of marche and the erle of suffolk acompanyed,[ ]] brought in subjeccion, beforce of siegislieng among youre adversaries, base normandie, the castelle of chierbourgh, the cite of bayeux, costances, withe all the close of costantyne and averances, seynt lowe, carenten, and valoignez, withe alle othir forteressis and villages in that marcher. and over that sithe he was protectoure and defendoure of your roiaume of englond, in the tyme of the said henry the sext of grene age, keping gret justice, tranquillite, and peace withyn youre saide roiaume. and after whan youre nobille castelle and towne of calix was beseigid in the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xxxvj., without long respit or tarieng, he puissauntly rescued it. and many other souvereyne and princely condicions he used in this youre roiaume of englonde, as in [bokys yovyng as yt ys seyd to the value of m^l. marks of all the .vij. sciences, of dyvinite, as of lawe spirituell and cyvyle, to the universite of oxford, and[ ]] cherisshing the noble clergie of youre said roiaume. and also havyng gret charge and cost aboute the gret tendirnesse and favoure shewed and done to alle straungiers, were they ambassatours, messangiers, and other noblesse that sought worship of armes, that of divers regions visited this lande, for whiche favoure and bounteous chier, withe gret rewardes done to theym, the renome of his noble astate and name sprad thoroughe alle cristyn roiaumes { } and in hethynesse. and after he had by many wyntris lyved in worship, he making his ende at the towne of bury, the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xlvij., the .xxv. day of februarie. and over alle these puissaunt dedis done and meynteyned by the foreseid .iiij. noble princes in theire daies, and now sithen many of youre noble bloode, as cosins germayns and other allie[gh] of youre nere kyn, as dukis, erlis, barons, bene deceasid sithe the tyme of the last conquest of fraunce and normandie. [sidenote: nota de ordine militum de la gartere.] for what cause the knightys of the order and felouship of saint george was ordeigned. [sidenote: non sunt oblivio tradend'.] [sidenote: nobilitas johannis chaundos de comitatu herefordie, senescalli de peytou.] [sidenote: senlys] [sidenote: . .] [sidenote: parys.] and also of the vaillaunt chosen knightes of the noble and worshipfulle ordre of the garter, founded by the right noble prince king edward thrid, and to bere about his legge a tokyn of the garter, in the castelle of wynsore, the .xxiij. yere of his reigne. and [as yt ys seyd[ ]] in token of worship that he being in bataile what fortune fille shuld not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that god lust sende. whiche for gret prowesse and here manlynesse approved in armes was founded for her gret labouris in werre and vaillaunt dedis of armes be now passid to god and ought be put in memorialle, that in what distresse of bataile or siege that they have ben yn for the righte title in the crowne of fraunce they alway avaunsid hem forthe withe the formost in example of good corage gyvyng to alle theire felouship, to opteyne the overhande of here entreprise. he allas! sethe that none suche were never sene withdrawers or fleers frome batailes or dedis of worship, but rather vigorouslie foryeting theymsilfe, as did the full noble knight, a felow of the garter, ser johan chaundos, as a lion fighting in the feelde [at the bataylle of fizar, yn spayn, wyth prince edward[ ]] of the lion condicion, and defendid youre roiaume of fraunce frome youre adversaries, preservyng theire prince's right and theire subgettis, avaunced youre conquest of fraunce and normandie, angew, and mayne, and the noble duchie of gascoigne and gyen, { } and maynteyned theire honoure and astate, to the welle of youre bothe roiaumes and relief of youre treu subgettis of this lande. and thereto they have ben of the condicions of lyons fighting withe gret strenght, puissauntlie and stifly sett to withestande youre ennemies, notwithestanding gret part of the said adverse partie have voided, fledd, and forsake the feeld and theire felouship at suche tyme as they sought to abide. in example, of the fulle noble jorney late had in the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xxxj., at senlys, where youre lieutenaunt and youre power being present, and charlis the .vij^{the}, youre gret adversarie of fraunce withe alle his power to the nombre of .l^{ti}.m^l. fighters on his side, and embatilled by thre daies in the feeld, fled and voided unfoughten at the said jorney of senlis, youre saide kynnesman johan duc of bedford being then lieutenaunt, and present in the feeld before hym thre daies. and also sone after the saide worshipfull journey of senlis, your saide adversarie of fraunce, after that made his entreprise, comyng before the noble cite of paris, with alle his roialle power to have entred the said cite, and to put out youre saide cosyn duke of bedford; whiche havyng knowlege therof incontinent disposed hym (albeit he had upon so soden warnyng but a few felouship) to mete ayen withe youre saide adversarie, and put hym in gret aventure, and entred in youre saide cite of paris to relief and defende theym as he promised, and sent worde unto hem late before to theire grettist yoie and comfort. and youre said adversarie, that ententid to gete the saide cite, besieging theym withe a grete nombre, mightilie resisted withe men and ordenaunce, so grevously hurt, being fayne to voide incontinent. and as in this maner it shewithe evidently that youre true obeisaunt lordis, and noble chieveteins, also true subgettis, have abandonned theire bodies, putting them in gret jupardie unto the parelle of dethe, or to be taking prisoneris, and yet god hathe served hem soo, that thoroughe his grace and theire manhod withe wise governaunce [they] have had the overhande of youre adversaries, and kept bothe the saide citee and the feelde withe other good men that aboode, whan theire partie contrarie have ben nombred double or treble { } moo than youris, as is before expressid. and at whiche tyme the saide citee was so mightly besegid, ser john radclif knight, withe his felouship, had gret worship. [sidenote: exclamacio.] [sidenote: nota. , .] [sidenote: tempus ultimi conquestus.] [sidenote: de pace finali apud bretygnye.] [sidenote: . .] o ye right noble martirs! whiche that for youre verray righte of the coroune of fraunce, and for the welfare of the kingis highenesse, and for the worship of his bothe roiaumes of englond and fraunce, ye forto susteyne righte and forto wynne worship, have ben often put in gret aventure, as was often tymes of the worshipfulle romayns. and therfore of you may be saide that ye were alway stedfast and obeieng youre souvereyn unto the jupardie and perille of dethe. so wolde jhesus that in the brief seson of the sodeyne and wrecchid intrusion late had by the unmanly disseising and putting oute of fraunce, normandie, angew, and mayne, withe the duchies of gasquien and guyen, whiche is done bethin the space of .j. yere and .xiiij. wekis, that is to wete frome the .xv. day of maij in the yere of crist m^l.cccc.xlix. unto the .xv. day of the monithe of august the yere of crist m^l.cccc.l, that every castelle, forteresse, and towne defensable of the said duchiees [were delyvered upp by force or composicion to the adverse partye.[ ]] and if they had be alway furnished and stuffed withe suche suffisaunt nombre of men of armes, with ordenaunce, vitaile, and wages duely kept and be paied, that they myght couraged and enforced hem to have bene kept stille the possession,[ ] and they so being of the lyonns kynde as to have bene of soo egir courage and so manly and stedfast as they were before this tyme in that parties of normandie, conquering, keping, and defending it as they did by the space of .xxxv. yeris complete and .vij. daies frome the begynnyng of the last conquest the thrid yere of king henry the .v^{the}., and not the whele of fortune turned ayenst this lande as it hathe. notwithestanding king edwarde the thrid occupied not in his conquest of fraunce and normandie passe .xxxiiij. yere, whiche that after undre certayne condicions upon apoyntement of a smalle pease made atwix hym and king johan of fraunce was { } graunted that the saide king johan shulde be seased and possessid ayen of a part of the said roiaume and duchie for certeyne countees, baronnyes, and seignories that we shulde in chief halde in guien and other contrees, whiche is more amplie declared in the saide finalle trety of pease made at bretygny; yet for alle the othes, sacrementis, seles of bothe kingis and here lordis made, the said trety of pease was sone broken by the adverse partie when they couth take theire avauntage, about the yere of crist m^l.ccc.lxxj. [sidenote: exclamacio alia.] [sidenote: de amicicia per maritagia et alias alligancias fienda.] [sidenote: nota bene.] [sidenote: nota et concidera ad honorandum extraneos.] he allas! we dolorous parsones suffring intollerabille persecucions and miserie, aswelle in honoure lost as in oure[ ] lyvelode there unrecompensid, as in oure meveable goodes bereved, what shalle we doo or say? shalle we in this doloure, anguisshe, and hevynesse contynew long thus? nay, nay, god defende that suche intrusions, grete wrongis, and tiranye shuld be left unpunisshed, and so gret a losse unpunysshed and not repared! for one good moyen, undre correccion, may be this, and if youre lordis wolde enforce hem to renew theire olde allie[gh] of straunge regions and countrees, as the romayns did whan they werrid in auffrik ayenst the cartages, and of late daies king edwarde the thrid gafe example and sithe king harry the .v^{te}. in oure daies, and also his noble brothir johan duke of bedford after hym; whiche allies be almost werid out and foryete to oure grete desolacion, whiche and they were renewed by meane of mariages of gret birthe, by cherisshing of lordis, nobles, and marchauntes of the regions that we have been allied unto, or desire to be gyvyng renomme and honoure in armes to the princes that we desire alliaunce, or[ ] sending at suche tymes as the cas shalle require to the princes ambassiatours that be halden worshipfulle men of astate and degree that have sene worship in divers contreis, whiche prudently can purpose and declare the urgent cause and necessite of this royaume, it wolde be to think verralie than that tho yowre[ ] people true subgettis of fraunce were mynusshed or abated as it is, but oure saide allies wolde enforce hem withe alle hir power and might to the { } reformacion of the saide intrusions, and under colour of trewes wrought ayenst us. in example of this matier, it bathe bene specified herebefore, and how it hathe be rad among the romayne stories that, whan haniballe, prince of cartage, had so gret a descomfiture ayenst camos, governour of the romayne ooste, that the men of cartage gaderid of the fingers of the ded romayns three muys fulle of golde ringis. so it shewed that the power of rome was gretly mynusshed and febled. than, whan this tidingis come to cartage, one hamon, a wise man, a senatoure, demaunded if it so were that for alle so gret a discomfiture is [at this place a leaf of the ms., or more, has been lost.] [sidenote: tullius cicero.] [sidenote: boecius.] [sidenote: constellacio non necessitat sed forte disponit mores hominum altor' bene vel contra, ac impressiones aeris et causa mere naturalia concernencia.] [sidenote: contra fiduciam adhibendam in prophesiis. nota conclusionem. nisi fuerit sanctissimis viris.] [sidenote: josephus. orosius. titus livius.] [sidenote: gyldas.] [sidenote: deexpulsione britonum in walliam et cornewaylle propter peccata. destruccio regnorum.] [sidenote: nynyve. babylon. troye. thebes. athenes.] [sidenote: rome.] [sidenote: jerusalem.] [sidenote: picti gentes.] [sidenote: saxones.] [sidenote: danii. normanni. andegavenses.] [sidenote: galfridus plantagenest.] [sidenote: lucius valerius.] [sidenote: boicius.] [sidenote: de republica custodienda.] [sidenote: de justicia.] whiche may noie be, for cicero seicthe in the booke that he made of divinacion, and the famous doctour seint austyn in the book of fre wille, and also boecius in his booke of consolacion, or[ ] comforte ayenst mysfortune, accorden to the same, that we shuld not only trust that the thinges whiche sounethe to adversite or infortune, and the whiche comethe to us adversarily or on the lift side, for oure offenses not keping the lawes of god, that oft tymes comythe, they dyvynyng that they fallithe be casuelte of fortune, by prophesies, orellis thoroughe influence and constellacions of sterris of hevyn, whiche jugementes be not necessarilie true, for and if it were like to trouthe it were but as contingent and of no necessite, that is to sey, as likely to be not as to be. and if a constellacion or prophesie signified that suche a yere or bethin suche a tyme there shulde falle werre, pestilence, or deerthe of vitaile to a contree or region, or privacion of a contre, it is said but dispositiflie and not of necessite or certente, for than it shulde folow that the prophesies, constellacions, and influence of sterris were maistris over goddis power, and that wolde soune to an herisie orellis to a gret erroure. and if suche { } prophesies and influence of the seide constellacions might be trew, yet god hathe gyve that souvereynte in mannys soule that he, havyng a clene soule, may turne the contrarie disposicion that jugement of constellacion or prophesies signified. as it is verified by the famous astrologien ptolome in his booke called centilogie, the capitalle, seieng _quod homo sapiens dominatur astris_, that a man is sovereyn abofe suche domes of constellacions. and therfor ye oughte not deme ne conceyve the gret adversite that fallithe to us is not falle to us by prophesie or by influence of constellacion of sterris, but only for synne and wrecchidnes, and for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew tyme provided, and havyng no consideracion to the comen wele, but rathir to magnifie and enriche oure silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffring extorcions over the pore peple, for whiche inconvenientis by the jugementis and suffraunce of god, and of his divine providence, the whiche by divers and of his secretis and as misteries unknowen to us he hathe suffred this mysfortune among us here, and privacion of the saide roiaume of fraunce and contreis ther to falle upon us. and who so wolle considre welle the histories of olde croniclers, as of josephas, libro antiquitatum, orosius de ormesta mundi, titus livius of the romayne battelis, and such othirs, how that gret chaunge of roiaumes and countreis frome one nacion to another straunge tong hathe be, for synne and wrecchidnesse and mysgovernaunce reignyng in the roiaume so conquerid. and as it is made mencion in the olde historien called gildas that for pride, covetice, and flesshely lustis used amongis the olde breton bloode lordis of this roiaume, god suffred the saxons of duche ys tung, a straunge nacion, to dryve them out of this land in angle in cornewale and walis. and where is nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and babilon, the gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of troy [and] thebes, .ij. grete magnified citeis? also athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of wisdam? and cartage, the victorioux cite of gret renomme, most doubtable, by the romayns was brent to asshes. { } and also rome, so gloriously magnified thoroughe alle the world, overthrow the gret part of it; aswelle as was jerusalem. and to take an example of the many overthrowes and conquestis of this lande by straunge nacions sithen the breton bloode first inhabited, as withe peple callid pictics, commyng out of ferre northe partie of the worlde. then after the saxones drove out the olde breton bloode. than after the danys peple conquerid the saxons, and than the normans conquerid the danys. and sone after the angevyns of highe fraunce, full noble knightis of renomme, geffrey erle plantagenet erle of angew maried withe dame maud, doughter of the duke of normandie and king of englande, harry the second, whych doughter, called dame maude emperesse, and so haldyn stille the normandie bloode and the angevyns into this tyme. and job in his booke seithe that nothing fallithe or risithe on the erthe without a cause, as who saiethe that none adversite fallithe not to us, but only for wikkidnesse of lyvyng and synne that reignithe on us; as pride, envye, singuler covetice, and sensualite of the bodie now a daies hathe most reigned over us to oure destruccion, we not havyng consideracion to the generalle profit and universalle wele of a comynalte. and to bring to mynde how the worshipfulle senatours romayns did gife us many examples, as lucius valerius, and also the noble juge cenatoure of rome boecius, [of the grete lofe[ ]] had alway to the cite of rome. for the saide lucius valerius despendid so gret good upon the comyn profit of the said cite, to kepe and maynteyne the honoure of the citee, defending the cite and contreis about from here ennemies, that he died in gret povertee, but by the cenatours relevyng, and for his worshipfulle dedis they buried hym in the most solempne wise according to his worship. and the said juge boecius loved rightwisnesse to be kept, and the pore comyns of rome in that susteyned and maynteyned that he spared nothir lord ne none astate. but suffred hym to stande in the daunger of the hethyn king of rome, and to be in exile rathir { } than he wolde offende justice. notwithestanding the saide adversite and tribulacions felle unto hem for avaunsing and tendring the comyn wele, and alle men of worship may put hem in worshipfulle remembraunce among worthy princes to here gret renomme and laude. also it is to be noted that was one of the gret causis that the princes romayns were so gret conquerours and helde the straunge roiaumes so long in subjeccion, but only using of trouthe and justice keping in here conquestis. [sidenote: de justicia camilli in obcidionibus historia gloriosa.] a fulle noble historie how that camillus the duke of rome wolde use justice in his conquest. [sidenote: quod princeps debet vincere cicius per justiciam quam per traditionem.] [sidenote: titus livius decade primo.] [sidenote: florens cytee.] [sidenote: camillus.] [sidenote: conciderandum.] [sidenote: proposicio ad romanos gentes.] in example i rede in the romayns stories of titus livius in the booke of the first decade that a prince romayn clepid camillus, whiche did so many victorioux dedis, and loved so welle the comyn profit of the cite of rome, that he was called the second romulus whiche founded first rome, besieged a gret cite of falistes, whiche is nowe as it is saide called florence, to have hem undre the governaunce of the romayne lawes. and as he had leyne long at the siege, and after gret batailes and scarmysshes it fortuned that a maister of sciencis of falliste called now florence, the whiche had all the enfauntes and childryn of the gouvernours and worshipfulle men of the saide citee in his rule to lerne hem virtuous sciencis, thought to wynne a gret rewarde and thank of the noble prince camillus, and by the umbre of treson ayenst justice that the said maistre wolde wirke to cause the senatours of faliste [the rather[ ]] to deliver up the cite to the prince, the said maister by flatering and blandishing wordis meoved his clerkis to desport bethout the cite in the feeldis, and so fedde hem forthe withe sportis and plaies tille he had brought hem withyn the siege and power of camillus, and came to his presence, saiyng to hym that he had brought to hym the sonnes of the chief lordes and governours of the cite of falliste, { } whiche and he wolde kepe the said chyldryn in servage, the faderis of hem wolle deliver hym the cite bethout any more werre making. than saide that just prince camillus that it was not the romayns condicions to werre and punisshe such innocentis as never offendid in werre, ne knew not what werre meoved; and wolde not suffre that the falistes be defrauded of here contre and cite by unjust menes of treason or fals covyn or undew alliaunce, but as naturalle werre wol fortune by manhod and just dede of armes to take the cite. and there the saide prince comaunded the scolemaister for his gret deceite to be dispoilid and to be betyn nakid withe baleese and sharpe roddis withe his owne clerkis into the cite ayen; than the governours and maistres of the cite, havyng consideracion of the gret justice and manhod that he used in his conquest, sent to camillus ambassatours withe the keies of the cite, and purposid unto him, saieng, o ye fathir and prince of justice, wher as the welle honoure and renommee of justice and of victorioux dedis reignithe among you romaynes by using of justice, and that for asmoche they perceyved that princes romayns used feithe and justice, and peyned theym to kepe theire peple conquerid hem to be subgettis to rome by justice, they were fulle joifulle and glad to lyve undre theire lawes, and so delivered hym the [keys and the[ ]] citee, to the gret renomme of the saide prince and to alle the romayns gretly to be magnified. historie of dame cristyn, declaring how a prince and a ledar of peple shulde use prudence and justice by example of the noble cenatoure called fabricius. [sidenote: res publica.] and also as dame cristyn[ ] in the .xv. chapitre of the first partie of hir seid booke of tree of batailes leiethe a noble example that { } among alle vertues that shulde long to a prince, a duke, a cheveteyne, or to a governoure of a contre, citee, or towne, or a leder of peple, rehersithe how it is necessarie that he shulde be a prudent man and a wise and of gret trouthe, as by example it is write of the noble and trew senatoure fabricius, leder of the roman oostis, the whiche for his gret trouthe, vailliaunce, and manhod, and wise governaunce, king pirrus his adversarie offred to gyve hym the .iiij^{the}. part of his roiaume and of his tresoure and goodis, so that the saide fabricius wolde yelden and turne to his partie and become his felow in armes. to whiche pirrus the said fabrisius answerd, that a trew man might not to over moche hate and dispreise tresoure and richesse by treason and falshed evylle getyn, where as by possibilite and alle liklinesse may be honourable and truly vanquisshid and wonne bye armes, and not in noo maner wise by untrouthe and falshed. in whiche matier verifieng, saiethe vigecius in his booke of chevalrie, to a chiefteyne, to whome is commytted so gret a thing as is deliverid hym the charge and governaunce of noblesse of chevalrie, the dedis and entreprises of a prince is office is principally comytted hym for the governaunce of comon publique of a roiaume, dukedom, erledom, barnage, or seignourie, castelle, forteresse, citee, and towne, that is clepid vulgarlie the comon profite, the suerte and saufegarde of alle the saide contreis. and if by the fortune of batailes he might not only have a generall consideracion and cure of alle his ooste or over alle the peple, contree, or citee that he hathe take the charge of, but he must entende to every particuler charge and thing that nedithe remedie or relief for his charge; and any thing myssfortune to a comon universall damage in defaut of oversight of remedie of a particuler and singuler thing or charge, thoroughe whiche might grow to an universall damage, than it is to be wited his defaute. { } and therefore in conclusion of this, late it take example to folow the noble and fructufulle examples of the noble cenatours. and we ought so to kepe us frome the offending and grevyng of oure sovereyne maker not to usurpe ayenst justice as hathe be doo, in suche wise that thoroughe oure synfulle and wrecchid lyvyng ayenst his lawes he be not lengir contrarie to us, suffring us this grevouslie for oure offensis to be overthrow, rebukid, and punished as we bee, but lyve and endure in suche clene life, observyng his .x. preceptis, that he have no cause to shew on us the rod of his chastising as he dothe. [sidenote: deploracio contra iniquos malefactores prevalentes.] another exhortacion to kepe the lawes of god, for in doubte that ellis god wulle suffre oure adversaries punisshe us withe his rodde. [sidenote: nota optime.] o mightifulle god, if it be soo as holy scripture seiethe, the whiche is not to mystrust, have not we deserved cause this to be punished, seeyng so many wrecchid synnes as among us dailie uncorrectid hathe reigned, for whiche we ought know we be righte worthy of moche more chastising and grettir punishement of god, he being just and not chaungeable; for it is wretyn in the booke of paralipomenon that for the gret synnes used be theym of israelle, god of his rightwisnesse suffred the phillistyns that were they never so eville ne in so eville a quarelle to be persecutours and destroiers of the lande of judee and of goddis peple, and the rathir that the saide israelites had a law gyven hem by moises and kept it not. [sidenote: de republica augmentanda.] how every officer spirituelle and temporelle shulde put hym in his devoire to the avaunsing of the comon profite. [sidenote: tullius in nova rethorica.] and it is for to remembre among alle other thingis that is made mencion in this epistille that every man after his power and degre shuld principallie put hym in devoire and laboure for the { } avaunsment of the comon profit of a region, contre, cite, towne, or householde; for, as alle the famous clerkis writen, and inespecialle that wise cenatoure of rome tullius in his booke de officiis [de republica, that novius marcellus makyth mencion of yn dyvers chapiters,[ ]] and in other bookis of his de amicicia, paradoxis, and tusculanis questionibus, that res publica welle attendid and observed, it is the grounde of welfare and prosperite of alle maner peple. and first to wete the verray declaracion of these .ij. termys res publica, as seint austyn seiethe in the .v. booke and .xxviij. chapitre of the cite of god, and the saide tullius the famous rethoricien accordithe withe the same, saieng in latyn termes: "res publica est res populi, res patriæ, res communis; sic patet quod omnis qui intendit bonum commune et utilitatem populi vel patriæ vel civitatis augere, conservare, protegere, salva justicia intendit et rempublicam augere et conservare." and it is forto lerne and considre to what vertues respublica strecchithe, as i rede in a tretie that wallensis, a noble clerk, wrote in his book clepid commune loquium, c^o. ^o. p^e partis, seithe quod, "respublica ordinatur hiis virtutibus, scilicet, legum rectitudine, justiciæ soliditate, equitatis concordia, unanimitatis fidelitate mutua adjuvante, concilio salubri dirigente, morum honestate decorante, ordinata intentione consumpnante." as for the first partie it is verified by tullie in his rethorik the first booke: "omnes leges ad commodum reipublicæ judicis referre oportet, et lex nichil aliud est quam recta racio et anima justa, imperans honesta, prohibens contraria." and it is right expedient that alle tho that be justices, governours, or rulers of contrees, citees, or townes, to a comon profit, must doo it by prudent counceile and good avise of auncien approved men; for a governoure of a comon profit were in olde tyme named amongis the romayns, havyng the astate that at this daies bene used [by] alle tho that bene called to highe digniteis, the emperoure, kingis, princes, dukis, marques, erlis, vicountes, barons, baronettis, consules, chevalers, esquiers, and aldermannes, justices, { } baillifis, provostis, maires, and suche othirs officers. and tullius in the first booke of offices seiethe: "parva sunt foris arma ubi consilium non est domi." how auncient men growen in yeris be more acceptable to be elect for a counceilour, or for to gouverne a cite for a comyn profit, than yong men. [sidenote: tullius de senectute.] [sidenote: examplum amplum.] [sidenote: experiencia, &c.] [sidenote: job.] tullius in his book de senectute saiethe that auncient men that bene growen in age bene more profitable in gyvyng counceile for the avaunsing and governyng a comon profit of a citee, towne, or village, as to bere offices, than othirs that bene yong of age, althoughe he be [of] mighty power of bodie. for an example he puttithe, as there be men in a ship som that be yonge of mighty power halithe up the ankirs, othirs goithe feersly aboute the ropis fastenyng, and some goithe to set up the saile and take it downe as the govenoure the maister avisithe hem. yet the eldist man that is halde wisist among hem sittithe and kepithe the rothir or sterne [of] the ship, and seethe to the nedille for to gide the ship to alle costis, behofefulle to the savyng of the ship frome dangers and rokkis, whiche dothe more profit and grettir avauntage to the vesselle than alle tho yong lusty men that rennen, halithe, or clymethe. wherfor it may be concluded that the auncien approved men by long experience, made governours and counceilours of roiaumes, contrees, citeis, and townes, done grettir dedis by theire wise counceile, than tho that labouren in the feelde, cite, or towne by mighty power of her hand. and it is saide by job, . ^o. that roboam, whiche forsooke the counceile of olde men, and drew after the counceile of yong men, lost the kingdom [of] whiche he had the gouvernaunce; and whiche example is right necessarie to be had in remembraunce in every wise governoure is hert. and so wolde the mightifulle god that every governoure wolde have a verray parfit love to the governaunce of a comon wele by wise and goode counceile, and to folow the pathis and weies and examples { } of the noble senatours of rome, how they were attending to the commyn profit, setting aside singular availe. so tho famous region and citeis aboute undre theire obeissaunce reigned alle that tyme by many revolucion of yeris in gret worship and prosperite, as i shalle in example put here in remembraunce, and is founden writen in divers stories, as of one among othir ys [sidenote: de preferramento rei publice.] how fabius the noble cenatoure set by no worship of vayne glorie, but only laboured for the comon profit of rome. [sidenote: fabius cenator dexspexit vanam gloriam.] [sidenote: quomodo romani gentes fuerant divinatores et auguriste pro conservacione rei publice.] tullius de senectute the first partie maketh mencion of a noble prince romayne clepid fabius, whiche had gret batailes and journeis withe hanibal prince of cartage, to kepe the conquest of romayne contreis, and to see theire libertees and fraunchises observed and kept for the wele of alle maner peple; whiche fabius despraised renommee and vayne glorie, but onlie gafe his solicitude, thought, and his bisy cure about the comon profit of rome; for whiche cause the saide fabius after his dethe was put in gret renomme and more magnified among the romayns than he was in his liffe tyme. and the saide fabius, after the right and usage was in tho daies, did gret diligence to lerne and know by augures and divinacions of briddis and by other causes naturell after the ceasons of the yeris and in what tymes prosperite, welthe, and plente, derthe, or scarsite of cornes, wynes, [and] oilis shulde falle to the contre of romayns, to his grettist comfort for the avauncement of the comon wele. and he delited gretly to rede actis and dedis of armes of straunge nacions, to have a parfiter remembraunce and experience to rule a comon wele, that was moche bettir than before his daies ne sithe was no consulle like to his governaunce except the worthy scipion's. and it were fulle necessarie that princes and lordis shuld know by naturalle cause of philosophie the seasons and yeris of prosperite or adversite falling to the region that he is of, to th'entent he might make his provision thereafter; but more pite is few { } profound clerkis in this lande ben parfitelie grounded in suche workis or they fauten her principales in scolis, so they have no sufficient bookis, orellis they taken upon them the connyng of judicielle mateiris to know the impressions of the heire and be not expertid, and be this maner the noble science of suche judicielle mater in causis naturelle concernyng the influence of the bodies of hevyn ben defamed and rebukid. how lucius paulus fabricius and curius cornicanus, cenatours, in her grete age onlie studied and concellid for the proferring of the comon wele. also to bring to mynde for to folow the steppis of the full noble consulle of rome lucius paulus, whiche the wise caton is sonne maried the doughter of the saide lucius paule. also the senatours clepid fabricius and curiois cornecanois, that they aswelle as the forsaide fabius in her grete age did none othir bisinesse but only by theire counceile and by theire auctorite counceiled, avised, and comaunded that that shulde bee to the comon profit of the saide cite of rome. how appius the highe preest of the tempill of mynerfe, albeit he was blinde, of good corage purposid tofore the romains to make werre withe king pirrus then to be com subjet to her auncient ennemy king pirrus. [sidenote: tullius de senectute.] [sidenote: ennius poeta.] in like wise the [hyghe[ ]] preest of the tempille of mynerve of rome clepid appius, after he was for gret age blinde and feble, whan king pirrus, king of epirotes, werrid so ayenst rome that he had [febled and[ ]] werried them so sore and wan upon hem so gret contreis, that the romains ayenst theire worship wolde have made pease and alliaunces withe hym to her uttermost dishonoure, { } but the said appius purposid tofore the noble senatoures romayn and required hem to doo after the counceile of ennius the wise consul, that the romains shulde take good hert to hem, and not to abate here noble courages, to become subjet to theire auncient adversarie pirrus; and that they shulde take new entreprinses upon pirrus and destroie his gret armees; whiche the saide senatours were revived in theire courages thoroughe the wise exhortacions of appius, and had the victorie of pirrus. [sidenote: de officiis catonis.] this chapitre declarithe how many gret offices of highe dignite caton was called and auctorised for his gret manhode and wisdom, and how he in his age couraged the yong knightis to goo to feelde to venquisshe cartage or he died. also the noble senatoure of rome caton, that was so manlie, prudent, and of holsom counceile, whiche in his yong daies occupied the office of a knight in excersising armes, anothir season he occupied the office of tribune as a chief juge among the romayns, another season was a legat as an ambassatoure into ferre contreis, yet anothir tyme in his gret auncien age, that he might not gretlie laboure, was made consul of rome to sit stille and avise the weies and meenys how the romayns might alway be puissaunt to resist ayenst cartage, whiche he hopid verralie or he died to see the saide cite destroied. and the said caton, in presence of yong scipio and lelius, .ij. noblest yong knightis of rome that visited cato to here of his wise conduit and counceile, he being then of full gret age, tendred so ferventlie the well of comon profit of rome, that he required and besought the immortalle godis[ ] of licence that he might not die till he might know cartage destroied by victorie of bataile, and to be avengid of the servage and miserie of the noble romayns whiche were prisoneris withe quintus fabius in cartage xxxiij yere passed. { } [sidenote: doctor militum in armis.] of a semblable noble condition of quintus fabius according to caton. and quintus fabius, albeit he might not in his gret age laboure, left the usage that he in his youthe taught yong knightis, as to renne, lepe, just withe speris, fight afoote withe axes, yet he had in his olde age alway gret solicitude and thought for the avauncement of the comon profit of the citee by counceile, by reason and by inure deliberacion of hymsilf and of the wise senatoure. the diffinicion of the office that belongithe to the senate. [sidenote: tullius de senectute.] and whiche terme senate is as moche for to say a companie of aged men assembled togither. how caton writithe that citeis and contreis that were governed by men of yong age were destroied, and they lost also theire lifelode wastefullie. [sidenote: ita officia danda juvenibus.] and caton saide that who so wolde rede in auncien histories he shulde finde that citeis whiche were conduit and governed by men of yong age, were destroied and brought to desert, as well rome as othirs, and it was not revived ne encresid ayen, but onlie be the counceile of auncien men. and the saide cato makithe a question to tho saide yong joly knightis, scipion and lilius, demaunding them why they and suche othir yong counceilours had wasted and brought to nought theire inheritaunce callid patrimonie, and the comon profit of theire cite and countre destroied. and nennius the poet made answere for hem and saide, tho that were made counceilours for the { } comon profit of the towne, also suche that were of scipion and lilius counceile, were but new [not expert[ ]] drawen maistris, ignoraunt advocat[gh] and pledours, yong men not roted ne expert in the law ne in policie [of] governaunce, whiche by theire fole-hardiesse and be the proprete and nature of grene age causid the patrimonie of lelius and scipion to be lost, and also the countreis that they hadde to governaunce. and he that wolle have prudent avise and sure conceile must doo by counceile of men of gret age, aswelle in counceile of civile causes as in conduct of armees and oostis of men of armes in werre, for the defence of the comon publique. [sidenote: agamenon.] of the answere and reson of agamenon duke and leder of the greekis hoost ayenst the troiens. for agamenon the noble knight that was leder and governoure of the grekis batailes ayenst the noble troiens, [sidenote: nestor.] of the wisdom of king nestor a troian. [sidenote: de conciliis antiquorum militum in experiencia preferrendorum.] when he herde of king nestor, how he was holden the wisist lyvyng of counceile yevyng and of gret eloquence in his auncien age, [sidenote: ayax.] of the recomendacion of the prowesse of ayax a knight of grece. and in like wise one ayax a knight of grece was halden the best fighter amonge the grekis ayenst the trojens; in so moche that the grekis desired of the immortell goddis to have only but .xl. suche batellous knightis as ayax is to fighte withe the grekis ayenst the troyens, { } how duke agamenon trusted so gretlie in the counceile of agid men, that he required the immortelle goddis to have suche .vj. olde kingis as nestor is, doubted not to wynne troie in short tyme. but that noble duke agamenon required of the goddis six suche wise viellars as was nestor, that then he doubted not within short tyme that troie shulde be take and destroied. [sidenote: publius decius.] how that most noble centoure publius decius, so hardie an entreprennoure in the bataile, whan the romains were almost overthrow, he avaunsid hym silfe so ferre in the bataile, to die to th'entent to make the romains more gret, and felle for his dethe in fighting tille they had the victory. [sidenote: nota bene diversitatem militum.] [sidenote: publius decius non est recomendandus in hoc negocio.] in semblable wise tullius writithe of that vaillaunt citezin romayne publius decius, at a tyme he was chosen consulle and as a chiefteyne among the romayne ostes, he saw how the romayne oost was almost bete downe to grounde, he thought in his soule that he wolde put his bodie in jubardie frely to die, forto make the romains more egir and fellir in that bataile to revive hem silfe thoroughe cruelte of his dethe. he tooke his hors withe the sporis, and avaunsing hym silfe among his adversaries, and at the last was so sore charged withe hem that he was fellid to grounde deede. the romayns, havyng consideracion in theire courageous hertis how knyghtly he avaunsid hym in bataile fighting and suffered dethe for here sake, tooke courage and hert to hem, and recomforting hem foughten so vigorouslie ayenst theire adversaries that they hadde the victorie. [here is added in the margin the following anecdote:] hyt ys to remembre that i hafe herd myne autor fastolfe sey, whan he had yong knyghtys and nobles at hys solasse, how that { } there be twey maner condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys an hardye man; but he seyd the manly man ys more to be commended, more then the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be halde courageouse, and wyth grete aventur he scapyth, voydith the felde allone, but he levyth hys felyshyp destrussed. and the manly man, ys policie ys that, or he avaunce hym and hys felyshyp at skirmysshe or sodeyn racountre, he wille so discretely avaunce hym that he wille entend to hafe the ovyr hand of hys adversarye, and safe hymsylf and hys felyshyp. and therfore the aventure of publius decius ys not aftyr cristen lawes comended by hys willefulle deth, nother hys son. how the son of the said publius died in the same case. and the sonne of the said publius, that was foure tyme electe and and chose consul among the romains, put hym in so gret jupardie of bataile, for the helthe, prosperitie, and welfare of the romains, that he died in bataile in like wise. here folowithe the historie of the most noble recommendacion in perpetuite of marcus actilius, a chief duke of the romayne hostes, of his gret providence using in hostes ayenst derthes and scarsetees[ ] of cornes, wines, [and] oilis; and how he of fortune of werre, being prisoner in cartage amongis his dedlie adversaries, albeit he was put to raunson, suffred wilfullie for to die in prison, because he was so gretly aged and wered in bataile, then to the romains to pay so infenite a somme for his finaunce and raunson. [sidenote: autor rei publicæ.] hit is historied also of worshipfulle remembraunce how that verray trew lover of the comon wele of the romains, marcus actilius, that first yave hym to labouragis and approwementis of londes and { } pastures, to furnisshe and store the saide countre withe plente of corne and vitaile; after, for his gret policie, wisdom, and manhod, was made consulle and conestable of the romayne batailes, and fulle often sithis discomfited theire adversaries of cartage. and he, at a tyme, by chaunge of fortune in bataile, was take prisoner into cartage, being of gret age than. and for deliveraunce of whiche actilius the governours of cartage desired hym that he shulde laboure and sende to rome forto deliver out of prison a gret nombre of yong men of werre of cartage that were prisoneris in rome, and he shulde goo frank and quite. and the saide actilius denyed and refused it utterly, but that he wolde rather die in prison than to suffre the werrours of cartage to be delyverid for his sake, for he loved the comon wele and proffit of rome; and becaus that noble actilius wolde not condescende to deliver the prisoneris of cartage, they turmentid hym in prison in the most cruelle wise to dethe; that, and it were expressid here, it wolde make an harde hert man to falle the teris of his yen. the voluntarie dethe of whiche marcus actilius, for the welfare, prosperite, and comon profit of rome, causithe hym to be an example to alle othir, and to be put perpetuelly in remembraunce for worship. how the noble duke scipion affrican put hym in so gret aventure in his gret age ayens the cartages, that he died upon,[ ] rathir than to life in servage. [sidenote: scypio affricanus.] [sidenote: scipio asyanus.] [sidenote: scipio affricanus.] also to have in remembraunce to folow the steppis of the full noble and glorious champions two bretherin scipion africanus and scipion asian, whiche alle their lyve daies emploied and besied hem in divers entreprises of armees and batailes ayenst the affricains, for the saufegarde and defense of the comon wele of theire contre. and the saide scipion affrican wilfully died in armes of chevalrie rathir than to lyve in servage and distresse among his adversaries in cartage. { } how scipion asian, a noble conqueroure for the romayns, yet in his age he was envyed, accused to king antiochus, [and] died pitouslie in prison for his rewarde. and notwithestanding after many triumphes and victories done by scipion asian, that put in subjeccion the contre of asie, and enriched gretlie the tresoure of rome thoroughe his conquestis, he was by envious peple accused falsely to king antiochus, that he hadde withehalde the tresoure of rome, and was condempned to prison, where he endid his daies. [sidenote: lucius paulus.] how lucius paulus, a cenatoure, in defaute that his hoste wolde not doo by counceile, he was slayne in bataile. [sidenote: quod capitanei non debent renunciare concilia peritorum.] also lucius paulus, a noble consul romayne, that spared not hym silfe to die in bataile in puylle withe .ccc. noble romains that were assemblid unwitting the saide lucius paulus, and alle for lak of counceile that the saide .iij^c. nobles romayns wolde not be governed by hym: he seeng anothir consul romayn toke the entreprise, was so overthrowen withe his felouship, the saide lucius paulus avaunced hym wilfully among his adversaries withe the residew of the romains that [were] lefte, and there died withe them, to th'entent that it shulde be noted and know that the saide entreprise was not lost in his defaute. [sidenote: marcus marcellus.] [sidenote: haniballe.] how marcus marcellus, a consul that for the welfare of rome, bethout avise, went hastilie to bataile ayenst haniballe of cartage, and he being so sorie for the dethe of so manlie a duke did hym to be buried in the most worshipfulle wise. also it is [to be] remembrid of marcus marcellus, a consulle romayne that set noughte of dethe, for he upon a tyme, bethout gret { } deliberacion or advisement, desired to fight ayenst haniballe prince of cartage, assemblid withe a gret power ayenst the romains, whiche were feerse [here again a leaf of the manuscript is lost.] [sidenote: res publica.] of man, his beeis for hony, his medewis purveied for sustenaunce of his grete bestis, and every man after his degree to store hym silfe, that whan ther falle by fortune of straunge wethirs, as thoroughe excessife moist, colde, heet, mildewis, or by fortune of bataile and werre, the saide countre, cite, towne, village, or menage so provided and stuffid before shalle mow withe gret ease endure the persecucion of a scarsete or derthe fallen [by] suche straunge menys. and aswelle the terme of res publica, whiche is in englisshe tong clepid a comyn profit, it ought aswelle be referred to the provision and wise gouvernaunce of a mesuage or a householde as to the conduit and wise governaunce of a village, towne, citee, countree, or region. [the following addition is here made in the margin.] hyt ys to remembre thys caase of rebellyon of parys felle in abcence of herry .v^{te}. kyng beyng in england wyth hys queene. and bethoute noote of vaynglory, yff i do wryte of myne autor[ ] i fynde by hys bokes of hys purveours how yn every castelle, forteresse, and cyte or towne he wolde hafe grete providence of vitaille of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stokphyshe and saltfyshe owt of england commyng by shyppes. and that policie was one of the grete causes that the regent of fraunce and the lordes of the kyng ys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to kepe that he ledd yerly .iij^c. sperys and the bowes. and also yn semblable wyse purveyed yeerly for lyverey whyte and rede for hubes for hys soudeours, and for armurs wepyns redye to a naked man that was hable to do the kyng and the sayd regent service. and yt fille yn the .viij^{te}. yere of herry the .v^{the}., named kyng, when he was capteyn of the bastyle of seynt antonye of parys, and thomas beauford, dux of excestyr, { } beyng then capteyn of the cytee, hyt fortuned that for the arrestyng of the lord lyseladam, who[ ] was yn so grete favour of the cyte that alle the comyns of the seyd cyte [stode] sodanly to harneys and rebelled ayenst the duc of exetyr and ayenst hys armee and felyshyppe; so the duc for more suerte wyth hys felyshype were coherced to take the bastyle for her deffence. and at hys commyng the chieff questyon he demaunded of the seyd fastolf how welle he was stored of greynes, of whete, of benys, pesyn, and aveyn for horsmete, and of othyr vitaille; he seyd for half yere and more suffisaunt. and hyt comforted gretly the prince. then the duc made redy the ordenaunce wyth shot of grete gonnys amongys the rebells and shot of arowes myghtelye, that they kept her loggeyns. and the frenshe kyng and the quene beyng yn the cytee, helde ayenst the rebellys, so yn short tyme the burgeyses wer constreyned to submytt them and put hem yn the duc ys grace. [sidenote: de magnificencia felicitatis cultoribus terrarum adhibenda, specialiter cyro regi.] caton magnifiethe that prince that cherisshith and favourithe erthe tiliers. [sidenote: socrates.] [sidenote: de quodam lysander ph'o.] [sidenote: de ciro rege persarum.] [sidenote: tullius.] and as caton writithe that it is one of the principalle dedis of a prince to maynteyne, kepe, and avaunce labourage of the londe, and of all tho that bee laboureris of the londe, whiche men soo cherisshed most of verray necessite cause a roiaume, countree, or cite to be plenteous, riche, and well at ease. and the philosophur socrates writithe that cirus king of perse was excellent in wit, glorious in seignorie terrien; in the daies [of] whiche cirus one lisander, of the cite of lacedemone in grece, a man halden of gret vertew and noblesse, came owt of ferre contrees to see the saide king cirus, being in the cite of sardes, and presented hym withe clothis of golde, juellis, and othir ricchesses sent by the citezeins of lacedemonois; the whiche king cirus received the saide li[gh]ander full worshiplie in his palais, and, for the grettist ricchesse roialle and pleasure that the said { } king cirus had to doo hym worship and pleasure and chier, he broughte the saide lisander to see his gardins and herbers, whiche gardins were so proporcionallie in a convenient distaunce sett and planted withe treis of verdure of divers fructis, the gardyns so welle aleyed to walke upon, and rengid withe beddis bering fulle many straunge and divers herbis, and the herbers of so soote smyllis of flouris and herbis of divers colours, that it was the joieust and plesaunt sighte that ever the saide citesyn lisander had see beforne. and the saide cirus saide unto lisander that he had devised and ordeined the herbers to be compassed, rengid, and made, and many of the treis planted it withe his owne hande. and the saide lisander, beholding the gret beaute, semlinesse of his parson, [and] the riche clothis he ware of tissue and precious stones, he saide that fortune and felicite mondeyne was joyned and knyt withe his vertue and noblesse roiall, forasmoche as the saide cirus emploied and intentife[ ] besynesse in tymes oportune in tilieng, ering, and labourage of his londis to bere corne and fruit, whiche is the principalle partie of beneurte and felicite mondeyne, that is to wete the naturelle richesse of worldlie joie. also tullius writithe that valerius corvinus, an auncien citesyn romayne, did his gret peyne and diligence to laboure londes and make it riche withe labourage and tilieng upon the londe for the comon wele of the cite of rome, that in tyme and yeris of scarsete the garners in rome shulde be alway furnisshed and stuffid withe greyn, that a meane price of corne shulde be alway hadde. [sidenote: de re publica.] how the noble cenatours of rome avaunced here parsones in gret perille and jubardie ayenst theire adversaries for the comon welfare of the romains. [sidenote: lucius brutus.] [sidenote: lucius romanus.] [sidenote: non est laudendum secundum legem christianorum.] and the saide famous clerk tullius, in the . . disc' of the saide booke, puttithe in remembraunce whiche of the noble and famous { } dukis, princes, and cenatours of romains abandonned her bodies and goodis, only putting them to the uttermost jubardy in the feelde ayenst theire adversaries, for the avauncement and keping in prosperite, worship, and welfare of rome. among whiche, one of the saide romains was lucius brutus, that whan arnus, a leder of peple, assemblid a gret oost ayenst the romains to have discomfit hem and put hem in servage out of her fraunchise, the saide noble lucius, being then governoure of the ooste of romains, thought rathir to die upon the said arnus, so that he mighte subdew hym, rathir than the saide citee shulde stande in servage. he mounted upon his hors, and leide his spere in the rest, and withe a mightie courage renne feerslie upon the saide arnus being in the myddille of his oost, and fortuned by chaunce that bothe of hem wounded[ ] othir to dethe. and whan it was undrestonde in the hooste that the saide arnus, capitalle adversarie to romains, was dede, his gret oost departed out of their feelde, whiche had not soo done had not bene by mightie aventure the wilfulle dethe of the saide lucius brutus. how a prince, be he made regent, governoure, or duke[ ], chieveteyne, lieutenaunt, capetaine, conestable, or marchalle, make alwaie just paiment to her soudeours, for eschewing of gret inconvenientis might falle. [sidenote: autor. notandum est super omnia effectus istius articuli, quoad execucionem justicii.] [sidenote: notandum est de ordinaria solucione joh'is ducis bedfordie.] [sidenote: concidera.] [sidenote: nota multiplicacionem officiariorum.] and overmore, most highe and excellent prince, of youre benigne grace and providence, if it please youre highenesse to have consideracion, in way of justice and keping, to remedie one singuler offence and damage to youre liege people, the whiche by goddis law, and by law of reason and nature, is the contrarie of it righte dampnable,[ ] and which grevous offence, as it is voised accustumablie, rennythe and hathe be more usid under [tho that oughte be[ ]] youre obeisaunce in fraunce and normandie than in othir straunge regions: and to { } every welle advised man it is easy to undrestande that it is a thing that may welle bene amendid and correctid, and to be a gret mene to the recuvere of youre londes in the saide adverse partie; that is to say, that shalle be men of soude and of armes, as well tho that [shalle be[ ]] undre youre lieutenauntis as the chiefteins and capetains, may be duely paide of her wages by the monithe, [lyke as johan regent of fraunce payd,[ ]] or by quarter, bethout any rewarde [of curtesyie of colour[ ]] gyven, bribe, defalcacion, or abreggement, or undew assignacion not levable assigned or made unto them, aswelle in this londe as in normandie, to deceyve hem, or cause hem be empoverisshed in straunge contreis, as it hathe be accustumed late in the saide contreis. and that suche paymentis be made content bethout delaie or nede of[ ] long and grete pursute, upon suche a resonable peyne as the cause shalle require it. and that none of youre officers roialle, nethir hir debitees or commissioneris, shalle darre doo the contrarie to take no bribe, rewarde, or defalke the kingis wagis; wherbie youre souldeours shalle not have cause to oppresse and charge youre obeissauntis and youre peple in taking theire vitaile bethout paieng therfor, whiche gret part of theym in defaut of due payment hathe ben accustumed, by .x. or .xij. yere day contynued, or the saide londes were lost, uncorrectid ne punisshid, [as] turned to the gret undoing of youre saide obeisauntes, and one othir of gret causis that they have turned their hertis frome us, breking theire allegeaunce by manere of cohercion for suche rapyn, oppressions, and extorcions. and also the officers than being nedithe not to have so many lieutenauntis or undre officers as they have hadde, whiche wastithe and destroiethe youre saide peple by undew charges to enriche hemsilfe; and many of the officers have be but esy vaileable to the defense of youre countre, thoroughe negligence of exersising of armes for theire defense and proteccion in tyme of necessite. for it was never seen that any countre, cite, or towne did encrece welle wherover many nedeles officers and governours that onlie wolde have a renomme, and { } undre that colour be a extorcioner, piller, or briboure, was reignyng and ruling over theym. [sidenote: exclamacio.] [sidenote: de lamentabili oppressione subditorum nostrorum in frauncia.] [sidenote: alia exclamacio soldariorum ultimo in normannia commorancium.] [sidenote: deploracio miseriæ.] o mighetie king, and ye noble lordes of this roiaume, if ye were wele advertised and enfourmed of the gret persecucions, by way of suche oppressions and tirannyes, ravynes, and crueltees, that many of suche officers have suffred to be done unponisshed to the pore comons, laborers, paissauntes of the saide duchie of normandie, it is verailie to deme that certe[gh] ye of noble condicions, naturally pitous, wolde not have suffred suche grevous inconvenientis to be redressid and amendid long or the said intrusion fille, and the regalite of justice had be in tho daies in youre possession. for often tymes suche as have pretendid theym officers wastid of youre [predecessour[ ]] is livelode more than nedithe, and often tymes suffred them to be manassed [and] beten, and mischieved theire bestis withe theire wepyns, that they were nighe out of theire wittis for sorow, and so enforced for duresse to forsake youre title and youre lawes, and but esilie relevyd and socoured. and therto they have ben so often surcharged grevouslie withe paieng of tasques, tailis, subsides, and imposicions beside theire rentis, paieng to the somme righte importable sommes, paide to your predecessours for youre demains, and to theire landlordis that halden of you, and many of theym duelling upon the marches patised to youre adverse partie also to dwelle in rest, and this innumerable charges and divers tormentis have ben done to theym to theire uttermost undoing. he allas! and yet seeing they bene christen men, and lyvyng under youre obeissaunce, lawes-yovyng, and yeldyng to youre lawes as trew englisshe men done, by whome also we lyve and be susteyned, and youre werre the bettir born out and mainteyned, why shulde it here after be suffred that suche tormentrie and cruelte shulde be shewed unto theym? o god! whiche art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein, and just, how maist thow long suffre this regnyng without the { } stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom? [sidenote: nota tria.] [sidenote: prima.] [sidenote: .ij^{a}.] [sidenote: .iij. causa.] [sidenote: conciderandum est super omnia.] late it be noted and construed what gret inconvenientis have folow herof. there may be undrestonde to folow .iij. thingis inespecialle of gret hurtis. one is the ire of god and his rod of vengeaunce fallen now upon us by his dyvyne punisshement [of god,[ ]] aswelle in suffring oure saide adversaries to have the overhande upon us, as in destroieng of oure lordis by sodeyn fortunes [of dyvysyons[ ]] in this lande the saide yere and season, the yere of crist .m^liiij^cl. that youre [grete[ ]] adversarie made his intrusion in the saide normandy, for pite of his peple so oppressid, hiring theire clamours and cries and theire curses. the second is theire rebellion, as thoroughe theire wanhope, havyng no trust of hastie socoure and relief of an armee to come in tyme covenable, be turned awaie frome her ligeaunce and obedience to youre adverse partie, seeing theym thus ungoodelie entretid under tho whiche were comytted to kepe, defende, and maynteyn them. the .iij^{de}. is famyn of vitaile and penurie of money, and lak of provision of artillerie and stuffe of ordenaunce, whiche youre saide obeissauntis for faute of these were constreined to flee to youre adverse partie, and to leve rathir theire natife contree, orellis to die for famyn and povertee. [sidenote: ecclesia honoranda.] [sidenote: nota bene.] [sidenote: hospitalitas in ecclesia est preferranda.] [sidenote: lamentacio.] [sidenote: cogita.] an exortacion how princes, lordes, and officers roialle shulde worship and meynteyne the chirche, and defende hem from oppression. and moreover in way of gret pitee and in the worship of god suffre ye not the prelates of the chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and theire ministrours, to be oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as they have bene in youre predecessour daies accepted in fulle litille reverence or { } obedience, for how that men usurpen in tho daies in surchargeyng them unduelie it is by experience knowen welle ynoughe, as they be manere of a prive cohercion to lyve in more rest withe theire lyvelode, be dryve too forto gyve out to rulers, gouvernours, and maistris of the marchis and contrees that they dwellin upon or have her lyvelode, gret fees and wages and rewardis nedelese. and the peple that were welle set[ ] and often tymes they ben visited withe straungiers of gret astatis, as welle spirituelle as temporelle, and namelie withe tho that have the lawes to mynistre and to kepe, and withe other nedeles peple that waste and surcharge theym, for they were founded to that entent but to kepe theire nombre of fundacion, praieng for theire foundoures, and [kepe hospitalitee for to[ ]] feede the pore and the nedie in case of necessite. a mercifulle jhesu! many auctours rehersithe in her cronicles that pompeus, whiche that was so chevalrous a paynym knighte amongis the romains, the cause of his wofulle dethe and mortalle ende was alonlie that he on a tyme disdeyned to reverence and worship holy places, as chirches and seyntuaries, stabled his hors in salamon is temple, the whiche the saide salamon had edified to be the most sovereyn chirche or temple of the erthe to serve and praise god. and in example of late daies yn king johan of fraunce tyme suche chieveteins as was in his armee before he was take at the bataile of peitiers, as it is saide, avaunted hym silfe to stabille her hors in the cathedralle chirche of salisbury. and after he was take and had sighte of the saide chirche [they[ ]] had gret repentaunce of. and therfor, fulle noble king and ye puissaunt lordis of renomme, let a covenable and a necessarye medecyn be counceiled and yoven to us for provision and reformacion of this infirmite, and that it may be purveied for by so dew meenes that it may be to god is pleasaunce. and that we may withedraw and leve oure wrecchid governaunce that temporelle men wolde so inordinatlie rule and oppresse the chirche. so that now this begon mischiefe and stroke of pestilence in youre { } predecessour daies be not set as a jugement in oure arbitracion as to be decreed, juged, or determyned for oure wele and availe, but as a chastising of oure mysdoeng, so to be take for oure savacion. what saiethe saint jeroyme amongis his dolorous lamentacions upon the prophesie of jooelle? if we have not, (seithe he,) know god in welthe and prosperite, then, at the leest, let us know hym in oure adversite, in suche wise there we have erred and fauted by over gret haboundaunce of suche chargeable crimes and synnes of delites, of suche oppression, covetice, inespecialle pride and envy, &c. let us withedraw us from hem withe goode corage, and to that ende that we be not chastised ne punisshed by the stroke of vengeaunce and pestilence, nor of none suche affliccions as we hafe ben dailie by youre predecessour's daies by youre saide adversaries. [sidenote: quod officium deffencionis adversariorum patriæ est preferrandum quemcunque singularem facultatem sive practicam.] how lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, shulde excersise hem in armes lernyng. [sidenote: introduccio juvenum nobilium natu.] [sidenote: ser johan fastolf.] [sidenote: optativus modus.] and also moreover for the grettir defens of youre roiaumes, and saufe garde of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and encrece of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, establisshe, and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that while they ben of grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised in disciplines, doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to can renne withe speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in suche tyme of nede to have theire service in entreprises of dedis of armes, they may of experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service honourable in what region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,[ ]] abashed, ne astonied, { } forto take entreprises, to answere or deliver a gentilman that desire in worship to doo armes in liestis to the utteraunce, or to certein pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, and in cas of necessite you[ ] and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, and defende frome youre adversaries in tyme of werre. and this was the custom in the daies of youre noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of fraunce as of englande. in example wherof, king edwarde .iij^{de}. that exersised his noble son edwarde the prince in righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries, wherby they were more apt in haunting of armes. and, [as myne autor seyd me,[ ]] the chevalrous knight [fyrst[ ]] henry duke of lancastre, which is named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym frome princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of spayne, aragon, portingale, naverre, and out of fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to be doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of armes and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. wherthoroughe here honoure spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. and after hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis of gret birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of armes and gentilnes[ ] to them longing. but now of late daies, the grettir pite is, many one that ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis sonnes, esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler practik, straunge [facultee[gh][ ]] frome that fet, as to lerne the practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and shiris halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and simple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. and who can be a reuler and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the worlde goithe now, among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe despendid .xxx. or .xl. yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre { } [antecessourys[ ]] conquestis and werris. so wolde jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to be as good men of armes, chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that befallithe for hem where worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir rathir then as they have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a sessions or a shire day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple, to theire [enpoveryshyng[ ],] and to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified the more, but only they shulde maynteyn your justices and your officers usyng the goode custom of youre lawes. and than ye shulde have righte litille nede to have thoughte, anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and wyn ayen youre rightfulle enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from youre ennemies. and that suche singuler practik shulde [not[ ]] be accustumed and occupied [undewly[ ]] withe suche men that be come of noble birthe, [but he be the yonger brother, havyng not whereof to lyve honestly[ ].] and if the vaillaunt romayns had suffred theire sonnes to mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, using oppressing by colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered twyes[ ]] cartage ayenst alle the affricans. how officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe. [sidenote: exclamacio.] hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe he were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, and to mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law to youre peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. and the saide officers and ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the princes, lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie tho that oughte defende yow and youre { } roiaume that halden theire londis of you by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by youre noble auncestries. and over this that they be lerned and introducid in the drede of god, and not presumptuously take upon hem to offende theire law, for the whiche, and in example to this purpose, it is wretin in the . . chapitre of the prophete jeremye, because that joachym king of juda despraised the admonestementis, advertisementis, and the doctrines of god, that jeremie had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, the whiche he made to be cast in the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, but usid after his owne wilfulnesse and hedinesse and without counceile, therfor god seiethe by the mouthe of the prophete that of hym shuld issew ne come none heire to succeede ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie and holde his roiaume, and overmore that he shulde visit hym by punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym that had suffred and caused to be so eville inducid. and so it fille after the prophesie. o ye than in the same wise puttithe away the delites of sensualitees of suche inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome the children of noble men. and late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe that in thingis [of noblesse[ ]] that apparteynithe and belongithe to theym to lerne, as in excercising[ ] of armes and to suche occupacions of worship. these thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be long delaied, but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then doubte not but that god, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every necessite to relief us, despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, but that he of his infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and his grace oure good entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis and dedis. how over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed. and therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and excesse of arraie and clothing. and late everie astate use as { } the worthie romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or anguisshes by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, and anothir maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. and the same maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of fraunce hathe used, escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away. whiche costues arraymentis and disgising of clothing of so many divers facion used in this youre roiaume, inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be one of the gret inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and enforced gret pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe broughte them to gret indigence and povertee. how that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume because the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys and prestis made to highe sovereins. [sidenote: nota optime.] moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,[ ]] not paied holy theire duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir marchaundise, as by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the behofe of youre predecessoure henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises be delaied and despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her deutees and paiementis, and fayn to suffre to defalke and relese partie of her dutee to receyve the othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and hinderaunce of youre peple. and therefore, to voide this inconvenient, righte noble king, withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let youre riche tresours be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of gold and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and nedie peple. and inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis, livelode, and { } goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from youre adversaries before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre or[ ]] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of golde than without worship, and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in a riche roiaume in tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore roiaume where debate and strife reignithe. and if ye wolle doo thus, every man than in his degree wolle doo the same. and to example of us alle ye [soo[ ]] puissaunt and mighetie men of good counceile and stere,[ ] every man helpe after his degree. [sidenote: nota bene.] how saint lowis, king of fraunce, in his testament writen of his owne hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, to cherisshe and favoure the good citeis and townes of his lande, and use justice and peas. and to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of saint lowes, king of fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne phelip that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his diligence that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and inespecialle to favoure and cherisshe the good citeis and townes of his roiaume, and to kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may encrese and lyve puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of power and mighetie of goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre adverse partie wol doubt and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre noble mageste. and if the adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of youre parsone, and the welfare of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns shalbe of power and of goode courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to be yoven forto resist them. and, { } therefore, favoure and forbere the pore peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre hertis may bring to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to this roiaume shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late lost. and who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym in dedis of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste[ ] and spirituelle, temporelle men wolde sey, yet com forthe withe a goode courage, and not by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in tyme to come, but of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is so expedient and necessarie, as trew englisshe men shulde doo, every man bring and put forthe of his goodes after that his power is. now in the worship of god let this be timelie done. it shall now shew, or it may be shewed, who that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or set hym silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret necessite. and who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or tresoure, yet put his good wille therto. a noble roiaume of gret price and of noble renomme as thow hast be. whan god lust to shew thy power, and to be victorious, who may noy the? shall thou than suffre the to be confunded withe simpler people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and youre noble progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before this? it is welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne defendour but it come of god, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder. som say that the floode of temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in stormye seasons. yet for alle that, withe goddis mighte and grace, thow art not in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche indigence and necessite. { } how that when the romains were yn that uttermost necessite that bothe mete and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, yet tho that [were] left toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes and othirs, that releved ayen the frauncheis and libertees of rome. and where as the romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan that bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire manhode, neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; so that, what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, than they made knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest forto encrese withe theire hoost. and that the goode worshipfulle ladies of rome, and namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not usid of custom nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, yet at that tyme whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought right liberallie of theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were right gretly thanked and praised, and after the victorie had welle recompensid and contentid. [sidenote: titus livius. a noble historye of the largesse of romaynys, how amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an armee yn to the contree of auffrique.] [sidenote: lenius.] also i rede of a noble example in titus livius the . . booke of the seconde decade of punica bella, that whan the noble romains, in the tyme of werris long continued ayen theire adversaries of aufrik, what by tasques, tailes, and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree habandonned and yoven largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide romains had no more in substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. and it fille soo that the countree of cisiliens and champenois hadde doo purvoie for a gret armee and an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and kepe the see as the lond. and so the comons of rome had borne so many gret chargis before that they might no more, but if the lordis senatours and counceilours of rome wolde put too theire hande. and in so moche that the comons of rome complained and grugged in open market places { } ayenst the saide gret astatis and governours of rome, seieng but they wolde sille theire bodies and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne taile, the saide governours of rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they wolde counceile togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, and seiden in conclusion that, were[ ] it righte or wrong, we senatours, astatis, and governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve example to the comons for the defens of the contree of cesille and keping of the lande and see frome ennemies. and one lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide that, forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow woldist comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons example, to morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret part of the golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us senatours and statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his propre use but ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children withalle; so that every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but for a chapelle and a cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde of coyned silver; and every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe for every of hem an ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every citesyn of havyour and degre to reserve only but .v^{mil}. pens of brasse money, and soo that alle othir golde, silver, and brasse money coyned to be brought to the tresorers of the citee. and aftre than the comons of rome, havyng consideracion that the senatours and governours of rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned and put out so habundantlie and largelie of her golde and tresour for the comon wele, to the defense and keping of the see withe shippis and maryneris, to the defense and rebutting of her adversaries, that every of the comons of rome, after her power and havyoure, of gret courage brought frelie of gold, silver, and othir coyne money to the { } tresorers and chaungers that were comytted to receyve the money, the prese was so grete that they had no tyme to write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto nombre and telle the quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they broughte; and by this accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid that the knightis and men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to defende and kepe the countre of cecilians and champenois, and also to be maistris of the see; and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre was purveied for and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours counceilours had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem wente forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret discomfort stode never the romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee, and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship, prosperite, and welfare. and wolde the mightifulle god that every harde covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable good and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure adversaries, and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway be lordis and maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this tyme. here endyth thys epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of june, the yeere of crist .m^liiij^clxxv., and of the noble reyne of kyng edward the .iiij^{the}. the .xv^{ne}. * * * * * { } general index. * * * * * acre, actovylle, raulyn, africa, , agamemnon, , agincourt, battle of, , , , ajax, , alencon, duke of ; taken prisoner ; his redemption alexander, king, anjou, the title of, appius, appulton, john, his letter to sir john fastolfe, lvi arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, armonac, earl of, , , arras, treaty of, xlix arthur, king, , ---- of breteyn, astrology depreciated, viii, authors quoted:-- de auriga, alanus, his quadrilogus, , , ; preface iii, vi, vii, ix austyn, of the city of god, ; ---- of free will, ; bartholomeus, de proprietatibus rerum, ; basset, peter, liii; boetius de consolatione, , , , ; cato, , , ; chartier, see auriga cicero, of divination, ; ---- _see_ tullius; cristina, arbre de batailes, _bis_, , , , (her biography _ib._); de diceto, radulphus, ymago historiarum, ; dudley's tree of commonwealth, vii; froissart, ; gildas, ; governance of princes,liv; jeremye the prophet, ; jerome, saint, ; job, , , ; josephus, liber antiquitatum, ; kayus son, ii, ; livius (titus, , , , ; machabeus, ; malexander, walter, , ; nennius, ; novius marcellus, ; orosius de ormesta mundi, ; ovid, , ; paralipomenon, ; philip, the acts of king, (the philippiados), ; pliny the younger, ii; du premier-faict, laurence, li; ptolomy, centilogie, ; _de regimine principum_, liv; socrates, ; tree of batailes, iii, liv; tullius, , _ter_, _bis_, , , , ; vegetius, his book of chivalry (_de arte militari_), , , ; preface, p. vi.; wallensis, commune loquium, ; worcestre, william of, l, averaunces, { } baldwin archbishop of canterbury, basset, peter, an historical writer, liii bastille of st. anthoine, victualling of, xi, lx, beauchamp, sir william, bedford, john duke of, , ; wins the battle of vernelle ; and conquers the county of maine ; other victories ; statutes of ; eulogy on ; defended paris ; his payment of wages benevolence, a voluntary taxation, xvii, xxi bituitus, king, boecius, boke of noblesse, its scope and intention, i; probable date of its composition, _ib._; abstract of its contents, i-xvii; the question of its authorship, l; other books of the same character, liv; the ms. described, lv bonnet, honoré, iv bordeaux, bougée, battle of, , bourbon, the bastard of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxviii, ---- the cardinal of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix brennus, bretagne, charles duke of, ---- giles son of the duke of, ii, ---- the duke of, protected by king edward, xl, xli bretailles, louis de, xlii bretigny, peace of, , , buchan, earl of, burgoyne, duke of, , ---- marshal of, burgundy, charles duke of, i; his designation of _le hardi_, x; brother-in-law both to king louis and king edward, xxviii; interviews with king edward, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii; character of, xxv; suspected by the english, xxx, xlvi; his truce with france, xlvii ---- john duke of, his murder, xxxviii ---- margaret duchess of, xxiii caen, won by assault, , ; rescue of, ; parliament at, calais, siege of, , , camillus, canute (knowt), carew, the baron of, carthage, wars of the romans with, , , cato, caulx, pais de, the destruction of, lvi caxton, works of:-- book of the ordre of chevalrye or knyghthode, liv; fayttes of armes and of chyvallrye, vi; curial, vii; tully on old age, li; dicts and sayings of the philosophers, xliii cerdic, champenois, chandos, sir john, , , charles v. of france, purchased fortresses from the english, xxxii; mentioned, , charles vii. his re-conquest of normandy ii, iii; his secretary alain chartier vii; mentioned , charles le bien amé, charles le simple, charles the sage, chartier; _see_ authors chester, randolfe earl of, cheyne, sir john, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii childermas day, xxxv chirburgh, chivalry, synonymous with noblesse, xv christine, dame; _see_ passy _and_ pisan church, oppressed in normandy, xiii, citizens, their contributions to the war, xxi; their experience in the campaign, xlv clarence, george duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii, xxxviii clarence, thomas duke of, ; eulogy on, clekyn, sir barthilmew, cleret, pierre, xxxiii clergy oppressed in normandy, xiii, ; { } clothing, cost and pomp in, commines, philippe de, the historian, xvii, xxv; employed by king louis, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi; dressed like his master, xxxvii; characteras an historian, xli commons, or people, termed "bestial", , conquerors, duties of, cornwall, language of, countour, a commissioner of taxes, xv courtenay, sir hugh, ---- sir philip, _ib._ cravant, battle of, , , , cressy, battle of, , cyprus, king of, cyrus, his gardens at sardis, damascus, david king of scots, derby, earl of, dieppe, dorset, edmond earl of, ---- thomas earl of, douglas, earl of, dove, the omen of the, xxiv, xlii dress; _see_ clothing dudley, edmonde, his "tree of common wealth", vii dudley, william, xxxi, xxxii durham ("deram upon the marchis of scotland"), dynham, john lord, xxii education, military, edmond ironside, edward the first, edward the third, , , , , ; he made great alliances, edward prince of wales, , , ; received homage as duke of guienne, , edward the fourth, his prosperous state in his second reign, i; prepares to invade france xvii; salutes the generous widow xxi; lands at calais xxvi; interviews with the duke of burgundy xxiv, xxix; with king louis xxxvi; character of xxv, xli, xlv; his personal appearance xxxviii; ruin of his political schemes and death xlviii elkyngton, john, xxxii english, their character as soldiers xxvi; beat a double or treble number of frenchmen, ennius, , eu, earl of, exeter, thomas duke of , ; captain of paris, xi, xii fabius, , , fabricius, , faliste, fastolfe, sir john, "myne autor", i; anecdotes and sayings of, v, x, xi, xiv; his books of accompt, xi; captain of the bastille of st. anthoine, _ib._; his connection with "the boke of noblesse", l; his services in france, li; mentioned, , , , _ter_, , , fauconberg, lord, ; taken prisoner, iii, felton, sir thomas, ferranus king of spain, fizar, battle, florence, formigny, the battle of, viii, fougeres, the capture of, iii, france, oppression of the english subjects in, vii; its sufferings from quartering soldiers, xii; narrative of the invasion of in , xvii-xliv; difficulties of an english invasion of, xxvii; costly dress put away in, franklin, character of, xv frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by englishmen, fulke earl of anjou, , garnett, richard, xxi garter, the order of the, ; { } gascony, the title of, geoffrey plantagenet, , , gloucester, humphrey duke of, eulogy on, ---- richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii; affects to lead the english chivalry, xli ---- robert clare, earl of, gourney, mathew, lix, grey, thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, xx guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, guisnes, castle of, xxiii the hagge, hannibal, , , hardy man, definition of, x harflete, siege of, harington, sir richard, hastings, hugh lord, ---- sir ralph, ---- william lord, accepts pensions both from burgundy and france, xxxiii, xxxviii hay, sir gilbert, liv hector, henry the first, henry the second, henry the fifth, ; how he conquered normandy and france, ; his marriage, ; wins the battle of agincourt, , ; "that victorious prince", , ; praise of him and his brethren, ; his historians, liii henry vi. his coronation at paris, ; "the innocent prince", hercules, homeldon hill, battle of, howard, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi; left as hostage with the french, xxxii, xli, xliii, xlvi hubert bishop of salisbury, huntingdon, john earl of, jerusalem, joachym king of juda, john, king, john king of france taken prisoner and brought to england, , , , judas machabeus, kedecause, journey of, kent, edmond earl of, , knollys, sir robert, knowt (canute), kyriell, sir thomas viii, lancaster, henry duke of, ; "a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, xv, ; choice of officers of, lelius, , lenius, library of sir john paston, lix; of humphrey duke of gloucester, lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house of england, ii; men of war should resemble, , , , , l'isle adam, jean de villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, xi; , loans, xvi. lombards, louis, saint, counsel to his son, v. , , , louis xi. abetted the earl of warwick, xvii; character, xxv; his reception of king edward's defiance, xxvii; kept no herald, xxx; his "disguised apparel", xxxvii; his timidity, xliii; anecdotes of xli _et seq._ lucius brutus, lucius paulus, , lucius valerius, lumley, john lord, lv lysander, maine, county of, the conquest of, , ; the title of, , ; revenues of { } manly man, distinguished from the (fool-)hardy man, mansel, an esquire, iii, march, earl of, , , marcus actilius, marcus marcellus, margaret of austria, her matrimonial alliances, xlviii maude, the empress, , montgomery, sir n., morhier, sir simon, iii, morton, doctor, xxv, xxxi, xxxii montreuil (motreaw), mountgomery, sir thomas, xxiii, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, xlvi narbonne, the vicomte de, xlvi nazar, battle of, nestor, , neuss, the siege of, xxv neville, lord, noblesse, identical with chivalry, xv; and with honour, liv.; _see_ boke of noblesse normandy, the title of, ; arms of, ; the wretched state of, ; the clergy oppressed, ; its re-conquest by the french, ii, iii, viii oldhall, sir william, orleans; bastard of, ---- duke of, , ---- siege of, paris, , , ; siege of, ; rebellion in, ; bastille of st. anthony, xi, lx, ; in the hands of the english, xi parliament, the english, as described by commines, xvii passy, dame christine of, iv; biographical note upon, paston, sir john, his library, lix peace, the treaty of, in , xxxviii philip, king of france, philip dieu-donné, , , , philip of valois, picquigny, the royal interview at, xxxvi de pisan, christine, vi plantagenet, , , poitiers, battle of, , pompeus, pont l'arche, the capture of iii, popham, sir john, poynings, lord, prophecies, the english always provided with, xxxix, publius decius, pyrrhus, , radcliff, sir john, rais, lord, rempston, sir thomas, respublica, richard emperor of almaine, richard the first, riviers, anthony earl of, his embassies to the duke of burgundy, xxv; his connections with royalty, xxvi. _see_ scales robert, king of jerusalem, rochedaryon, rollo, duke of normandy, romans, their wars with carthage, ; the largess of, to make an army to africa, rome, rotherham, archbishop, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix rouen, roveraye, battle of, , runcyvale, st. cloud, battle of, st. leger, sir thomas, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvi st. pol, louis de luxembourg comte de, brother-in-law to king louis, and uncle to queen elizabeth wydville, xxviii; his temporising and treacherous conduct, xxix; circumstances of his ruin, xxxiv, xl, xliv salisbury, thomas earl of, , , { } scales, lord, ; _see_ riviers sciences, the, vii, scipio, , scipio africanus and scipio asianus, scluse, battle of, , senlys, sensuality, evils of, , , sessions, , shire-days, holding of, xv, , shrewsbury, shrewsbury, earl of, _bis_ sicily, smert, john, garter king of arms, xxvii soldiers, on the just payment of, somerset, edmond duke of, ---- john duke of, stanley, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi suffolk, william earl of, , , surie (syria), , tancarville, earl of, thames, the flood of, tours, , ; truce of, ii "tree of batailes," a popular work, iii; its author, editions, and manuscripts, iv; quoted, vii troy, , , , truces with france, the history of, ; truce of tours, ii tryvet, sir john, tunis, tunstall, sir richard, xx, xxiii, xxxii ulixes, d'urfé, seigneur, xxxiii valerius corvinus, vernelle, battle of, , , , _bis_, virtues, the iiij principalle cardinall, wales, language of, warwick, thomas earl of, william the conqueror, , , willoughby, robert lord, , winchester, bailiffs of, their letter (to sir john fastolfe), lvii worcestre, william of, the secretary of sir john fastolfe, l; his supposed _acta d'ni joh. fastolff_, lii wyer, robert, liv york, richard duke of, . * * * * * { } glossarial index. * * * * * admonestementis afferaunt aiel amercie approwementis assailours astonyed atwix (betwixt) avaunt aventure aveyn baleese barnage (baronage) batellous be (by) beforce (by force) beforne benecute benevolence xvii, xxi, xxii bestialle , bethout (without) _et passim_ bethyn (within) _et passim_ bobauncees bonchief chevalrie , , clepid , , , congie convenable , costius, costues (costly) cote-armer cotes of armes countour xv covyn croiserie , custrell xx defalke , defend (drive away) deliver (agile) deliver (to fulfil a challenge in arms) depart (part with) , side note detrussed , _detroussé_, unbound devoire , dissimiled (dissembled) , dissimuled dissimulacion dulled egallie (equally) embrace (to take part, or patronise) xv, empeshement enfamyned entendement entreprennour entreprinses _and_ entreprises, , , ering at erst escarmisshes esy (little _or_ scarcely) , esilie (scarcely), ewred fauten feernesse (_for_ feersnesse?) , fellir (more fell) fille (fell) , , , , finaunce , , , , , fole-hardiesse , _see_ hardy fraunchise { } fructufulle grene age hardiesse hardy (or fool-hardy) man, haunting arms , , , havyour herbers (of soote smyllis of flowris and herbis of divers colours) hethynesse historier , hostied hubes infortune , inure joieuest (most joyful) jorney (military expedition) jupardie , , labourage , , lifelode , , , , lust (_verb_) lyes (leash) manassed manly man mantelle masty hound meintenaunce menage messangiers moien mondeyn mow (shall mow endure) muys namelie (especially) , noblesse xv. liv nompower nouches noy obeisaunce _and_ obediaunce , , obeissauntes , onure, oost (host) , , , , , osteyng ovyr hand paast, paissauntes (peasants) , patised payneymys paynym peine hem (take pains) perveaunce piller (thief) , plenerlie practik (singler) , practique of law print money, puissaunt , , , , , , purveonds puttithe away (_plur._) quaiers (of books) lix, raise . chaucer says of his knight, in lettowe had he _reysed_ and in russe. ravyne , recordacion renomme revaled , , , rightwisnesse rothir or sterne servage sille (sell) sleuth (sloth) soude , ; soulde , soudeours , , ; sowdieris soudeyng ; souding, souneth (threaten) synguler (personal) , , { } tailis , , take in gree tasques , , terrein tilieng (tilling) tofore (before) to morne (tomorrow) trespasseinte trespassement , umbre , , , , viellars vileyned voulenté vyfnes wanhope well (easy), "it is well to undrestonde" werreied (made war) wited (considered) yen (eyen _or_ eyes) yoven (given) * * * * * notes [ ] giles brother to francis i. duke of bretagne. having differences with his brother respecting his apanage, he was with the duke's consent arrested by king charles vii.; and, perhaps in consequence of the english taking his part, he was put to death in the year . his fate was commemorated in the "histoire lamentable de gilles seigneur de chateaubriand et de chantocé, prince du sang de france et de bretagne, estranglé en prison par les ministres d'un favory." see daru's histoire de bretagne, , vol. ii. pp. et seq. [ ] sir simon morhier is one of the commissioners named for concluding a treaty with "our adversary of france," dated july . (rymer, x. .) monstrelet relates that at the battle of rouvray, commonly called the battle of the herrings, which took place during the siege of orleans in , the only man of note slain on the english side was one named bresanteau, nephew to simon morhier provost of paris. [ ] i do not find the name of this esquire in the memoirs of the mansel family, privately printed in , by william w. mansell, esq. there were mansels in bretagne as well as in england. [ ] a description of the taking of pont de l'arche will be found in the _histoire du roy charles vii._, by alain chartier. he states that from a hundred to six score englishmen were there either killed or taken prisoners: "entre les autres y fut prins le sire de faucquembergue, qui d'aventure y estoit venu la nuict." this was william neville, lord fauconberg, a younger son of the first earl of westmerland, and uncle to the king-making earl of warwick. dugdale describes his imprisonment on the authority of letters patent ( hen. vi. p. , m. ) whereby he was granted some compensation: "being sent ambassador into normandy, to treat of peace and truce betwixt both realms, he was most perfidiously seized upon by the french, and kept prisoner: in respect of which sufferings he had in hen. vi. an assignation of l. s. ¼d. then in arrears to him for his pay whilst he was governor of roxburgh, to be received out of the customs of wool, cloths, skins, lead, and other commodities, arising in the ports of boston, kingston upon hull, and ipswich." in hen. vi. ( - ) he was still prisoner in france. (baronage of england, i. , .) [ ] fougères was a strongly fortified town, and was considered one of the keys of bretagne. it was taken by surprise, in the night of the - of march , by françois de surienne, on the part of the english: an event which was followed by very important results, for charles vii. made it an excuse for resuming hostilities in order to protect the duke of bretagne as his vassal and ally: the constable of france artur de richemont, who was the duke's uncle, (but who had been opposed to the arrest of his nephew giles,) recovered the captured town; the duke invaded lower normandy, whilst the king of france entered the upper province, and by a rapid series of successes they within fifteen months drove the english out of the country. [ ] honoré bonnet was prior of salon in provence, as is shown by his own dedication of the book to charles vi. written during the sovereignty of louis ii. of anjou in provence, that is, from to . in some of the early editions of the book the author's name was altered to bonnor: its title is "larbre des batailles. sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de plusieurs choses comme de leglise. et aussi des faictz de la guerre. et aussi c[=o]ment on se doyt gouuerner. paris, ." folio. also paris, , to. among the royal collection of manuscripts in the british museum ( c. viii.) is a magnificent copy in large folio, and another, in quarto, has been recently purchased (addit. ms. , .) respecting others at paris see the work of m. paulin paris on "les manuscrits français de la bibliothèque du roi," vol. v. pp. , . on the fly-leaf of the royal ms. is the following inscription in an old hand, the writer of which avowedly followed the note at p. of the present volume: _l'arbre des battailles compose par honore bonet prieur de sallon en prouuence._ note y^t in some authors this booke is termed dame christine of y^e tree of battayles, not that she made yt; but bicause she was a notable benefactour to learned men and perchaunce to y^e autor of this booke. and therefore diuers of them sette furthe their bookes under her name. see y^e booke of noblesse in englishe and chrystines life amongste y^e autors de claris mulieribus as i rem[=e]ber. on the title-page are the autograph inscriptions of two of the former owners of the volume, _sum humfridi lloyd_ and _lumley_: and at the end is inscribed _iste liber constat joh'i gamston' generoso_. it seems not improbable that the entry above extracted was written by lord lumley. [ ] at the end of the life of saint louis by geoffroi de beaulieu, in the _historiens de la_ _france_, tome xx. p. , ( , folio,) will be found the instructions of king louis to his son, in their vernacular language. a copy of them, headed "ce sont les enseignemens que mons^r sainct loys fist a son filz charles roy de france," occurs in the ms. at the college of arms which contains many things about sir john fastolfe. (ms. arundel xxvi. fol. ii v.) [ ] vegetius was a great authority with the writers of the middle ages. monstrelet commences the prologue to the second volume of his chronicles by citing the book of "un trèsrenommé philosophe nommé végèce, qu'il feist de la vaillance et prudence de chevalerie." the treatise of vegetius de re militari had been translated into french about the year , by jean de meun, one of the authors of the roman de la rose. in the fifteenth century it was one of the principal sources of a book entitled "lart de cheualerie selon vegece; lequel trait de la maniere que les princes doiuent tenir au fait de leurs guerres et batailles." this was printed at paris by anthoine verard in ; and it was, at the command of king henry vii. translated by caxton, and printed by him at westminster in the following year, as "the fayttes of armes and of chyvallrye," which (he states in his colophon,) "christian of pise made and drew out of the book named vegecius de re militari, and out of the arbre of battles." now, christina de pisan was a poetess: and it is not likely that she had more to do with this treatise on the art of war than the "dame christine" of our present author had with the arbre des batailles. indeed it is probable that the two misappropriations are connected in their origin. on the actual productions of christine de pisan, which furnished other works to our first english printer, see the description by m. paulin paris of "les manuscrits français de la bibliothèque du roi," vol. iv. , vol. v. - , vi. , : and an "essai sur les ecrits politiques de christine de pisan, suivi d'une notice litteraire et de pièces inédites. par raimond thomassy, ." vo. pp. . [ ] alain chartier was a writer both in prose and poetry. there are separate editions of several of his works: and a collected volume of them was edited by andrew du chesne in . an english translation of his "curial" was printed by caxton without date. see an account of various manuscripts of the works of chartier given by m. paulin paris in his vol. vi. pp. - , vol. vii. pp. - . [ ] the personages speaking in the quadrilogue are france, le peuple, le chevalier, and le clergie, to whose conversation l'acteur, or the author, occasionally interposes some remarks. le chevalier is also the gendarmerie, and described as being identical with the estat de noblesse--an identity which is thus maintained at the beginning of the reign of henry the eighth:--"in all the chevalrie of this realme, wherein be intended all dukes, erles, barons, knightes, esquires, and other gentlemen by office or aucthoritie." i quote this from the tree of common wealth, by edmonde dudley, (written in or ,) printed for the brotherhood of the rosy cross, at manchester, , p. . [ ] "magister alanus de auriga. id est compilam de libro suo." sidenote in p. . [ ] this battle, from which the final loss of normandy ensued, was fought at formigny, between charenton and bayeux, on the th of april . sir thomas kyriell, who was there taken prisoner, was a veteran warrior of agincourt, and had for some years been lieutenant of calais. by a writ of privy seal dated the th august , henry vi. granted the sum of crowns and lent another , out of the bonds due from the duke of orleans, in order to provide for the ransom of sir thomas kyriell. (rymer, xi. .) sir thomas was elected a knight of the garter at the close of the reign of henry the sixth, feb. , - , and beheaded by the victorious yorkists on the th of the same month. [ ] this passage was an abridgment from one in _le quadrilogue invectif_ of alain chartier: which is as follows: "toutes anciennes escriptures sont plaines de mutations, subversions, et changemens de royaulmes et des principaultez. car comme les enfans naissent et croissent en hommes parfaitz, et puis declinent à vieillesse et à mort; ainsi ont les seigneuries leur commencement, et leur accroissement, et leur declin. où est ninive la grant cité, qui duroit trois journées de chemin? qu'est devenue babiloine, qui fut edifiée de matiere artificieuse pour plus durer aux hommes, et maintenant est habitée de serpens? que dira l'en de troye la riche et tres renommée? et de ylion le chastel sans per, dont les portes furent d'ivoire, et les colonnes d'argent; et maintenant à peine en reste le pié des fondemens, que les haulx buissons forcloent de la veue des hommes? thebes qui fut fondée de cadmus le fils de agenor, et la plus peuplée de dessus la terre pour son temps: en laquelle part pourroit en trouver tant de reliques de son nom, que gens se puissent monstrer nez de sa semence? lacedemoine, dont les loix vindrent à diverse nations, desquelles encores nous usons, ne peut oncques tant estroictement garder les loix de licurgus le doicturier, qui furent faictes pour sa perpetuation, que sa vertu ne soit extaincte et aneantie. athenes fontaine de sapience, et source des haultes doctrines de philosophie, n'est elle pas en subversion, et les ruisseaulx de son escole taris et asseichez? carthage la batailleresse, qui domptait les elephans à batailler, et qui jadis fut tant redoubtée aux romains, où a elle tourné sa grant glorie, sinon en la cendre du feu où elle fut arse et embrasée? mais parlons de romme, qui fut derreniere en souveraine majesté, et excellente en vertu. et notons bien la parolle de lucan, qui dit que de elle mesme par sa pesanteur elle decheut. car les trops pesans faiz font les plus griefues cheoistes. par ceste maniere chascune à sa tour et en son ordre se changent, rebaissent, ou soubvertissent les eureuses fortunes, et le bruit des royaulmes. ainsi comme la monarchie du monde et la dignité du souverain empire fut jadis translatée des assiriens aux persans, des persans aux grecz, des grecz aux rommains, et des rommains es mains des françois et des germains." [ ] it was in this sense that the duke of burgundy was called charles le hardi, which was equivalent to the modern _le temeraire_, that is, not only bold, but rash. we find that the author of _l'arbre des batailles_ discusses in his third book, chapter viii., the various causes from which "est ung chevalier bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "car premierement ung chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire et l'honneur de ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez et le couhars dishonnourez. ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur de perdre honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil estoit couhart. la tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps porté le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in ce quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de bonne espreuve. aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine quil scet estre bien sage et bien fortuné. aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne scet que est vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus avance. aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner richesses et non pour aultre chose. or saiches maintenant comme en toutes ces hardiesses na vertu si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte congnoissance et de droit scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et a justice et ferme voulenté d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue et possible par la vertu de force. et te souffise de ceste vertu quant à present." [ ] jean de villiers, seigneur de l'isle adam et de villiers le bel, having joined the party of the duke of burgundy, was by his influence made maréchal of france in . he was arrested by the duke of exeter at paris in , and released by the duke of bedford in , at the request of philip duke of burgundy. by duke charles he was highly favoured, made one of the first knights of the order of the golden fleece, and captain of paris when the duke of bedford left that city in . he was killed during a popular commotion at bruges in . see his life in anselme's histoire genealogique, , vii. . [ ] the account which monstrelet gives of this insurrection entirely corresponds with that of our author. it is as follows: "en apres le duc d'excestre, qui estoit capitaine de paris, pour certaines causes qui à ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le seigneur de l'isle adam par aucuns de ses anglois: pour laquelle prinse s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de paris, pour le rescourre à ceux qui le menoient en la bastille s. anthoine. mais tantost ledit duc d'excestre à tout six vingts combattans, dont il y avoit la plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer les dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par la cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de par le roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit seigneur de l'isle adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y demoura durant la vie du roy henry d'angleterre, lequel l'eust faict mourir, ce n'eust esté la requeste du duc de bourgongne." (chroniques de monstrelet, vol. i. chap. ccxxxviii.) [ ] it is very remarkable how entirely these statements correspond with some passages of commines, (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes the conduct of tyrannical princes, and the way in which france especially suffered from quartering soldiers. "to the common people they leave little or nothing, though their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do they take any care to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who are constantly quartered throughout the country without paying anything, and commit all manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for, not contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied, they beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread, wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the goodman's wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course is to keep her out of their sight. and yet, where money is abundant, it would be no difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by paying them every two months at furthest, which would obviate the pretence of want of pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no inconvenience to the prince, because his money is raised punctually every year. i say this in compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more oppressed and harassed in quartering soldiers than any in all europe." [ ] this word, or "obeissauntis," which was used in the same sense, may be taken as the original reading of the erasure in p. , in the place of "predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse. [ ] chaucer says of his franklin-- at sessions there was he lord and sire, full often time he was knight of the shire, a sheriff had he been, and a countour. the countour--a term which has been involved in some doubt, was probably a commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the royal exchequer. [ ] _i.e._ take a factious or unjust part. [ ] sir harris nicolas, in his memoir on the scrope and grosvenor roll (ii. ), has remarked "the slighting manner in which the profession of the law is mentioned, in comparison with that of arms," in the deposition of sir william aton. speaking of sir henry scrope, that witness stated that he was come of noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his parents was put to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless used in his halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of _azure, a bend or_. at a much later date ( ) sir edmund knightley, though a younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full suit of armour at fawsley, co. northampton. his epitaph commemorates both his gentilitial and his professional merits: natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri, qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suæ; legis erat patriæ gnarus, compescere lites assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis. but, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in proof of the general opinions of society. it is indisputable that, from the conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest families have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the resort of young men of noble birth. [ ] the notices which the chroniclers fabyan and hall give of the first benevolence will be found in a subsequent page. [ ] commines gives the following somewhat satirical account of an english parliament. "the king was not able to undertake such an affair without calling his parliament, which is in the nature of our three estates, and, consisting for the most part of sage and religious men, is very serviceable and a great strengthening to the king. at the meeting of this parliament the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no money is raised in england but upon some expedition into france or scotland, and then they supply him very liberally, especially against france. yet the kings of england have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire to have any supplies granted,--to raise men, and pretend quarrels with scotland or france, and, having encamped with their army for about three months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money for their own private use; and this trade king edward understood very well, and often practised it." [ ] at that time the parliament first granted the number of , archers, which was afterwards reduced to , . rot. parl. v. , . [ ] rotuli parl. vi. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] the parliament re-assembled accordingly on the th of may : and during that session, on the th of july, the commons again granted to the king a quinsisme and a disme (a fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum of , l. s. ¾d. in full payment of the wages of the , archers, who, notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still maintained in readiness for the proposed expedition. in making these votes, the commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a mighty army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained "that, if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt john baptist the year of our lord m cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of the forsaid xiij m. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the wages of the same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (rot. parl. vi. , .) on the re-assembling of parliament in january - a further act was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted (ibid. p. ); and again, on the th of march, immediately before the dissolution of the parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and tenth, and three parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the before-mentioned sum of , l. s. ¾d. (ibid. pp. , .) [ ] they are printed in rymer's foedera, &c. vol. xi. pp. et seq. [ ] an account of the payment of these wages for the first quarter, is preserved on the pell records of the exchequer, and an abstract printed in rymer's foedera, vol. xi. p. . it includes the names of the dukes of clarence, norfolk, and suffolk, the earls of ormonde and northumberland, the lords grey, scrope, ferrers, stanley, fitzwarren, hastynges, lisle, and cobham, and as bannerets sir ralph hastings, sir thomas mountgomery, and sir john astley; besides the earl of douglas and the lord boyd, noblemen of scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's household. the item to the duke of clarence will afford a specimen of these payments: "georgio duci clarentiæ pro cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso computato ut duce ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum militum quilibet ad ij s. per diem, et xcix aliis hominibus ad arma quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille sagittariis [ li. summa totalis,] mmmcxciij l. vj s. x d. the payments to the duke of gloucester (omitted by rymer, but extracted in devon's issues of the exchequer, , p. ,) were nearly to the same amount, viz. for men at arms, to himself as a duke at s. d. per day, l. s. d.; for six knights, to each of them s. per day, l. s.; to each of the remainder of the said men at arms d. per day, and d. per day as a reward,-- l. s. d.; and to archers, to each of them d. per day, l. s.--total l. s. d. rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. - ) given at length three specimens of the indentures made with several persons. the first (dated august ) is an indenture retaining sir richard tunstall to serve the king for one whole year in his duchy of normandy and realm of france, with ten speres, himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently abiled, armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, for everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. by the day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the said archers vj d. by the day. the next is an indenture made (on the th november) with thomas grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being xij d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," and vj d. a day for each of his archers. the third is the indenture made with richard garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was retained for the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his spere, with xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and arraied," taking wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each xij d. a day, and for the remainder each vj d. a day. [ ] ibid. pp. , . [ ] ibid. pp. , , . [ ] rymer, xi. . [ ] foedera, vol. xii. p. . lord dynham had the principal command at sea by previous appointments in the and edw. iv. see dugdale's baronage, i. . [ ] fabyan says that "upon the iiij day of july (_an error for_ june) he rode with a goodly company thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde." [ ] printed in the excerpta historica, , p. . [ ] they are printed in rymer, vol. xii. pp. , . this was merely a constitutional form, for the prince was then only four years of age. [ ] hall states that "he hymself with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned passed over betwene dover and caleys the iiij daye of july," his army, horses, and ammunitions of war having in their transport occupied twenty days. [ ] monstrelet in his chronicle attempts to present a list of the principal english lords and knights (the latter more than fifty in number), but every name is so disfigured that they are almost past recognition: as the names he gives to the nobility will show. he calls them, the dukes of sufflocq and noirflocq, the earls of crodale (arundel?), nortonbellan, scersebry, (shrewsbury, and not as buchon his editor suggests salisbury, which title did not then exist,) willephis (wiltshire?), and rivière; the lords stanlay, grisrufis, gray, erdelay, ondelay, verton, montu, beguey, strangle, havart, and caubehem. the last name (cobham) and that of lord fitzwaren are among the indentures printed by rymer in his vol. xi. pp. - , already noticed in the note in p. xx. [ ] these particulars are derived from the diary kept by the _maistres d'hostel_ of the burgundian court, which gives the following minute and curious account of the duke's movements, including the positions, not elsewhere to be found, of the english army during the months of july and august. "le . juillet la duchesse de bourgoyne, qui avoit été presque toujours a gand, arriva a calais vers le roy d'angleterre son frere, qui la deffraya. "le . ce duc arriva à calais vers le roy d'angleterre, qui le deffraya, la duchesse etant pour lors à sainct omer, avec les ducs de clarence et de glocestre ses freres. le . il alla au chasteau de guines avec ce roy, qui le fit deffraiyer. il en partit le , et alla à sainct omer, où il trouva la duchesse. il en partit le ., et alla à fauquemberghe, près l'ost du roy d'angleterre. il y sejourna le ., et en partit le . après déjeuner, et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en la cité d'arras; et ce jour il mangea du poisson, à cause de la veille de sainct jacques. le . il partit d'arras après disner, et alla coucher à dourlens. il en partit le . après disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy d'angleterre, et coucher en le cense de hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce jour de sainct omer, pour retourner à gand, où mademoiselle de bourgoyne étoit restée. "le mardy premier août, ce duc disna en la cense de hamencourt, coucha au village d'aichen, près l'ost du roy d'angleterre. il en partit le . après disner, et coucha à ancre. il en partit le . après disner, et coucha a curleu sur somme, près ledit ost. il y disna le . passa par l'ost du roy d'angleterre, et coucha à peronne. il y resta jusques au . qu'il en partit après disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'angleterre, et alla coucher à cambray. il y disna le . et coucha à valenciennes, d'où il partit le . après disner, souppa à cambray, et alla coucher à peronne. il y disna le . alla encore voir le roy d'angleterre au mesme camp, et alla coucher à cambray. le . il disna à valenciennes, coucha à mons. le . il disna à nivelle, et coucha à namur, où les ambassadeurs de naples, arragon, venise, et autres se rendirent. le . août, entreveue du roy avec le roy d'angleterre, au lieu de pequigny; ces princes convinrent d'une treve entre eux, et que le dauphin épouseroit la fille de ce roy d'angleterre." (mémoires de p. de cominines, edited by lenglet du fresnoy, , vol. ii. p. .) [ ] another version of this omen of the dove will be found in the extracts from commines hereafter. [ ] the fact of earl rivers having repaired to the duke of burgundy _once_, at the end of april, is confirmed by the chronicle formed from the journals of the duke's _maistres d'hoste_: "le . de ce mois (avril) le sire de riviers, ambassadeur du roy d'angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en fut regalé." (appendix to the edition of commines, by the abbé lenglet du fresnoy, to. , ii. .) but in the previous january we read, "the king's ambassadors, sir thomas mountgomery and the master of the rolls (doctor morton), be coming homeward from nuys." (paston letters, vol. ii. p. .) [ ] _i.e._ their horses protected by armour. [ ] hall, following this part of commines's narrative, on mentioning this english herald, adds, "whome argenton (meaning commines,) untrewly calleth garter borne in normandy, for the rome of gartier was never geven to no estraunger." the office of garter was at this time occupied by john smert, who was appointed in hen. vi. and died in edw. iv. he was the son-in-law of bruges his predecessor in the office: and there are large materials for his biography in anstis's collections on the heralds, at the college of arms, but containing no evidence either to prove commines's assertion, or hall's denial, of his being a native of normandy. [ ] the constable of france, jacques de luxembourg, comte de st. pol. after temporising between burgundy and france at this crisis, he paid the penalty for his vacillation, the duke surrendering him to louis, by whom he was decapitated before the end of the year (dec. , ). [ ] jacqueline duchess of bedford, the mother of the queen of england, was one of the constable's sisters. the constable was also connected by marriage with king louis, who called him "brother" from their having married two sisters. the relationship of all the principal actors in the transactions described in the text is shown in the following table:-- pierre louis charles vii. richard comte de st. pol duke of savoy. king of france. duke of york. = = = = | | | | +-----+ +-----+-----+ +-----+-+ +-----+ | | | | | | | | | louis comte=mary of charlotte=louis katharine=charles=margaret | | de st. pol, savoy. of savoy. xi. of duke of of york.| | the constable. france. burgundy. | | | jacqueline = richard | duchess of | earl | bedford. | rivers. | +-+------------------------------------+ +-------+ | | | anthony lord scales, elizabeth wydville.=king edward and earl rivers. the fourth. [ ] afterwards the first duke of norfolk and earl of derby of their respective families. [ ] the narrative is continued on the authority of commines. [ ] see the extracts from the register of the burgundian _maistres d'hostel_ already given in p. xxiii. the english camp is described as near fauquemberghe on the d of july, and near aichen on the st of august. its position near peronne is believed to have been at st. christ, on the river somme, and it appears to have remained there for a considerable time. [ ] the duke was at peronne from the th to th of august. see the note on his movements before, p. xxiv. [ ] the last was afterwards the husband of the king's daughter the lady anne of york, and ancestor of the earls and dukes of rutland. [ ] the prudent and conciliatory conduct of louis xi. towards the english at this crisis seems to have had a precedent in that of his ancestor charles v. "le sage roy de france charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait que grant honte estoit de recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les anglois à tort tenoient, comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par force, il me semble (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne doit point estre acheté par sang d'homme." (from the end of the twelfth chapter of the second book of the faits d'armes de guerre et de chevalerie par christine de pisan.) [ ] st. christ. [ ] it is printed in rymer's collection, vol. xii. p. . [ ] lord hastings was previously a pensioner of the duke of burgundy. lenglet du fresnoy has published a letter of the duke granting to william lord hastings a yearly pension of crowns of flanders, dated at the castle of peronne, may ; a receipt of lord hastings for that sum on the th july ; and another receipt for livres of flanders, dated th april . (mémoires de p. de commines, , iii. , .) commines, in his sixth book, chapter ii. relates how he had himself been the agent who had secured lord hastings to the burgundian interest, and how he subsequently negociated with him on the part of king louis. hastings accepted the french pension, being double the amount of the burgundian, but on this occasion, according to commines, would give no written acknowledgment. in an interview with the french emissary, pierre cleret, of which commines in his book vi. chapter ii. gives the particulars at some length, he said the money might be put in his sleeve. cleret left it, without acquittance; and his conduct was approved by his master. [ ] in the article of plate "his bountie apperyd by a gyfte that he gave unto lorde hastynges then lord chamberlayne, as xxiiij. dosen of bollys, wherof halfe were gylt and halfe white, which weyed xvij. nobles every cuppe or more." fabyan's chronicle. [ ] this passionate interview must have taken place on the th or th of august: see the note on the duke's movements in p. xxiv. [ ] we are continuing to follow the account of commines. but the truce, which was not yet concluded, was made for seven years only; and the dukes of burgundy and britany were not mentioned in the articles. the duke of burgundy, shortly after, himself made a truce with france for nine years. it was dated on the th of september, only fifteen days after that of the english. [ ] molinet says, "de quatrevingts à cent chariots de vin." [ ] the real childermas day was on the th of december; but sir john fenn, the editor of the paston letters, has suggested that the th of every month was regarded as a childermas day; for the th of june, , being childermas, and consequently a day of unlucky omen, was avoided for the coronation of edward the fourth. from other authorities it appears that the day of the week on which childermas occurred was regarded as unfortunate throughout the year. [ ] molinet mentions three other names, those of the admiral, the seigneur de craon, and the mayor of amiens. [ ] according to our london historian, fabyan, louis's attire was by no means becoming: "of the nyse and wanton disguysed apparayll (he says) that the kynge lowys ware upon hym at the tyme of this metynge i myght make a longe rehersayl: but for it shulde sownde more to dishonour of suche a noble man, that was apparaylled more lyke a mynstrell than a prynce royall, therfor i passe it over." [ ] commines saw king edward at the burgundian court in . on that occasion he gives him this brief character: "king edward was not a man of any great management or foresight, but of an invincible courage, and the most beautiful prince my eyes ever beheld." [ ] the documents which bear date on the day of the royal interview are these, as printed in the edition of commines by the abbé lenglet du fresnoy, , to. vol. iii:-- . the treaty of truce for seven years between edward king of france and england and lord of ireland and his allies on the one part, and the most illustrious prince louis of france (not styled king) and his allies, on the other. (in latin.) dated in a field near amiens on the th august . the conservators of the truce on the part of the king of england were the dukes of clarence and gloucester, the chancellor of england, the keeper of the privy seal, the warden of the cinque ports, and the captain or deputy of calais for the time being; on the part of the prince of france his brother charles comte of beaujeu and john bastard of bourbon admiral of france. . obligation of louis king of the french to pay to edward king of england yearly, in london, during the life of either party, the sum of , crowns. (in latin.) dated at amiens on the th of august. . a treaty of alliance between king edward and louis of france (in latin) stipulating, . that if either of them were driven from his kingdom, he should be received in the states of the other, and assisted to recover it. . to name commissioners of coinage, which should circulate in their dominions respectively. . that prince charles, son of louis, should marry elizabeth daughter of the king of england, or, in case of her decease, her sister mary. dated in the field near amiens, on the th of august. . another part of the treaty, bearing the same date, appointing for the arbiters of all differences, on the part of the king of england his uncle the cardinal thomas archbishop of canterbury and his brother george duke of clarence, and on the part of louis of france, charles archbishop of lyons and john comte de dunois. in april the three years were prolonged by another like term to the th august ; the letters patent relative to which are printed ibid. p. . on the th feb. - the truce was renewed for the lives of both princes, and for one hundred years after the decease of either, king louis obliging himself and his successors to continue the payment of the , crowns during that term: the documents relating to this negotiation are printed ibid. pp. -- . [ ] molinet, in his account of the conference, states that it lasted for an hour and a half, and that a principal topic of discussion was the conduct of the constable, louis showing a letter, in which the constable had engaged to harass the english army as soon as it was landed. [ ] this gascon gentleman is a person of some interest, from his name being mentioned by caxton. he was resident at the english court, as a servant of anthony lord scales (the queen's brother) as early as the year , when in a letter, dated at london, on the th of june, he challenged sir jehan de chassa, a knight in the retinue of the duke of burgundy, to do battle with him in honour of a noble lady of high estimation, immediately after the performance of the intended combat in london between the lord scales and the bastard of burgundy. his letter of challenge, in which he terms the king of england his sovereign lord, is printed in the excerpta historica, , p. ; and that of sir jehan de chassa accepting it at p. , addressed, _a treshonnouré escueire louys de brutallis_. his own signature is _loys de brutalljs_. the encounter is thus noticed in the annals of william of wyrcestre: "et iij^o die congressi sunt pedestres in campo, in præsencia regis, lodowicus bretailles cum burgundiæ; deditque rex honorem ambobus, attamen bretailles habuit se melius in campo:" and thus by olivier de la marche: "on the morrow messire jehan de cassa and a gascon squire named louis de brettailles, servant of mons. d'escalles, did arms on foot: and they accomplished these arms without hurting one another much. and on the morrow they did arms on horseback; wherein messire jean de chassa had great honour, and was held for a good runner at the lance." lowys de bretaylles, as his name is printed by caxton, was still attendant upon the same nobleman, then earl rivers, in , when he went to the pilgrimage of st. james in galicia; and upon that occasion, soon after sailing from southampton, he lent to the earl the book of _les dictes moraux des philosophes_, written in french by johan de tronville, which the earl translated, and caused it to be printed by caxton, as _the dicts and sayings of the philosophers_, in . [ ] fabyan's chronicle. [ ] the former importance and power of the constable are thus described by commines: "some persons may perhaps hereafter ask, whether the king alone was not able to have ruined him? i answer, no; for his territories lay just between those of the king and the duke of burgundy: he had st. quintin always, and another strong town in vermandois: he had ham and bohain, and other considerable places not far from st. quintin, which he might always garrison with what troops (and of what country) he pleased. he had four hundred of the king's men at arms, well paid; was commissary himself, and made his own musters,--by which means he feathered his nest very well, for he never had his complement. he had likewise a salary of forty-five thousand francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed into hainault or flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all this, he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest in france, and a greater in burgundy, on account of his kinsmen." [ ] none had actually been made with burgundy by the treaty of the th of august. commines certainly wrote under a misapprehension in that respect, as well as upon the number of years of the truce with england. [ ] besides the lady margaret there were two sons: maximilian, afterwards the emperor maximilian, and philip. there was a contract of marriage in between the latter and the lady anne of england, one of the daughters of edward the fourth. (rymer, xii. .) [ ] margaret herself was eventually rejected by charles viii. who was nearly nine years her senior. when he had the opportunity of marrying the heiress of bretagne, and thereby annexing that duchy to france, margaret was sent back to her father in , and afterwards married in to john infante of castile, and in to philibert duke of savoy. she subsequently nearly yielded to the suit of charles brandon lord lisle, (afterwards the husband of mary queen dowager of france,) who was made duke of suffolk by his royal master in order to be more worthy of her acceptance; but at last she died childless in , after a widowhood of six and twenty years, and a long and prosperous reign as regent of the netherlands. [ ] paston letters, vol. i. p. . [ ] "whiche book was translated and thystoryes openly declared by the ordinaunce and desyre of the noble auncyent knyght syr johan fastolf, of the countee of norfolk banerette, lyvyng' the age of four score yere, excercisyng' the warrys in the royame of fraunce and other countrees for the diffence and universal welfare of bothe royames of englond' and' fraunce, by fourty yeres enduryng', the fayte of armes haunting, and in admynystryng justice and polytique governaunce under thre kynges, that is to wete, henry the fourth, henry the fyfthe, henry the syxthe, and was governour of the duchye of angeou and the countee of mayne, capytayn of many townys, castellys, and fortressys in the said royame of fraunce, havyng' the charge and saufgarde of them dyverse yeres, ocupyeng' and rewlynge thre honderd' speres and' the bowes acustomed thenne, and yeldyng' good' acompt of the foresaid townes, castellys, and fortresses to the seyd' kynges and to theyr lyeutenauntes, prynces of noble recomendacion, as johan regent of fraunce duc of bedforde, thomas duc of excestre, thomas duc of clarence, and other lyeutenauntes." this may be considered as a grateful tribute from william of worcestre, when himself advanced in years (he died in or about ), to the memory of his ancient master, sir john fastolfe, who had died in . the biography of william of worcestre was written by the rev. james dallaway in the retrospective review, vol. xvi. p. ; and reprinted in to. , in his volume entitled "william wyrcestre redivivus: notices of ancient church architecture, particularly in bristol," &c.; but the latest and most agreeable sketch of worcestre's life is that given by mr. g. poulett scrope in his history of castle combe, , to. [ ] he has recorded that in he presented a copy of his translation to bishop waynflete,--"but received no reward!" his version was not made from the original, but from the french of laurentius de primo facto, or du premier-faict: an industrious french translator, who flourished from to . [ ] bale, in his list of the works of worcestre, whom he notices under his _alias_ of botoner, mentions _acta domini joannis fastolf_, lib. i, (commencing) "anno christi , et anno regni--" oldys (in the biographia britannica, , p. ) attributes to worcestre "a particular treatise, gratefully preserving the life and deeds of his master, under the title of _acta domini johannis fastolff_, which we hear is still in being, and has been promised the publick;" but in the second edition of oldys's life of fastolfe (biographia britannica, , v. ), we find merely this note substituted: "this is mentioned in the paston letters, iv. p. ." the letter there printed is one addressed by john davy to his master john paston esquire after sir john fastolfe's death. it relates to inquiries made of one "bussard" for evidences relative to fastolfe's estate; and it thus concludes: "he seyth the last tyme that he wrot on to william wusseter it was beffor myssomyr, and thanne he wrote a cronekyl of jerewsalem and the jornes that my mayster dede whyl he was in fraunce, that god on his sowle have mercy, and he seyth that this drew more than xx whazerys (quires) off paper, and this wrytyng delyvered onto wursseter, and non other, ne knowyth not off non other be is feyth." it appears, i think, very clearly that this passage was misunderstood by oldys, or his informant, and that the historian of the "journeys" and valiant acts of sir john fastolfe was not worcestre, but the person called bussard. it is not impossible that the person whom john davy meant by that name was peter basset, who is noticed in the next page. mr. benjamin williams, in the preface to "henrici quinti gesta," (printed for the english historical society, ,) says of worcestre that "he wrote the _acts of sir john fastolfe_, contained in the volume from which this chronicle is extracted," _i.e._ the arundel ms. xlviii. in the college of arms; but that statement appears to have been carelessly made, without ascertaining that the volume contained any such "acts." "also (mr. williams adds) the _acts of john duke of bedford_ (ms. lambeth);" but those "acts" again are not an historical or biographical memoir, but a collection of state papers and documents relating to the english occupation of france, which will be found described in archdeacon todd's catalogue of the lambeth manuscripts as no. . its contents are nearly identical with those of a volume in the library of the society of antiquaries, mss. no. , as will be found on comparison with sir henry ellis's catalogue of that collection, p. . the latter is the volume which oldys, in his life of sir john fastolfe, in the biographia britannica , has described at p. as a "quarto book some time in the custody of the late brian fairfax esquire, one of the commissioners of the customs," and of which oldys attributes the collection to the son of william of worcestre, because a dedicatory letter from that person to king edward the fourth is prefixed to the volume. another very valuable assemblage of papers of the like character, and which may also be regarded as part of the papers of sir john fastolfe, is preserved in the college of arms, ms. arundel xlviii., and is fully described by mr. w. h. black in his catalogue of that collection, vo. . this is the volume from which hearne derived the annals of william of worcestre, and mr. benjamin williams one of his chronicles of the reign of henry the fifth. it is probable that the lambeth ms. was formerly in the royal library, for abstracts of some of its more important documents, in the autograph of king edward the sixth, are preserved in the ms. cotton. nero c. x. these have been printed in the literary remains of king edward the sixth, pp. - . [ ] from the authority of tanner and oldys, we gather that there was formerly a volume in the library of the college of arms, bearing the following title: "liber de actis armorum et conquestus regni franciæ, ducatus normanniæ, ducatus alenconiæ, ducatus andegaviæ et cenomanniæ, &c. compilatus fuit ad nobilem virum johannem fastolff, baronem de cyllye guillem vel cylly quotem, &c. , per pet. basset armig." (tanner, bibliotheca britannica, , p. ; oldys, biographia britannica, , iii. , again, p. ; and nd edit. , v. .) both tanner and oldys describe this book as being in the heralds' office at london, but it is not now to be found there; and is certainly not a part of the arundel ms. xlviii. the contents of which curious and valuable volume are minutely described in the catalogue of the collection by mr. w. h. black, f.s.a. [ ] bale (scriptores brytanniæ, vii. , folio, , p. ,) describes peter basset as an esquire of noble family, and an attendant upon henry the fifth in his bedchamber throughout that monarch's career. bale states that this faithful esquire wrote the memoirs of his royal master, very fully, from his cradle to his grave, in the english language; and we find that the work was known to the chronicler hall, who quotes basset in regard to the disease of which the king died. it is remarkable, however, that this work, like that formerly in the college of arms, mentioned in the preceding note (if it were not the same), has now disappeared; and the name of basset has been unknown to mr. benjamin williams and mr. charles augustus cole, the editors of recent collections on the reign of henry the fifth for the english historical society and the series of the present master of the rolls, ( and ,) as also to sir n. harris nicolas, the historian of the battle of agincourt, and the rev. j. endell tyler, the biographer of king henry of monmouth ( vols. vo. ). [ ] its real author is supposed to have been Ægidius romanus, or de columna, who was bishop of berri, and died in . see les manuscrits francois de la bibliothèque du roi, par m. paulin paris, , i. . it was printed at rome in , and at venice in : see cave, historia literaria, vol. ii. p. . thomas occleve, the contemporary of chaucer, wrote a poem _de regimine principum_, founded, to a certain extent, upon the work of Ægidius, but applied to the events of his own time, and specially directed to the instruction of the prince of wales, afterwards king henry v. the roxburghe club has recently committed the editorship of this work to mr. thomas wright, f.s.a. [ ] preface to the buke of the order of knyghthede (abbotsford club, ,) p. xxiii. [ ] ames's typographical antiquities, by dibdin, iii. . moule (bibliotheca heraldica, , p. ,) conjectures that this may have been the same with "a treatise of nobility," by john clerke, mentioned by wood, in his athenæ oxonienses, as being also a translation from the french; this was printed in mo, . (ath. oxon. edit. bliss, i. .) in that case the name of _larke_ is an error of ames. [ ] wyer also printed "the boke of knowledge," a work on prognostics in physic, and on astronomy (dibdin's ames, iii. , ), and "the book of wysdome, spekyng of vyces and vertues, ." (ibid. p. .) [ ] typographical antiquities, first edition, iii. . [ ] mr. b. b. woodward, f.s.a. the author of a history of hampshire now in progress, kindly undertook for me to search the records of the city of winchester in order to discover, if possible, any information in elucidation of this document; but he found them in so great confusion, that at present it is impossible to pursue such an inquiry with any hope of success. [ ] _here is written above the line, in a later hand_, yn yo^r most noble persone and [ ] _in ms._ whiche whan [ ] _ms._ of [ ] _these words are inserted by a second hand._ [ ] _inserted above the line by a second hand._ [ ] _sc._ weight [ ] _ms._ infinitee [ ] _ms._ to [ ] _ms._ if it [ ] _ms._ defoule [ ] _ms._ be that [ ] _ms._ they [ ] _ms._ it is [ ] _the words_ thowsands and _are inserted above the line._ [ ] _added by second hand._ [ ] _altered by second hand to_ youre [ ] _inserted above the line by a second hand._ [ ] _qu._? yet [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _added by second hand._ [ ] _this passage is inserted by the second hand._ [ ] _added by second hand._ [ ] _the hague._ [ ] _so the ms._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _ms._ cons. [ ] _inserted by the second hand._ [ ] _the word_ king _has been erased, and altered to_ prince. [ ] _the insertion occupying the ensuing page is written by the second hand in the margin._ [ ] _inserted by the second hand._ [ ] overthrow _in ms._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _added in the margin by second hand._ [ ] _added by second hand in the margin._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _so in ms._ [ ] _inserted by third hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by the second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] ? all. [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _the word_ innocent _is written by some lancastrian over an erasure_. [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _added by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _so in the ms._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _so in ms._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _so in the ms._ [ ] _ms._ youre. [ ] _ms._ of. [ ] _ms._ they owre. [ ] of _in ms._ [ ] _added by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _in the margin is here placed the following note respecting dame christina of passy:--_ "notandum est quod cristina [fuit] domina præclara natu et moribus, et manebat in domo religiosarum dominarum apud passye prope parys; et ita virtuosa fuit quod ipsa exhibuit plures clericos studentes in universitate parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures libros virtuosos, utpote _liber arboris bellorum_, et doctores racione eorum exhibicionis attribuerunt nomen autoris christinæ, sed aliquando nomen autoris clerici studentis imponitur in diversis libris; et vixit circa annum christi , sed floruit ab anno christi ." [ ] _inserted by second hand in the margin._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _ms._ goodis. [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _ms._ startees. [ ] _so in ms._ [ ] sir john fastolfe. [ ] _this word has been in the ms. by error altered to_ stode, _which belongs to the next line_. [ ] _so. in ms._ [ ] _ms._ wounding. [ ] _this word is written on an erasure._ [ ] _so in the ms._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _written over an erasure._ [ ] _ms._ nede or of. [ ] _written on an erasure._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _so in the ms._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _ms._ youre. [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _ms._ gentiles. [ ] _written on an erasure._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _written on an erasure._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _ms._ excersing. [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _inserted by second hand._ [ ] _so in ms. sc._ stir? [ ] _so in ms._ [ ] _ms._ where. * * * * * corrections made to printed original. page xxxvi. "the gate should be delivered up": 'he delivered' in original. page . "the seneschalcie of pierregort": 'of of' (across line break) in original. generously made available by the internet archive.) the curiosities of heraldry. with illustrations from old english writers. by mark antony lower, author of "english surnames," etc. with numerous wood engravings, from designs by the author. london: john russell smith, , old compton street, soho. mdcccxlv. c. and j. adlard, printers, bartholomew close. preface. [illustration] little need be said to the lover of antiquity in commendation of the subject of this volume; and i take it for granted that every one who reads the history of the middle ages in a right spirit will readily acknowledge that heraldry, as a system, is by no means so contemptible a thing as the mere utilitarian considers it to be. yet, notwithstanding, how few are there who have even a partial acquaintance with its principles. to how many, even of those who find pleasure in archæological pursuits, does the charge apply: "--_neque enim clypei cælamina norit_." two hundred years ago, when the study of armory was much more cultivated than at present, this general ignorance of our 'noble science' called forth the censure of its admirers. master ri. brathwait, lamenting it, says of some of his contemporaries: "they weare theire grandsire's signet on their thumb, yet aske them whence their crest is, they are _mum_;" and adds: "who weare gay _coats_, but can no _coat_ deblaze, display'd for _gulls_, may bear _gules_ in their face!"[ ] this invective is perhaps a little too severe, yet it is mildness itself when compared with that of ranulphus holme, son of the author of the 'academy of armory,' who declares that unless the reader assents to what is contained in his father's book he is "neither art's nor learning's friend, but an ignorant, empty, brainless sot, whose chiefest study is the _can_ and _pot_!" now, though i would by no means place the objector to heraldry upon the same bench with the devotee of bacchus, nor even upon the stool of the dunce, yet i hope to make it appear that the study is worthy of more attention than is generally conceded to it.[ ] at the same time i wish it to be distinctly understood that i do not over-rate its importance. "the benefit arising from different pursuits will differ, of course, in degree, but nothing that exercises the intellect can be useless, and in this spirit it may be possible to study even conchology without degradation." many persons regard arms as nothing more than a set of uncouth and unintelligible emblems by which families are distinguished from one another; the language by which they are described as an antiquated "jargon;" and both as little worthy of an hour's examination as astrology, alchemy or palmistry. this is a mistake; and such individuals are guilty, however unintentionally, of a great injustice to a lordly, poetical, and useful science. that heraldry is a _lordly_ science none will deny; that it is also a _poetical_ science i shall shortly attempt to prove; but there are some sour spirits who know not how to dissever the idea of lordliness from that of tyranny, and who "thank the gods for not having made them poetical." these, therefore, will be no recommendations of our subject to _such_ readers; but should i be able to show that it is a _useful_ science, what objections can those cavillers then raise? i purpose to give a short dissertation on the utility of heraldry, but first let me say a few words on the _poetry_ of the subject. do not the 'lion of england,' the 'red-cross banner,' the 'white and red roses,' the 'shamrock of ireland,' and 'scotia's barbed thistle' occupy a place in the breast of every patriot? and what are they but highly poetical expressions? do not the poetry of chaucer and spenser and shakspeare, not to mention our old heroic ballads and the pleasant legends of a scott, abound with heraldrical allusions? tasso is minute, though inaccurate, in the description of the banners of his christian heroes; he was far from despising blazon as a poetical accessory. and, lastly, see how nobly the stately drayton makes the 'jargon' of heraldry chime in with his glorious numbers: "upon his surcoat valiant _neville_ bore a silver saltire upon martial red; a ladie's sleeve high-spirited _hastings_ wore; _ferrers_ his tabard with rich vairy spred, well known in many a warlike match before; a raven sate on _corbet's_ armed head; and _culpeper_ in silver arms enrailed bore thereupon a bloodie bend engrailed; the noble _percie_ in that dreadful day with a bright crescent in his guidhomme came; in his white cornet _verdon_ doth display a fret of gules," &c. _barons' war_, b. , , . i now proceed to show that heraldry is a _useful_ science. it has already been said that nothing which calls into exercise the intellectual powers can be useless. but it may be said that there is an abundance of studies calculated more profitably to exercise them. granted: but it should be remembered that, as there is a great diversity of tastes, so there is a great disparity in the mental capacities of mankind. heraldry may therefore be recommended as a study to those who are not qualified to grasp more profound subjects, and as a source of amusement to those who wish to relieve their minds in the intervals of graver and more important pursuits. to either class a very brief study will give an insight into the theory of heraldry, and a competent knowledge of the terms it employs. the nomenclature of heraldry is somewhat repulsive to those who casually look into a treatise on the subject, and often deters even the unprejudiced from entering upon the study; but what science is there that is not in a greater or less degree liable to the same objection? a recent writer observes: "the language of heraldry is occasionally barbarous in sound and appearance, but it is always peculiarly expressive; and a practice which involves habitual conciseness and precision in their utmost attainable degree, and in which tautology is viewed as fatally detrimental, may insensibly benefit the student on other more important occasions."[ ] but heraldry is useful on higher grounds than these, and particularly as an aid to the right understanding of that important period of the history of christendom, the reign of feudalism. an eminent french writer, victor hugo, declares that "for him who can decipher it, heraldry is an _algebra_, _a language_. the whole history of the second half of the middle ages is written in blazon, as that of the preceding period is in the symbolism of the roman church." to the student of history, then, heraldry is far from useless. the sculptured stone or the emblazoned shield often speaks when the written records of history are silent. a grotesque carving of coat or badge in the spandrel of some old church-door, or over the portal of a decayed mansion, often points out the stock of the otherwise forgotten patron or lord. "a dim-looking pane in an oriel window, or a discoloured coat in the dexter corner of an old holbein may give not only the name of the benefactor or the portrait, but also identify him personally by showing his relation to the head of the house, his connexions and alliances."[ ] the antiquary and the local historian, then, possess in heraldry a valuable key to many a secret of other times. to the genealogist a knowledge of heraldry is indispensable. coats of arms in church windows, on the walls, upon tombs, and especially on seals, are documents of great value. many persons of the same name can now only be classed with their proper families by an inspection of the arms they bore. in wales, where the number of surnames is very limited, families are much better recognized by their arms than by their names.[ ] the painter, in representing the gaudy scenes of the courts and camps of other days, can by no means dispense with a knowledge of our science; and the architect who should attempt to raise some stately gothic fane, omitting the well-carved shield, the heraldric corbel, and the blazoned grandeur of "rich windows that exclude the light," would inevitably fail to impart to his work one of the greatest charms possessed by that noblest of all styles of building, and produce a meagre, soulless, abortion! heraldry is, then, in the eyes of every man of any pretensions to taste, a useful, because an indispensable, science. now for an argument far stronger than all: heraldry has been known to further the ends of _justice_. "i know three families," says garter bigland, "who have acquired estates by virtue of preserving the arms and escutcheons of their ancestors." i repeat, therefore, without the fear of contradiction, that heraldry is a _useful_ science. q. e. d. * * * * * with respect to the sheets now submitted to the reader a few observations may be necessary. in the first place, i wish it to be understood that i have avoided, as much as possible, the technicalities of blazon: it was not my wish to supersede (even had i been competent to do so) the various excellent treatises on the subject already extant. the sole motive i entertained in writing this volume was a desire to render the science of heraldry more intelligible to the general reader, and to present it in aspects more interesting and attractive than those writers can possibly do who treat of blazon merely as an art, and to make him acquainted with its origin and progress by means of brief historical and biographical sketches, and by inquiries into the derivation and meaning of armorial figures. in such an antient and well-explored field there has been but little scope for original discovery; but if i have succeeded in concentrating, and placing in a somewhat new light, old and well-known truths, my labour has not been lost, and my wish to render popular a too-much neglected study has been in some measure realized. the references at the foot of nearly every page render acknowledgments to the authors whose works i have consulted almost unnecessary. it is, however, but justice to confess my obligations to dallaway and montagu for the general subject, to noble for the notices of the heralds, and to moule for the bibliography. for the illustrations and extracts i am principally indebted to the boke of st. albans, leigh, bossewell, ferne, guillim, morgan, randle holme, and nearly all the writers of the antient school; whose works are rarely met with in an ordinary course of reading. from all these, both antient and modern, it has been my aim to select such points as appeared likely to interest both those who have some acquaintance with the subject and those who are confessedly ignorant of it. besides the authors of acknowledged reputation named above, i have consulted many others of comparatively little importance and value, convinced with pliny, "nullum esse librum tam malum ut non aliquâ parte posset prodesse." should a small proportion only of the reading public peruse my 'curiosities of heraldry' on the same principle, i shall not want readers! my thanks are due to william courthope, esq. rouge-croix pursuivant of arms, for several obliging communications from the records of the heralds' office, as well as for the great courtesy and promptitude with which he has invariably attended to every request i have had occasion to make during the progress of the work. for the notice of the interesting relic discovered at lewes (appendix e), i am indebted to the kindness of w. h. blaauw, esq., m.a., author of the 'barons' war,' some remarks from whom on the subject were read at the late meeting of the archæological association at canterbury, where the relic itself was exhibited. the reader is requested to view the simple designs which illustrate these pages with all the candour with which an amateur draughtsman is usually indulged. every fault they exhibit belongs only to myself, not to mr. vasey, the engraver, who, unlike sir john ferne's artist,[ ] must be acknowledged to have "done _his_ duety" in a very creditable manner. it is not unlikely that i may be called upon to justify the orthography of several words of frequent occurrence in this work. i will therefore anticipate criticism by a remark or two, premising that i am too thoroughly imbued with the spirit of antiquarianism to make innovations without good and sufficient reason. the words to which i allude are _antient_, _lyon_, _escocheon_, and, particularly, _heraldric_. the first three cannot be regarded as innovations, as they were in use centuries ago. for 'an_t_ient,' apology is scarcely necessary, as many standard writers have used it; and it must be admitted to be quite as much like the low latin _antianus_ as _ancient_ is. 'lyon' looks _picturesque_, and seems to be in better keeping with the form in which the monarch of the forest is pourtrayed in heraldry than the modern spelling: an antiquarian predilection is all that i can urge in its defence. i would never employ it except in heraldry. 'escocheon' is used by many modern writers on heraldry in preference to _escutcheon_, not only as a more elegant orthography, but as a closer approximation to the french _écusson_, from which it is derived. for 'heraldric' more lengthened arguments may be deemed necessary, as i am not aware that it occurs in any english dictionary. this adjective is _almost_ invariably spelt without the r--heraldic; and that orthography, though sometimes correct, is still oftener false. i contend that two spellings are necessary, because _two totally different words_ are required in different senses,--to wit, i. heraldic, belonging to a herald; and ii. heraldric, belonging to heraldry. i will illustrate the distinction by an example or two. (i) "the office of garter is the 'ne plus ultra' of _heraldic_ ambition," i. e., it is the height of the herald's ambition ultimately to arrive at that honour. the word here has no relation whatever to proficiency in the science of coat-armour or heraldry, since it is possible that a herald or pursuivant may entertain the desire of gaining the post, _causâ honoris_, without any particular predilection for the study. again, "queen elizabeth was a staunch defender of _heraldic_ prerogatives;" in other words, she defended the rights and privileges of her _officers_ of arms; not the prerogatives of _coats_ of arms, for to what prerogatives can painted ensigns lay claim? (ii) "a. b. is engaged in _heraldric_ pursuits;" that is, in the study of armorial bearings; not in the pursuits of a herald, which consist in the proclamation of peace or war, the attendance on state ceremonials, the _granting_ of arms, &c. to say that a. b., who has no official connexion with the college of arms, is a herald, would be an obvious misnomer, although he may be quite equal in _heraldrical_ skill to any gentleman of the tabard. "the so-called arms of the town of guildford have nothing _heraldric_ about them," that is, they are not framed in accordance with the laws of blazon. to say that they are not _heraldic_, would be to say that they do not declare war, attend coronations, wear a tabard, or perform any of the functions of a herald--a gross absurdity. a literary friend, who objects to my reasoning, thinks that the _one word_, _heraldic_, answers every purpose for both applications. that it has done so, heretofore, is not certainly a reason why it should after the distinction has been pointed out. besides, my doctrine is not unsupported by analogy. we have a case precisely parallel in the words _monarchal_ and _monarchical_; and he who would charge me with innovation must, to be consistent with himself, expunge _monarchical_ from his dictionary as a useless word. lewes; dec. . contents. chap. page i. the fabulous history of heraldry ii. the authentic history of heraldry iii. rationale of the figures employed in heraldry iv. the chimerical figures of heraldry v. the language of arms vi. allusive arms--armes parlantes vii. crests, supporters, badges, etc. viii. heraldric mottoes ix. historical arms--augmentations x. distinctions of rank and honour xi. historical notices of the college of arms xii. brief notices of distinguished heralds and heraldric writers, with quotations from their works xiii. genealogy appendix. a. on differences in arms, now first printed from a ms. by sir edward dering, bart. b. the antient practice of borrowing armorial ensigns illustrated from the arms of cornish families c. abatements d. grant of arms temp. edw. iii. e. notice of an antient steelyard weight discovered at lewes errata. page , line , _for_ pays? _read_ pays! , -- , for _preterea_ read _præterea_. the distinction between the _supports_ and _tenans_ of french heraldry made at page is erroneous. the true distinction is that human figures and angels, when employed to support the shield, are called _tenans_, while quadrupeds, fishes, or birds engaged in the same duty are styled _supports_. the curiosities of heraldry. chapter i. fabulous history of heraldry. [illustration] "you had a maister that hath fetched the beginning of gentry from adam, and of knighthood from olybion." _ferne's blazon of gentrie._ "gardons nous de mêler le douteux an certain, et le chimérique avec le vrai." _voltaire, essai sur les moeurs._ antiquity has, in a greater or less degree, charms for all; and it is supposed to stamp such a value on things as nothing else can confer. this feeling, unexceptionable in itself, is liable to great abuse; especially in relation to historical matters. in states and in families, antiquity implies greatness, strength, and those other attributes which command veneration and respect. hence the first historians of nations have uniformly endeavoured to carry up their annals to periods far beyond the limits of probability, thus rendering the earlier portions of their works a tissue of absurdity deduced from the misty regions of tradition, conjecture, and song.[ ] this reverence for antiquity has extended itself to genealogists, and to those who have recorded the history of sciences and inventions. thus has it been with the earliest writers on =heraldry=, a system totally unknown till within the last thousand years; but which in the fancies of its zealous admirers has been presumed to have existed, not merely in the first ages of the world, but at a period "ere nature was, or adam's dust was fashioned to a man!" we are gravely assured by a writer of the fifteenth century that heraldric ensigns were primarily borne by the 'hierarchy of the skies,' "_at hevyn_," says the author of the boke of st. albans, "_i will begin_; where were v orderis of aungelis, and now stand but iv, in _cote armoris_ of knawlege, encrowned ful hye with precious stones, where lucifer with mylionys of aungelis, owt of hevyn fell into hell and odyr places, and ben holdyn ther in bondage; and all [the remaining angels] were erected in hevyn of gentill nature!" thus, in one short sentence, the origin both of nobility and of its external symbols is summarily disposed of. when _proofs_ are not to be adduced, how can we regret that it is no longer? but to descend a little lower, let us quote again the poetical language of this indisputable authority: "adam, the begynnyng of mankind, was as a stocke unsprayed and unfloreshed,"--having neither boughs nor leaves--"and in the braunches is knowledge wich is rotun and wich is grene;" that is, if i rightly understand it, (for poetry is not always quite intelligible,) both the gentle and the ungentle, the earl and the churl, are descended from one progenitor; _omnes communem parentem habent_; a truth which, it is presumed, will not be called in question. the _gentility_ of the great ancestor of our race is stoutly contended for, and, that his claim to that distinction might not want support, morgan, an enthusiastic armorist of the seventeenth century, has assigned him _two coats of arms_; one as borne in eden--when he neither used nor needed either _coat_ for covering or _arms_ for defence--and another suited to his condition after the fall. the first was a plain red shield, described in the language of modern heraldry as 'gules,' while the arms of eve, a shield of white, or 'argent,' were borne upon it as an 'escocheon of pretence,' she being _an heiress_! the arms of abel were, as a matter of course, those of his father and mother borne 'quarterly,' and ensigned with a crosier, like that of a bishop, to show that he was a 'shepheard'[ ] sir john ferne, a man of real erudition, was so far carried away by extravagant notions of the great antiquity of heraldric insignia, as seriously to deduce the use of furs in heraldry from the 'coats of skins' which the creator made for adam and eve after their transgression. this, independently of its absurdity, is an unfortunate idea; for coats of arms are as certainly marks of honour as these were badges of disgrace; and as morgan says, 'innocens was adam's best gentility.'[ ] the second coat of adam, says this writer, was '_paly tranche_, divided every way and tinctured of every colour.' cain, also, after _his_ fall, changed his armorials "by ingrailing and _indented_ lines--to show, as the preacher saith, there is a generation whose _teeth_ are as swords, and their jaw-_teeth_ as knives to devour the poor from the earth." he was the first, it is added, who desired to have his arms changed--'so god set a mark upon him!'[ ] this ante-diluvian heraldry is expatiated upon by our author in a manner far too prolix for us to follow him through all his grave statements and learned proofs. i shall therefore only observe, _en passant_, that arms are assigned to the following personages, viz.: jabal, the inventor of tents, _vert, a tent argent_, (a white tent in a green field!) jubal, the primeval musician, _azure, a harp, or, on a chief argent three rests gules_;[ ] tubal-cain, _sable, a hammer argent, crowned or_, and naamah, his sister, the inventress of weaving, _in a lozenge gules, a carding-comb argent_. noah, according to the boke of st. albans, "came a _gentilman_ by kynde ... and had iij sonnys begetyn by kinde ... yet in theys iij sonnys gentilness and ungentilnes was fownde." the sin of ham degraded him to the condition of a churl; and upon the partition of the world between the three brethren noah pronounced a malediction against him. "wycked kaytiff," says he, "i give to thee the north parte of the worlde to draw thyne habitacion, for ther schall it be, where sorow and care, cold and myschef, as a churle thou shalt live in the thirde parte of the worlde wich shall be calde europe, that is to say, _the contre of churlys_!" "japeth," he continues, "cum heder my sonne, thou shalt have my blessing dere.... i make the a gentilman of the west parte of the world and of asia, that is to say, _the contre of gentilmen_." he then in like manner creates sem a gentleman, and gives him africa, or "_the contre of tempurnes_."[ ] "of the offspryng of the gentleman japheth come habraham, moyses, aron, and the profettys, and also the kyng of the right lyne of mary, of whom that gentilman jhesus ... kyng of the londe of jude and of jues, gentilman by his modre mary prynce[ss] of cote-armure!"... "jafet made the first target and therin he made a ball in token of all the worlde." morgan's researches do not seem to have furnished him with the arms of abraham, isaac, and jacob, but those of the twelve patriarchs are given by him and others. joseph's "coat of many colours," morgan, by a strange oversight, makes to consist of two tinctures only, viz. black, chequered with white--in the language of heraldry, _chequy sable and argent_,--to denote the lights and shadows of his history. the pathetic predictions and benedictions pronounced by the dying patriarch jacob to his sons, furnished our old writers with one of their best pretences for giving coat-armour to persons in those remote ages. the standards ordered to be set up around the israelitish camp in the desert[ ] are likewise adduced in support of the notion that regular heraldry was then known. the arms of the twelve tribes are given by morgan in the following hobbling verses:[ ] "judah bare gules, a lion[ ] couchant or; zebulon's black ship's[ ] like to a man of war; issachar's asse[ ] between two burthens girt; as dan's[ ] sly snake lies in a field of vert; asher with _azure_ a cup[ ] of gold sustains; and nephtali's hind[ ] trips o'er the flow'ry plains; ephraim's strong ox lyes with the couchant hart; manasseh's tree its branches doth impart; benjamin's wolfe in the field gules resides; reuben's field argent and blew bars wav'd glides; simeon doth beare his sword; and in that manner gad, having pitched his tent, sets up his banner." the same authority gives as the arms of moses a _cross_, because he preferred "taking up the cross," and suffering the lot of his brethren to a life of pleasure and dignity in the court of pharaoh. the 'parfight armory of duke joshua,' given by leigh, is _partie bendy sinister, or and gules, a backe displayed sable_. the arms of gideon were _sable, a fleece argent, a chief azure gutté d'eau_,[ ] evidently a 'composition' from the miracle recorded in the book of judges. to samson is ascribed, _gules, a lion couchant or, within an orle argent, semée of bees sable_, an equally evident allusion to a passage in the bearer's history. david, as a matter of course, bore _a golden harp in a field azure_.[ ] but it is not alone to the worthies of sacred history that these honourable insignia are ascribed--the heroes of classical story, too, had their 'atchievements,' hector of troy, for example, bore, _sable, ij lyons combatand or_.[ ] here again our great authority, dame julyan berners,[ ] may be cited. "two thousand yere and xxiiij," says she, "before thyncarnation of christe, =cote-armure= was made and figurid at the sege of troye, where in gestis troianorum it tellith that the first begynnyng of the lawe of armys was; the which was effygured and begunne before any lawe in the world bot the lawe of nature, and before the x commaundementis of god." i have been favoured with the following curious extract from a ms. at the college of arms,[ ] which also refers the origin of arms to the siege of troy. i believe it has never been printed. "=what armes be, and where they were firste invented.= as kinges of armes record, the begynynge of armes was fyrste founded at the great sege of troye w{th}in the cytie and w{th}out, for the doughtines of deades don on bothe partyes and for so mouche as thier were soo many valliaunt knights on bothe sydes w{ch} did soo great acts of armes, and none of them myght be knowen from other, the great lords on both p'ties by thier dyscreate advice assembled together and accorded that every man that did a great acte of armes shoulde bere upon him a marke in token of his doutye deades, that the pepoell myght have the bet{r} knowledge of him, and if it were soo that suche a man had any chylderen, it was ordeyned that they should also bere the same marke that their father did w{th} dyvers differences, that ys to saye, theldeste as his father did w{th} a labell, the secounde w{th} a cressente, the third w{th} a molett, the fourth a marlet, the v{th} an annellet, the vj{th} a flewer delisse. and if there be anye more than sixe the rest to bere suche differences as lyketh the herauld to geve them. and when the said seige was ended y{e} lordes went fourth into dyvers landes to seke there adventures, and into england came brute and [his] knights w{th} there markes and inhabited the land; and after, because the name of merkes was rewde, they terned the same into armes, for as mouche _as that name was far fayerer_, and becausse that markes were gotten through myght of armes of men." the humour of alexander the great must have been somewhat of the quaintest when he assumed the arms ascribed to him by master gerard leigh, to wit, _gules a_ golden lyon sitting in a chayer and holding _a battayle-axe of silver_.[ ] the 'atchievement' of cæsar was, if we may trust the same learned armorist, _or, an eagle displayed with two heads sable_.[ ] arms are also assigned to king arthur, charlemagne, sir guy of warwick, and other heroes, who, though belonging to much more recent periods, still flourished long before the existence of the heraldric system, and never dreamed of such honours. that these pretended armorials were the mere figments of the writers who record them, no one doubts. in these ingenious falsehoods we recognize a principle similar to that which produced the 'pious frauds' of enthusiastic churchmen, and to that which led self-duped alchemists to deceive others. in their zeal for the antiquity of arms--a zeal of so glowing a character that no one who has not read their works can estimate it--they imagined that they must have existed from the beginning of the world. then, throwing the reins upon the neck of their fancy, they ascribed to almost every celebrated personage of the earliest ages, the ensigns they deemed the most appropriate to his character and pursuits. the feeling inducing such a procedure originated in a mistake as to the antiquity of chivalry, of which heraldry was part and parcel. feelings unknown before the existence of this institution are attributed to the heroes of antiquity. '_duke_ joshua' is presumed to have been only another duke william of normandy, influenced in war by similar motives and surrounded by the same social circumstances in time of peace. chaucer talks of classical heroes as if they were knights of some modern order; and lydgate, in his =troy boke= invests the heroes of the iliad with the costume of his own times, carrying emblazoned shields and fighting under feudal banners: "=and to behold in the knights shields the fell beastes. "where that he saw, in the shields hanging on the hookes, the beasts rage. "the which beastes as the storie leres were wrought and bete upon their banners displaied brode, when they schould fight.="[ ] the fabulous history of the science might be fairly deduced to the eleventh century, as the saxon monarchs up to that date are all represented to have borne arms. yet as there are not wanting, even in our day, those who admit the authenticity of those bearings, their claims will be briefly referred to in the next chapter. in justice to the credulous and inventive armorists of the 'olden tyme,' the reader should be reminded that warriors did, in very antient times, bear various figures upon their shields. these seem in general to have been engraved in, rather than painted upon, the metal of which the shield was composed. the french word _escu_ and _escussion_, the italian _scudo_, and the english _escocheon_, are evident derivations from the latin _scutum_, and the equivalent word _clypeus_ is derived from the greek verb [greek: gluphein], to engrave. but those sculptured devices were regarded as the peculiar ensigns of one individual, who could change them at pleasure, and did not descend hereditarily like the modern coat of arms. a few references to the shields here alluded to may not be unacceptable. homer describes the shield of agamemnon as being ornamented with the gorgon, his peculiar badge; and virgil says of aventinus,[ ] the son of hercules-- "post hos insignem palmâ per gramina currum, victoresque ostentat equos, satus hercule pulchro pulcher aventinus: clypeoque, _insigne paternum_, centum angues, cinctamq: gerit serpentibus _hydram_." _Æneid._ vii, . "next aventinus drives his chariot round the latian plains, with palms and laurels crowned; proud of his steeds he smokes along the field, his father's _hydra_ fills his ample shield." _dryden_, vii, . the greek dramatists describe the symbols and war-cries placed upon their shields by the seven chiefs, in their expedition against the city of thebes. as an example, capaneus is represented as bearing the figure of a giant with a blazing torch, and the motto, "_i will fire the city_!" such ensigns seem to have been the peculiar property of the valiant and well-born, and so far they certainly resembled modern heraldry. virgil, speaking of helenus, whose mother had been a slave, says, "slight were his arms--a sword and silver shield; no _marks of honour_ charged its empty field."[ ] several of our more recent writers, while they disclaim all belief of the existence of armorial bearings in earlier times, still think they find traces of these distinctions in the days of the roman commonwealth. the family of the corvini are particularly cited as having hereditarily borne a raven as their crest; but this device was, as nisbet has shown,[ ] merely an ornament bearing allusion to the apocryphal story of an early ancestor of that race having been assisted in combat by a bird of this species. the _jus imaginum_ of the romans is also adduced. in every condition of civilized society distinctions of rank and honour are recognized. thus the romans had their three classes distinguished as _nobiles_, _novi_, and _ignobiles_. those whose ancestors had held high offices in the state, as censor, prætor, or consul, were accounted nobiles, and were entitled to have statues of their progenitors executed in wood, metal, stone, or wax, and adorned with the insignia of their several offices, and the trophies they had earned in war. these they usually kept in presses or cabinets, and on occasions of ceremony and solemnity exhibited before the entrances of their houses. he who had a right to exhibit his own effigy only, was styled _novus_, and occupied the same position with regard to the many-imaged line as the upstart of our own times, who bedecks his newly-started equipage with an equally new coat of arms, does to the head of an antient house with a shield of forty quarterings. the ignobiles were not permitted to use any image, and therefore stood upon an equality with modern plebeians, who bear no arms but the two assigned them by the heraldry of nature. the patricians of our day to a certain extent carry out the _jus imaginum_ of antiquity, only substituting painted canvas for sculptured marble or modelled wax; and there is no sight better calculated to inspire respect for dignity of station than the gallery of some antient hall hung with a long series of family portraits; in which, as in a kind of physiognomical pedigree, the speculative mind may also find matter of agreeable contemplation. the _jus imaginum_ doubtless originated in the same class of feelings that gave birth to heraldry, but there is no further connexion or analogy between the two. it is to hereditary shields and hereditary banners we must limit the true meaning of heraldry, and all attempts to find these in the classical era will end in a disappointment as inevitable as that which accompanies the endeavour to gather "grapes of thorns or figs of thistles." [illustration] chapter ii. authentic history of heraldry. [illustration: (john talbot, earl of shrewsbury, temp. hen. vi, in his surcoat or coat of arms.)[ ]] "vetera quæ nunc sunt fuerunt olim _nova_." "l'histoire du blazon! mais c'est l'histoire tout entière de notre pays!" _jouffroy d'eschavannes._ having given some illustrations of the desire of referring the heraldric system to times of the most remote antiquity, and shown something of the misapplication of learning to prove what was incapable of proof, let us now leave the obscure byways of those mystifiers of truth and fabricators of error, and emerge into the more beaten path presented to us in what may be called the historical period, which is confined within the last eight centuries. the history of the sciences, like that of nations, generally has its fabulous as well as its historical periods, and this is eminently the case with heraldry; yet in neither instance is there any exact line of demarcation by which the former are separable from the latter. this renders it the duty of a discriminating historian to act with the utmost caution, lest, on the one hand, truths of a remote date should be sacrificed because surrounded by the circumstances of fiction, and lest, on the other, error should be too readily admitted as fact, because it comes to us in a less questionable shape; and i trust i shall not be deemed guilty of misappropriation if i apply to investigations like the present, that counsel which primarily refers to things of much greater import, namely, "prove all things; hold fast that which is good." the _germ_ of that flourishing tree which eventually ramified into all the kingdoms of christendom, and became one of the most striking and picturesque features of the feudal ages, and the most gorgeous ornament of chivalry, and which interweaves its branches into the entire framework of mediæval history, is doubtless to be found in the banners and ornamented shields of the warriors of antiquity. standards, as the necessary distinctions of contending parties on the battle-field, must be nearly or quite as antient as war itself; and every such mark of distinction would readily become a national cognizance both in war and peace.[ ] but it was reserved for later ages to apply similar marks and symbols to the purpose of distinguishing different commanders on the same side, and even after this became general it was some time ere the hereditary transmission of such ensigns was resorted to as a means of distinguishing families, which in the lapse of ages--the warlike idea in which they had their origin having vanished--has become almost the only purpose to which they are now applied. the standards used by the german princes in the centuries immediately preceding the norman conquest, are conjectured to have given rise to heraldry, properly so called. henry l'oiseleur (the fowler), who was raised to the throne of the west in , advanced it to its next stage when, in regulating the tournaments--which from mismanagement had too often become scenes of blood--he ordered that all combatants should be distinguished by a kind of mantles or livery composed of lists or narrow pieces of stuff of opposite colours, whence originated the pale, bend, &c.--the marks now denominated 'honourable ordinaries.'[ ] if the honour of inventing heraldry be ascribed to the germans, that of reducing it to a system must be assigned to france. to the french belong "the arrangement and combination of tinctures and metals, the variety of figures effected by the geometrical positions of lines, the attitudes of animals, and the grotesque delineation of monsters."[ ] the art of describing an heraldric bearing in proper terms is called blasonry, from the french verb _blasonner_, whence also we derive our word _blaze_ in the sense of to proclaim or make known. "the heavens themselves _blaze_ forth the death of princes." _shak._ "but he went out and began to publish it much, and to _blaze_ abroad the matter." _st. mark._ "'tis still our greatest pride, to _blaze_ those virtues which the good would hide." _pope._ the verb seems to have come originally from the german =blasen=, to blow a horn. at the antient tournaments the attendant heralds proclaimed with sound of trumpet the dignity of the combatants, and the armorial distinctions assumed by them; and hence the application of the word to the scientific description of coat armour.[ ] the arrangement of the tinctures and charges of heraldry into a system may be regarded as the third stage in the history of the science. this, as we have just seen, was achieved by the french: and hence the large admixture of old french terms with words of native growth in our heraldric nomenclature. speed and other historians give the arms of a long line of the anglo-saxon and danish monarchs of england up to the period of the norman conquest; but we search in vain for contemporary evidence that armorial distinctions were then known. the mss. of those early times which have descended to us are rich in illustrations of costume, but no representation of these 'ensigns of honour' occurs in any one of them. it seems probable that speed was misled by the early chroniclers, who in their illuminated tomes often represented events of a much earlier date in the costume of their own times. thus, in a work by matthew paris, who flourished in the thirteenth century, offa, a danish king of the tenth, is represented in the habits worn at the first-mentioned date, and bearing an armorial shield according to the then existing fashion. at what period the colours and charges of the banner began to be copied upon the shield is uncertain. a proof that regular heraldry was unknown at the era of the conquest, is furnished by that valuable monument, the bayeux tapestry, a pictorial representation of the event, ascribed to the wife of the conqueror. in these embroidered scenes neither the banner nor the shield is furnished with proper arms. some of the shields bear the rude effigies of a dragon, griffin, serpent or lion, others crosses, rings, and various fantastic devices;[ ] but these, in the opinion of the most learned antiquaries, are mere ornaments, or, at best, symbols, more akin to those of classical antiquity than to modern heraldry. nothing but disappointment awaits the curious armorist, who seeks in this venerable memorial the pale, the bend, and other early elements of arms. as these would have been much more easily imitated with the needle than the grotesque figures before alluded to, we may safely conclude that personal arms had not yet been introduced.[ ] dallaway asserts that, after the conquest, william "encouraged, but under great restrictions, the individual bearing of arms;" but, strangely, does not cite the most slender authority for the assertion. camden and spelman agree that arms were not introduced until towards the close of the eleventh century, which must have been within a very short time of the conqueror's death. others again, with more probability, speak of the second crusade (a.d. ) as the date of their introduction into this country. but even at this period the proofs of family bearings are very scanty. traditions, indeed, are preserved in many families, of arms having been acquired during this campaign, and in a future chapter several examples will be quoted, rather as a matter of curiosity than as historical proof; for all tradition, and especially that which tends to flatter a family by ascribing to it an exaggerated antiquity, will generally be found to be _vox et præterea nihil_. the arms said to occur on _seals_ in the seventh and eighth centuries may be dismissed as merely fanciful devices, having no connexion whatever with the heraldry of the twelfth and thirteenth. towards the close of the twelfth century, and at the beginning of the thirteenth, a.d. - , it was usual for warriors to carry a miniature escocheon suspended from a belt, and decorated with the arms of the wearer.[ ] [illustration: (rich. i. from his second great seal.)] it was in the time of richard i that heraldry assumed more of the fixed character it now bears. that monarch appears on his great seal of the date of , with a shield containing two lions combatant; but in his second great seal ( ) three lions passant occur, as they have ever since been used by his successors. before coming to the throne, as earl of poitou, he had borne lions in some attitude; for, in an antient poem, cited by dallaway, william de barr, a french knight, utters an exclamation to this effect: "behold the count of poitou challenges us to the field; see he calls us to the combat; i know the grinning lions in his shield;" and in the romance of 'cuer de lyon,' we read the following couplet: "=upon his shoulders a schelde of stele, with the 'lybbardes'[ ] painted wele.=" the earliest representation of arms upon a seal is of the date of .[ ] the embellishment of seals was one of the first as well as one of the most interesting and useful applications of heraldry. seals, at first rude and devoid of ornament, became, in course of time, beautiful pieces of workmanship, elaborately decorated with arms, equestrian figures, and tabernacle work of gothic architecture. the crusades are admitted by all modern writers to have given shape to heraldry. and although we cannot give credit to many of the traditions relating to the acquisition of armorial bearings by valorous knights on the plains of palestine, yet there is no doubt that many of our commonest charges, such as the crescent, the escallop-shell, the water-bowget, &c., are derived from those chivalric scenes. salverte observes that "the ensigns which adorned the banner of a knight had not, in earlier times, been adopted by his son, jealous of honouring, in its turn, the emblem which he himself had chosen. but this glorious portion of the heritage of a father or a brother who had died fighting for the cross was seized with avidity by his successor on the fields of palestine; for, in changing the paternal banner, he would have feared that he should not be recognized by his own vassals and his rivals in glory. history expressly tells us that, at this epoch, many of the chiefs of the crusaders rendered the symbols which they bore peculiar to their own house."[ ] dallaway, with his accustomed elegance, remarks, "those chiefs who, during the holy war, returned to their own country, were industrious to call forth the highest admiration of their martial exploits in the middle ranks. ambitious of displaying the banners they had borne in the sacred field, they procured every external embellishment that could render them either more beautiful as to the execution of the armorial designs, or more venerable as objects of such perilous attainment. the bannerols of this era were usually of silk stuffs, upon which was embroidered the device; and the shields of metal, enamelled in colours, and diapered or diversified with flourishes of gold and silver. both the arts of encaustic painting and embroidery were then well known and practised, yet of so great cost as to be procured only by the most noble and wealthy. amongst other pageantries was the dedication of these trophies to some propitiatory saint, over whose shrine they were suspended, and which introduced armorial bearings in the decoration of churches, frequently carved in stone, painted in fresco upon the walls, or stained in glass in the windows. the avarice of the ecclesiastics in thus adding to their treasures conduced almost as much as the military genius of the age to the more general introduction of arms. so sanctioned, the use of them became indispensable."[ ] by the time of edward the first we find that all great commanders had adopted arms, which were at that date really _coats_; the tinctures and charges of the banner and shield being applied to the surcoat, or mantle, which was worn over the armour, while the trappings of horses were decorated in a similar manner. in the ages immediately subsequent to the crusades, heraldric ensigns began to be generally applied as architectural decorations. the shields upon which they were first represented were in the form of an isosceles triangle, slightly curved on its two equal sides; but soon afterwards they began to assume that of the gothic arch reversed, a shape probably adopted with a view to such decoration, as harmonising better with the great characteristics of the pointed style. painted glass, too, in its earliest application, was employed to represent military portraits, and arms with scrolls containing short sentences, from which family mottoes may have originated. warton[ ] places this gorgeous ornament at an era earlier than the reign of edward ii. encaustic tiles, also, which were introduced in the early days of heraldry, afforded another means of displaying the insignia of warriors. they are still found in the pavements of many of our cathedrals and old parish churches. rolls of arms, which afford, after seals, the best possible evidence of the ancient tinctures and charges, occur so early as the time of henry iii. a document of this description, belonging to that reign, is preserved in the college of arms, and contains upwards of coats emblazoned or described in terms of heraldry differing very little from the modern nomenclature. in a subsequent chapter i shall have occasion to refer for some facts to this curious and valuable manuscript. in the succeeding reigns the science rapidly increased in importance and utility. the king and his chief nobility began to have heralds attached to their establishments. these officials, at a later date, took their names from some badge or cognizance of the family whom they served, such as falcon, rouge dragon, or from their master's title, as hereford, huntingdon, &c. they were, in many instances, old servants or retainers, who had borne the brunt of war,[ ] and who, in their official capacity, attending tournaments and battle-fields, had great opportunities of making collections of arms, and gathering genealogical particulars. it is to them, as men devoid of general literature and historical knowledge, mr. montagu ascribes the fabulous and romantic stories connected with antient heraldry; and certainly they had great temptations to falsify facts, and give scope to invention when a championship for the dignity and antiquity of the families upon whom they attended was at once a labour of love and an essential duty of their office. the =roll of karlaverok=, the name of which must be familiar to every reader who has paid any attention to heraldry, is a poem in norman-french, describing the valorous deeds of edward i and his knights at the siege of the castle of karlaverok, in dumfriesshire, in the year . this roll, which is curious on historical grounds, and by no means contemptible as a poem, possesses especial charms for the heraldric student. it describes with remarkable accuracy the banners of the barons and knights who served in the expedition against scotland, and "affords evidence of the perfect state of the science of heraldry at that early period." it is believed to have been written by walter of exeter, a franciscan friar, further known as the author of the romantic history of guy, earl of warwick. a contemporary copy of this valuable relic exists in the british museum, and another copy, transcribed from the original, is in the library of the college of arms. the latter was published in by sir harris nicolas, with a translation and memoirs of the personages commemorated by the poet. the poem commences by stating that, in the year of grace one thousand three hundred, the king held a great court at carlisle, and commanded his men to prepare to go together with him against his enemies the scots. on the appointed day the whole host was ready. "there were," says the chivalrous friar, "many rich caparisons embroidered on silks and satins; many a beautiful penon fixed to a lance, and many a banner displayed. "and afar off was the noise heard of the neighing of horses; mountains and valleys were everywhere covered with sumpter horses and waggons with provisions, and sacks of tents and pavilions. "and the days were long and fine [it was midsummer]. they proceeded by easy journeys arranged in four squadrons; the which i will so describe to you that not one shall be passed over. but first i will tell you of the names and arms of the companions, especially of the banners, if you will listen how." in truth, by far the greater portion of the composition consists of descriptions of the heraldric insignia borne upon the banners of the commanders, upwards of one hundred in number. the following are quoted as examples: [illustration: "=henri le bon conte de nichole de prowesse enbrasse & a cole e en son coer le a souveraine menans le eschiele primeraine baniere ot de un cendall saffrin o un lion rampant porprin.="] 'henry the good earl of lincoln, burning with valour, which is the chief feeling of his heart, leading the first squadron, had a banner of yellow silk with a purple lion rampant.'[ ] [illustration: "=prowesse ke avoit fait ami de guilleme de latimier ke la crois patee de or mier portoit en rouge bien portraite sa baniere ot cele parte traite.="] 'prowess had made a friend of william le latimer, who bore on this occasion a well-proportioned banner, with a gold cross patée, pourtrayed on red.'[ ] "=johans de beauchamp proprement portoit le baniere de vair au douz tens et au sovest aier.=" 'john de beauchamp handsomely bore his banner of vair, to the gentle weather and south-west air.'[ ] the best authorities are agreed that coat-armour did not become hereditary until the reign of henry iii and his successor. before that period families "kept no constant coat, but gave now this, anon that, sometimes their paternal, sometimes their maternal or adopted coats, a variation causing much obfuscation in history."[ ] many of the nobility who had heretofore borne ensigns consisting of the honorable ordinaries, the simplest figures of heraldry, now began to charge them with other figures. some few families, however, never adopted what are called common charges, but retained the oldest and simplest forms of bearing, such as bends, cheverons, fesses, barry, paly, chequy, &c.; and, as a general rule, such coats may be regarded as the most antient in existence. with respect to welsh heraldry, dallaway thinks that the families of that province did not adopt the symbols made use of by other nations, until its annexation to the english crown by edward i. certain it is that many of the oldest families bear what may be termed legendary pictures, having little or no analogy to the more systematic armory of england; such, for example, as a wolf issuing from a cave; a cradle under a tree with a child guarded by a goat, &c. the reigns of edward iii and richard ii were the "palmy days" of heraldry. then were the banners and escocheons of war refulgent with blazon; the light of every chancel and hall was stained with the tinctures of heraldry; the tiled pavement vied with the fretted roof; every corbel, every vane, spoke proudly of the achievements of the battle-field, and filled every breast with a lofty emulation of the deeds which earned such stately rewards. we, the men of this calculating and prosaic nineteenth century, have, it is probable, but a faint idea of the influence which heraldry exerted on the minds of our rude forefathers of that chivalrous age: but we can hardly refuse to admit that, by diffusing more widely the enthusiasm of martial prowess, it lent a powerful aid to the formation of our national character, and strongly tended to give to england that proud military ascendancy she has long enjoyed among the nations of the earth.[ ] [illustration: (ordeal combat.)] at this period that peculiar species of ordeal, trial by combat, the prototype of the modern duel, was licensed by the supreme magistrate. when a person was accused by another without any further evidence than the mere _ipse dixit_ of the accuser, the defendant making good his own cause by strongly denying the fact, the matter was referred to the decision of the sword,[ ] and although the old proverb that "might overcomes right" was frequently verified in these encounters, the vanquished party was adjudged guilty of the crime alleged against him, and dealt with according to law. the charge usually preferred was that of treason, though the dispute generally originated in private pique between the parties. these combats brought together immense numbers of people. that between sir john annesley and katrington, in the reign of richard ii, was fought before the palace at westminster, and attracted more spectators than the king's coronation had done.[ ] all such encounters were regulated by laws which it was the province of the heralds to enforce.[ ] the tournament, though proscribed by churchmen (jealous, as dallaway observes, of _shows_ in which they could play no part), had nothing in it of the objectionable character attaching to the judicial combat. nor will it suffer, in the judgment of gibbon, on a comparison with the olympic games, "which, however recommended by the idea of classic antiquity, must yield to a gothic tournament, as being, in every point of view, to be preferred by impartial taste."[ ] descriptions of tournaments occur in so many popular works that it is not here necessary to do more than to refer to them. the vivid picture of one by sir walter scott in 'ivanhoe' is probably fresh in the reader's memory. as early heraldry consisted of very simple elements, it cannot excite surprise that the same bearings were frequently adopted by different families unknown to each other; hence arose very violent disputes and controversies, as to whom the prior right belonged. the celebrated case of scrope against grosvenor in the reign of richard ii, may be cited as an example. the arms _azure, a bend or_, were claimed by no less than three families, namely, carminow of cornwall, lord scrope, and sir robert grosvenor. on the part of scrope, it was asserted that these arms had been borne by his family from the norman conquest. carminow pleaded a higher antiquity, and declared they had been used by _his_ ancestors ever since the days of king arthur! the trial by combat had been resorted to by these two claimants without a satisfactory decision, wherefore it was decreed that both should continue to bear the coat as heretofore. the dispute between scrope and grosvenor was not so summarily disposed of; a trial, not by the sword, but by legal process, took place before the high constables and the earl marshal, and lasted five years. the proceedings, which were printed in from the records in the tower, occupy two large volumes! the depositions of many gentlemen bearing arms, touching this controversy, are given at full length, and present us with some curious and characteristic features of the times. among many others who gave evidence in support of the claims of lord scrope was the famous chaucer. his deposition, taken from the above records, and printed in sir harris nicolas's elegant life of the poet, recently published, is interesting, no less from its connexion with the witness than for its curiosity in relation to our subject: "geoffrey chaucer, esquire, of the age of forty and upwards, armed for twenty-seven years, produced on behalf of sir richard scrope, sworn and examined. asked, whether the arms _azure, a bend or_, belonged, or ought to belong, to the said sir richard? said, yes, for he saw him so armed in france, before the town of retters,[ ] and sir henry scrope armed in the same arms with a white label, and with a banner; and the said richard, armed in the entire arms, 'azure, with a bend or;' and so he had seen him armed during the whole expedition, until the said geoffrey was taken [prisoner.] asked, how he knew that the said arms appertained to the said sir richard? said, that he had heard say from old knights and esquires, that they had been reputed to be their arms, as common fame and the public voice proved; and he also said that they had continued their possession of the said arms; and that all his time he had seen the said arms _in banners, glass, paintings, and vestments_, and commonly called the arms of scrope. asked, if he had heard any one say who was the first ancestor of the said sir richard, who first bore the said arms? said, no, nor had he ever heard otherwise than that they were come of antient ancestry and old gentry, and used the said arms. asked, if he had heard any one say how long a time the ancestors of the said sir richard had used the said arms? said, no, but he had heard say that it passed the memory of man. asked, whether he had ever heard of any interruption or challenge made by sir robert grosvenor, or by his ancestors, or by any one in his name, to the said sir richard, or to any of his ancestors? said, no, but he said that he was once in friday-street in london, and as he was walking in the street he saw hanging a new sign made of the said arms, and he asked what inn that was that had hung out these arms of _scrope_? and one answered him and said, no, sir, they are not hung out for the arms of scrope, nor painted there for those arms, but they are painted and put there by a knight of the county of chester, whom men call sir robert grosvenor; and that was the first time he ever heard speak of sir robert grosvenor or of his ancestors, or of any other bearing the name of grosvenor."[ ] at this date the nobility claimed, and to a considerable extent exercised, the right of conferring arms upon their followers for faithful services in war. a memorable instance is related by froissart, in which the lord audley, a famous general at the battle of poictiers, rewarded four of his esquires in this manner. when the battle was over, edward the black prince, calling for this nobleman, embraced him and said, "sir james, both i myself and all others acknowledge you, in the business of the day, to have been the best doer in arms; wherefore, with intent to furnish you the better to pursue the wars, i retain you for ever my knight, with marks yearly revenue, which i shall assign you out of my inheritance in england." this was, at the period, a great estate, and the lord audley duly appreciated the generosity of the donation; yet, calling to mind his obligations in the conflict to his four squires, delves, mackworth, hawkeston, and foulthurst, he immediately divided the prince's gift among them, giving them, at the same time, permission to bear his own arms, altered in detail, for the sake of distinction. when the prince heard of this noble deed he was determined not to be outdone in generosity, but insisted upon audley's accepting a further grant of marks per annum, arising out of his duchy of cornwall. the arms of lord audley were gules, fretty or, and those of the four valiant esquires, as borne for many generations by their respective descendants, in the counties of chester and rutland, as follows: delves. argent, a cheveron _gules, fretty or_, between three delves or billets sable. mackworth. party per pale indented, ermine and sable, a cheveron _gules, fretty or_. hawkestone. ermine, a fesse, _gules, fretty or_, between three hawks. the hawks were in later times omitted. foulthurst. _gules, fretty or_, a chief ermine.[ ] another interesting instance of the granting of arms to faithful retainers, occurs in a deed from william, baron of graystock, to adam de blencowe, of blencowe, in cumberland, who had fought under his banners at cressy and poictiers: "to all to whom these presents shall come to be seen or heard, william, baron of graystock, lord of morpeth, wisheth health in the lord. know ye that i have given and granted to adam de blencowe, an escocheon sable, with a bend closetted, argent and azure, with three chaplets, gules; and with a crest closetted argent and azure of my arms; _to have and to hold_ to the said adam and his heirs for ever; and i, the said william and my heirs will warrant to the said adam the arms aforesaid. in witness whereof, i have to these letters patent set my seal. written at the castle of morpeth, the th day of february, in the th year of the reign of king edward iii, after the conquest."[ ] the practice of devising armorial bearings by will is as antient as the time of richard ii. in some cases they were also transferred _by deed of gift_. in the th year of the same reign thomas grendall, of fenton, makes over to sir william moigne, to have and to hold to himself, his heirs and assigns for ever, the arms which had escheated to him (grendall) at the death of his cousin, john beaumeys, of sawtrey.[ ] notwithstanding the numerous traditions relative to the granting of arms by monarchs in very early times, it seems to have been the _general_ practice before the reigns of richard ii and henry iv for persons of rank to assume what ensigns they chose.[ ] but these monarchs, regarding themselves as the true "fountains of honour," granted or took them away by royal edict. the exclusive right of the king to this privilege was long called in question, and dame julyan berners, so late as , declares that "armys bi a mannys auctorite taken (if an other man have not borne theym afore) be of strength enogh." the same gallant lady boldly challenges the right of heralds: "and it is the opynyon of moni men that an herod of armis may gyve armys. bot i say if any sych armys be borne ... thoos armys be of no more auctorite then thoos armys the wich be taken by a mannys awne auctorite." so strictly was the use of coat-armour limited to the military profession, that a witness in a certain cause in the year , alleged that, although descended from noble blood, he had no armorial bearings, because neither himself nor his ancestors had ever been engaged in war.[ ] [illustration] it was in the reign of the luxurious richard ii that heraldric devices began to be displayed upon the civil as well as the military costume of the great; "upon the mantle, the surcoat and the just-au-corps or boddice, the charge and cognizance of the wearer were profusely scattered, and shone resplendent in tissue and beaten gold."[ ] hitherto the escocheon had been charged with the hereditary (paternal) bearing only, but now the practice of impaling the wife's arms, and quartering those of the mother, when an heiress, became the fashion. impalement was sometimes performed by placing the dexter half of the lord's shield in juxta-position with the sinister moiety of his consort's;[ ] but this mode of marshalling occasioned great confusion, entirely destroying the character of both coats,[ ] and was soon abandoned in favour of the present mode of placing the full arms of both parties side by side in the escocheon. occasionally the shield was divided horizontally, the husband's coat occupying the chief or upper compartment, and the wife's the base or lower half; but this was never a favourite practice, as the side-by-side arrangement was deemed better fitted to express the equality of the parties in the marriage relation. the practice of impaling official with personal arms, for instance, those of a bishopric with those of the bishop, does not appear to be of great antiquity. provosts, mayors, the kings of arms, heads of houses, and certain professors in the universities, among others, possess this right; and it is the general practice to cede the dexter, or more honourable half of the shield to the coat of office. nisbet mentions a fashion formerly prevalent in spain, which certainly ranks under the category of 'curiosities,' and therefore demands a place here. single women frequently divided their shield per pale, placing their paternal arms on the sinister side, and leaving the dexter _blank_, for those of their husbands, as soon as they should be so fortunate as to obtain them. this, says mine author, "was the custom _for young ladies that were resolved to marry_!"[ ] these were called "arms of expectation."[ ] [illustration] the gorgeous decoration of the male costume with the ensigns of heraldry soon attracted the attention and excited the emulation of that sex which is generally foremost in the adoption of personal ornaments. yes, incongruous as the idea appears to modern dames, the ladies too assumed the embroidered _coat of arms_! on the vest or close-fitting garment they represented the paternal arms, repeating the same ornament, if _femmes soles_, or single women, on the more voluminous upper robe; but if married women, this last was occupied by the arms of the husband, an arrangement not unaptly expressing their condition as _femmes-covertes_. this mode of wearing the arms was afterwards laid aside, and the ensigns of husband and wife were impaled on the outer garment, a fashion which existed up to the time of henry viii, as appears from the annexed engraving of elizabeth, wife of john shelley, esq.[ ] copied from a brass in the parish church of clapham, co. sussex. the arms represented are those of shelley and michelgrove, otherwise fauconer; both belonging, it will be seen, to the class called canting or allusive arms; those of shelley being welk-_shells_, and those of fauconer, a _falcon_. quartering is a division of the shield into four or more equal parts, by means of which the arms of other families, whose heiresses the ancestors of the bearer have married, are combined with his paternal arms; and a shield thus quartered exhibits at one view the ensigns of all the houses of which he is the representative. in modern times this _cumulatio armorum_ is occasionally carried to such an extent that upwards of a hundred coats centre in one individual, and may be represented upon his shield.[ ] the arms of england and france upon the great seal of edward iii, and those of castile and leon in the royal arms of spain, are early examples of quartering. the first english subject who quartered arms was john hastings, earl of pembroke, in the fourteenth century. in this century originated the practice of placing the shield between two animals as supporters, for which see a future chapter. the application of heraldric ornaments to household furniture and implements of war is of great antiquity. i have now before me the brass pommel of a sword on which are three triangular shields, two of them charged with a lion rampant, the other with an eagle displayed. this relic, which was dug up near lewes castle, is conjectured to be of the reign of henry iii.[ ] arms first occur on coins in one of edmund, king of sicily, in the thirteenth century; but the first english monarch who so used them was edward iii. the first supporters on coins occur in the reign of henry viii, whose 'sovereign' is thus decorated. arms upon tombs are found so early as .[ ] among the 'curiosities' of heraldry belonging to these early times may be mentioned _adumbrated_ charges; that is, figures represented in outline with the colour of the field showing through; because the bearers, having lost their patrimonies, retained only the _shadow_ of their former state and dignity.[ ] monasteries and other religious foundations generally bore arms, which were almost uniformly those of the founders, or a slight modification of them.[ ] dallaway traces this usage to the knights-templars and hospitallers who were both soldiers and ecclesiastics. the arms assigned to most cities and antient boroughs are borrowed from those of early feudal lords: thus the arms of the borough of lewes are the chequers of the earls of warren, to whom the barony long appertained, with a canton of the lion and cross-crosslets of the mowbrays, lords of the town in the fourteenth century. some of the quaint devices which pass for the arms of particular towns have nothing heraldric about them, and seem to have originated in the caprice of the artists who engraved their seals. such for example is the design which the good townsmen of guildford are pleased to call their arms. this consists of a green mount rising out of the water, and supporting an odd-looking castle, whose two towers are ornamented with high steeples, surmounted with balls; from the centre of the castle springs a lofty tower, with three turrets, and ornamented with the arms of england and france. over the door are two roses, and in the door a key, the said door being guarded by a lion-couchant, while high on each side the castle is a pack of wool gallantly floating through the air! what this assemblage of objects may signify i do not pretend to guess. persons of the middle class, not entitled to coat-armour, invented certain arbitrary signs called =merchants' marks=, and these often occur in the stonework and windows of old buildings, and upon tombs. piers plowman, who wrote in the reign of edward iii, speaks of "merchauntes' markes ymedeled" in glass. sometimes these marks were impaled with the paternal arms of aristocratic merchants, as in the case of john halle, a wealthy woolstapler of salisbury, rendered immortal by the rev. edward duke in his 'prolusiones historicæ.' the early printers and painters likewise adopted similar marks, which are to be seen on their respective works.[ ] a rude monogram seems to have been attempted, and it was generally accompanied with a cross, and, occasionally, a hint at the inventor's peculiar pursuit, as in the cut here given, where the staple at the bottom refers to the worthy john halle's having been a merchant of the staple. the heralds objected to such marks being placed upon a shield, for, says the writer of harl. ms. (fol. ), "=theys be none armys=, for every man may take hym a marke, but not armys without a herawde or purcyvaunte;" and in "the duty and office of an herald," by f. thynne, lancaster herald, , the officer is directed "to prohibit merchants and others to put their names, marks, or devices, in escutcheons or shields, which belong to gentlemen bearing arms and none others." [illustration] at the commencement of the fifteenth century considerable confusion seems to have arisen from upstarts having assumed the arms of antient families--a fact which shows that armorial bearings began to be considered the indispensable accompaniment of wealth. so great had this abuse become that, in the year , it was deemed necessary to issue a royal mandate to the sheriff of every county "to summon all persons bearing arms to prove their right to them," a task of no small difficulty, it may be presumed, in many cases. many of the claims then made were referred to the heralds as commissioners, "but the first regular chapter held by them in a collective capacity was at the siege of rouen, in ."[ ] the first _king of arms_ was william bruges, created by henry v. several grants of arms made by him from to are recorded in the college of arms. during the sanguinary struggle between the houses of lancaster and york "arms were universally used, and most religiously and pertinaciously maintained." sometimes, however, when the different branches of a family espoused opposing interests they varied their arms either in the charges or colours, or both. the antient family of lower of cornwall originally bore "... a cheveron between three _red_ roses," but espousing, it is supposed, the yorkist, or white-rose side of the question, they changed the tincture of their arms to "sable, a cheveron between three _white_ roses,"[ ] the coat borne by their descendants to this day. the interest taken by the cornish gentry in these civil dissensions may account for the frequency of the rose in the arms of cornwall families. the _red rose_ in the centre of the arms of lord abergavenny was placed there by his ancestor, richard neville, earl of warwick, "better known as the king-maker," "to show himself the faithful homager and soldier of the house of lancaster."[ ] the non-heraldric reader will require a definition of what, in the technical phrase of blazon, are called =differences=. these are certain marks, smaller than ordinary charges, placed upon a conspicuous part of the shield for the purpose of distinguishing the sons of a common parent from each other. thus, the eldest son bears a label; the second a crescent; the third a mullet; the fourth a martlet; the fifth an annulet; and the sixth a fleur-de-lis. the arms of the six sons of thomas beauchamp, earl of warwick, who died {o} edward iii, were, in the window of st. mary's church, warwick, _differenced_ in this manner.[ ] these distinctions are carried still further, for the sons of a second son bear the label, crescent, mullet, &c. upon a crescent; those of a third son the same upon a mullet, respectively. in the third generation the mark of cadency is again superimposed upon the two preceding differences, producing, at length, unutterable confusion. dugdale published a work, in , on the differences of arms, in which he condemns this system, and suggests a return to the antient mode, which consisted in varying the colours and charges of the field, though preserving the general characteristics of the hereditary bearing. for example, beauchamp of elmley branched out into four lines; the eldest line bore the paternal arms, _gules a fess, or_; the other three superadded to this bearing a charge _or_, six times repeated, namely, ii, beauchamp of abergavenny, cross-crosslets iii, beauchamp of holt, billets, and iv, beauchamp of bletshoe, martlets, [illustration] and among the further ramifications of the family we find v, beauchamp of essex trefoils slipped vi, beauchamp of ---- mullets vii, beauchamp of ---- pears, and upwards of ten other coats, all preserving the field gules and the fess or. the bassets, according to the ashmolean mss.[ ] varied their coat times, the lisles , the nevilles , and the braoses . an interesting example of early differencing is cited by sir harris nicolas, in his 'roll of carlaverok.'[ ] in the early part of the fourteenth century-- leicestershire. {alan le zouche bore gules, besanté or barons. {william le zouche, of haryngworth a quarter ermine the same with {sir william zouche a label azure knights. {sir oliver zouche a cheveron erm. {sir amory zouche a bend argent {sir thomas zouche on a quarter argent, a mullet sable. surnames in these early times were in a very unsettled state, for the younger branches of a family, acquiring new settlements by marriage and otherwise, abandoned their patronymics, and adopted new ones derived from the seignories so acquired.[ ] hence it often happens that arms are identical or similar, when the relationship is not recognized by identity of appellation. illegitimate children generally bore the paternal ensigns differenced by certain _brizures_. thus john de beaufort, eldest natural son of john of gaunt, bore _per pale argent and azure_ [blue and white being the _colours_ of the house of lancaster] _on a bend gules, three lions passant-guardant or_ [the royal arms of england] _in the upper part of the bend a label azure, charged with nine fleur-de-lis or_.[ ] the arms borne in the usual manner were often surrounded with a bordure to indicate bastardy; of this mode of differencing several examples are furnished in the arms of existing peers descended from royalty. some of the descendants of henry beaufort, third duke of somerset, placed the beaufort arms upon a fesse, and numerous similar instances might be adduced. the mode of differencing by alterations, or the addition of new charges, however commended by dugdale and other great names, is certainly exposed to the same objection as the use of the label, crescent, mullet, &c., as tending equally to confusion; for, with the addition of cross-crosslets, billets, &c., to the primary charge of the beauchamps, no herald will dare assert that the original arms are preserved. it is a canon of heraldry that "omnia arma arithmeticis figuris sunt simillima, quibus si quid addas vel subtrahas non remanet eadem species." every alteration, however slight, produces a new coat, and thus the principal advantage of coat armour--its hereditary character--is sacrificed. in fact, a coat of arms is the symbol of a generic, or family, name, and it is not within the compass of the heraldric art to particularize individual branches and members of a family by any additions or changes whatever, at least to any great extent.[ ] "the numerous class of men who were termed =armigeri=, or gentry of coat-armour," observes dallaway, "very generally took, with a small variation, the escocheon of that feudal lord whose property and influence extended over that province which they inhabited," and camden, in his 'remaines,' says, "whereas the earles of chester bare garbes or wheat-sheafes, many gentlemen of that countrey took wheatsheafes. whereas the old earles of warwicke bare chequy or and azure, a cheueron ermin, many thereabout tooke ermine and chequy. in leicestershire and the countrey confining diuers bare cinquefoyles, for that the ancient earles of leicester bare geules, a cinquefoyle ermine, &c." this was a fertile source of new bearings. sometimes, in the absence of other evidence of one family's having been feudally dependent upon another, presumptive proof is furnished by a similarity between the arms. i subjoin an instance. the coat of the baronial family of echingham of echingham, co. sussex, was 'azure a fret argent,' and the crest, 'a demi-lion rampant argent.' [illustration] the arms of jefferay, of chiddingly, in the same county, were '_azure fretty or_' (with the addition of a lion passant-guardant, gules, on a chief argent), and the crest, _a lion's head_ erased _argent_, ducally crowned azure. the first settlement of the jefferays was at betchington, co. sussex, an estate which had previously belonged to the lords echingham, but there is no proof of the feudal connexion except that which is furnished by a comparison of the arms. richard iii greatly promoted the cause of heraldry in england by the erection of the heralds into the corporate body which still exists under the designation of the =college of arms=. this epoch may be considered the noonday of the history of armory in england; and as two subsequent chapters of this volume, devoted respectively to the history of that institution, and to notices of celebrated writers on heraldry, will bring down the annals of the science to our own times, "i here make an end" of a chapter which i trust may not have been found totally devoid of interest to any reader who loves to trace the records of the past. [illustration] chapter iii. rationale of heraldic charges, etc. [illustration: (arms of the see of chichester)] "the formes of the pure celestiall bodies mixt with grosse terrestrials; earthly animals with watery; sauage beasts with tame; whole-footed beasts with diuided; reptiles with things gressible; fowles of prey with home-bred; these again with riuer fowles; aery insecta with earthly; also things naturall with artificiall; arts liberall with mechanicall; military with rusticall; and rusticall with ciuil. which confused mixture hath not a little discouraged many persons--otherwise well affected to the study of armory--and impaired the estimation of the profession." _guillim._ dictionaries of the technical terms employed in heraldry are so common, and the elements of the science so well explained in various popular treatises,[ ] that it would be impertinent in an essay like the present to go into all the details usually comprised in those useful books of reference. still it may interest the general reader, and will, i trust, give no offence to adepts in the science, if i offer a few observations on this subject, with illustrations from our old writers, adding some etymological conjectures of my own. the origin of the expression 'a coat of arms' we have already seen, as also the cause why heraldric ensigns are borne upon a shield. shields have been made of every imaginable shape according to the taste of the age or the fancy of the bearer, with these two restrictions, that the shields of knights-bannerets must be square, and those of ladies in the form of a lozenge. the most usual, because the most convenient, shape is that which is technically called the _heater_-shield--from its resemblance to the heater of an iron--with some slight variations. our friend sylvanus morgan, whose ingenuity all must admire, in defiance of the oft-quoted proverb: "=when adam digged and eve span, who was then the gentleman?=" deduces this shape for men, and that of the lozenge for women, from the _spade_ of adam, and the _spindle_ of eve! [illustration] the ground or field of every coat of arms must be either of metal, colour, or fur. the metals of heraldry are, or==gold, and argent==silver, and as the shield of war was antiently of metal, either embossed or enamelled, the retention of the two precious metals as the field of an escocheon is easily accounted for. the colours are gules, azure, vert, purpure, sable, tenne, and sanguine. while some of these terms are french; others, though coming to us through that medium, are originally from other languages. gules, according to ducange, is _goulis_, _guelle_, _gula_ sive _guella_, the red colour of the mouth or throat of an animal. mackenzie derives it from the hebrew _gulude_, a piece of red cloth, or from the arabic _gule_, a red rose. _ghul_ in the persian signifies rose-coloured, and _ghulistan_ is 'the country of roses.' it is probably one of those importations from the east which the crusades introduced, both into the elements of armory and the nomenclature of the science. it was sometimes called _vermeil_[ ] (vermilion) and _rouget_. an antient knight is represented as bearing a plain red banner without any charge: "mais eurmenions de la brette la baniere eut _toute rougecte_."[ ] the barbarous term _blodius_ was likewise occasionally used to express this colour. azure==light-blue, is a french corruption of the arabic word _lazur_ or _lazuli_. the lapis lazuli is a copper ore, very compact and hard, which is found in detached lumps, of an elegant blue colour, and to it the artist is indebted for his beautiful ultra-marine. this colour, still one of the dearest of pigments, was antiently in great request, and called 'beyond-sea azure.'[ ] the lapis lazuli is found in persia, bucharia, and china. vert (french) is light green. this word was applied at an early period "to every thing," says cowell, "that grows and bears a _green_ leaf within the forest that may cover and hide a deer." vert and venison, in the vocabulary of woodcraft, were as inseparable as shadow and substance. _to vert_ signified to enter the forest, as in an old song of the thirteenth century: "sumer is i-cumen in, lhude sing cuccu; groweth sed and bloweth med, and springeth the wde nu. =sing cuccu, cuccu!= awe bleteth after lomb, lhouth after calvé cu, bulluc sterteth, bucke verteth, =murie sing cuccu=," etc. this colour was antiently called _synople_, and in the boke of st. albans _synobylt_, a word which colombiere derives from the latin _sinopis_, a dyeing mineral,[ ] or from synople, a town in the levant, whence a green dye was procured. of sable the derivation is very uncertain. it seems unlikely to have been taken from the colour of the diminutive animal now known by this name, first, because it would then rank under the category of _furs_; and, secondly, because that animal is far from black. indeed, the best sable is of a light brown or sand colour. dallaway quotes a line, however, which might be adduced in support of this derivation: "sables, ermines, vair et gris." guillim derives it from _sabulum_, gross sand or gravel, but this seems very improbable, although i have nothing better to substitute. it is curious that 'sable' and 'azure' should have been selected from the 'jargon' of heraldry for poetical use, to the exclusion of other similar terms: "by this the drooping daylight 'gan to fade, and yield his room to sad succeeding night, who with her _sable_ mantle 'gan to shade the face of earth, and ways of living wight." _faerie queen._ "thus replies minerva, graceful, with her _azure_ eyes." _pope._ purpure (purple) is not common in english armory: still less so are the _stainant_ or disgraceful colours, tenny (orange) and murrey, which dr. johnson defines as "darkly red," deriving it through the french _morée_, and the italian _morello_. the fine cherry designated by this last word is, when ripe, of the exact colour intended by murrey. bacon says, "leaves of some trees turn a little _murrey_, or reddish;" and "a waistcoat of _murrey_-coloured satin" occurs in the writings of arbuthnot. by these terms were the arms of gentlemen described; but for the arms of nobility they were not sufficiently lofty. these were blazoned by the precious stones, as _topaz_ for yellow, _ruby_ for red, &c. for the arms of princes it was necessary to go a step higher, namely, to the heavenly bodies, _sol_, _luna_, _mars_, &c. sir john ferne enumerates several other sets of terms, in all thirteen, which he classifies thus: , planets; , precious stones; , vertues; , celestiall signes; , months; , days of the week; , ages of man; , flowers; , elements; , sesons of the yeer; , complexions; , numbers; , mettailes. what would those who are disgusted with the 'jargon' of our science say to such blazon as the following?-- he beareth _sunday_, a lion rampant _tuesday_. he beareth _faith_, a wolf salient _loyalty_. he beareth _marigold_, a bear passant, _blue lily_, muzzled _white rose_. he beareth, _infancy_, three grasshoppers _virility_. he beareth, _melancholy_, three asses' heads, _flegmatique_! i must confess that, in the course of my heraldric reading, i have never met with blazon of this singular description, but ferne assures his reader that it may be his fortune "to light upon such phantasticall termes," and he gives an historical and philosophical account of their origin. so recently as the last century the planets and gems were used in royal and noble armory, but of late good taste has limited blazon to the first-mentioned and most simple set of terms in all cases. [illustration] the _furs_ are ermine, ermines, erminois, erminites, pean, vair, and potent counter-potent. they are all said to be indicative of dignity. in armorial painting their effect is very rich. ermine, which may be taken as the type of the five first mentioned, is represented by three spots placed triangularly, and three hairs in black upon a white ground. it is intended to represent the black tail of a species of weasel fixed upon the white skin of the animal. guillim[ ] gives a coat, containing six _whole ermines_, as represented in the margin. sir g. mackenzie informs us that "the first user of this fur in arms was brutus, the son of silvius, who having by accident killed his father, left that unhappie ground, and travelling in bretaigne in france, fell asleep, and when he awoke he found this little beast upon his shield, and from that time wore a shield ermine!" this fur is said to have been introduced into england by alan, earl of richmond, so created by william the conqueror. the ermine (_mustela erminea_) is found in all the northern regions of the old continent, and as far southward as persia and china. it was originally brought into western europe from armenia, then called _ermonie_, whence its name. chaucer employs _ermin_ for the adjective armenian. vaire is composed of miniature shields of blue and white alternately placed. according to mackenzie it represents the skin of a small quadruped called _varus_, the back of which is of a bluish grey, and the belly white; and guillim adds that when the head and feet of the animal are cut off from the skin, the latter resembles the figure of vaire used in heraldry. the costly fur so much spoken of by our old poets under the name of _miniver_ is derived by dallaway from the french _menu vair_, on account of its smallness and delicacy. the old french _vairon_ signifies anything of two colours, and may possibly be the etymon of _vaire_. [illustration: (temp edw. i.) arms of sackville.] potent-counter-potent, literally "crutch-opposite-crutch," resembles the tops of crutches counter-placed. what the origin of this figure may have been does not appear, although the word potent, in the sense of crutch, was common in the days of chaucer. "when luste of youth wasted be and spent, then in his hand he takyth a _potent_." and again, "so eld she was that she ne went a foote, but it were by potent." _romaunt of the rose._ [illustration: ("gules, a bend argent")] having thus taken a glance at the field, or ground of the heraldric shield, let us next briefly notice what are called the honourable ordinaries, one or other of which occurs in the great majority of arms, viz., the chief, bend, bend-sinister, fesse, pale, cross, saltire, cheveron, and pile. the =chief= is a fifth part of the shield nearest the top; _unde nomen_. in the primitive bearings, which were literally coats, or rather mantles of arms, the chief might be formed by turning the upper part of the garment back in form of a collar, thus exposing the lining, which doubtless was often of a different colour from the mantle itself. a knight who might chance at a tournament to wear a scarlet mantle lined with white, would in this manner acquire as arms, 'gules, a chief argent.' the =bend= is a stripe passing diagonally across the shield from the dexter corner; (and the =bend-sinister=, the contrary way,) and is, etymologically, the same word with the french _bande_ and saxon band.[ ] this ordinary evidently represents a band or scarf worn over one shoulder, and passing under the opposite arm, and is well exemplified in the white belt worn by a soldier over his red coat. of a similar origin is the =fesse=, a horizontal stripe across the middle of the shield, which represents a sash or military girdle. the term is evidently derived from the latin _fascia_, through the french _fasce_. the =pale= is like the fesse, except that its direction is perpendicular. from its name it has been supposed to represent the _pales_, or palisades of a camp, and in support of this origin it has been remarked that, in antient warfare, every soldier was obliged to carry a pale, and to fix it as the lines were drawn for the security of the camp. this hypothesis seems to be one of those _after-thoughts_ with which heraldric theories abound. there is no doubt that most armorial _forms_ existed long before the invention of blazon, and that when it was found necessary to give every figure its distinctive appellation, the real origin of many bearings had been lost sight of, and the names assigned them were those of objects they were _conjectured_ to represent. it is far more probable that this ordinary originated in the insertion of a perpendicular stripe of a different colour from the mantle itself, an idea which is supported by the fact that the pale occupies in breadth a third of the escocheon. two breadths of blue cloth divided by one of yellow, would produce a blazonable coat, '_azure, a pale or_.' when a shield is divided into several horizontal stripes of alternate colours it is called _barry_; when the stripes run perpendicularly it is said to be _paly_; and when they take a diagonal direction it is styled _bendy_. the love of a striking contrast of colours in costume is characteristic of a semi-barbarous state of society, and the shawls and robes of the orientals of the present day afford a good illustration of the origin of these striped bearings.[ ] such vestments were not peculiar to the military, with whom we must always associate the heraldry of the earliest times; for, so lately as the time of chaucer, they were the favourite fashion of civilians. this author, in his 'parson's tale,' makes that worthy ecclesiastic complain of the "sinful costly array of clothing in the embrouding, the disguising, indenting or _barring_, ounding, _paling_, winding or _bending_, and semblable waste of cloth in vanity."[ ] arms divided into two compartments by a horizontal line are said to be _parted per fesse_; when the line is perpendicular, _parted per pale_; and so of the others. ridiculous as it may seem, our ancestors, from the reign of edward ii to that of richard ii, affected this kind of dress. in a contemporary illumination, john of gaunt is represented in a long robe divided exactly in half, one side being blue, the other white, the colours of the house of lancaster. chaucer's parson, just now quoted, inveighs against the "wrappings of their hose which are departed of two colours, white and red, white and blue, or black and red," making the wearers seem as though "the fire of st. anthony or other such mischance had consumed one half of their bodies." "these party-coloured hose," humorously remarks mr. planché, "render uncertain the fellowship of the legs, and the common term _a pair_ perfectly inadmissible." but to return to the honourable ordinaries. the =cross=. it would not be difficult to fill a volume with disquisitions upon this bearing, forming, as it does, a prominent feature in the heraldry of all christendom; but i must content myself with a general view, without entering much into detail. the cross, as the symbol of christianity, naturally engaged the reverent and affectionate regard of the early christians, a feeling which lapsed first into superstition, and eventually into idolatry. in those chivalrous but ill-directed efforts of the princes and armies of christian europe to gain possession of the holy land, the cross was adopted as the sign or mark of the common cause; it floated upon the standard, was embroidered upon the robes, and depicted on the shields of the enthusiastic throng whose campaigns hence took the designation of _croisades_, or _crusades_. on subsequent occasions the cross was employed in this general manner, especially when the interests of the church were concerned, as, for instance, at the battle of lewes in , when the soldiers of the baronial army marked themselves with a white cross for the purpose of distinguishing each other from the king's forces.[ ] the plain cross, or cross of st. george, is the most antient form of this bearing; it differed, however, from the form now in use in having the horizontal bar placed higher than the centre of the upright. the alteration was doubtless a matter of convenience to allow the common charges of the field, when any occurred, a more equal space. but the cross has been so modified by the varying tastes of different ages, that dame juliana berners, at a time when armory was comparatively simple, declares that "crossis innumerabull are borne dayli." the principal and most usual varieties of this ordinary are described in the 'boke of st. albans.' one of the most interesting forms is the _cross fitchée_, or 'fixibyll,' because being sharpened at the lower end it could be fixed into the ground, like the little crosses in catholic cemeteries. it probably originated in the cross antiently carried by pilgrims, which answered the purpose of a walking-staff, and served, when occasion required, for the use of devotion. next to this may be reckoned the _cross patée_, the _cross-crosslet_, the _cross patonce_, and the _cross moline_, called in the boke a "mylneris cros," "for it is made to the similitude of a certain instrument of yrne in mylnys, the which berith the mylneston."[ ] the plain cross _corded_, or entwined with ropes, was borne, according to the same authority, in the "armys of a nobull man, the which was some tyme a crafty man (handicraftsman), a _roper_ as he himself said." these crosses are fully described in the larger treatises on heraldry, together with numerous others. berry's encyclopædia heraldica enumerates no less than three hundred and eighty-five varieties. [illustration: crosslet fitchee patee patonce moline calvary.] the =saltire=, popularly called st. andrew's cross, is formed like two bends crossing each other in the centre of the escocheon. a great variety of opinions has existed as to its origin. some authors take it for an antient piece of harness attached to the saddle of a horse to enable the rider, _sauter dessous_, to jump down.[ ] others derive it from an instrument used _in saltu_, in the forest, for the purpose of taking wild beasts; but neither of these hypotheses seems very probable. leigh says, "this in the old tyme, was of y{e} height of a man, and was borne of such as used to scale the walls [_saltare in muros_] of towns. for it was driven full of pinnes necessary to that purpose. and walles of townes were _then_ but lowe as appeared by the walls of rome, whiche were suche that remus easelye leaped over them. witnesseth also the same the citie of winchester whose walls were overlooked of colbrande, chieftaine of the danes, who were slayne by guye, erle of warwike." the =cheveron=, which resembles a pair of rafters, is likewise of very uncertain origin. it has generally been considered as a kind of architectural emblem. leigh, speaking of a coat containing three cheveronels, or little cheverons, says, "the ancestour of this cote hath builded iij greate houses in one province," and this remark applies with some truth to the lewkenors of sussex, who bore similar arms, though whether assumed from such a circumstance i cannot ascertain. the =pile= is a wedge-like figure based upon the edge of the shield, and having its apex inwards. the following etymons have been suggested: , _pilum_, lat. the head of an arrow; the spaniards and italians call this ordinary _cuspis_. , _pile_, french, a strong pointed timber driven into boggy ground to make a firm foundation. , _pied_, french, the foot; in french armory it is called _pieu_. i cannot admit any of these derivations, though perhaps my own etymon may not be deemed less irrelevant, viz. _pellis_, the skin of a beast, whence our english terms pell, pelt, peltry, &c. the skin of a wild beast, deprived of the head and fore legs, and fastened round the neck by the hinder ones, would form a rude garment, such as the hunter would consider an honourable trophy of his skill, and such as the soldier of an unpolished age would by no means despise; and it would resemble, with tolerable exactness, the pile of heraldry. the quarter is, as the word implies, a fourth part of the field, differing in tincture from the remainder; and the canton, a smaller quadrangular figure in the dexter, or sinister, chief of the escocheon, so called from the french _cantoné_, cornered. the following figures rank as sub-ordinaries, viz. _flasques_, _flanches_, the _fret_, _border_, _orle_, _tressure_, _gyron_, &c. flasques, always borne in pairs, are two pieces hollowed out at each side of the shield: flanches and voiders are modifications of this bearing. the last, says leigh,[ ] "is the reward of a gentlewoman for service by her done to the prince or princess." it is not improbable that it was borrowed from a peculiar fashion in female costume which prevailed temp. richard ii. chaucer uses the word _voided_ in the sense of removed, made empty, and this is probably the origin of the term. [illustration] when a shield is divided into eight acute-angled triangles, by lines drawn perpendicularly, horizontally, and diagonally through the centre, it is blazoned by the phrase '_gyronny_ of eight,' and so of any other number of equal partitions of the same form. if one of these triangles occur singly it is termed a _gyron_. for this term the nomenclature of heraldry is indebted to the spanish language, in which it means a gore, gusset, or triangular piece of cloth. the family of giron, subsequently ennobled as dukes of ossona, bear three such figures in their arms, from the following circumstance. alphonso vi, king of spain, in a battle with the moors, had his horse killed under him, when, being in great personal danger, he was rescued and remounted by don roderico de cissneres, who, as a memorial of the event, cut three triangular pieces from his sovereign's mantle, which being afterwards exhibited to the king, he bestowed on his valiant follower an adequate reward, and gave him permission to bear three gyrons as his arms. the english family of gurr, whose surname was probably derived from the village of gueures, near dieppe, bear 'gyronny ... and ...' as a 'canting' or allusive coat. some derive this species of bearing from a kind of patchwork mantle of various colours. hence, doubtless, also arose that picturesque species of bearing called _chequy_, consisting of alternate squares of different tinctures. chaucer and spenser use the word _checkelatoun_; probably in this sense: "his robe was _cheque-latoun_." _knight's tale._ "but in a jacket, quilted richly rare upon _checklaton_, was he richly dight." _faerie queen._ the chequered dress of the celtic nations, still retained in the highland plaid or tartan, may, in some way, have originated the chequered coat of heraldry. at all events, this is a more probable source than the chess-board, from which some writers derive it. most of the ordinaries have their diminutives, as the bendlet, the pallet, the cheveronel, &c. these are usually bounded by straight lines; but the ordinaries themselves admit of a variety of modifications of outline, as follows: . _indented_, like the teeth of a saw. according to upton, this line represents the teeth of wild beasts, but dallaway derives it from a moulding much employed in saxon architecture. . _crenelle_, or embattled, like the top of a castle, (lat. _crena_, a notch.) the 'licentia crenellare' of the middle ages was the sovereign's permission to his nobles to embattle or fortify their mansions. . _nebuly_ (nebulosus,) from its resemblance to clouds. . _wavy_, or undulated. . _dancette_, like indented, but larger, and consisting of only three pieces. . _engrailed_, a number of little semi-circles connected in a line, the points of junction being turned outward. johnson derives this word from the french 'grêle,' hail, marked or indented as with hailstones. and . _invecked_, the same as the last, but reversed. roundles are charges, as their name implies, of a circular form. the first idea of bearing them as charges in heraldry may have been suggested by the studs or knobs by which the parts of an actual buckler were strengthened and held together. as soon as blazon was introduced they received distinctive names, according to their tinctures. the bezant (or) was supposed to represent a gold coin, in value about a ducat, struck at constantinople (byzantium) in the times of the crusades. leigh, however, assigns it a much greater value, and calls it a talent weighing lbs. troy, and worth _l._ "of these beisaunts you shall rede dyversly in scripture, as when salomon had geuen unto hiram xx cities, he again gave vnto salomon _beisaunts_ of gold, whereof these toke their first name," ('obeisance?') the _plate_ (argent) was probably some kind of silver coin. the _torteaux_ (red) called in the boke of s. a. "tortellys, or litill cakys," are said to be emblematical of plenty, and to represent a cake of bread. the modern french 'torteau' is applied more exclusively to a kind of oil-cake of an oblong form used as food for cattle. 'tortilla,' in spanish, is a cake compounded of flour and lard. dame j. berners says it should be called _wastel_. 'wastel-brede' is defined in the glossary to chaucer, as bread made of the finest flour, and derived from the french 'gasteau.' chaucer represents his prioresse as keeping small hounds "that she fedde with rosted flesh, and milk and _wastel brede_." _prol. cant. tales._ _pommes_ (green), says dallaway, are berries; but if etymology is worth anything, they must be apples, and such leigh calls them. _hurts_ (blue) the same authority considers berries, and most heralds have taken them to be those diminutive things, whortleberries, or as they are called in sussex, cornwall, and devonshire, 'hurts.' but i am rather inclined with leigh to consider them representations of the 'black and _blue_' contusions resulting from the "clumsy thumps" of war. _pellets_ or _ogresses_ (black) are the 'piletta' or leaden knobs forming the heads of blunt arrows for killing deer without injuring the skin.[ ] _golpes_ (purple) are wounds, and when they stand five in a shield may have a religious allusion to the five wounds of christ. _oranges_ (tenne) speak for themselves; and _guzes_, leigh says, are eyeballs; but as their colour is sanguine, or dull red, this seems unlikely. the _annulet_ seems to have been taken from the ring armour, much in use about the period of the norman conquest. the _orle_, or false escocheon, is merely a band going round the shield at a short distance from the edge: it was probably borrowed from an antient mode of ornamenting a shield, serving as a kind of frame to the principal charge. animals or flowers disposed round the escocheon in the same form, are also termed an orle. the _bordure_, or border, explains itself. like the orle, it was primarily designed as an ornament. the _lozenge_, derived by glover from the quarry, or small pane of glass of this shape, dallaway thinks originated in the diamond-shaped cushions which occur on tombs to support the heads of female effigies, as helmets do those of men. the _mascle_ is taken for the mesh of a net. when many are united the arms are blazoned _masculy_, and then represent a rich network thrown over the armour. at the siege of carlaverok a certain knight is described as having his armour and vestments 'masculy or and azure:' "son harnois et son attire avoit masclé de or et de azure." _billets_ have been conjectured to be representations of oblong camps, but from the name they would seem to be _letters_. they may have been originally assigned to bearers of important despatches. _guttée_ is the term applied to a field or charge sprinkled over with drops of gold, silver, blood, tears, &c. according to the tincture. this kind of bearing is said to have originated with the duke of anjou, king of sicily, who, after the loss of that island, appeared at a tournament with a black shield sprinkled with drops of water, to represent tears, thus indicating both his grief and his loss.[ ] a warrior returning victorious from battle, with his buckler sprinkled with blood, would, in the early days of heraldry, readily have adopted the bearing afterwards called 'guttée de sang.' in those times the besiegers of a fortress were often assailed with boiling pitch, poured by the besieged through the machicolations of the wall constructed for such purposes. splashes of this pitch falling upon some besieger's shield, in all probability gave the first idea of 'guttée de poix.' the _fusil_ is like the lozenge, but narrower. whatever the charge may mean, the name is evidently a corruption of the fr. _fuseau_, a spindle. the _fret_ may have been borrowed from the architectural ornaments of the interior of a roof, or more probably, from a knotted cord. it is sometimes called =harington's knot=, though it is not peculiar to the arms of that family, for it was also borne by the baronial races of echingham, audley, and verdon, and by many other families.[ ] my purpose being not to describe all the charges or figures occurring in heraldry, but merely to assign a reasonable origin for those which appear to the uninitiated to have neither propriety nor meaning, i pass by many others, and come to those to which a symbolical sense is more readily attachable, as the heavenly bodies, animals, vegetables, weapons of war, implements of labour, &c. &c. here i shall merely offer some general remarks, for it is less my object to gratify curiosity on this subject than to excite that attention to it which it really deserves, and therefore i must say, with gentle dame julyan, "bot for to reherce all the signys that be borne in armys it were too long a tarying, nor i can not do hit: _ther be so mony_!" the heavenly bodies occur frequently in heraldry, and include the sun, 'in his glory,' or 'eclipsed;' the moon, 'incressant,' 'in her complement,' 'decressant,' and 'in her detriment,' or eclipse; stars and comets. the _crescent_ was the standard of the saracens during the crusades, as it is of their successors, the turks, at this day. as one of the antient laws of chivalry enacted that the vanquisher of a saracen gentleman should assume his arms, it is not remarkable that the crescent was, in the latter crusades, often transferred to the christian shield; although we must reject the notion that the infidels bore regular heraldric devices. it is probable, however, that their bucklers were ornamented in various ways with their national symbol. several authentic instances of arms with crescents borne by english families from that early date, are to be found. most of the families of ellis, of this country, bear a cross with four or more crescents, derived from sir archibald ellis, of yorkshire, who went to the holy land. from a miraculous event said to have happened during the crusade under rich. i. to sir robert sackville, the noble descendants of that personage still bear an _estoile_, or star, as their crest. the elements also furnish armorial charges, as flames of fire, rocks, stones, _islands_, thunderbolts, clouds, rainbows, water, and fountains. these last are represented by azure roundles charged with three bars wavy argent. in the arms of sykes, of yorkshire, they are called _sykes_--that being a provincialism for little pools or springs. the antient family of gorges bore a _gurges_, or whirlpool, an unique instance, i believe, of that bearing. if we derive heraldry from the standards of antient nations, then, undoubtedly, animals are the very oldest of armorial charges, since those standards almost invariably exhibited some animal as their device. familiar examples present themselves in the roman _eagle_ and the saxon _horse_. of quadrupeds the lion occupies the first place, and is far more usual than any other animal whatever. the king of beasts is found in the heraldric field in almost every variety of posture, and tinctured with every hue recognized by the laws of blazon. it may be remarked here, that in the early days of heraldry animals were probably borne of their 'proper' or natural colour, but as, in process of time, the use of arms became more common, and the generous qualities of the lion rendered him the object of general regard as an armorial ensign, it became absolutely necessary to vary his attitudes and colours, for the purposes of distinction. the same remark applies, in a greater or less degree, to other animals and objects. as the emblem of courage the lion has been represented and misrepresented in a thousand forms. a well-drawn heraldric lion is a complete caricature of the animal; and hence the ire displayed by the country herald-painter when shown the lions in the tower is very excusable: "what!" said the honest man, "tell me that's a lion; why i've painted lions rampant and lions passant, and all sorts of lions these five and twenty years, and for sure i ought to know what a lion's like better than all that!" the circumstance of the royal arms of england containing three lions and those of scotland one, has rendered this animal a special favourite with british armorists. leigh and guillim, particularly, are very minute in their remarks upon him. the french heralds object to the representation of the lion _guardant_, that is, with his face turned full upon the spectator, and declare that this posture is proper to the leopard, "wherein," says guillim, "they offer great indignity to that _roiall beast_, in that they will not admit him, as saith upton, to show his full face, the sight whereof doth terrifie and astonish all the beasts of the field, and wherein consisteth his chiefest majesty, '=quia omnia animalia debent depingi et designari in suo ferociore actu=.'" the french still allude derisively to our national charge as only a leopard. that one of these dissimilar animals could be mistaken for the other affords singular evidence of the rudeness with which arms in the middle ages were delineated. [illustration: (lyon rampant. guillim.)] the _leopard_, as an heraldric charge, has been treated with more obloquy than he deserves, from the erroneous notion that he was a bigenerous animal, bred between the lion and the female panther. the _bear_ is generally borne muzzled and 'salient,' leaping, or rather jumping, the posture of the animal most familiar to our ancestors, who greatly delighted in his uncouth dancing. the _elephant_, the _wolf_, one of the most elegant of heraldric devices, the _fox_, the _rabbit_, the _squirrel_, the _monkey_, the _beaver_, the _porcupine_, the _cat-a-mountain_, and many other wild animals borne in arms, need no comment. the _heraldric tiger_ furnishes another proof of the ignorance of our ancestors in the natural history of foreign animals. it is represented thus: [illustration] among the domestic animals borne in arms are the _horse_, the _ass_, the _camel_, the _bull_, the _ox_, the _greyhound_, the _talbot_ or mastiff, the _ram_, the _lamb_, the _hog_, &c. the horse, from his associations with chivalry and war, has ever been a favourite charge. the lamb, as commonly represented, with the nimbus round its head and the banner of the cross, is termed a _holy lamb_. the _alant_ or wolf-dog, an extinct species, is of rare occurrence in arms. "abouten his char ther wenten white _alauns_, twenty and mo as gret as any stere, to hunten at the leon or the dere." _chaucer._ the _alant_ was the supporter of fynes, lord dacre. most of the above were probably borne emblematically, but the _stag_, _deer_, _boar_, &c., seem to be trophies of the chase, especially when their heads only occur. the heads and other parts of animals are represented either as _couped_, cut off smoothly, or _erased_, torn off as it were with violence, leaving the place of separation jagged and uneven. the boar's head may have been derived from the old custom of serving up a boar's head at the tables of feudal nobles. this practice is still observed in the hall of queen's college, oxford, on christmas-day, when an antient song or carol, appropriate enough to the ceremony, though not very well befitting the time and the place, is sung. it begins thus: "the boar's head in hand bear i, bedeck'd with bays and rosemary, and i pray you, my masters, be merry, quot estis in convivio. =caput apri defero reddens laudes domino.=" the presentation of a boar's head forms the condition of several feudal tenures in various parts of the country. as an heraldric bearing, and as a sign for inns, it is of very antient date. of its latter application the far-famed hostelry in eastcheap affords one among many examples; while its use in armory was familiar to the father of english poesy, who, describing the equipments of sir thopas, says, "his sheld was all of gold so red and therin was a _bore's hed_, a charboncle beside." the annexed singular bearing, 'a cup with a boar's head erect,' evidently alludes to some obsolete custom or tenure. [illustration] it may be remarked here that many of the terms of heraldry, when applied to the parts and attitudes of 'beastes of venerie and huntyng,' are identical with the expressions used by learned _chasseurs_ of the 'olden tyme,' and which are fully elucidated by dame julyan, manwood, blundeville, and other writers on woodcraft and the chase; a _science_, by the way, as systematic in the employment of terms as heraldry itself. this remark applies equally to the technical words in falconry used in describing falcons, hawks, &c., when they occur in armory. when antient armorists had so far departed from the propriety of nature as to paint swans red and tigers green, it was not difficult to admit still greater monstrosities. double-headed and double-tailed lions and eagles occur at an early date; but these are nothing when compared with the double and triple-_bodied_ lions figured by leigh.[ ] it would be a mere waste of time to speculate upon the origin of such bearings, which owe their birth to "the rich exuberance of a gothick fancy"--the fertile source of the chimerical figures noticed in the next chapter. among birds, the _eagle_ holds the highest rank. the lyon was the royal beast--this the imperial bird. he is almost uniformly exhibited in front, with expanded wings, and blazoned by the term 'displayed.' the _falcon_, _hawk_, _moor-cock_, _swan_, _cock_, _owl_, _stork_, _raven_, _turkey_, _peacock_, _swallow_, and many others of the winged nation are well known to the most careless observer of armorial ensigns. the _cornish chough_, a favourite charge, is curiously described by clarke as "a _fine blue or purple black-bird_, with red beak and legs," and said to be "a noble bearing of antiquity, being accounted the _king of crows_!" the _pelican_ was believed to feed her young with her own blood, and therefore represented "vulning herself," that is, pecking her breast for a supply of the vital fluid.[ ] the wings are usually indorsed or thrown upwards; "but this," says berry, "is unnecessary in the blazon, as that is the only position in which the pelican is represented in coat-armour." this may be true of modern heraldry, but antiently this bird was borne 'close,' that is, with the wings down. the pelicans in the arms of the family of pelham, resident at laughton, co. sussex, temp. henry iv, were represented in this manner, as appears from a shield in one of the spandrels of the western door of laughton church, and from some painted glass in the churches of waldron and warbleton. in a carving of the fifteenth century, among the ruins of robertsbridge abbey, the pelicans have their wings slightly raised, and in the modern arms of pelham they are indorsed, as shown below. [illustration: laughton church.] [illustration: robertsbridge abbey.] [illustration: modern arms.] fishes, as borne in arms, have recently been made the subject of an able, most interesting, and beautifully illustrated volume.[ ] in my _en passant_ survey of the ensigns of armory it will suffice to remark that the _dolphin_ takes the same rank among heraldric fishes as the lion occupies among quadrupeds, and the eagle among birds; after him the _pike_, _salmon_, _barbel_, and _trout_ hold an honourable place, and even the _herring_ and _sprat_ are not deemed too mean for armory. neither have shell-fish been overlooked: the _escallop_ in particular, from its religious associations, has always been a special favourite. amphibia, reptiles, and insects sometimes occur, particularly _toads_, _serpents_, _adders_, _tortoises_, _scorpions_, _snails_, _grasshoppers_, _spiders_, _ants_, _bees_, and _gad-flies_. it is singular that such despised and noxious creatures as the scorpion and the toad should have been adopted as marks of honour; yet such, in former times, was the taste for _allusive_ arms that the botreuxes, of cornwall, relinquished a simple antient coat in favour of one containing three toads, because the word 'botru' in the cornish language signified a toad! the human figure and its parts are employed in many arms. the arms pertaining to the bishopric of salisbury contain a representation of "our blessed lady, with her son in her right hand and a sceptre in her left." the arms of the see of chichester are the most singular to be found in the whole circle of church heraldry. they are blazoned thus: 'azure, _prester-john_ hooded, sitting on a tomb-stone; in his sinister hand an open book; his dexter hand extended, with the two fore-fingers erect, all or; _in his mouth_ a sword, fessewise, gules, hilt and pommel or, the point to the sinister.'[ ] prester or presbyter-john, the person here represented, was a fabulous person of the middle ages, who was imagined to sway the sceptre of a powerful empire _somewhere_ in the east, and who must have been a very long-lived personage, unless he was _reproduced_ from time to time like the phoenix of antiquity. many writers, during the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, make mention of him. sir john maundevile describes his territory, which, however, he did not visit. that country, according to his statement, contained rocks of adamant,[ ] which attracted all the ships that happened to come near them, until the congeries appeared like a forest, and became a kind of floating island. it also abounded in popinjays or parrots as "plentee as gees," and precious stones large enough to make "plateres, dissches, and cuppes." "many other marveylles been there," he adds, "so that it were to cumbrous and to long to putten it in scripture of bokes." he describes the emperor himself as "cristene," and believing "wel in the fadre, in the sone, and in the holy gost," yet, in some minor points, not quite sound in the faith. as to his imperial state, he possessed provinces, over each of which presided a king; and he had so great an army that he could devote , men to guard his standards, which were " crosses of gold, fyn, grete and hye, fulle of precious stones." it is related of columbus that he saw on one of the islands of the west indies, which he then apprehended to be a part of the continent of asia, a grave and sacred personage whom he at first believed to be prester-john. this incident serves to show that the existence of this chimerical being was credited even so lately as the close of the fifteenth century, although roger bacon, in the thirteenth, doubted many of the tales related of him--"de quo tanta fama solebat esse, et multa falsa dicta sunt et scripta."[ ] the best account of him is to be found in the work of matthew paris, the monk of st. albans, who wrote before the year . marco polo also mentions him in his travels.[ ] porny places him in abyssinia under the title of _preter cham_, or 'prince of the worshippers,' while heckford[ ] considers him a priest and one of the followers of nestorius, patriarch of constantinople in the fifth century. _kings_ and _bishops_ occur as charges; but rarely. the heads of moors and saracens are more common, and belong to the category of trophies, having originated, for the most part, during the crusades. the arms of the welsh family of vaughan are 'a cheveron between three children's heads ... enwrapped about the necks with as many snakes proper.' "it hath beene reported," saith old guillim, "that some one of the ancestors of this family was borne with a snake about his necke: _a matter not impossible_, but yet very unprobable!" besides heads, the armorial shield is sometimes charged with arms and legs, naked, vested, or covered with armour, hands, feet, eyes, hearts, winged and unwinged, &c. the coat of tremaine exhibits three arms (et tres manus!) and that of the isle of man, three legs, as here represented. of the former, guillim remarks, "these armes and hands conjoyned and clenched after this manner may signify a treble offer of revenge for some notable injurie." if we might be jocular upon so grave a subject as armory, we should consider the second coat a happy allusion to the geographical position of the island between the three kingdoms of england, ireland, and scotland, as if it had run away from all three, and were kicking up its heels in derision of the whole empire![ ] [illustration] the vegetable kingdom has furnished its full quota of charges. we have whole trees, as the _oak_, _pine_, _pear-tree_, &c.; parts of trees, as _oak-branches_, and _starved_ (_i.e._ dead) _branches_, trunks of trees, generally raguly or knobbed; leaves, as _laurel_, _fig_, _elm_, _woodbine_, _nettle_, and _holly_; fruit, as _pomegranates_, _apples_, _pears_, _pine-apples_, _grapes_, _acorns_, and _nuts_; flowers, as the _rose_, _lily_, _columbine_, _gilliflower_, &c.; corn, as stalks of wheat and rye, and particularly _garbs_ (fr. gerbes) or wheatsheaves; to which some add _trefoils_, _quatrefoils_, and _cinquefoils_, and the bearing familiar to all in the arms of france, and called the _fleur-de-lis_. respecting the _trefoil_, there can be little doubt, as mr. dallaway observes, that it was borrowed from the foliated ornaments of antient coronets, which again were imitations of the natural wreath. the shamrock, which is identical with the trefoil, is the national badge of ireland. of the quatre and cinquefoils "almost any conjecture would be weakly supported. amongst the very early embellishments of gothic architecture are quatrefoils, at first inserted simply in the heads of windows, between or over the incurvated or elliptical points of the mullions, and afterwards diversified into various ramifications, which were the florid additions to that style."[ ] these terms are common to both architecture and heraldry, but from which of the two the other adopted them must remain in doubt. the non-heraldric reader will be surprised to learn that the identity of the _fleur-de-lis_ with the iris or 'royal lily' has ever been called in question; yet it has been doubted, with much reason, whether an ornamented spear-head or sceptre be not the thing intended. the boke of s. a. informs us that the arms of the king of france were "certainli sende by an awngell from heuyn, that is to say iij flowris in maner of swerdis in a felde of asure, the wich certan armys ware geuyn to the forsayd kyng of fraunce in sygne of euerlasting trowbull, and that he and his successaries all way with bataill and swereddys (swords) shulde be punyshid!" those who imagine the bearing to be a play upon the royal name of loys or louis decide in favour of the flower. upton calls it '=flos gladioli=.'[ ] perhaps it was made a flower for the purpose of assimilating it to the english rose; certainly all our associations, historical and poetical, would tell in favour of its being such; and such it was undoubtedly understood to be in the time of chaucer, who says of sire thopas, "upon his crest he bare a tour (tower), and therein stiked a _lily flour_." leigh seems to entertain no doubt of its belonging to the vegetable kingdom; for in his notice of this charge he particularly describes the flower and the root of the iris. mr. montagu, in his recent 'guide to the study of heraldry,' thinks the arguments of m. de menestrier "in favour of the iris so strong as _almost_ to set the question at rest."[ ] [illustration] those who advocate the spear-head view of the question, bring forward the common heraldric bearing, _a leopard's head jessant de lis_, i. e. thrust through the mouth with a fleur-de-lis, which passes through the skull as represented in the above cut. "there cannot," as dallaway says, "be a more absurd combination than that of a leopard's head producing a lily, while the idea that it was typical of the triumph after the chase, when the head of the animal was thrust through with a spear and so carried in procession," seems perfectly consistent. still the query may arise 'how is it that the head of no other animal, the wolf or boar for instance, is found represented in a similar manner?' the little band surrounding the _pieces_ of which the fleur-de-lis of heraldry is composed is analogous to nothing whatever in the flower, while it does strongly resemble the forril of metal which surrounds the insertion of a spear-head into its staff or pole. after an attentive consideration of both hypotheses, i have no hesitation in affirming that the fleur-de-lis is _not_ the lily. this is shown, not from the occurrence of lilies in their proper shape in some coats, and that of the heraldric _lis_ in others, (for such a variation might have been accidentally made by the incorrect representations of unskilful painters,) but from the fact that both lilies and lis are found in one and the same coat--that of eton college.[ ] [illustration] the tressure surrounding the lion in the royal arms of scotland is blazoned 'fleury and counter-fleury,' that is, having fleurs-de-lis springing from it, both on the outer and inner sides. the fabulous account of the tressure is that it was given by charlemagne to achaius, king of scotland in the year , in token of alliance and friendship. nisbet says, "the tressure flowerie encompasses the lyon of scotland, to show that he should defend the flower-de-lisses, and _these to continue a defence to the lion_."[ ] now, although we must discard this early existence of the scottish ensigns, it is by no means improbable that the addition of the tressure was made in commemoration of some alliance between the two crowns at a later date. but the _defence_ which a bulwark of lilies could afford the king of beasts would be feeble indeed! yet, upon the supposition that the fleur-de-lis is intended for a spear-head, such an addition would be exceedingly appropriate, as forming a kind of chevaux-de-frise[ ] around the animal. this doubtful charge may serve as a turning point between 'things naturall' and 'things artificiall.' among the latter, crowns, sceptres, orbs, caps of maintenance, mantles of state, and such-like insignia may be first named. according to dame julyan berners, _crowns_ formed part of the arms of king arthur--"iij dragonys and over that an other sheelde of iij crownys." mitres, crosiers, &c. occur principally, though not exclusively, in church heraldry. from attention in the first instance to the 'arts liberall' came such charges as books, pens, ink-horns, text-letters, as =a='s, =t='s and =s='s, organ-pipes, hautboys, harps, viols, bells, &c. the 'arts mechanicall' furnish us with implements of agriculture, as ploughs, harrows, scythes, wheels, &c. the _catherine wheel_ dallaway takes for a cogged, or denticulated mill-wheel, with reference to some feudal tenure, but it seems rather ungallant to rob the female saint of the instrument of her passion, while st. andrew and st. george are allowed to retain theirs in undisturbed possession. manufactures afford the wool-comb, the spindle, the shuttle, the comb, the hemp-break, &c. among mechanical implements are included pick-axes, mallets, hammers, plummets, squares, axes, nails, &c. architecture furnishes towers, walls, bridges, pillars, &c. from the marine we have antient ships, boats, rudders, masts, anchors, and sails. from field-sports come bugle (that is bullock) horns, bows, arrows, pheons or fish-spears, falcons' bells, and lures, fish-hooks, eel-spears, nets of various kinds, and bird-bolts. the bird-bolt was a small blunt arrow, with one, two, or three heads, used with the crossbow for shooting at birds. hence the adage of '=the fool's bolt is soon shot=,' applied to the hasty expression or retort of an ignorant babbler. john heywood versifies the proverb thus: "a foole's bolte is soone shot, and fleeth oftymes fer; but the foole's bolte and the mark cum few times ner."[ ] from sedentary games are borrowed playing-tables, dice, chess-rooks, &c. [illustration] war has naturally supplied heraldry with a numerous list of charges, as banners, spears, beacons, drums, trumpets, cannons, or chamber-pieces, 'murthering chain-shot,' burning matches (of rope), portcullises, battering-rams, crossbows, swords, sabres, lances, battle-axes, and scaling-ladders; also shields, generally borne in threes, helmets, morions, gauntlets, greaves (leg armour), horse-trappings, bridles, saddles, spurs, horse-shoes, shackles, _cum multis aliis_. many of these, though disused in modern warfare, will require no explanation, but a few others whose use is less obvious may be added, as _swepes_, _caltraps_, and _water-bowgets_. the _swepe_, sometimes called a _mangonel_, and as such borne in the canting arms of magnall, was a war-engine, used for the purpose of hurling stones into a besieged town or fortress; a species of balista. [illustration: murthering chain-shot.] [illustration: caltrap.] [illustration: beacon.] [illustration: swepe.] in the celebrated lampoon upon richard, king of the romans, who was obliged, at the battle of lewes, to take refuge in a windmill, the following lines occur: "the kynge of alemaigne wende to do full wel, he saisede the mulne for a castel; with hare sharpe swerdes he ground the stel, he wende that the sayles were _mangonel_!"[ ] the _caltrap_ was a cruel contrivance for galling the feet of horses. it was made of iron, and so constructed that, however it might fall, one of its four sharp points should be erect. numbers of them strewed in the enemy's path served to retard the advance of cavalry, and a retreat was sometimes secured by dropping them in the flight, and thus cutting off the pursuit. its etymology is uncertain, cheval-trap and _gall_-trap have been suggested with nearly equal claims to probability. water-bowgets, or budgets, date from the crusades, when water had often to be conveyed across the sandy deserts from a great distance. they are represented in various grotesque forms as-- [illustration] so that it is a matter of curiosity to know in what manner they were carried. leigh and others call them _gorges_; but the charge properly known by that name is a whirlpool, as borne in the armes parlantes of the family of gorges. the _mullet_, a star-like figure, has been taken to represent the rowel of a spur; but a doubt of this derivation of the charge may be suggested, as the spur of the middle ages had no rowel, but consisted of one sharp spike. some of the old heralds considered mullets as representations of falling stars--"exhalations inflamed in the aire and stricken back with a cloud"--which, according to guillim, are sometimes found on the earth like a certain jelly, and assuming the form of the charge. the substance alluded to bears the name of star-jelly. in the gentleman's magazine for , are several communications on this subject, in which there is a great contrariety of opinion, some of the writers contending that it is an animal substance, while others consider it a vegetable. as it is usually found in boggy grounds, dr. darwin deemed it a mucilage voided by herons after they have eaten frogs, and pennant attributed it to gulls. the antient alchemists called it the flower of heaven, and imagined that from it they could procure the universal menstruum; but all their researches ended in discovering that by distillation it yielded some phlegm, volatile salt, and empyreumatic oil.[ ] personal costume, although mixed up with the very earliest of heraldric devices, furnishes scarcely any regular charges. excepting shoes, caps, and body-armour, the _maunch_ is almost the only one derived from this source. this charge, a familiar example of which occurs in the arms of the noble family of hastings, represents an antient fashion of sleeve worn soon after the conquest, but of such an extravagant form that leigh blazons it a _maunch-maltalé_, a badly-cut sleeve; and certainly the example given by him fully justifies the use of that epithet. the taste for a long pendulous addition to the cuff of the sleeve forms one of the most curious features of the female costume of the twelfth century. according to brydson, the maunch was a distinguished "favour" bestowed on some knights, being part of the dress of the lady or princess who presented it. the woodcut (no inappropriate _tail-piece_ for the present chapter) delineates several antient forms of this article. well may master leigh remark, "of thinges of antiquitee growen out of fashion this is one." [illustration: no. , leigh; , , from planché's hist. brit. cost.; , arms of hastings, from the tomb of w. de valence, earl of pembroke, westminster abbey. =mangys be called in armys a sleue.= _boke s. a._] chapter iv. chimerical figures of heraldry. [illustration] "manye merveylles there ben in that regioun." _sir john maundevile._ the days of the crusaders were the days of romance. "from climes so fertile in monsters as those through which these adventurers passed," observes dallaway, "we cannot wonder that any fiction was readily received by superstitious admirers, whose credulity nothing could exhaust." the narrations of those warriors who had the good fortune to revisit their native lands were eagerly seized upon by that new class of literary aspirants, the romance writers, by means of whose wonder-exciting productions, giants, griffins, dragons, and monsters of every name, became familiarized to all. for ages the existence of these products of a "gothick fancy" was never called in question. the early travellers, such as marco polo and our own renowned sir john maundevile, pandered to the popular taste, and what those chroniclers of 'grete merveyles' reported in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was religiously believed in the sixteenth, and hardly questioned even in the seventeenth. in the early part of this period, indeed, it can scarcely be expected that the multitude at least should have been disabused of the delusion, when the existence of witchcraft was considered an essential part of the common creed,--when a learned herald, like guillim, could write a tirade against "divellish witches that doe worke the destruction of silly infants, and also of cattel,"--and when the supreme magistrate of these realms could instigate the burning of deformed old women, and write treatises upon "dæmonology," which, among other matters, taught his loyal and undoubting subjects that these maleficæ were wont to perform their infernal pranks by means of circles, some of which were _square_, and others _triangular_! it was reserved for the advancing light of the eighteenth century to break the spell, and scatter these monsters to the winds. this, however, was not to be done at once; for our grandfathers, and even our fathers, gathered their knowledge of popular _natural_ history from a book which contained minute descriptions of the _dragon_, 'adorned with cuts' of that remarkable hexapede, for the edification of its admiring readers! under the category of heraldric monsters the following deserve especial notice:-- the allerion chimera cockatrice dragon griffin harpy lyon-dragon lyon-poisson mermaid montygre martlet opinicus pegasus sphinx sagittary satyr unicorn wyvern winged lyon winged bull.[ ] the _allerion_ is a fabulous bird without either beak or legs, described by some writers as very small, like a martlet, while others give him the size of an eagle. the name is derived from the circumstance of his being destitute of all his extremities except the wings (ailles). three such birds, according to the chroniclers of the middle ages, were shot with an arrow from a tower, by godfrey of boulogne, duke of lorraine, at the siege of jerusalem, during the first crusade; and three allerions upon a bend, in honour of that event, are borne as the arms of the duchy of lorraine to this day.[ ] the _chimera_ is, to use the words of bossewell, "a beaste or monstre hauing thre heades, one like a lyon, an other like a goate, the third like a dragon."[ ] the _cockatrice_[ ] is a cock, with the wings and tail of a dragon. the best account of him is given by leigh: "thys though he be but at ye most a foote of length yet is he kyng of all serpentes[ ] of whome they are most afrayde and flee from. for with his breath and sight he sleath all thynges that comme within a speare's length of him. he infecteth the water that he commeth neare. his enemy is the wesell, who when he goeth to fight with y{e} cockatrice eateth the herbe commonlye called rewe, and so in fight byting him he dyeth and the wesell therewith dyeth also. and though the cockatrice be veneme withoute remedye whilest he liueth, yet when he is dead and burnt to ashes, he loseth all his malice, and the ashes of him are good for alkumistes, and namely, in turnyng and chaungeyng of mettall." to this latter remark he adds, "i have not seene the proofe thereof, and yet i have been one of jeber's cokes." the _dragon_ is usually depicted with a serpentine body, sharp ears, a barbed tongue and tail, strong leathern wings armed with sharp points, and four eagles' feet, strongly webbed; but there are many modifications of this form. "of fancy monsters, the winged, scaly, fiery dragon is by far the most poetical fabrication of antiquity. to no word, perhaps, are attached ideas more extraordinary, and of greater antiquity, than to that of dragon. we find it consecrated by the religion of the earliest people, and become the object of their mythology. it got mixed up with fable, and poetry, and history, till it was universally believed, and was to be found everywhere but in nature.[ ] in our days nothing of the kind is to be seen, excepting a harmless animal hunting its insects. the light of these days has driven the fiery dragon to take refuge among nations not yet visited by the light of civilization. the _draco volans_ is a small lizard, and the only reptile possessing the capacity of flight. for this purpose it is provided on each side with a membrane between the feet, which unfolds like a fan at the will of the animal, enabling it to spring from one tree to another while pursuing its food. it is a provision similar to that of the flying squirrel, enabling it to take a longer leap."[ ] the annexed cut represents a _dragon volant_, as borne in the arms of raynon of kent, and the _draco volans_ of the zoologists. a fossil flying lizard has been found in the lias of dorsetshire, which, to employ the words of professor buckland, is "a monster resembling nothing that has ever been seen or heard of upon earth, excepting the dragons of romance and heraldry." [illustration] considering the hideous form and character of the dragon, it is somewhat surprising to find him pourtrayed upon the banner and the shield as an honourable distinction; unless he was employed by way of trophy of a victory gained over some enemy, who might be symbolically represented in this manner. the dragon often occurring at the feet of antient monumental effigies is understood to typify _sin_, over which the deceased has now triumphed; and the celebrated monster of this tribe slain by our patron saint, st. george, was doubtless a figurative allusion to a certain pestilent heresy which he vehemently resisted and rooted out. favine, on the order of hungary, remarks that the french historians speak of philip augustus 'conquering the dragon' when he overcame otho iv, who bore a dragon as the standard of his empire.[ ] it has been suggested that the design of commanders in depicting monsters and wild beasts upon their standards was to inspire the enemy with terror.[ ] [illustration] the dragon forms a part of the fictitious arms of king arthur; and another early british king bore the surname of =pen-dragon=, or the 'dragon's head.' the standard of the west saxon monarchs was a golden dragon in a red banner. in the bayeux tapestry a dragon on a pole repeatedly occurs near the person of king harold; and in the instance which is copied in the margin, the words 'hic harold' are placed over it.[ ] it was an early badge of the princes of wales, and was also assumed at various periods by our english monarchs. henry iii used it at the battle of lewes in . "symoun com to the feld, and put up his banere; the kyng schewed forth his scheld, his _dragon_ fulle austere. the kyng said 'on hie, symon jeo vous defie!'" _robert brunne._ "the order for the creation of this 'austere' beast," says mr. blaauw, "is still extant. edward fitz-odo, the king's goldsmith, was commanded, in , to make it 'in the manner of a standard or ensign, of red samit,' to be embroidered with gold, and his tongue to appear as though continually moving, and his eyes of sapphire, or other stones agreeable to him."[ ] "then was ther a dragon grete and grimme, full of fyre and also venymme, with a wide throte and tuskes grete."[ ] the dragon-standard must have been in high favour with commanders, for in the same war we find it unfurled in the opposite cause by the leader of the baronial party: "when sir simoun wist the dome ageyn them gone, his felonie forth thrist, somned his men ilkon, displaied his banere, lift up his dragoun!" _robt. brunne._ "when sir simon knew the judgment given against them, his wickedness burst forth, he gathered all his men, displayed his banner, and lifted up his dragon."[ ] the expression '_his_ dragon' must not be understood to imply any peculiar right to the device, for the arms of de montfort were widely different, viz. 'gules, a lion rampant, double queué, argent.' from the indiscriminate use of the monster by different, and even by contending parties, i should consider him merely as the emblem of defiance. the dragon must not be confounded with the usual pennon, or standard of an army, as it was employed in addition to it. matthew of westminster, speaking of the early battles of this country, says, "the king's place was _between_ the dragon and the standard."[ ] among the ensigns borne at cressy was a burning dragon, to show that the french were to receive little mercy.[ ] this dragon was of red silk, adorned and beaten with very broad and fair lilies of gold, and bordered about with gold and vermilion. the french frequently carried a red pennon, embroidered with a dragon of gold. our henry vi caused a particular coin to be struck, the reverse of which exhibited a banner charged with a demi-dragon, and a black dragon was one of the badges of edward iv. a red dragon was one of the supporters of henry vii, henry viii, and elizabeth, whence the title, rouge-dragon, of one of the existing pursuivants in the college of arms. the _griffin_, or griphon, scarcely less famous than the dragon, was a compound animal, having the head, wings, and feet of an eagle, with the hinder part of a lion. he is thus described by sir john maundevile in the th chapter of his 'ryght merveylous' travels: "in that contree [bacharie] ben many griffounes, more plentee than in ony other contree. sum men seyn that thei han the body upward as an egle, and benethe as a lyoun; and treuly thei seyn sothe that thei ben of that schapp. but griffoun hathe the body more gret and more strong thane lyouns, of such lyouns as ben o' this half (hemisphere); and more gret and strongere than an egles, suche as we han amonges us. for griffoun there wil bere fleynge to his nest a gret hors, or oxen yoked to gidere as thei gon at the plowghe. for he hathe his talouns so longe and so large and grete upon his feet, as thowghe thei weren hornes of grete oxen, or of bugles or of kygn, so that men maken cuppes of hem to drynke of, and of hire ribbes and of the pennes of hire wenges men maken bowes fulle stronge to schote with arwes, and quarell." casley says that in the cottonian library there was a cup of the description just referred to, four feet in length, and inscribed-- "=griphi unguis divo cuthberto dunelmensi sacer=," a dedication which, i must confess, puzzles me sorely. a griffin's claw and the 'saint-bishop' of durham seem as absurd a combination of ideas as that presented in the old proverbial phrase of 'great a and a bull's foot,' or by the tavern sign of 'the goat and compasses.' if wisdom, according to classical authority, lies in a well, so does the wit of this association. another griffin's claw, curiously mounted on an eagle's leg of silver, which came at the revolution from the treasury at st. denis, is preserved in the cabinet of antiquities in the king's library at paris. three such talons were formerly kept at bayeux, and were fastened on high days to the altar as precious relics! a 'corne de griffoun' is mentioned in the kalend. of excheq. iii, . another, about an ell in length, is mentioned by dr. grew in his 'history of the rarities of the royal society,' p. . the doctor thinks it the horn of a roebuck, or of the _ibex mas_. leigh says that griffyns "are of a great hugenes, for i have a clawe of one of their pawes, which should show them to be as bygge as _two_ lyons." the egg was likewise preserved as a valuable curiosity, and used as a goblet. "item, j oef de griffon, garnis d'argent, od pie et covercle." the griffin was assumed by the family of le dispenser, and the upper part appears as the crest on the helm of hugh le dispenser, who was buried at tewkesbury in . another strikingly designed representation of this curious animal is seen at warwick, at the feet of richard beauchamp, who died in .[ ] the _harpy_, unusual in english armory, has the head and breasts of a woman, with the body, legs, and wings of a vulture. this was a classical monster. guillim, imitating virgil,[ ] says: "of monsters all, most monstrous this; no greater wrath god sends 'mongst men; it comes from depths of pitchy hell; and virgin's face, but wombe like gulfe insatiate hath; her hands are griping clawes, her colour pale and fell." the coat 'azure, a harpy or,' was 'in huntingdon church' in guillim's time. the _lyon-dragon_ and the _lyon-poisson_ are compound monsters; the former of a lion and a dragon, and the latter of a lion and a fish. these are of very rare occurrence, as is also the _monk-fish_, or sea friar, which randle holme tells us 'is a fish in form of a frier.' 'such a monstrous and wonderful fish,' he adds, 'was taken in norway.' the identity of the popular idea of the _mermaid_ with the classical notion of the syren is shown in the following passage from shakspeare: "thou rememberest since once i sat upon a promontory, and heard a mermaid on a dolphin's back uttering such dulcet and harmonious breath, that the rude sea grew civil at her song." and brown, in his 'vulgar errours,' observes, "few eyes have escaped [that] the picture of a mermaid, with woman's head above, and fishy extremity below, answers the shape of the antient syrens that attempted upon ulysses." the heraldric mermaid usually holds a mirror in her right hand and a comb in her left. the existence of mermaids was religiously believed not many ages since, and many accounts of their being captured on the english coast occur in the writings of our old chroniclers, and other retailers of marvels. the specimens exhibited of late years have been pronounced ingenious combinations of the upper half of the ape with the tail of a fish. the montegre, manticora, or _man-tyger_, had the body of a lion (q. tiger?), the head of an old man, and the horns of an ox. some heralds, by way of finish, give him dragon's feet. butler's well-known line, "the herald's _martlet_ hath no legs," has rendered most readers aware of the singular defect of this otherwise beautiful charge. heraldric authors differ as to the identity of this bird. its being called in latin blazon 'merula,' and in french 'merlotte,' the diminutive of 'merle,' has induced some to consider it a blackbird; while others, with greater plausibility, decide in favour of the common house martin, the legs of which are so short and the wings so long that when it alights upon the ground it cannot rise without great difficulty. hence originated the mistake of pourtraying it without legs, "and for this cause," sagely observes guillim, "it is also given for a _difference_ of younger brethren to put them in minde to trust to their wings of vertue and merit to raise themselves, and not to their legges, having but little land to put their foot on." the _opinicus_ differs slightly from the griffin, having four lion's legs instead of two, and the tail is short like that of a camel. it is used as the crest of the barber-chirurgeons company. the _pegasus_ or winged-horse ranks among the chimerical figures of heraldry borrowed from classical fable, and is more frequently employed as a crest or supporter than as a charge. the _sphinx_ occurs very rarely. the _satyr_ or satyral exhibits a human face attached to the body of a lion, and has the horns and tail of an antelope. the _sagittary_ is the centaur of antiquity--half man, half horse, and is said to have been assumed as the arms of king stephen on account of the great assistance he had received from the archers, and also because he had entered the kingdom while the sun was in the sign sagittarius. sir john maundevile tells us that in bacharie "ben many ipotaynes, that dwellen somtyme in the watre and somtyme on the lond; and thei ben half man and half hors: and thei eten men _when they may take hem_"--an excellent _gloss_ upon mrs. _glass_, 'first _catch_ your hare,' &c.[ ] the _unicorn_ is the most elegant of all these fanciful figures, and is too well known as the sinister supporter of the royal arms to need any description. mr. dallaway derives the heraldric unicorn from the spike antiently fixed to the headpiece of a war-horse, and resembling a horn; but as this does not account for the cloven hoofs and slender, tufted tail, i should reverse the inference, and derive that appendage from the popular notion of the unicorn. the unicorn of antiquity was regarded as the emblem of strength; and as the dragon was the guardian of wealth, so was the unicorn of chastity. his horn was a test of poison, and in virtue of this peculiarity the other beasts of the forest invested him with the office of water-'conner,' never daring to taste the contents of any pool or fountain until the unicorn had stirred the waters with his horn to ascertain if any wily serpent or dragon had deposited his venom therein. upton and leigh detail the 'wonderful art' by which the unicorn is captured. "a mayde is set where he haunteth, and she openeth her lappe, to whome the vnicorne, as seeking rescue from the force of the hunter, yeldeth his head and leaueth all his fierceness, and resting himself vnder her protection, sleapeth vntyll he is taken and slayne!" the hebrew _reem_ being rendered in our version of the bible unicorn, has confirmed the vulgar notion that the animal intended was the cloven-hoofed and single-horned figure of heraldry; but there is nothing in the word sanctioning the idea that the animal was single-horned; and on referring to the passages in which the term is introduced, the only one which is quite distinct on this point seems clearly to intimate that the animal had _two_ horns. that passage is deut. xxxiii, . 'his horns are like the _horns_ of the reem;' the word here is singular, not plural, and should have been 'unicorn,' not 'unicorns,' in our version.[ ] it has lately been attempted to prove that the reem of scripture was the animal now known as the nhyl-gau.[ ] reem is translated in the septuagint by '[greek: monokerôs],' which is exactly equivalent to our unicorn. if a one-horned animal be contended for, the rhinoceros is the only one now known that is entitled to the attribute of _unicornity_. leigh declares the unicorn of our science to be a mortal foe to elephants, and such, according to zoologists, is the character of the rhinoceros. these two are, however, the only points of resemblance; for while the unicorn of heraldry is of light and elegant symmetry, the rhinoceros of the african deserts is an animal so clumsy and ponderous that it has been known to require eight men to lift the head of one into a cart.[ ] the _wyvern_ is one of the most usual of this description of charges. it is represented as a kind of flying serpent, the upper part resembling a dragon with two fore legs, and the lower part a snake or adder. the name is derived from the anglo-saxon 'wivere,' a serpent. the bull and the lion with the wings of an eagle occasionally occur in continental armory, but i do not recollect an instance of either in english heraldry. the winged lion is the achievement of the city of venice. the foregoing enumeration of heraldric monsters includes all that are generally borne, and even some that scarcely ever occur; but randle holme, in his 'academy of armory,' figures and describes a multitude of others, some of which i strongly suspect to have been the offspring of his own prolific fancy. the triple-headed cerberus was borne, this writer tells us, by the name of _goaler_, while another family bore 'the scarlet beast of the bottomless pit:' ensigns of _honour_, truly! what shall we say of the _nependis_, or ape-hog, half ape, half swine; the _minocane_, or _homocane_, half child, half spaniel dog; the _lamya_, a compound of a woman, a dragon, a lyon, a goat, a dog, and a horse; the dragon-tyger, and dragon-wolf; the lyon-wyvern; the winged satyr-fish; the cat-fish and devil-fish; the ass-bittern (the arms of mr. asbitter!) the ram-eagle; the falcon-fish with a hound's ear; and the 'wonderfull pig of the ocean?' _from holme's academy of armory._ [illustration: ram-eagle.] [illustration: cat-fish.] [illustration: ass-bittern.] chapter v. the language of arms. "armes do speak." _sylvanus morgan._ the very earliest of armorial devices are of two classes: the first comprising those which consist of simple lines and tinctures, so disposed as to form an agreeable harmony or contrast; and the second embracing those which convey some sentiment. the first resulted from a study of what was pleasing to the eye; the other expressed the moral attributes of the original bearer, by natural or artificial figures employed as symbols. to illustrate my meaning, let us suppose that two knights, a and b, assume each a coat of arms. a, regarding nothing more than an agreeable effect, embroiders his banner with chequers of red and yellow. b, esteeming himself a valiant soldier, expresses that sentiment by representing upon his silver buckler a lion in the attitude of combat, which, for the purpose of inspiring terror, he paints of a colour resembling that of blood. in the course of a few generations the principles upon which these devices have been framed are reduced to a science, with a regular nomenclature and fixed laws. then a's banner begins to be spoken of as 'chequy, gules, and or,' while b's escocheon is described as 'argent, a lion rampant, gules.' again, two followers of a, whom we will call c and d, imitating their chief's example, assume similar devices for their shields and pennons. c gives the red and yellow chequers of his patron, adding, for distinction's sake, a white bordure, while d surmounts the same device with a diagonal stripe of blue. in like manner, two adherents of b, whom we will style e and f, copy the lion from his shield, but give him a different colour, e's lion being black and f's blue. carrying the principle a stage further, g, a supporter of d, adopts his blue bend, but omits the chequers of a; and h, a follower of f, retains the colours of his device, but gives three lions instead of one; while i, also retaining those colours, gives his lion or lions walking or passant; and so on to infinity. this i believe will be found the true theory of the multiplication of armorial bearings.[ ] thus it will be seen that only a portion of such devices were ever symbolical, and that those which were, in process of time ceased to be so in relation to the successors or dependents of the original assumers. when surnames were first generally adopted, a personage to whom nature had given a pale visage took the name of white. his sons might be all ruddy and his grandsons all brown, yet every one of them bore the family name of white. again, the original mr. wise might have had the misfortune to become the progenitor of a long line of blockheads, and mr. smith's descendants have all been tailors; yet, regardless of these circumstances, their posterity are all, respectively, wises and smiths until this day. so it has necessarily occurred with heraldric devices; and many a gentleman who bears crescents or other celestial insignia, is chiefly intent upon mundane affairs; while many another, whose shield displays the rampant lion possesses the peaceful disposition of a lamb. strangely at variance with experience is ofttimes found the sentiment of horace: "fortes creantur fortibus et bonis, ---- nec imbellem feroces progenerant aquilæ columbam." the early treatises on heraldry contain little beyond the technicalities of the science; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a race of authors arose who bestowed infinite labour upon researches into the origin of heraldric figures and their symbolical meaning. according to these writers, every tincture and bearing adumbrated the natural dispositions of the bearer. the treatises of leigh and the succeeding heraldrists down to the time of morgan abound with speculations, often ingenious but still oftener absurd, as to the import of armorial ensigns; and a new system arose sustaining the same relation to heraldry that astrology bears to astronomy. this was called armilogia, or the language of arms; and the length to which it was carried tended perhaps more than any other circumstance to bring the study of legitimate armory into disrepute. in the present chapter it is my intention to give a few specimens of these theories selected here and there, without any attempt at collation; for their originators are often widely at variance with each other, and, as in most other matters that are purely speculative, we find "quot homines tot sententiæ." one of the foremost absurdities of this system is the respect paid to the mystic number nine. in whatever point of view we examine the armory of those days, nine prominent features are made to present themselves; thus there are tinctures, sorts of shields, furs, honourable ordinaries, roundles, differences of brethren, worthy partitions, mesles, abatements of honour, virtues of chivalry, worthies, female ditto, sorts of gentry, duties of heralds, ix artycles of gentilnes, ix vices contrary to gentilmen, ix precious stonys, ix vertues of precious stonys, especial rejoicings, &c. &c. &c. "wherefore," asks old leigh, "have you used the number of nyne in all your demonstracions more than any other?" to which gerard replies, "not onely because it is aptest for this science, for that the rules incident thereto chiefly fall out to that number, but that for that of all simple numbers it is most of content. the figure whereof holdeth all other vnder it, as by the arte of arithmetique ye may sonest perceve, where ye shall fynde, that all articles and compoundes, be they never so hudge,[ ] are made of nyne figures. the golden number also of itselfe, is the last, the whiche ye may equally devyde into three odde partes, which have bin resembled to the blisse of the iii ierarchies of holines. in the which every one hath a likenes of the trinitie," with much more equally to the purpose.[ ] nothing can be more tedious than to follow a zealous _armilogist_ through all the windings and turnings into which his fancy leads him. i quote, by way of example, leigh's remarks on the tincture gules or red: "the first of these seven coloures is called geules. and is in colour neither red nor sanguine, but is the verye vermilion itself. for that is right geule. it is a royal colour, and hath that proper qualitie in it selfe that it may not be gased on any while. for then the eye is wekened therby. the author wherof is profe it selfe. _l._ i thincke you may be to seke for comendacion of this colour, for i have not harde muche either spoken or written in prayse of it. can ye saye any thyng? _g._ although it shewe itself to be commendable, yet shall it not wante my prayse. i were nere dryven to the wall, if i had no more to commende this coloure by but that where-with the frenshe herehaughts[ ] did sett forthe their auriflamb, whiche came frome heaven, as by vaine miracle they fayne. but they that make suche shifte shulde rather have taken occasion to praise the same, for that the red rammes skinnes covered the arke. and that is no fable. yet for my promise of comendacion, i say to you, it is and longe hath ben used of emperours and kyngs for an apparell of majestie and of judges in their judgement seates. also god the father, promysinge redemption to the people, by the passion of christ, saieth, 'what is he that cometh from edom, with redd-coloured clothes of bosra?' which is so costly clothe. besides this, it is often spoken of in the scripture which i leve of for lengthnynge of time. nowe wyll i speake of the planett mars, which is the planett that this colour appertayneth to and is of all other the hotest, and most fyrye. martianus telleth, he is the armipotent god of battell whose hardy desire is to be avenged with spedy boldenes. ptolomeus sayeth, this planett maketh a man apte to all firye workes. _l._ if this be all the prayse you can gyve him, you will no more offend me with tediousnes. _g._ what nedeth more than enoughe, can ye not understand hereby what the nature of mars is? _l._ yes, very well. _g._ why then i will shewe you of the precious stone appertainyng to that colour and planett, which is called a rubye. it is a stone of dignitie, and as isidore writeth, is of the kynde of carbuncles. this precious stone neither fier wasteth or changeth his colour. this was one of the precious stones that was sett in the brest lapp of aron. of diuerse authors this is diversely and wonderfully commended for hys singuler vertues. as who list to rede may finde plentifully inoughe written thereof. now to the colour simple and compounde. of itselfe , it betokeneth strength, bouldenes with hardenes. , with or, a desire to conquere. , with argent, envie revenged. , with azure, to wynne heaven by good dedes. , with sable, hateth the worlde, with werynes thereof. , with verte, bould of corage in youth. , with purpure, strong in dede, juste in worde, &c." in like manner our author labours through the remaining colours, ascribing to each some wonderful virtue. the irrelevant nature of the observations introduced is occasionally highly diverting. nature, art, metaphysics, religion, history, are all in turn made to contribute something towards the illustration of the armilogist's theories. in his disquisition on argent or silver, he remarks, "being fine it is medicinable." his imaginary friend says, "you digresse now, and meddell with that that apperteineth not to this arte." at this master gerard waxes wroth and says, "i marvayle what science arte or misterye it were that an herhaught sholde have none intelligence thereof? were it never so secret or profunde. for, if he have not of all thynges some vnderstanding, as well as of severall languages he is not worthye to be an herhaught. therefore necessary it is for him to have an universal knowledge in eche thinge."[ ] i can scarcely hope to interest my reader by a display of the symbolical meaning of the colours of heraldry, yet as perchance some one may feel gratified in being able to judge of his or her own character and dispositions by examining the family achievement, i will here, as briefly as possible, set down the result of master leigh's philosophy, divested of its verbiage. gold, then, betokens wisdom, justice, riches, and elevation of mind. compounded with silver, it signifies victory over all infidels, turks and saracens; with gules, a disposition to shed one's blood to acquire riches; and with azure, a disposition to keep what one gets. combined with sable it typifies constancy in all things, particularly in love; with vert, a joyful possession of riches; and with purpure a friendly feeling even towards enemies. silver alone signifies chastity, charity, and a clear conscience; but in company with gold--the will 'to reuenge christ's bluddshed.' gules--honest boldness. azure--courtesy and discretion. sable--abstinence. vert--virtue (!) purpure--the favour of the people. gules has already been described. azure, simple, shows a godly disposition, and joined with gold--the joyful possession of wealth. silver--vigilance in service. gules--aptitude to reprove villany. sable--sympathy for suffering. vert--success in enterprise. purpure--wisdom in counsel. sable betokens constancy, divine doctrine, and sorrow for loss of friends. with gold, it means long life. silver--fame. gules, it excites the fear of enemies. azure, it shows a desire to appease strife. vert--joy after sorrow. purpure--a religious disposition till death. vert, _per se_, means joy, love, and gladness. in poetry it is usually associated with these feelings. he who bears it with gold, is 'all in pleasure and joy.' silver--a sure lieutenant. gules--a determined fellow. azure--has excess of mirth. sable--moderation of ditto. purpure--bad luck after good fortune. purpure, alone, betokeneth jurisdiction, and combined with or--wisdom and riches. silver--a peaceable disposition. gules--policy in war. azure--just, but unfortunate, service. sable--'lamentable as the lapwing.' vert--'scorpion-like.' &c. &c. &c. the ordinaries, the lines of partition, &c., according to this system, are all significant: thus the bordure signifies a siege; the fesse, command; the cheveron, great note and estimation; per bend, justice; bendy-undy, some notable enterprise achieved by water; the pile, immortal virtue; nebuly, labour and travail. morgan speaks of the "direct line of self-love; the flecked and wavy line of pride; the clouded line of self-conceit; the indented line of envie; the crenelle line of ambition, &c."[ ] among common charges the rose means mercy and justice; the pomegranate, a true soldier; the billet, justice; the garb, plenty, &c. the following queer passage occurs in morgan:[ ] "some of the ancients were of opinion that the forbidden fruit was an aple of green colour, which we term a pomace: but it might aswel been blew, since we term it a _hurt_: for of that colour is becanus his indian fig-tree, which he affirms to be the tree of the forbidden fruit: if it had been red it had been a _tortiaux_, which hath tortered her posterity ever since; if it had been an orange it was the symbole of dissimulation, by which the woman might easily be deceived: if it had been the golden aples of the sun, the pomegranates, it had purple berries within it that left a stain, being a _besant_ of a waighty _guilt_: or it might have been silver, for it was fair to the eye, and was a _plate_ that served the worst fruit to mankind." almost every heraldric animal is emblematical of the qualities of the bearer; but as, upon this principle, little honour would redound to the bearers of some species, guillim tells us that "all sortes of animals borne in armes or ensigns must in blazoning be interpreted in the best sense, that is, according to their most generous and noble qualities, and so to the greatest honour of their bearers. for example, the fox is full of wit, and withall given wholly to filching for his prey. if then this be the charge of an escocheon we must conceive the qualities represented to be his wit and cunning, but not his pilfering and stealing." the following list of emblematical animals and their parts may amuse some: those whose taste does not lie this way can easily pass it over. the ass--patience. bull's head--rage. goat--policy. hart--skill in music. horns of stags, &c.--fortitude. unicorn--strength. lion rampant--courage and generosity. lion passant--majesty, clemency, circumspection. bear--affection for offspring. dog--fidelity, intelligence. hedgehog--provident care. grasshopper--wisdom. serpent--subtlety. snail--much deliberation (!) stork--filial piety, gratitude. eagle--a lofty spirit. wings--celerity, protection. owl--vigilance. pelican--love of offspring. swallow--industry. cock--courage. dolphin--charity. crane--civility. the _wolf_, according to upton, signifies a _wrangler in parliament_ or assembly! it does not seem to have occurred to these allegorizing worthies that the tincture of a charge may be diametrically opposed to the signification assigned to the charge itself. for example, the coat, 'vert, a bull's head or,' by the armilogical rules cited above, would signify, as to the tinctures, pleasure and joy, while as to the charge it would mean rage and fury. again, 'purpure, a wolf argent' would mean "a wrangler with a peaceable disposition!!" it was my intention to have examined this language of arms with more minuteness, but after a little research i find the labour ill-bestowed. he who can relish such far-fetched notions may gratify himself by a perusal of the somewhat rare folio often before quoted, sylvanus morgan's 'sphere of gentry,' london, ; and still further by that of his supplementary 'armilogia,' a small quarto published in . these works, with many others of this and the preceding centuries, contain much useful scientific information on heraldry, and generally evince some scholarship, but they are most unnecessarily blended with what mr. moule justly designates "a cabalistic jargon,"[ ] that renders it a matter of utter impossibility for any person of ordinary patience to read them through. guillim, whose work is on the whole the most readable of the number, is not altogether free from this laboured absurdity. one feature in many of the early works on heraldry occasionally renders them exceedingly amusing, and may partly countervail the prosy dulness of armilogy--namely, the fancied attributes of visible objects generally, but of animals in particular. absurdities in natural history at which a child would now laugh are gravely advanced, and often supported by quotations from pliny and other classical authors. a few specimens from leigh and guillim are subjoined. the =hart=, saith avicene, "is never troubled with fevers, because he hath no gall. he hath a bone in his hert, as precious as yvery. he feareth muche the voyce of the foxe, and hateth the serpent. he is long lived. for aristotle writeth, that diomedes did consecrate a hart to diana, with a coller of golde about his necke, which had these wordes, diomedes dianÆ. after whose tyme, almost a thousand yeres, agathocles the kynge of sicile did kill the same harte, and offered him up with his coller to jupiter, in hys temple, which was in calabria."[ ] "the =bore= is the ryght esquier, for he beareth both armor and shielde, and fighteth sternelye. when he determineth to fight, he will frot his left shield the space of halfe a day, against an oke. because that when he is streking thereon with the tuskes of his enemy, he shal feele no griefe thereof, and when they have fought one day together then they wil depart of themselves, keping good appointment, to meete in the same place, the next day after, yea, and the third day, till one of them be victor."[ ] of the =wolf= he says. "it is sayde, if a man be seene of hym first, the man leseth his voyce. but if the wolfe be scene of manne first, then the wolfe leseth his boldenesse and hardines. plinie wryteth, he loueth to playe with a chylde, and that he will not hurt it, tyll he be extreame houngry, what time he will not spare to devowre it.... avicene telleth that he desyreth greatly to eate fishe. and phisiologus writeth that he may not bend his necke backewarde, in no moneth of the yere but in may.... he enfecteth the wolle of shepe that he byteth, and is adversarye to them and theyr lambes.... there is nothynge that he hateth so much as the knockynge together of two flint stones, the whiche he feareth more then the hunters. aristotle sayeth that all kinde of wolves are contrary to all kynde of sheepe. for profe wherof cornelius agrippa also affirmed that if a man make a string of the wolves guts and put it on the harpe with stringes made of shepes guttes, it will never bee brought with any consent of harmony to agree with the other."[ ] of the =raven= guillim says: "it hath bene an ancient received opinion, and the same also grounded upon the warrant of the sacred scriptures (if i mistake not) that such is the propertie of the raven, that from the time his young ones are hatched or disclosed, untill he seeth what colour they will be of, he never taketh care of them nor ministreth any food unto them, therefore it is thought that they are in the meane space nourished with the heavenly dew. and so much also doth the kingly prophet, david, affirme, which giveth fodder unto the cattell, and feedeth the young ravens that call upon him. psal. , . the raven is of colour blacke, and is called in latine, corvus, or corax, and (according to alexander) hath but one kind of cry or sound which is _cras, cras_. when he perceiveth his young ones to be pennefeathered and black like himself, then doth he labour by all meanes to foster and cherish them from thence forward."[ ] "some report that those who rob the =tiger= of her yong, use a policy to detaine their damme from following them by casting sundry looking-glasses in the way, whereat shee useth long to gaze, whether it be to behold her owne beauty or because when shee seeth her shape in the glasse, she thinketh she seeth one of her yong ones, and so they escape the swiftnesse of her pursuit. and thus," moralizes our author, "are many deceived of the substance, whiles they are much busied about the shadowes."[ ] the following, however, shows that master guillim was growing sceptical of some of the 'vulgar errours' of his day: "pierius, in his hieroglyphicks saith, that if a man stricken of a =scorpion= sit upon an asse, with his face towards the taile of the asse, his paine shall passe out of him into the asse, which shall be tormented for him. in my opinion he that will beleeve this, is the creature that must be ridden in this case!"[ ] [illustration] chapter vi. allusive arms--armes parlantes. [illustration: (arms of the family of dobell.)] "non verbis sed _rebus_ loquimur." allusive arms are of two kinds: first, those which contain charges that relate to the character, office, or history of the original bearer; and, secondly, those which convey a direct pun upon his name. of the former description are the covered cups in the arms of butler, and the bugle-horns in those of forester.[ ] several examples of this species of bearings are given in the ninth chapter of this volume under the title of 'historical arms.' at present, i shall confine myself to the second class, which are called, in latin blazon, arma cantantia, in french, armes parlantes, and in english, =canting arms=. of this kind we have examples in the arms of camel, a camel; colt, colts; blackmore, moor's heads, &c. dallaway, porny, and other modern writers condemn this species of bearings, as of recent origin, and unworthy of a place amongst the classical devices of antient heraldry. porny places them in the category of assumptive arms--"such as are taken up by the caprice or fancy of upstarts, though of never so mean extraction." this notion, with whomsoever it originated, is decidedly erroneous, for such charges are found not only in the arms of distinguished nobles and knights in the very earliest days of hereditary armory, but occur also in those of several of the sovereign states of europe. according to some authors the lis in the royal arms of france are a play upon the name of louis, antiently spelt _loys_. the arms of spain exhibit, quarterly, a castle and a lion--a pun upon the names of the united provinces of castile and leon; and after the conquest of granada by ferdinand and isabella, a _pomegranate_ was added in the base of the escocheon. as to canting charges in the arms of subjects, we may observe that, in the earliest roll of arms extant, that of the time of henry iii,[ ] at least nine such occur. to prove this assertion, as well as to give the reader a sample of antient blazon, i shall quote them: reinold de moun--de goules ov ung _manche_ d'argent. nicholas de moeles--d'argent a deux barres de goules, a trois _molets_ en le cheif goules. geoffrey de lucy--de goules a trois _lucies_ d'or. roger de merley--barree d'argent et de goulz, a la bordur d'azure, et _merlots_ d'or en le bordur. hugh de ferrers--_vairre_, de argent et d'azur. robert quency--de goules ung _quintefueil_ de hermyne. thomas corbett--d'or deux _corbeaux_ noir. adam de swyneburne--de goules a trois testes de _senglier_ d'argent. odinel heron--d'azur a trois _herons_ d'argent. in another roll, made temp. edw. ii., armes parlantes are still more abundant. sire peres corbeht--de or, a ij _corbils_ de sable. sire robert de eschales--de goules, a vj _eschalops_ de argent. _suthsex and suthreye_: sire johan heringaud--de azure, crusule de or a vj _harengs_ (herrings) de or. _kent_: sire robert de sevens, de azure, a iij _vans_ de or. sire aumori de lucy, de azure, crusule de or, a iij _lucys_ de or. _barkschire_: sire adam martel, de sable, a iij _martels_ de argent. sire william videlou, de argent, a iij testes de _lou_, de goules. _bokinghamschire_: sire rauf de cheyndut, de azure, a un _cheyne_ de or, a un label de goules. sire johan le lou, de argent a ij barres de goules, en le chef iij testes de _lou_ de goules. _estsex_: sire johan passeleu, bende de or e de azure, a un quarter de argent, e un _lu_pard _pass_-aunt de goules. sire johan heroun, de azure a iij _herouns_ de argent. _suthfolk_: sire guy ferre, de goules, a un _fer_-de-molin de argent, e un bastoun de azure. sire richarde de cokfeld, de azure, a une croix e iij _coks_ de or. sire huge de morieus, de azure, a iij foiles de _moures_ de or. _northfolk_: sire ---- mounpynzon, de argent, a un lion de sable, a un _pinzon_[ ] de or en le espandle. _cauntebrugescire_: sire giles de trompintoun, de azure, crusule de or, a ij _trompes_ de or. _derby et notingham_: sire johan le fauconer, de argent a iij _faucouns_ de goules. sire johan bordoun, de goules a iij _bordons_ de argent. _huntingdonschire_: sire johan de swyneford, d'argent a iij testes de _cenglers_ de goulys. _norehaunton et rotelonde_: sire geffrey rossel, de or, a un cheveron azure, e iij roses de goules. _leycestreschire_: sire william bernak, de argent, a une fesse and iij _bernaks_ de sable. _herefordeschire_: sire peres corbet, de or a un _corbyn_ de sable. sire thomas corbet, de or a iij _corbyns_ de sable. _schropschire_: sire walter hakelut, de goules, a iij _hackes_ daneys de or, et un daunce de argent. _northumberland and comberland_: sire odynel heron, de argent a iij herons de azure. sire johan malebis, de argent, a iij testes de _bis_ de goules. in addition to these, i may adduce the following very antient families, whose arms are not traceable to any grant, but have been borne immemorially as antient arms. the pelhams bear three _pel_icans, and their crest is a _pe_acock. the puns in both instances, it must be confessed, are very poor; still, few will doubt that puns were intended. the arundels bear six swallows, in french _hirondelles_. the barons d'aquila, temp. henry iii, bore _eagles_; the bourgchiers, water-_bowgets_; the heringauds, _herrings_; lupus, earl of chester, a _wolf's_ head; shouldham, abbot of st. saviour's, _shov_ellers; the bacons, a _boar_; the wingfelds, _wings_; the rokewoods, chess-_rooks_; the pigots, _pick_-axes; the boleynes, _bulls'_ heads; the shelleys, _shells_; and an infinity of others. dame julyan berners was no stranger to such arms, for she distinctly mentions the coat of peter de roches, bishop of winchester, who "baar iij rochys (roaches) after his awne naam." the cross-_corded_, borne by the _roper_ who became a "nobull man," spoken of by that lady, belongs to the other class of allusive arms, as conveying a hint at his former menial occupation. that this kind of charges became too common in the early part of the seventeenth century, dallaway is, perhaps, correct in affirming; but those were punning days, and quaint conceits often took the place of true wit. camden, the correctness of whose heraldric taste none will presume to question, did not hold _arma cantantia_ in so contemptible a light as some of his successors in office have done; for among the arms granted by him, a list of which is given by morgan,[ ] the following, among others, occur: dobell of falmer, co. sussex, sable, a _doe_ passant between three _bells_ argent.[ ] bullock of london. bulls' heads. foster of london. bugle-horns. hampson of kent. hemp-breaks. fisher of staffordshire. a kingfisher. conie of huntingdonshire. coneys. crowch.[ ] crosses formée. langhorn. bugle-horns. cannon of pembrokeshire. crest. a cannon. treherne. three herns. cross of lincolnshire. a cross-crosslet. knightley. a lance.[ ] there was a kind of rebus much in vogue in the fourteenth and following centuries, which, although not regulated by the laws of blazon, possessed somewhat of the heraldric character. many persons, even those of antient family, who bore regular coats of arms, adopted various figures for the purpose of expressing their names pictorially; for instance, one john eagleshead gave as his seal an _eagle's head_, surrounded by the motto, "hoc aquilÆ caput est, signumque figura johannis." the abbot of ramsay bore, in the same way, _a ram in the sea_, with an appropriate legend. one harebottle expressed his name by a _hare_ upon a _bottle_; while islip, abbot of westminster, represented his by a man slipping out of a tree, and supposed to exclaim, "i slip!" these "painted poesies," as camden styles them, occur chiefly in painted glass windows, in decorated gothic architecture, and in the title-pages of early printed books.[ ] one of the most singular rebuses i have seen occurs in a window in the chapel at lullingstone, co. kent, the seat of sir p. h. dyke, bart. it is that of sir john peché. in this instance the arms of the personage are surrounded by a wreath, composed of two branches of a peach tree bearing fruit, every peach being marked with an old english =e=; peach-é. it is curious that this device proves the true pronunciation of the name, which was formerly supposed to be peche. the common rebus, although it did not come into general use until after the introduction of regular heraldry, may boast of a much higher antiquity, for such devices occur as the representatives of names of no less eminence than those of cicero and cæsar; not to mention those of celebrated sculptors and mint-masters, who, in the palmiest days of rome, frequently marked the productions of their genius with a rebus. taking into consideration the great antiquity of these "name-devices," and their early introduction into the armorial shield, i cannot see any good reason for the strong prejudices which have existed against them in modern times. to me, indeed, they appear not only 'allowable' but 'commendable' armory; for arms, like names, are signs of personality, and therefore those which 'speak to the eye' most intelligibly are preferable to those charges which have in themselves no meaning.[ ] there can be no doubt but that, from the mutations our language has experienced within the last six centuries, many of the allusions contained in coats of arms are greatly obscured, while others are totally lost. the arms of the family of eschales, now written scales, exhibit eschalops (escallops), and those of sykes, fountains--a _syke_, in the northern dialects, signifying a spring, or rather that kind of well, which was formerly sunk within the precincts of a camp. * * * * * in order to show how numerous allusive arms are in english armory, i will here give a list of those occurring in the baronetage as it stood in ,[ ] omitting, for the sake of brevity, the details of the blazon. bacon. (crest.) a boar. shelley. three whelk-_shells_. burdett of bramcote. six birds (martlets). foulis. three leaves (feuilles, fr.) palmer. (crest.) a demi panther, holding a palm-branch. motto: "palma virtuti." rivers. two bars dancetté. query: if these were not originally _wavy_, to represent _rivers_? mansell. three maunches. hazlerigg. three hazel-leaves. goring. three annulets (rings!) wolseley. (crest.) a wolf's head. burgoyne. three _birds_ (martlets), and three talbots (_canes_). hampson. three hemp-breaks. swinburne. (crest.) a demi boar. ashburnham. (crest.) an ash tree. brooke. (crest.) a _brock_ (o. e. for badger). burdett of burthwaite. three birds (martlets). head. three unicorns' heads. oxenden. three oxen. parker of london. a stag's head. ramsden. three ram's heads. colt. three colts. warrender. (crest.) a rabbit. featherstonhaugh. three feathers. sheffield. three garbs (sheaves). cunliffe. three conies. wolff. (crest.) a wolf. bernard-morland. quarters a bear. coote. three cootes. heron. three herons. sykes. three fountains (sykes, vide p. ). fletcher. four arrow-heads. beevor. (crest.) a beaver. hunter-blair. three hunting horns. miller. a cross moline. call. three trumpets. gould. _or_, a griffin segreant. baring. a bear's head. lamb. three lambs. boughey-fletcher. four arrows. trowbridge. an antient bridge. milnes. three windmill-sails. ball. a hand-grenade. baynes. cross bones. metcalfe. three calves. kay. (crest.) a griffin's head holding a key. lethbridge. a bridge. hartwell. a hart. shelley. three whelk shells, as before. lockhart. a heart within a fetter-lock. fraser. three cinquefoils, or rather strawberry-leaves (fr. _fraises_). corbet. a corby or raven. wood of gatton. a tree. baird. a boar. cockerell. two cocks. fletcher of carrow. four arrow-heads. sheaffe. three garbs (sheaves). anderson. a saltier or st. andrew's cross. broke. (crest.) a brock or badger. wylie. a [_wily_] fox. griffies-williams. four griffins. waller. three walnut leaves. (crest.) a walnut tree. oakes. three oak branches. trotter. (crest.) a horse! brooke of colebrook. a brock again. dalrymple-horn (elphinstone). three bugle-horns. key. three keys. foster (antiently written forester). three bugle-horns. holyoake-goodricke. (crest.) an oak tree with a scroll containing the words "sacra quercus." paulett. three swords. the sword was the distinctive mark of st. paul. roe. (crest.) a roebuck. a more thorough acquaintance with english archaisms and provincialisms would probably enable one to detect numerous other bearings corresponding with the surnames of the bearers; but these seventy examples, cited from one branch of our lesser nobility only, are fully sufficient to prove that there is nothing mean or disgraceful in canting or allusive arms. it would be a matter of little difficulty to fill fifty pages with arms of this description, but a few more, and those of the most remarkable, may be given. the family of _still_ bear guttée d'eau, drops of water; stilla, lat. a drop; _drope_, lord mayor of london, also bore guttée; and _harbottle_ bore three drops or. _vere_, earl of oxford, gave a boar, in latin verres. _clear_, _bright_, _day_, and _st. clere_ bear a 'sun in splendour;' the same luminary is also given by dy_son_ and pear_son_; while dela_luna_ bears a crescent, and _ster_ling stars. the crest of _holden-rose_, as given in baker's northamptonshire, may be briefly described as a hand holding a rose! harrison bears a hedgehog, in french _herisson_; pascall, a paschal-lamb; and keats three cats! _and_ bears gules a roman =&= argent! brand, lord dacre, bears two _brands_, or antient swords, in saltire; hose, three _legs_ couped at the thigh; and pickering, a _pike_ between three _annulets_. * * * * * "le même usage (says salverte) a été alternativement cause et effet." we have already seen that multitudes of armorial ensigns have been borrowed from the bearers' names--it is asserted by several authors that, in many cases, _surnames were borrowed from arms_. salverte[ ] thinks that many of the chiefs who were engaged in the crusades assumed and handed down to their posterity names allusive to the charges of their banners. he also notices, from the history of poland, the fact that there were in that country, in the twelfth century, two families called respectively _rose_ and _griffon_, and he thinks "we may with probability suppose, that both took from their arms those names, which no longer subsist, because hereditary surnames were not yet established in poland." in sweden, again, according to this learned writer, there is _proof_ that the nobles followed such a practice. "one who bore in his arms the head of an ox assumed the name of oxenstiern (front de boeuf;) and another took the name of sparr, on account of the cheveron which formed the principal feature of his coat." "a particular instance of the armorial ensign being metonymically put for the bearer of it, occurs in the history of the troubadours, the first of whom was called the dauphin, or knight of the dolphin, because he bore this figure on his shield. in the person of one of his successors, the name dauphin became a title of sovereign dignity. many other surnames were in this manner taken from arms, as may be inferred from the ordinary phraseology of romance, where many of the warriors are styled knights of the lion, of the eagle, of the rose, &c., according to the armorial figures they bore on their shields."[ ] at tournaments the combatants usually bore the title of knights of the swan, dragon, star, or whatever charge was most conspicuous in their arms.[ ] the arms of trusbut are three water-bowgets, 'très boutz.' mr. montagu thinks the name was taken from the bearings.[ ] the royal line of plantagenet derived their appellation from the _planta genesta_, their very antient badge. there is certainly some probability that a few of our english surnames, particularly those derived from the animal kingdom, come immediately from an heraldrical source; though it would be a matter of great difficulty positively to ascertain whether the names or the arms were adopted first. without attempting to decide, therefore, which had the earliest existence, i shall annex certain surnames of an heraldrical character, which have found their way into our family nomenclature, and give the more prominent features of the blazon borne with those names, leaving it to the reader to form his own conclusions: . cross. many families of this name bear crosses and crosslets. . saltire bears billets and a bordure, but not the ordinary so called. . cheveron bears two cheverons. . canton. several families are so designated, but not one of them bears the canton of heraldry. . billet. the same remark applies. . gore. in various coats, crosslets, lions and bars, but not one _gore_, the only hint at the name being _bulls' heads_ in two or three coats. . pile. a cross and four nails. . mascle. some families of _mascall_ bear barry of eight, others fleur-de-lis and a bordure, and the family of _mascule_, a fesse. . roundle. _roundell_ does not bear this charge. . barry. of the many families of this name some bear barry, bars and barulets; and barr bears (int. al.) a _bar_. . paly. two families bear bends; but not one _paly_. . delves. the family of delves bear these in several arrangements. pale, fesse, chief, bend, quarter, and an infinity of the names of charges, do not occur as english surnames. of the etymology of the somewhat common name _crown-in-shield_, i am entirely ignorant; nor do i find any arms assigned to it. [illustration: (rebus of de aquila.)] chapter vii. crests, supporters, badges, etc. [illustration: (gilderedge. bourchier. exmew.)] hitherto our attention has been principally directed to the escocheon and its charges. it now remains to treat of those heraldric ornaments which surround the shield, as crests, helmets, wreaths, mantlings, supporters, scrolls, mottoes, and badges: and first, of crests, and their accompaniments. every one must have remarked that when the heraldric insignia of a family are represented in full, the shield or escocheon is surmounted with a helmet, the antient covering for the warrior's head. these helmets are drawn according to certain fixed rules. although their general shapes are as various and fanciful as those of shields, their positions, &c. are regulated by the rank of the bearers: for instance, the sovereign's helmet is of gold, full faced, and open, with six bars; that of dukes is of steel, placed a little in profile, and defended with five gold bars; that of baronets and knights is of steel, full-faced, the visor up, and without bars; and that of esquires and gentlemen is also of steel with the visor down, ornamented with gold, and placed in profile. according to some authors, the helmets of bastards should be turned to the sinister or left side, to denote their illegitimacy.[ ] upon the top of the helmet is the _wreath_, which was originally a kind of chaplet surrounding the warrior's head. it was composed of two bands, or skeins of silk twisted together and tinctured of the principal metal and colour of the arms. the wreath is used in the majority of bearings, but occasionally a ducal coronet or a chapeau occurs instead.[ ] from this ornament, whether wreath, chapeau, or coronet, rises the crest. the word crest appears to be derived from the latin _crista_, the comb or tuft which grows upon the heads of many species of birds. the idea, as well as the name, was doubtless borrowed from this source. the crest was sometimes called a cognizance from cognosco, because by its means the wearer was _known_ or distinguished on the field of battle. crests were originally worn by military commanders upon the apices of their helmets as the proud distinction of their rank; and, by adding to their apparent stature, served to give them a formidable aspect. they also enabled their soldiers to rally round their persons, and to follow their movements in the confusion of the battle. the tall plumes of birds, human heads, and figures of animals in a rampant posture, seem to have been among the earliest devices made use of. the antiquity of crests for the uses above referred to, is far greater than that of the introduction of heraldry. the helmets of the divinities and heroes of the classical era are thus decorated. the owl on that of minerva may be cited as an example. jupiter ammon is represented as having borne, as a crest, a ram's head, which alexander the great adopted in token of his pretended descent from that deity. the use of crests by antient warriors is alluded to by phædrus in his fable of the battle of the mice and weasels, where the generals of the former party are represented as wearing horns fastened to their heads: "ut conspicuum in prælio haberent signum quod sequerentur milites." _fab. liii._ in heraldry, the adoption of crests is modern compared with that of coat-armour,[ ] and many families at the present time have no crests. this is easily accounted for. we have seen that they were at first used exclusively by commanders. in time, however, the spirit of imitation led persons of inferior rank to assume those of their feudal superiors; and hence far less regularity is found in the heraldry of crests than in that of coat-armour. in many cases crests have been borrowed from one or other of the charges of the shield: hence if the coat contain a lion rampant, the crest is frequently a demi, or half lion, or a lion's head; and should three or six eagles occupy the shield, another eagle often serves as a crest. with respect to the material of which the actual crests were composed, some assert that it was leather, or pasteboard stiffened and varnished, to preserve it from the wet; but the few that i have had an opportunity of inspecting are composed of more substantial materials. thus the crest of one of the echingham family, 'a demi-lion rampant,' on a helmet preserved in echingham church, co. sussex, is of wood, and that of a knight of the pelham family in laughton church, in the same county, 'a peacock in his pride,' is of iron. the crests engraved at the head of this chapter have been selected on account of their singularity.[ ] the flourished ornament behind the crest, and which is often made to encompass the entire armorial insignia, was originally either a mantle of estate, worn when the warrior was not actually engaged in battle, and tinctured of the metal and colour of his arms,[ ] or from the _lambrequin_, a small piece of cloth or silk employed to protect the helmet from rain, as well as to prevent the polished steel from dazzling the eyes of the spectator. the jags and flourishes are conjectured to represent the cuts which a valiant knight would receive in battle; and hence the extravagant fashion of painting these mantlings was probably intended as a compliment to the prowess of the bearer. supporters are those figures which stand on each side of the escocheon, and appear to support, or hold it up. in latin blazon they are termed talamones and atlantes, and in french _supports_ or _tenans_. as crests are more recent than coat-armour, so supporters are of later date than crests. menestrier, the great classic of french heraldric literature, deduces the origin of supporters from the antient tournaments, at which it was customary for the knights who engaged in those chivalrous exercises to have shields of their arms adorned with helmets, mantlings, wreaths, crests, and other ornamental appendages suspended near the lists. these were guarded by pages and armour-bearers fantastically attired as saracens, moors, giants, and mermaids, or disguised with skins to resemble lions, bears, and other animals. the figures adopted in this kind of masquerade became afterwards the supporters of the family achievement. as i have not had the good fortune to read menestrier's work, and only know it through quotations, i am unable to ascertain by what arguments and proofs his hypothesis is strengthened; but i may be allowed to express my doubts as to this picturesque origin of supporters. the account of it given by anstis, in his aspilogia, appears to me to be far more probable: "as to supporters, they were (i take it) _the invention of the graver_, who, in cutting, on seals, shields of arms, which were in a triangular form and placed on a circle, finding a vacant place at each side and also at the top of the shield, thought it an ornament to fill up the spaces with vine branches, garbs, trees, flowers, plants, ears of corn, feathers, fretwork, lions, wiverns, or some other animals, according to their fancy.[ ] "if supporters had been esteemed formerly (as at this time) the marks and ensigns of nobility, there could be no doubt but there would have been then, as now, particular supporters appropriated to each nobleman, exclusive of all others; whereas, in the seals of noblemen affixed to a paper wrote to the pope, in the year , the shields of arms of twenty-seven of them are in the same manner supported (if that term may be used) on each side by a wivern, and seven of the others by lions; that of john de hastings hath the same wivern on each side of his shield of arms, and also on the space over it; in the manner as is the lion in the seals of hache, beauchamp, and de malolacu. the seals of despencer, basset, and baddlesmere, pendent to the same instrument, have each two wiverns, or dragons, for supporters; and that of gilbert de clare, three lions, placed in the form above mentioned. the promiscuous usage of wiverns to fill the blank in the seals is obvious to all who are concerned in these matters. "but what is a stronger argument is, that the same sort of supporters as those here mentioned is placed in the seals of divers persons whose families were never advanced to the peerage, and who, not styling themselves knights, doubtless were not bannerets; persons of which degree (if i mistake not) now claim supporters during their lives, as well as knights of the garter, and some great officers of state. instances of this kind are often met with; nay, the engraver hath frequently indulged his fancy so far as to insert figures which do not seem proper, according to the present notion of supporters to arms; as two swords on each side the arms of sir john de harcla; and st. george fighting with the dragon on one side, and the virgin with our saviour in her arms on the other side, of a seal affixed to a deed executed by lord ferrers, whose arms, on the impress of a seal pendent to a deed, dated th may, {o} henry vi, have not any supporters. this, as well as many other omissions of supporters, by many noblemen, in their old seals, seems likely to imply that they were not the right of the nobility exclusive of others. "when supporters were first assumed, if there were two on one seal, they were generally the same; but sometimes there was only one, and sometimes three, as may be seen on various seals. "the manner of placing these supporters was also very different; as sometimes, when the shield lay on the side, the supporters have been placed so as to seem to be supporting the crest, as appears in the seal of the earl of arundel, in which seal there is not any coronet. some were placed all standing one way; and, if but one, it was placed sometimes on one side of the shield of arms, and sometimes on the other: sometimes, again, it was placed at the bottom, and the arms set on it; and sometimes behind, with the arms against it, and the head above the shield, and in a helmet, as in the seal of william, lord fitz-hugh, th henry vi." from a ms. of wingfeld, york herald, deposited in the college of arms, it appears that many families below the rank of nobility antiently used supporters, and it is asserted that the descendants of persons who used them have a right to perpetuate them, however they were acquired. many examples are cited of commoners having used supporters from an early period: some in virtue of high offices, as those of lords warden of the cinque ports; comptrollers of the household, &c.; others without any such qualification, as, for instance, the coverts of sussex, the st. legers of kent, the carews of surrey, the savages of cheshire, the pastons of norfolk, &c. in the hall at firle place, co. sussex, are the arms of sir john gage, comptroller of the household to queen mary, supported by two greyhounds. the descendants of that gentleman, long afterwards elevated to the peerage by the title of viscount gage, continue to use the same supporters. a few other instances of such resumption occur. by a singular anomaly the baronets of nova scotia are allowed by their patents of creation to carry supporters, while the english baronets, their superiors both in dignity and antiquity, have not that privilege. some of these, however, as well as distinguished naval and military commanders, have, at various times, received the royal license to use them. i have attempted, in vain, to collect an authentic list of the supporters of the royal arms of england from the time of edward iii, when, according to some authors, they were first assumed. there are discrepances in the authorities which are not easily accounted for. they are seldom agreed upon those of any early sovereign. for example, berry gives richard ii a lion and a hart; fosbroke says, _two angels_, and makes him the first king who adopted supporters. henry iv, according to nisbet, had two angels; dallaway says, a lion and an antelope; and sandford, a swan and an antelope! to henry v, nisbet assigns two antelopes, while willement, out of broke, gives him the lion and antelope. the probability is that all parties are right, each having reference to a particular instance in which the respective supporters are employed. one thing is certain, that while the colours and charges of the shield have remained unchanged from a very early date, the supporters have experienced many vicissitudes. edward iv changed his supporters at least three times; and until the reign of james i, when the lion and unicorn became stationary, the royal supporters do not seem to have been regarded as part of the _hereditary_ ensigns of the kingdom.[ ] i shall only add on this subject some extraordinary fashions in the use of supporters. i am inclined to think that these adjuncts to arms originated, partly, in the corbels of gothic architecture, on which shields are frequently supported in the hands of angels.[ ] numerous instances of this kind occur in antient churches and halls built in the decorated style. sometimes these angels are vested in terrene habiliments, as in the annexed cut, from a drawing of a sculptured stone among the ruins of robertsbridge abbey. [illustration] shields of arms are sometimes supported by a single animal, as in the case of the arms of prussia, where an eagle with two heads performs that duty. several instances of arms borne upon the breast of an eagle are found in english heraldry: the following occur to my recollection, namely, those of richard earl of cornwall, brother of henry iii,[ ] those of the lathams of latham, in the fourteenth century,[ ] and those of john le bray, on his seal attached to a deed dated .[ ] a curious instance of this kind of supporter occurs in the arms of the lord of the manor of stoke-lyne, co. oxon. the figure employed in this case is neither angel nor eagle, but a hawk. when charles i held his parliament at oxford, the then lord of stoke-lyne having rendered him an important service, the king offered him the honour of knighthood, which he gratefully declined, and merely requested the royal permission to place the arms of his family upon the breast of a hawk. this being granted, the lords of the manor have ever since employed a hawk displayed as their supporter.[ ] [illustration] there is another species of supporter, the use of which seems to have been almost restricted to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and which is seldom noticed in our books of heraldry. the arms are represented upon a banner, the staff of which is supported by an animal in a rampant, or, more usually, in a sejant, posture. the arms of sir roger fynes, treasurer of the household to henry vi, are thus represented over the great gate of hurstmonceux castle, built by him. the supporter is the _alaunt_, or wolf-dog,[ ] and the scroll round the pole seems to have contained a motto, which is now illegible. some very singular supporters occur in french heraldry. under the _ancien régime_ the arms of most of the great officers of state were supported by ensigns emblematical of their various duties; for example-- _officers._ _supporters._ the admiral of france bore two anchors. vice-admiral, one anchor in pale behind the shield. great huntsman, two bugles at the dext. and sin. bases of the shield. grand master of artillery, two mounted cannons at ditto. grand marshal, at the base of the shield a cloud, from the dexter side of which proceeds a hand holding a sword in pale, and from the sinister, another hand holding a baton of office. grand louvetier, two wolves' heads at the base (wolf-hunter,) corners of the shield. grand esquire, two swords in pale with sashes. grand butler, two bottles ornamented with the royal arms. [illustration] the most singular supporters, perhaps, in the whole circle of heraldry are those of the noble french family of albret. two lions couchant, wearing helmets, support the lower part of the shield, and, above, are two eagles, each standing with one foot upon the head of the lion, while with the other he holds the upper part of the escocheon. the french armorists make a distinction between _supports_ and _tenans_: in this instance the lions are known by the former term, and the eagles by the latter. mottoes will form the subject of a short separate chapter: it therefore only remains, in this brief view of extra-scutal insignia, to notice badges. some families, as has already been observed, have no crests; a still greater number have no mottoes; and supporters belong to an exclusive few. badges are still more unusual, and in modern times it would perhaps be a matter of difficulty to enumerate twenty families who use them. _badge_, in its ordinary acceptation, signifies the mark or token of any thing; thus we are accustomed to call fetters the _badge_ of slavery, and a plain gold ring the _badge_ of matrimony; and thus in a figurative, or moral sense, shakspeare says, "sweet mercy is nobility's true _badge_." the word is of uncertain etymology. junius derives it from 'bode,' or 'bade,' a messenger, and supposes it to be a _contractio per crasin_ from 'badage,' the credential of a messenger. skinner and minsheu, again, deduce it from 'bagghe,' dutch, a jewel, or from 'bague,' french, a ring. but johnson, with more reason, considers it a derivative of the latin '_bajulo_,' to carry. "but on his breast a bloody cross he bore, the dear resemblance of his dying lord; for whose sweet sake that glorious _badge_ he wore." _spenser._ in heraldry, _badges_ are a kind of subsidiary arms used to commemorate family alliances, or some territorial rights or pretensions.[ ] sometimes, also, and perhaps more generally, they serve as trophies of some remarkable exploit achieved by an ancestor of the bearer. in the feudal ages most baronial families had their peculiar badges, and their dependents were recognized by having them embroidered upon their sleeves or breasts. they were generally placed upon a ground tinctured of the livery colours of the family.[ ] something analogous to this fashion is retained in the crest which adorns the buttons of our domestic servants, and still more so in the badges by which the firemen and watermen of london are distinguished. badges were also employed in various other ways, as, for example, on the furniture of houses, on robes of state, on the caparisons of horses, on seals, and in the details of gothic edifices. an instance of the various applications of the badge of one noble family has been familiar to me from childhood--the buckle, the badge assumed by sir john de pelham in commemoration of his having been principally concerned in the capture of john, king of france, at the battle of poictiers.[ ] this trophy occurs, as an appendage to the family _arms_, into which it is also introduced as a quartering; on the _ecclesiastical buildings_ of which the family were founders, or to which they were benefactors;[ ] on the architectural ornaments of their _mansions_ at laughton, halland, &c.; on antient _seals_; as the _sign of an inn_ near their estate at bishopstone, &c.; and among the humbler uses to which the buckle has been applied may be mentioned the decoration of the cast-iron chimney-backs in the farmhouses on the estate, the embellishment of milestones, and even the marking of sheep. throughout the whole of that part of eastern sussex over which the pelham influence extends there is no 'household word' more familiar than the =pelham buckle=.[ ] the following are the badges of a few other antient families: the lords hungerford used a golden garb, which seems to have been taken from the arms of the peverells, whose co-heiress married william lord hungerford, temp. henry v. they were 'azure, three garbs or.' edward lord hastings, who married the grand-daughter and heiress of the peer just named, bore on his standard the garb with a sickle--another badge of the hungerfords--united by a golden cord. john de willoughby de eresby, temp. edward iii, used two buckles, which he probably borrowed from the arms of his wife, the heiress of roceline: 'gules, crusily and three buckles argent.' one of the nevilles, lords bergavenny, bore two badges: first, two staples interlaced, one gold, the other silver; and second, a fret gold: these occur on a tomb at mereworth, co. kent.[ ] [illustration] the badge of the lords dacre was an escallop united to a ragged staff, as in the margin. the family of parr used a tuft of daisies; and the percies a silver crescent: "the minstrels of thy noble house, all clad in robes of blue, with silver crescents on their arms, attend in order due." _hermit of warkworth._ in the 'rising of the north countrie' this badge and the _dun bull_ of the nevilles are mentioned. of the latter we are told: "lord westmoreland his ancyent raysde, the _dun bull_ he rays'd on hye, and three dogs with golden collars, were there set out most royallye."[ ] [illustration] mowbray, duke of norfolk, used the punning device of lions and _mulberry_-trees; and vere, earl of oxford, a long-necked silver bottle, with a blue cord, allusive to his hereditary post of lord high chamberlain. sometimes these insignia answered the double purpose of the crest and the badge. some badges, however, as mr. m. remarks, are not at all suitable for crests. this applies particularly to _knots_, which were composed either of silk, or of gold and silver lace, and were antiently a favourite species of badge. the families of harrington, wake, bouchier, stafford, heneage, and others, each bore a peculiar knot. the regal heraldry of this country is peculiarly rich in badges. mr. montagu has, with great research, compiled a nearly perfect list of them from william rufus to james i, to which the reader who desires further information on this subject is referred.[ ] meantime i shall notice a few of the most celebrated. the broom-plant, or _planta-genesta_, was introduced by henry ii. from this badge the illustrious line of plantagenet derived their surname. the story of its origin, be it true or false, is well known. the first monarch who assumed the rose was edward i, who bore the flower or, the stalk green. from this, in some way as yet unexplained, probably originated the white and red roses of his descendants, the rival houses of york and lancaster. richard ii adopted the white hart and white falcon, both of which afterwards became the titles of pursuivants. the white swan of henry iv is said to have been derived from the bohuns, earls of hereford, the family of his first wife. the double s,[ ] concerning which so much conjecture has been wasted, was another badge of this monarch. "the device of margaret of anjou, queen of henry vi, was a daisy, in allusion to her name: 'the daise a floure white and rede, in french called la belle margarete.' _chaucer._" the extensive use of badges by the retainers of princes is shown by the order of richard iii for the making of thirteen thousand _boars_ "wrought upon fustian," to be used at his coronation. the rose and portcullis are amongst the most familiar of royal badges. these were used by the tudors. the tudor rose was a blending of the white and red roses of the two factions, united in this line of sovereigns. the portcullis came originally from the family of beaufort. james i combined the dexter half of the tudor rose with the sinister moiety of the scottish thistle, ensigned with a crown. at present, when the badges of the three kingdoms are represented with the royal arms, little attention is paid to heraldric propriety. the rose, shamrock, and thistle are figured, not _secundum artem_, but according to the fancy of the painter. henry viiith's regard to heraldric matters is shown by his giving to pieces of ordnance names corresponding with the titles borne by the officers of arms.[ ] this is further exemplified by the names he gave the ships composing his fleet, as hart, antelope, tegar, and dragon. the smaller vessels were mostly distinguished by the names of the royal badges, such as the fawcon and fetterlock, portquilice, hynde, double-rose, hawthorn,[ ] &c.[ ] some of these badges are still retained as signs of inns, particularly the swan and white-hart, both of which should be ducally gorged and chained, though these appendages, from the ignorance of sign-painters, are frequently omitted. [illustration: (abbot islip's rebus, vide p. )] chapter viii. heraldric mottoes. [illustration] "we ought to be meek-spirited till we are assured of the honesty of our ancestors; for covetousness and circumvention make no good _motto_ for a coat." _collier._ a motto is a word, or short sentence, inserted in a scroll placed generally under a coat of arms, and occasionally over the crest. the word is italian, and equivalent to _verbum_. as usual with things of long standing, a variety of opinions exists as to the origin of these pithy and interesting appendages to family ensigns. it would be erroneous to suppose that mottoes belong exclusively to heraldry, for they are of much more antient date than the first outline of that system. both sacred and profane history furnish us with proofs of their very early use. the declaration of the almighty to moses,[ ] "i am that i am," may be regarded as a motto expressive of the immutability of the divine perfections. among mankind, mottoes must have been chosen to express the predominant feelings of piety, love, moral virtue, military courage, and family pride, as soon as those feelings manifested themselves, that is to say, in the earliest stages of social existence. without tarrying to enter into the philosophy of this subject, it will be sufficient for us here to inquire in what way these brief expressions of sentiment became the almost indispensable adjunct to the armorial honours of individuals and of families. the origin of heraldric mottoes might probably be traced to two sources, in themselves diametrically opposed to each other; i mean religion and war. "extremes," we are told, "sometimes meet," and certainly these two feelings did coalesce in the institutions of chivalry, if we may be allowed to prostitute the holy name of religion by identifying it with the frenzy which possessed the human mind in such enterprises as the crusades. it is uncertain whether we ought to deduce the origin of mottoes from those devout ejaculations, such as ='drede god!'--'jesu mercy--lady helpe,'= which occur on antient tombs, or from the _word of onset_, employed by generals on the battle-field to stimulate their soldiers to great feats of prowess. the preponderance in point of number of religious mottoes would incline us to the former supposition; but the general opinion of our best authors favours a military origin. the war-cry, known in latin as the _clamor militaris_, in french as the _cri de guerre_, and in the scottish language as the _slughorn_, or _slogan_, is of very remote antiquity. in early scripture history we have an example in "the sword of the lord and of gideon," the word of onset employed by the hebrews against the midianites in the valley of jezreel.[ ] among barbarous nations at the present day it has its representative in the war-whoop, or yell, employed as well to animate the courage of their own party as to inspire terror in the hearts of their enemies. from an early period the phrase '=a boo!=' was employed by the irish for these purposes. this expression, in course of time, became the motto of many of the great families of that island, with the adjunct of their surname or the name of their chief fortress. hence the '_crom a boo_' of the earls of leinster; the '_shanet a boo_' of the earls of desmond; the '_butler a boo_' of the butlers; the '_galriagh a boo_' of the bourkes, lords clanricarde, &c. &c. in england, france, and other countries, an invocation of the patron saints, st. george, st. denis, &c. constituted the war-cry of the common cause; but in intestine wars each party had their separate cry, and every commander urged on his forces by the well-recognized shout of his own house. that this practice prevailed in england so recently as the close of the fifteenth century appears from an act of parliament, passed in the tenth year of henry vii, to abolish these cries as productive of rancour among the nobles, who, with their retainers, were thenceforth enjoined to call only upon st. george and the king. the following are some of the antient _cris-de-guerre_: the kings of france, 'montjoye[ ] st. denis!' the kings of england, 'montjoye notre dame, st. george!' edward iii (in a skirmish near calais) 'ha! st. edward! ha! st. george!' the dukes of burgundy, 'montjoye st. andrew!' the kings of scotland, 'st. andrew!' the dukes of normandy, 'dieu aye!' (aide.) the emperors of germany, 'a dextre et a sinistre!' the counts of milan, 'milan the valiant!' the counts of hainault, 'hainault the noble!' the use of mottoes became very fashionable in england from the example of edward iii. the motto of the garter, '=honi soit qui mal y pense=,' with the order itself, dates from this reign.[ ] edward made use of various mottoes suited to different occasions and circumstances. many of these are now obscure, and appear destitute of point, such as 'it is as it is,' embroidered upon a white linen doublet made for this king. others are more easily understood, as the daring and profane couplet wrought upon his surcoat and shield, provided to be used at a tournament: "=hay, hay, the wythe swan; by gode's soul i am thy man!=" mottoes upon antient seals are extremely rare. mr. montagu says, "i have examined many hundred early seals and engravings and drawings of seals preserved in the british museum, and i know but of about half a dozen.... one is of the year , inscribed 'sigillum jean de juch,' and contains the motto =bien sur=. perhaps the very earliest instance of a motto anywhere is afforded by the seal of sir john de byron, appended to a deed dated {o} edward i."[ ] the motto here is crede beronti, surrounding the arms.[ ] many mottoes retain their original orthography, and stand in old english or old french. the greater number are latin or french, though we occasionally see mottoes in welsh, irish, cornish, scottish, and italian; and i have even met with two or three in greek. mottoes have been divided into three sorts: the enigmatical, the sentimental, and the emblematical. a better classification might probably suggest itself; but, in the absence of one, i shall make use of this in the examples which follow. the enigmatical are those whose origin is involved in mystery, as that of the duke of bedford, "che sara, sara," _what will be, will be_; and that of the duke of bridgewater, "sic donec," _thus until----!_ a late barrister used "non bos in lingua," _i have no bull upon my tongue!_ alluding to the grecian didrachm, a coin impressed with that animal, and expressive, probably, of the bearer's determination not to accept a bribe.[ ] the motto of the lords gray was "_anchor, fast anchor_," and that of the dakynses, of derbyshire, "=strike dakyns; the devil's in the hempe="--enigmatical enough, certainly! sentimental mottoes are very numerous. a multitude of them are of a religious character, as "spes mea in deo," my hope is in god; "in deo salutem," in god i have salvation; "sola virtus invicta," virtue alone is invincible; "non mihi, sed christo," not to myself, but to christ; "sub cruce," under the cross. many are loyal and patriotic, as "vincit amor patriæ," love of country conquers; "non sibi sed patriæ," not for himself, but for his country; "patria cara, carior libertas," my country is dear, but my liberty is dearer. others are philanthropic, as "homo sum," i am a man; "non sibi solum," not for himself alone. treffry of cornwall used '=whyle god wylle=,' and cornwall of the same county, '=whyle lyff lasteth=.' but the most curious class of mottoes are the emblematical, some of which allude to the charges in the arms, and others to the surname, involving a pun. of those allusive to the arms or crest, the following are examples: that of the earl of cholmondeley is "cassis tutissima virtus," virtue the safest helmet; alluding to the helmets in his arms: and that of the egertons, "leoni, non sagittis fido," i trust to the lion, not to my arrows; the arms being a lion between three pheons or arrow-heads. the crest of the martins of dorsetshire was an ape, and their motto, he . who . looks . at . martin's . ape, martin's . ape . shall . look . at . him! much wit, and, occasionally, much absurdity are found in punning mottoes. that the soundness of a sentiment is not necessarily injured, however, by the introduction of a pun, is proved by such mottoes as these:-- adderley of staffordshire. _addere le_-gi justitiam decus. 'tis a support to the law to add justice to it. fortescue (e.) _forte scu_-tum salus ducum. a strong shield is the safety of commanders. petyt. qui s'estime _petyt_ deviendra grand. he who esteems himself little shall become great. jefferay of sussex. _je feray_ ce que je diray. i shall keep my word. some mottoes are intentionally ambiguous, as-- hone of ireland. _hone_sta libertate, or, _hone_, sta libertate. with a just liberty, or, hone, support liberty! vernon. _vernon_ semper viret, or, _ver non_ semper viret; vernon ever flourishes, or, spring does not always bloom. by far the greater number, however, exhibit punning for its own sake; for example-- bellasise. bonne et _belle assez_. good and handsome enough. cave of northamptonshire. _cave!_ beware! d'oyley of norfolk. ='do' no 'yll,' quoth doyle!= dixie of leicestershire. quod _dixi dixi_. what i've said i have said. estwick. _est hic._ here he is. fairfax. fare, fac! speak, do! (a word and a blow!) hart of berks. un coeur fidelle. a faithful _heart_. onslow. festina lentè. _on slow!_ or, hasten cautiously. piereponte. _pie repone te._ repose piously. scudamore. _scutum amor_is divini. the shield of divine love. courthope. _court hope!_ here is a _truism_: vere earl of oxford. _vero_ nil _verius_. nothing truer than truth. and here a _cockneyism_: wray of lincolnshire. et juste et _vray_. both just and true. "_set on!_" says seton, earl of wintoun; "_boutez en avant!_" lead forward! says viscount buttevant; ='fight on,' quoth fitton! 'smite,' quoth smith!= pugnacious fellows! many a gibe has found vent in a motto. a london tobacconist who had set up his carriage, requiring a motto for his arms, was furnished with "quid _rides_?" why do you laugh? and a great hop-planter found the following chalked beneath the arms upon his chariot: "who'd 'a thought it, _hops_ had bought it?" dr. _cox macro_, the learned cambridge divine, consulting a friend on the choice of a motto, was pithily answered with "_cocks may crow_!" there are some 'lippes,' as camden says, which like 'this kind of lettuce.' for the behoof of such the following list is set down, without regard to any classification: cavendish. _cavendo_ tutus. safe by caution. charteris, earl. (crest, an arm brandishing a sword; over it) this _is_ our _charter_! fane, earl of westmoreland. _ne vile_ fano. dishonour not the temple. the first and second words allude to his descent from the family of _neville_. graves of gloucestershire. _graves_ disce mores. learn serious manners. cole. deum _cole_, regem serva. fear god, serve the king. james. _j'aime jamais._ i love ever. collins. _colens_ deum et regem. reverencing god and the king. major of suffolk. (arms, three corinthian columns.) deus _major_ columnâ. god is a greater support than pillars. wake of somersetshire. _vigila_ et ora. _watch_ and pray. purefoy of leicestershire. _pure foy_ ma joye. sincerity is my delight. rivers of kent. secus rivos aquarum. by the rivers of waters. pole of devon. _pollet_ virtus. virtue bears sway. tey of essex. _tais_ en temps. be silent in time. wiseman of essex. sapit qui deum sapit. he is _wise_ who is wise towards god. pagitt of surrey. _pagit_ deo. he covenants with god. maynard, viscount. _ma_nus justa _nard_us. a just hand is a precious ointment. mosley of northumberland. _mos le_gem regis. agreeable to the king's law. roche, viscount de rupe, &c. mon dieu est ma _roche_. my god is my rock. vincent. _vincenti_ dabitur. it shall be given to the conqueror. vyvyan. dum _vivimus viva_mus. while we live, let us live. temple, viscount cobham. _templa_ quam dilecta. how beloved are thy _temples_! algood. age omne bonum. do _all good_. having _drawn_ thus largely upon the humour of motto-coiners, and, perchance, upon the patience of those readers who can _draw_ no amusement from such conceits, i now _draw_ this chapter to a close, by quoting the motto of the antient company of the _wire-drawers_ of the city of london, which is, latinè, "amicitiam _trahit_ amor," and anglicè, love _draws_ friendship! [illustration: (conjectural origin of the pile, p. )] chapter ix. historical arms--augmentations. [illustration: (badge of pelham.)] "in perpetuum per gloriam vivere intelliguntur." _justinian._ by historical arms i mean those coats which, upon the testimony either of record or tradition, have been acquired by an act of the original bearer, and which exhibit some trophy or circumstance connected therewith to the eye of the spectator. augmentations are marks of honour, granted by the sovereign, and _superadded_ to the paternal arms; and borne, for the most part, upon a canton or inescocheon, sometimes upon a chief, fesse, or quarter. this class of arms, the most interesting in the whole range of heraldry, has been subdivided into eight kinds; viz. , those derived from acts of valour; , from acts of loyalty; , from royal and other advantageous alliances; , from favour and services; , from situation; , from profession, &c.; , from tenure and office; and , from memorable circumstances and events.[ ] it may be almost unnecessary to observe, that many of the anecdotes about to be related are of a very apocryphal description, referring to periods antecedent to the introduction of armorial bearings. some of these, however, may be correct in the incidents though incorrect in point of time; and doubtless, in many cases, the arms have been assumed in rather modern times, to commemorate the exploits of ancestors of a much earlier period; the highly-prized family tradition having been confided to the safer custody of the emblazoned shield. at all events, i deliver them to the reader as i find them set down in 'myne authoures,' and leave the _onus probandi_ to the families whose honour is concerned in their perpetuation. first among these pictorial mementoes should be noticed the well-known cognizance of the prince of wales, the ostrich feathers, the popular origin of which is known to every schoolboy. whether the king of bohemia fell by the trenchant blade of the black prince himself, or by that of some knight or 'squier of lowe degree,' it would now be useless to inquire; and whether the feathers and the mottoes, =ich dien= and =houmout=, signifying respectively in old german, 'i serve,' and 'a haughty spirit,' had any relation to that event is altogether a matter of dubiety. it has been shown by mr. j. g. nichols[ ] that the king of bohemia used (not ostrich feathers, but) a pair of vulture's wings as a crest. it further appears that the _badge_ of the black prince was _a single feather_, while, on his tomb at canterbury, the _three_ feathers are represented singly upon a shield, the quill of each being attached to a scroll, with the motto ich . diene. the popular version of the story, however, is somewhat supported by the fact that an ostrich, collared and chained, with a nail in his beak, was a badge of the bohemian monarchs; and mr. nichols suggests that the feathers may probably have been adopted by edward as a trophy of his victory. randle holme deduces the three ostrich feathers from a totally different source, and asserts that they were the ensign of the princes of wales during the independence of that country, prior to the invasion of the english. after this event, (he adds) the eldest sons of the kings of england, as princes of wales, continued the badge ensigned with a coronet, with the motto, 'ich dien,' i serve; to express the sentiment that, although of paramount dignity in that country, they still owed allegiance to the crown of england.[ ] it is asserted by other authorities that a single ostrich feather was borne as a badge by edward iii, by all the brothers and descendants of the black prince, and by thomas mowbray, duke of norfolk, who was descended by the female line from thomas de brotherton, fifth son of edward i. in the harl. ms. , we are told that, "=the ostrich fether, sylver, and pen gold, is the king's. the ostrich fether, pen and all sylver, is the prince's. the ostrich fether, gold, y{e} pen ermyne, is the duk of lancaster's. the ostrich fether, sylver, and pen gobone, is the duk of somersett's.=" who has not heard of the '=bear and ragged staff=' of the earls of warwick? this is a combination of two badges of that antient line, which sprang, according to the family tradition, from arthgal, one of the knights of king arthur's 'round table.' _arth_ or _narth_, in the british language, is said to signify a bear; hence this ensign was adopted as a rebus or play upon his name. morvidus, another earl of the same family, a man of wonderful valour, slew a giant with a young tree torn up by the roots and hastily trimmed of its boughs. in memory of this exploit his successors bore as their cognizance a silver staff in a shield of sable.[ ] the supporters of the scottish family of hay, earls of errol, are two husbandmen, each carrying an ox-yoke. in the year , when the danes invaded this island, an engagement took place at longcarty, near perth, in which kenneth iii was routed. an honest yeoman, yclept john de luz, and his two sons, were ploughing in a field hard by the scene of action. seeing their countrymen fly before the victorious enemy, these stalwart ploughmen stopped them in a narrow pass with the gear of their ploughs, and upbraiding them with cowardice induced them to stand the brunt of a new attack. the danes, astonished at this unexpected turn of affairs, which they attributed to the arrival of fresh succours, wheeled about and made a hasty retreat, and the scots obtained a signal victory. kenneth, to reward the valour of his faithful subject, gave him as much land in the district of gowrie, as a falcon, flying from his fist, should measure out before he perched. hence the supporters and the crest (a falcon rising) of this family. the earls of kinnoul, a younger branch of the family, further allude to the circumstance first mentioned in their motto, renovate animos, 'rouse your courage,' or 'rally.' there are still existing indubitable evidences of a great conflict on the spot referred to in this legend; and it may be admitted that the ancestors of the family were concerned in it; but the above heraldric ensigns must be considered to have been adopted as remembrances of long past events, albeit their assumption may have taken place at a very early period. [illustration] the family of keith, earls marischal, bear _argent, on a chief or, three pallets gules_, or _gules, three pallets or_. these ensigns likewise originated in an engagement between the scots and the danes. an ancestor of the keiths having greatly distinguished himself in a battle near dundee, in which camus, the danish general, was killed, the scottish monarch, kenneth iii, charmed with his valour, dipped his royal fingers in the blood of the dane and drew three stripes or pallets on the top of his chieftain's shield. hence the arms of keith. as in the former instance, this anecdote assumes the existence of armorial bearings, at too remote a date, though, as in that case, there are evident vestigia of a great battle at the place referred to. a stone called 'camus's cross' was standing a few years since; and in the last century a large tomb, inclosed with four huge stones, containing bones, conjectured to have been those of the northman, was discovered near the spot.[ ] _bulstrode_, of bulstrode, co. bucks, bore, as a crest, _a bull's head, erased gules, attired argent, between two wings of the same_. when william the conqueror subdued this kingdom he gave the estate of this family to one of his own followers, and lent him a thousand men for the purpose of taking possession, _vi et armis_. the rightful owner calling in the aid of some neighbouring gentlemen, (among others, the ancestors of the penns and the hampdens,) gallantly resisted the invader, intrenching himself with an earthwork, which is still pointed out as evidence of the truth of the story. it seems that the besieged party, wanting horses, mounted themselves upon _bulls_, and, sallying out of their camp, so affrighted the normans that many of the latter were slain and the rest put to flight. the king hearing of this strange affair, and not wishing to push matters to an imprudent extent, sent for the valiant saxon, with a promise of safe conduct to and from his court. the saxon paid the conqueror a visit, riding upon a _bull_, accompanied by his seven sons similarly mounted. the result of the interview was that he was allowed to retain his estate. in commemoration of these events, he assumed the crest above described, together with the name of _bullstrode_!! the whole narration exhibits strong characteristics of that peculiar genus of history, known as 'cock and _bull_ stories,' although it is probably quite as true as a distich preserved in the family, that "=when william conquered english ground, bulstrode had per annum, three hundred pound.="[ ] among those welsh chieftains who gallantly defended their country from the aggressions of the english, in the reign of henry ii, was kadivor ap dynawal, who recaptured the castle of cardigan, by scalade, from the earl of clare. for this action he was enriched by rhys, prince of south wales, with several estates, and permitted to bear, as coat armour, a castle, three scaling-ladders, and a bloody spear. these arms were borne by kadivor's descendants, the lloyds of milfield, co. cardigan, baronets, till the extinction of the family in the last century. williams, of penrhyn, co. caernarvon, bart., bore, among other charges, _three human heads_, in commemoration of the exploit of edwyfed vychan, the great ancestor of his house, who in an engagement with the followers of ranulph, earl of chester, came off victorious, having killed three of their chief commanders. this happened in the thirteenth century.[ ] the vescis, chetwodes, knowleses, tyntes, villierses, and various other families, bear crosses in their arms, traditionally derived from the period of the crusades. sir ancel gornay attended richard i on his crusade, and was present at the capture of ascalon, where he took a moorish king prisoner. from this circumstance he adopted as his crest, 'a king of the moors habited in a robe, and crowned, kneeling, and surrendering with his dexter hand, his sword, all proper.' this crest was continued by the newtons, of barr's court, co. gloucester, one of whom married the heiress of the gornays. among several other armorial ensigns dated from this same battle of ascalon is the crest of darrell, which may be briefly described as, 'out of a ducal coronet a saracen's head appropriately vested,' and which was assumed by sir marmaduke darrell, in commemoration of his having killed the infidel king of cyprus; also the arms and crest of minshull, of cheshire, 'azure, an estoile issuant out of a crescent, in base argent.' _crest_, 'an eastern warrior, kneeling on one knee, habited gules, legs and arms in mail proper; at his side a scymitar sable, hilted or; on his head a turban with a crescent and feather argent, presenting, with his sinister hand, a crescent of the last.' these bearings were assigned to michael de minshull for his valour on that occasion, but the particular nature of his exploits is not recorded. the bouchiers, earls of essex, bore 'argent, a cross engrailed gules, between four water-bowgets sable. _crest._ the bust of a saracen king, with a long cap and coronet, all proper.' all these bearings are emblematical of the crusades; and the water-bowgets are a play upon the name. "in the hall of the manor-house of newton, in the parish of little dunmowe, in essex," says weever,[ ] "remaineth, in old painting, two postures (figures;) the one for an ancestor of the bouchiers, combatant with another, being a pagan king, for the truth of christ, whom the said englishman overcame; and in memory thereof his descendants have ever since borne the head of the said infidel, as also used the _surname of bouchier_," in conformity with an antient practice, by which, as saintfoix informs us, great heroes were honoured with the "_glorious surname_" of butcher![ ] the arms of willoughby, lords willoughby of eresby, were 'sable, a cross engrailed or,' and their _crest_, 'a saracen's head crowned frontè, all proper.' the only account i have seen of the origin of these ensigns is contained in the following lines, occurring in dugdale's baronage. a willoughby _loquitur_. "of myne old ancestors, by help of goddes might, (by reason of marriage and lineal descent,) a sarasyn king discomfit was in fighte, whose head my creste, shall ever be presénte." sir christopher seton, ancestor of the earls of wintoun, at the battle of methven, in , rescued king robert bruce from the english. for this service robert gave him his sister, the lady christian, in marriage, and the following augmentation to his paternal arms: 'surtout, an inescocheon per pale gules and azure; the first charged with a sword in pale proper, hilted and pommelled, and _supporting a falling crown_ within a double tressure all or; the second azure a star of twelve points argent, for wintoun.' robert bruce desired that his heart might be carried to jerusalem, and there interred in holy ground. the office of conveying it thither devolved upon his faithful and now sorrowing knight, sir james douglas, who was unfortunately slain on his return by the infidels, in the year . to commemorate this service his descendants have ever since borne 'argent, a human heart royally crowned proper; on a chief azure, three mullets of the first.' this stalwart soldier is said to have been engaged in fifty-seven battles and rencontres with the english, and thirteen with the saracens, all in the space of twenty-four years. certes, he must have been one of the noblest 'butchers' of his time! the family of pelham (now represented by the earl of chichester) bear, as a quartering, 'gules, two demi-belts, paleways, the _buckles_ in chief argent.' this augmentation was allowed to the family in the early part of the seventeenth century; but they had previously, for many generations, borne the buckle as a badge. they also occasionally gave it as a crest, together with a cage--both in commemoration of the capture of john, king of france, at poictiers, by sir john de pelham. the story is thus briefly told by collins:[ ] "froysart gives an account, that with the king were taken beside his son philip, the earl of tankerville, sir jaques of bourbon, the earls of ponthieu and eue, with divers other noblemen, who being chased to poictiers, the town shut their gates against them, not suffering any to enter; so that divers were slain, and every englishman had four, five, or six prisoners; and the press being great to take the king, such as knew him, cry'd, _sir, yield, or you are dead_: whereupon, as the chronicle relates, he yielded himself to sir dennis morbeck, a knight of artois, in the english service, and being afterwards forc'd from him, more than ten knights and esquires challeng'd the taking of the king. among these sir roger la warr, and the before-mentioned john de pelham, were most concerned; and in memory of so signal an action, and the king surrendering his sword to them, sir roger la warr, lord la warr, had the crampet, or chape of his sword, for a badge of that honour; and john de pelham (afterwards knighted) had the buckle of a belt as a mark of the same honour, which was sometimes used by his descendants as a seal-manual, and at others, the said buckles on each side a cage; being an emblem of the captivity of the said king of france, and was therefore borne for a crest, as in those times was customary. the buckles, &c. were likewise used by his descendants, in their great seals, as is evident from several of them appendant to old deeds." it is somewhat remarkable that froissart, walsingham, knyghton, and the other early chroniclers, are silent as to the names of the king's captors; and were the story unsupported by strong indirect evidence, their silence would be almost fatal to its authenticity; but the occurrence of the buckle upon the stonework of many ecclesiastical buildings founded by sir john de pelham himself and his immediate successors,[ ] sufficiently corroborates the undisputed family tradition.[ ] the chape or crampet of a sword (the ornament at the end of the scabbard which prevents the point from protruding) is still borne as a badge by the earl de la warr, a lineal descendant of the sir roger la warr referred to in the above extract. the crest of the ancient family of de la bere is 'a ducal coronet or, therefrom issuant a plume of five ostrich feathers per pale argent and azure.' this was conferred upon sir richard de la bere, knight-banneret, by edward the black prince, in reward for his having rescued him from imminent danger on the memorable field of cressy. the ducal coronet is emblematical of military command, and the feathers are an evident derivation from the prince's own badge. there is (or was at the beginning of the present century) in an old house at cheltenham, the property of his lineal descendants, a painting supposed to be nearly contemporary with the occurrence, which represents the prince in the act of conferring this mark of honour upon his faithful follower.[ ] [illustration] the crest of dudley of northamptonshire, bart. was 'out of a ducal coronet or, a woman's bust: her hair dishevelled, bosom bare, a helmet on her head with the stay or throat-latch down proper.' from a ms. in the possession of this family, written by a monk about the close of the fourteenth century, it appeared that the father of agnes hotot (who, in the year , married an ancestor of the dudleys,) having a quarrel with one ringsdale concerning the proprietorship of some land, they agreed to meet on the 'debateable ground,' and decide their right by combat. unfortunately for hotot, on the day appointed he was seriously ill; "but his daughter agnes, unwilling that he should lose his claim, or suffer in his honour, armed herself cap-a-pie, and, mounting her father's steed, repaired to the place of decision, where, after a stubborn encounter, she dismounted ringsdale, and when he was on the ground, she loosened the stay of her helmet, let down her hair about her shoulders, and, disclosing her bosom, discovered to him that he had been conquered by a woman." this valiant lady became the heiress of her family, and married a dudley, whence the latter family derived their right to this crest. sir richard waller was at the battle of agincourt, where he took prisoner charles, duke of orleans, father of charles xii (afterwards king of france). this personage was brought to england by his captor, who held him in 'honourable restraint' at his own mansion, at groombridge, co. kent, during the long period of twenty-four years, at the termination of which he paid , crowns for his ransom. in accordance with the chivalrous spirit of that age, the captor and captive lived together on terms of the strictest friendship. this appears from the fact that the duke, at his own expense, rebuilt for sir richard the family house at groombridge. he was also a benefactor "to his parish church of speldhurst, where his arms remain in stonework over the porch."[ ] previously to this event the family arms had been the punning device of 'sable, on a bend voided argent, three _walnut_ leaves or,' and the crest, 'a _walnut_ tree fructed proper.' to one of the lower boughs of this tree was now appended a shield, charged with the arms of france--'azure, three fleurs-de-lis or, differenced with a label of three points;' an augmentation which continues to be borne by the descendants of sir richard waller to this day. burton of salop, and rivers of kent, bear[ ] white roses, commemorative of the services rendered by their ancestors to the faction distinguished by this badge, while the lutterells of somerset, bear, as a crest, the white boar of richard iii, ensigned on the shoulder with the lancastrian red rose! the white and red roses in the arms of families, as partisans of the two rival houses, would furnish matter for a whole chapter; but i must pass on. augmentations have sometimes been made to the arms of english families by foreign monarchs. thus sir henry guldeforde, knight, having rendered assistance to ferdinand and isabella of spain, in the reduction of granada, received from them the honour of knighthood, with permission to add to his ancestral arms, 'on a canton argent, the arms of granada, viz. a pomegranate, the shell open, grained gules, stalked and leaved proper.' john callard, esq. a retainer of the said sir henry, for his valour on the same occasion, acquired the following coat: 'gyronny of six pieces, or and sable; on each division or, a moor's head couped sable.' william browne, esq. called by holinshed "a young and lusty gentleman," another follower of guldeforde, was honoured with an augmentation, viz. 'on a chief argent, an eagle displayed sable,'--the arms of sicily, which was then an adjunct to the spanish crown. the duke of norfolk bears on his 'bend argent' 'an escocheon or, charged with a demi-lion rampant within a double tressure, flory and counter-flory; an arrow pierced through the lion's mouth all gules.' this is an augmentation nearly resembling the arms of scotland, and was granted to the earl of surrey, afterwards duke of norfolk, for his services against the scots at flodden field, in . it will be recollected that when the body of james iv was found after the battle, it was pierced with several arrows, the cause of his death. as a further memorial of this victory the earl gave, as the badge of his retainers, a white lion, one of the supporters of his house, trampling upon the red lion of scotland, and tearing it with his claws. several english families bear their arms upon the breast of an eagle with two heads. this is the standard of the german empire, and it has been granted to such families for military and other services. the lord arundel of wardour, in the reign of elizabeth, received this distinguished mark of honour by patent from the emperor rodolph ii, for valorous conduct against the turks, whom, as the avowed enemies of christianity, he opposed with all the enthusiasm of a crusader of more antient times. he was at the same time created a count of the empire, and, on returning to england, was desirous of taking precedence according to his german title. but this step was violently opposed by the peers, and the queen, being asked her opinion of his claim, answered, "that faithful subjects should keep their eyes at home, and not gaze upon foreign crowns, and that she, for her part, did not care her sheep should wear a stranger's mark, nor dance after the whistle of every foreigner!"[ ] the bowleses of wiltshire, and the smiths of lincolnshire, received appropriate arms about the same time for their services against the turks, under the same emperor.[ ] the assumption of the arms of an enemy slain or captured in war, though permitted by the heraldric canon of early times, seems not to have been very usual in this country; yet instances are not wanting of arms so acquired. in , sir david kirke, knight, reduced canada, then in the power of the french, and took the admiral de la roche prisoner. for this service he received as an augmentation, 'a canton azure charged with a talbot sejant, collared and leash reflexed argent, sustaining a faulchion proper,' this being the coat of his captive. charles i rewarded many of his adherents with augmentations of arms--the only recompense some of them ever received. the favourite marks of honour were the crown, rose, and lion of england. sir palmes fairborne, knighted by charles ii for his defence of tangier against the moors, had permission to bear as his crest, 'an arm in armour couped at the elbow, lying on a wreath sustaining a sword; on the point thereof a turk's head, turbaned all proper.' the epitaph on this commander, on his tomb in westminster abbey, was written by dryden; and had nothing more sublime proceeded from his pen, his name would be as little known to posterity as that of the hero he celebrates. "alive and dead _these_ walls he will defend, great actions great examples must attend; the candian siege his early valour knew, where turkish blood did his young hands imbrew; from thence returning with deserved applause, against the moors his _well-fleshed_ sword he draws," &c. &c. sir cloudesley shovel, the celebrated admiral, received, by the express command of william iii, a grant of arms blazoned thus: 'gules a cheveron ermine between two crescents in chief argent, and a fleur-de-lis in base or,' to commemorate two great victories over the turks and one over the french. this is one of the most appropriate coats i remember to have seen. it would be impossible (even were it desirable) within the limits i have assigned myself, to notice all the arms and augmentations which have been granted to heroes, naval and military, for services performed during the last, and at the commencement of the present, century. a superabundance of them will be found in the plates attached to the ordinary peerages, &c. suffice it to say, that in general they exhibit a most wretched taste in the heralds who designed them, or rather, perhaps i should say, in the personages who dictated to the heralds what ensigns would be most agreeable to themselves. figures never dreamed of in classical armory have found their way into these bearings: landscapes and _words_ in great staring letters across the shield, bombshells and bayonets, east indians and american indians, sailors and soldiers, medals and outlandish banners, _figures of peace, and grenadiers of the th regiment_![ ] could absurdity go farther? [illustration] but, lest i should be thought unnecessarily severe upon the armorists of the past age, i annex the arms of sir sidney smith, a veteran who certainly deserved _better things_ of his country. i shall not attempt to blazon them, as i am sure my reader would not thank me for occupying a page and a half of a chapter--already perhaps too long--with what would in this case be _jargon_ indeed. shades of brooke, and camden, and guillim, and dugdale! what think ye of this? ii. the second class of historical arms is composed of those derived from acts of loyalty. the earliest coat of this kind mentioned by the author of the volume before quoted, is that of sir john philpot, viz. 'sable a bend ermine,'--his paternal arms--impaling, 'gules a cross between four swords argent, hilts or'--an augmentation granted to philpot for killing wat tyler with his sword after walworth, the mayor, had knocked him down with his mace, in the presence of richard ii, in . ramsay, earl of holderness, temp. james vi, bore as an augmentation impaling his paternal arms, 'azure, a dexter hand holding a sword in pale, argent, hilted or, piercing a human heart proper, and supporting on the point an imperial crown of the last.' this was granted to sir john ramsay, who was also rewarded with the title just mentioned, for having saved the young monarch's life from assassination by ruthven, earl of gowrie, by piercing the assassin to the heart. the story of this attempt upon the 'british solomon' is too well known to the reader of scottish history to need copying in these pages. the whole narration, enshrouded in mystery, is now almost universally discredited, and the affair regarded as a pretended plot, to answer a political purpose. it is sufficient to say that gowrie and his father, alexander ruthven, fell victims to it, while ramsay was rewarded for his share in the transaction as above stated.[ ] erskine, earl of kelly, and sir hugh harris, two other individuals concerned in this plot, also received augmentations.[ ] the notorious colonel titus, temp. charles ii, was rewarded for his services in the restoration of the king, with an augmentation, viz. 'quarterly with his paternal arms, or, on a chief gules, a lion of england.' 'lions of england' were likewise assigned to the following families for their loyalty to the stuarts: robinson of cranford, moore, lord mayor of london, lane of staffordshire, &c. the crest of the last-mentioned family is 'a demi-horse salient argent, spotted dark grey, bridled proper, sustaining with his fore feet a regal crown or;' in allusion to the circumstance of charles's having been assisted in his escape, after his defeat at worcester, by a lady of this family, whose servant the king personated by riding before her on horseback. in this guise charles arrived safely at bristol, and at length, after many hair-breadth escapes and a circuitous tour of the southern counties, reached brighthelmstone, whence he set sail for the continent. the arms granted to the family of penderell for concealing charles ii in the oak at boscobel, and otherwise assisting his escape, and those assigned on the same occasion to colonel careless (or carlos, as it was the king's humour afterwards to name him) were exactly _alike_ in charges, though different in tincture. carlos. 'or, on a mount an oak-tree proper; over all a fesse gules, charged with three regal crowns proper.' penderell. 'argent, on a mount an oak-tree proper; over all a fesse sable, charged with three regal crowns proper.'[ ] iii. the third class of historical arms are those of alliance. i shall content myself with an example or two. the arms[ ] and dexter supporter[ ] of the lyons, earls of strathmore, evidently allude to a connexion with the royal line of scotland, and the crest of the family is, 'on a wreath vert and or, a _lady_ couped below the girdle, inclosed within an arch of laurel, and holding in her right hand the royal thistle, all proper.' sir john lyon, an ancestor of this house, having gained the favour of king robert ii, that monarch gave him in marriage his daughter, the lady jane. to perpetuate so splendid and beneficial an alliance, his descendants have ever since continued to represent this princess as their crest. the seymours, dukes of somerset, bore quarterly with their paternal arms, the following: 'or, on a pile gules, between six fleurs-de-lis azure, three lions of england,' an augmentation originally granted by henry viii to jane seymour, his third wife. these ensigns, it will be seen, are a composition from the royal arms. iv. the fourth are derived from favour and services. the antient arms of compton, subsequently created earls of northampton, were 'sable, three helmets argent.' for services rendered to henry viii, william compton, esq. received permission to place 'a lion of england' between the helmets. thomas villiers, first earl of clarendon, bore, 'argent, on a cross gules, five escallops or [originally derived from the crusade under edward i] a crescent for difference; and on an inescocheon argent, the eagle of prussia, viz. displayed sable, &c. &c., charged on the breast with f. b. r. for fredericus, borussorum rex.' this was an augmentation granted to that nobleman by frederick, king of prussia, as a mark of the high value he set upon certain diplomatic services in which he had been engaged. the augmentation was ratified at the heralds' office by the command of george iii. the earl of liverpool, in addition to his paternal arms, bears 'on a chief wavy argent, a cormorant sable, holding in his beak a branch of laver or sea-weed vert.' this augmentation (being the arms of the town of liverpool) was made to the arms of charles jenkinson, first earl of liverpool, at the unanimous request of the mayor and municipality of that town, signified by their recorder. v. a very interesting class of allusive arms is composed of those derived from the situation of the original residences of the respective families. the following are instances: wallop, earl of portsmouth, 'argent, a bend wavy sable.' the name of wallop is local, and it was antiently written welhop. wallop, or welhope, is the name of two parishes in hampshire, so denominated from a fountain or _well_, springing from a _hope_ or hill in the vicinity, and giving birth to a small river, which becomes tributary to the tese. here, in very antient times, this family resided, and from the little river referred to the surname was adopted, while the bend wavy in the arms alludes both to the river and the name. stourton, lord stourton, 'sable, a bend or, between six fountains proper.' the river stour rises at stourton, co. wilts, from six fountains or springs. the family name is derived from the place, and the arms from this circumstance. the bend may be regarded as the pale of stourton park, as three of the sources of the river are within that inclosure and three beyond it. shuckburgh, a parish in warwickshire, is remarkable for that kind of fossil termed _astroit_, which resembles the mullet of heraldry. the family who, in very antient times, derived their surname from the locality, bear three mullets in their arms.[ ] the swales of swale-hall, co. york, bear 'azure, a bend undé argent.' some consider this a representation of the river swale, though peter le neve thinks it a rebus for the name of _nunda_, whose heiress married a swale.[ ] highmore of high-moor, co. cumberland: 'argent, a crossbow erect between _four_ moor-cocks sable; their legs, beaks, and combs, gules.' this family originated in the moors of that county, _unde nomen et arma_. the author of 'historical and allusive arms' says that they branched out into three lines, called from the situation of their respective places of abode, highmore, middlemore, and lowmore. it is curious that the middlemore branch gave as arms the crossbow and _three_ moor-cocks; while the lowmores bore the crossbow and _two_ moor-cocks only. had the family ramified still further into '_lowermore_,' it is probable that branch must have rested content with a _single_ moor-cock, while the '_lowestmores_,' carrying out the same principle of gradation, could not have claimed even a solitary bird, but must have made shift with their untrophied crossbow. on the other hand, '_highermore_' would have been entitled to _five_, and '_highestmore_' to _six_, head of game, in addition to the family weapon! hume, of nine wells, the family of the great historian, bore 'vert, a lion rampant argent within a bordure or, charged with _nine wells_ or springs barry-wavy azure and argent,' "the estate of nine wells is so named from a cluster of springs of that number. their situation is picturesque; they burst forth from a gentle declivity in front of the mansion, which has on each side a semicircular rising bank, covered with fine timber, and fall, after a short course, into the bed of the river whitewater, which forms a boundary in the front. these springs, as descriptive of their property, were assigned to the humes of this place as a difference in arms from the chief of their house."[ ] vi. of arms alluding to the profession or pursuits of the original bearer, i shall adduce but few instances, as they generally exhibit bad taste, and a departure from heraldric purity; _e. g._ hooper, bishop of gloucester and worcester, the champion and martyr of the protestant cause, bore '... a lamb in a burning bush; the rays of the sun descending thereon proper.' michael drayton bore 'azure gutté d'eau [the drops of helicon!] a pegasus current in bend argent.' _crest_, 'mercury's winged cap amidst sunbeams proper.' these classical emblems appear foreign to the spirit of heraldry, which originated in an unclassical age. still it might have been difficult to assign to this stately and majestic poet more appropriate armorials. the supporters chosen by sir george gordon, first lord aberdeen, a celebrated jurist, were _two lawyers_; while (every man to his taste) sir william morgan, k.b., a keen sportsman, adopted _two huntsmen_ equipped for the chase, and the motto 'saltando cave,' _look before you leap_. could anything be more pitiful? vii. arms derived from tenure and office are a much more interesting, though less numerous, class than the preceding. "the tenure of the lands of pennycuik, in midlothian, obliges the possessor to attend once a year in the forest of drumsleich (near edinburgh) ... to give a blast of a horn at the king's hunting; and therefore clerk of pennycuik, baronet, the proprietor of these lands, uses the following crest:"[ ] 'a demi-forester, habited vert, sounding a hunting-horn proper;' and motto, 'free for a blast.' most of the english families of forester, forster, and foster have bugle-horns in their arms, supporting the idea that the founders of those families derived their surnames from the office of forester, held by them in times when the country abounded in woody districts. this office was one of considerable honour and emolument. the crest of grosvenor is 'a hound or talbot statant or;' and the supporters 'two talbots reguardant or,' &c. both these ensigns and the name allude to the antient office of the chiefs of this family, which was that of =le gros veneur=, great huntsman, to the dukes of normandy. rawdon, earl of moira, ancestor of the marquis of hastings; 'argent, a fesse between three pheons or arrow-heads sable.' _crest_, in a mural coronet argent, a pheon sable, with a sprig of laurel issuing therefrom proper. _supporters_, two huntsmen with bows, quivers, &c. &c. this family were denominated from their estate, rawdon, near leeds, co. york, which they originally held under william the conqueror. a rhyming title-deed, purporting to have been granted by him, but evidently of much later date, was formerly in the possession of the family: "=i william king=, the thurd yere of my reigne, give to thee, paulyn roydon, hope and hopetowne, wyth all the bounds, both up and downe, from heaven to yerthe, from yerthe to hel; for the and thyn ther to dwell, as truly as this kyng-right is myn; =for a cross-bowe and an arrow, when i sal come to hunt on yarrow;= and in token that this thing is sooth, i bit the whyt wax with my tooth." the family of pitt, earl of chatham, bore 'sable, a fesse _chequy_ argent and azure, between three bezants or pieces of _money_,' in allusion to the office the original grantee held in the exchequer. the fanshawes also bore chequy, &c., for the same reason. the woods of largo, co. fife, bear ships, in allusion to the office of admiral of scotland, antiently hereditary in that family. the antient earls of warren and surrey bore 'chequy, or and azure.' there is a tradition that the heads of this family were invested with the exclusive prerogative of granting licenses for the sale of malt liquors, and that it was enjoined on all alehouse-keepers to paint the warren arms on their door-posts. hence the chequers, still seen at the entrances of many taverns, were supposed to have originated, until the discovery of that ornament on an inn-door among the ruins of pompeii proved the fashion to have existed in classical times. its origin is involved in obscurity; it may have been placed upon houses of entertainment to show that some game analogous to the modern chess and backgammon might be played within. here we may be allowed to digress, to say a few words on the origin of _inn signs_, which are generally of an heraldric character. in early times the town residences of the nobility and great ecclesiastics were called inns; and in front of them the family arms were displayed. in many cases these inns were afterwards appropriated to the purposes of the modern hotel, affording temporary accommodation to all comers.[ ] the armorial decorations were retained, and under the name of signs directed the public to these places of rest and refreshment. on calling to mind the signs by which the inns of any particular town are designated, a very great majority of them will be recognized as regular heraldric charges. in addition to the full armorials of great families, as the gordon arms, the pelham arms, the dorset arms, we find such signs as the golden lion, red lion, white lion, black lion, white hart, blue boar, golden cross, dragon, swan, spread eagle, dolphin, rose and crown, catherine-wheel, cross-keys, _cum multis aliis_, abundant everywhere. these were originally, in most cases, the properly emblazoned armories of families possessing influence in the locality; and frequently the inns themselves were established by old domestics of such families. but owing to the negligence of mine host, or the unskilfulness of the common painter, who from time to time renovated his sign, the latter often lost much of its heraldric character; the shield and its tinctures were dropped, and the charges only remained; while by a still further departure from the original intention, three black lions, or five spread eagles, were reduced to one. a house in the town of lewes was formerly known as the "three pelicans," the fact of those charges constituting the arms of pelham having been lost sight of. another is still called "the cats," and few are aware that the arms of the dorset family are intended.[ ] in villages, innumerable instances occur of signs taken from the arms or crests of existing families, and very commonly the sign is changed as some neighbouring domain passes into other hands. there is a kind of patron and client feeling about this--feudality some may be disposed to call it--which a lover of old england is pleased to contemplate. viii. the last species of historical arms are those which relate to memorable circumstances and events which have occurred to the ancestors of the families who bear them. stanley, earl of derby. _crest._ 'on a chapeau gules, turned up ermine, an eagle with wings expanded or, feeding an infant in a kind of cradle; at its head a sprig of oak all proper.' this is the blazon given in "historical and allusive arms;"[ ] but collins[ ] blazons the eagle as '_preying upon_' the infant. this crest belonged originally to the family of lathom or latham, whose heiress, isabella, married sir john stanley, afterwards lieutenant of ireland, lord of the isle of man, and k. g. in the fourteenth century. according to tradition it originated in the following manner: one of the lathams of latham, co. lancaster, having abandoned and exposed an illegitimate son in the nest of an eagle in a wood called terlestowe wood, near his castle, afterwards discovered, to his great astonishment, that the 'king of birds,' instead of devouring the helpless infant, had conceived a great liking for him, supplying him with food, and thus preserving his life. upon witnessing this miraculous circumstance the cruel parent relented, and, taking home the infant, made him his heir. a 'various reading' of the tale states that sir thomas latham, being destitute of legal issue, and wishing to adopt an illegitimate son, a proceeding to which his wife would not be likely to become a party, resorted to the _ruse_ of having the infant placed in the eyrie of an eagle, and then, taking his lady into the park, coming, as if by accident, to the place, at the moment when the eagle was hovering over the nest. help--of course _accidental_--being at hand, the little fellow was rescued from his perilous couch, and presented to the lady, who pressed him to her bosom, and, ignorant of his consanguinity to her lord, joyfully acquiesced in his proposal to make the foundling heir to their estate. according to bishop stanley's 'historicall poem touching ye family of stanley,' and vincent's ms. collection in the college of arms, the lord of latham was "fowerscore" at the time he adopted this infant, "swaddled and clad in a mantle of redd:" --a statement which discredits both versions of the story as given above. these authorities further inform us that the foundling received the baptismal name of oskell, and became father of the isabella latham who married sir john stanley. in seacome's 'history of the house of stanley' there is an account, derived from another branch of the family, which coincides with the second-mentioned, with the important addition that the adopted child was discarded before the death of sir thomas latham. it is further said, that on the adoption sir thomas had assumed for his crest "an eagle upon wing, turning her head back and looking in a sprightly manner as for something she had lost," and that on the disowning, the stanleys (one of whom had married the legal heiress to the estate) "either to distinguish or aggrandize themselves, or in contempt and derision, took upon them the eagle and child," thus manifesting the variation and the reason of it. it is scarcely necessary to state, that the sir oskell of the legend has no existence in the veritable records of history; and mr. ormerod, the learned historian of cheshire, who is connected by marriage with the family of latham, thinks the whole story may be "more safely referred to ancestral northmen, with its scene in the pine-forests of scandinavia."[ ] the subjoined engraving relates to this legend. it is copied from a cast[ ] taken from an oak carving attached to the stall of james stanley, bishop of ely, in the collegiate church (now cathedral) of manchester, of which he was warden. the figures below the trees are a rebus[ ] of masons or stone-cutters, termed, in mediæval latin, _lathomi_; and the castellated gateway they are approaching is that of latham hall, the scene of the tradition. [illustration] trevelyan of somersetshire, bart. 'gules, a horse argent armed or, issuant from the sea in base, party per fesse wavy, azure and of the second.' this family primarily bore a very different coat: their present armorials were assumed "on occasion of one of their ancestors swimming on horseback from the rocks called seven stones to the land's end in cornwall, at the time of an inundation, which is said to have overwhelmed a large tract of land, and severed thereby those rocks from the continent of cornwall."[ ] this story may appear rather improbable, but it should be remembered that some similar disruptions of land from the coast, such as the goodwin sands, selsey rocks, &c. are authentic matters of history. whether the most powerful of the equine race, which are, even under far more favourable circumstances, "vain things for safety," would be able to outbrave the violence of the sea necessary to produce such a phenomenon, i leave to better horsemen than myself to decide. the arms of aubrey de vere, the great ancestor of the earls of oxford,[ ] in the th century, were 'quarterly, gules and or; in the first quarter a star or mullet of five points or.' "in the year of our lord ," saith leland,[ ] "corborant, admiral to soudan of perce [so our antiquary was pleased to spell persia,] was fought with at antioche, and discomfited by the christians. the night cumming on yn the chace of this bataile, and waxing dark, the christianes being four miles from antioche, god, willing the saufté [safety] of the christianes, shewed a white star or molette of five pointes on the christen host; which to every mannes sighte did lighte and arrest upon the standard of albry de vere, there shyning excessively!" the mullet was subsequently used as a badge by his descendants. "the erle of oxford's men had a starre with streames booth before and behind on their lyverys."[ ] thomas fitz-gerald, father of john, first earl of kildare, bore the sobriquet of nappagh, simiacus, or the ape, from the following ludicrous circumstance. when he was an infant of nine months old, his grandfather and father were both killed in the war waged by them against m'carthy, an opposing chief. he was then being nursed at tralee, and his attendants, in the first consternation caused by the news of the disaster, ran out of the house, leaving the child alone in his cradle. a large ape or baboon, kept on the premises, with the natural love of mischief inherent in that mimic tribe, taking advantage of the circumstance, took him from his resting-place and clambered with him to the roof of the neighbouring abbey, and thence to the top of the steeple. after having carried his noble charge round the battlements, exhibiting the while various monkey tricks heretofore unknown to nursery-maids, to the no small consternation and amazement of the spectators, he descended with careful foot, _ad terram firmam_, and replaced the child in the cradle. in consequence of this event the earls of kildare and other noble branches of this antient line assumed as a crest, 'an ape proper, girt about the middle and chained or,' and for supporters, two apes. the addition of the _chain_ is singular. stuart, of hartley-mauduit, co. hants. 'argent, a lion rampant gules, debruised by a bend raguly [popularly termed a _ragged staff_] or.' sir alexander stuart, or steward, knight, an ancestor of this family, in the presence of charles vi of france, encountered a lion with a sword, which breaking he seized a part of a tree, and with it killed the animal. this so much pleased the king, that he gave him the above as an augmentation to his paternal arms.[ ] maclellan lord kirkcudbright bore as a crest, 'a dexter arm erect, the hand grasping a dagger, with a human head on the point thereof, couped proper,' in the reign of james ii, of scotland, a predatory horde of foreigners, who entered that kingdom from ireland, committed great ravages in the shire of galloway; whereupon a royal proclamation was issued ordering their dispersion, and offering, as a reward to the captor or killer of their chieftain, the barony of bombie. now it happened that one maclellan, whose father had been laird of bombie, (and had been dispossessed of it for some aggressions on a neighbouring nobleman,) was the fortunate person who killed the chieftain; thus singularly regaining his ancestral property. the crest originated in the circumstance of his having presented to the king the marauder's head fixed upon the point of a sword. the head is variously blazoned as that of a _saracen_, _moor_, or _gipsey_, and the question might here be started, 'who were the lawless band that made the inroad referred to?' the terms moor and saracen were in early times applied indiscriminately to mahometans of every nation, but it cannot be supposed that these intruders were followers of the false prophet, for we have no record of any such having found their way into regions so remote. neither is it probable that they were the wild or uncivilized irish, whose manners and language would have been recognized in the south-western angle of scotland, which is only separated from ireland by a narrow channel that could be crossed in a few hours. the most probable opinion is that they belonged to that singular race, the _gipseys_, who first made their appearance in germany, italy, switzerland, and france, between the years and . admitting that a tribe of them found their way soon after from the continent into ireland, it seems exceedingly likely that a detachment of that tribe should have crossed over to scotland in the reign of james, between and . as the gipseys on their first settlement were black, and could be traced to an oriental source, and as they disavowed christianity, they were very naturally considered as saracens, by a rule analogous to that which makes all the inhabitants of christendom franks in the eyes of a turk. i have made this little digression because this instance of a gipsey's head is probably unique in british heraldry, and because the tradition perfectly coincides in point of time with the actual ingress of the gipseys into this part of europe. the crest of the davenports of cheshire, a family as numerous, according to the proverb, as 'dogs' tails,' is 'a man's head couped below the shoulders in profile, hair brown, a halter about his neck proper.' according to the tradition of the family, it originated after a battle between the yorkists and lancastrians, in which one of the davenports, being of the vanquished party, was spared execution by the commander on the opposite side, on the humiliating condition that he and all his posterity should bear this crest. when queen elizabeth made sir john hawkins paymaster of the navy in , she gave him a coat of arms appropriate to his profession, and as a crest, in allusion to his _laudable_ concern in the slave trade, 'a demi-negro proper, manacled with a rope,' the very symbol which, more than two hundred years afterwards, was used to stamp infamy on those concerned in it, as well as abhorrence and detestation of the slave trade itself.[ ] it would be a matter of little difficulty to produce a great number of additional instances of armorials allusive to the personal history or office of the original grantee; but let it be mine rather than that of the fatigued reader to cry ='ohe, jam satis!'= [illustration] chapter x. distinctions of rank and honour. any treatise on heraldry, whatever its scope or its design, would certainly be deemed defective if it did not embrace this subject. heraldry consists of two distinct parts, namely, _first_, the knowledge of titles and dignities, the proper sphere of each, and the ceremonials connected with them; and, _secondly_, the science of blazon, or the rules by which armorial insignia are composed and borne. one treats of honours; the other of the symbols of those honours. the first, though some will refuse to concede it that distinction, is a science; the second partakes the nature of both a science and an _art_. the immediate object of this humble volume is armory or blazon, its history and its philosophy; yet i should scarcely feel justified in passing over, in silence, the other branch of heraldry, abounding as it does with 'curiosities.' it is not, however, my intention to write a dissertation on the orders of nobility, their origin, their privileges, or their dignity; for the general reader, who happens to be uninformed on these points, can readily consult numerous authorities respecting them, while more profound students, should any such deign to read my lucubrations, would scarcely deem what could be said in the course of a short chapter sufficient. i must therefore refer the former class to their peerages, or books of elementary heraldry, while the latter will not require that i should point out the learned tomes of segar, selden, markham, and the various other 'workes of honour,' of which our literature has been so remarkably prolific. to relieve the tedium occasioned by the constant reference to or, and gules, and ermine; and bend, and fesse, and cheveron; and lions rampant and eagles displayed, which must necessarily occur in a book of heraldry, even in one which professes to treat of its 'curiosities,' i intend here, _currente calamo_, to lay before the reader a few jottings which have occurred to me in the course of my heraldric and antiquarian researches. it has been observed that "among barbarous nations there are no family names. men are known by _titles_ of honour, by _titles_ of disgrace, or by _titles_ given to them on account of some individual quality. a brave man will be called the lion, a ferocious one the tiger. others are named after a signal act of their lives, or from some peculiarity of personal appearance; such as the slayer-of-three-bears, the taker-of-so-many-scalps, or straight-limbs, long-nose, and so on. some of these, especially such as express approbation or esteem, are worn as proudly by their savage owners as that of duke or marquis is by european nobles.[ ] they confer a distinction which begets respect and deference amongst the tribes, and individuals so distinguished obtain the places of honour at feasts, and they are the leaders in battle. it is nearly the same in modern civilized life; titled personages are much sought after and fêted by the tribes of untitled; and are, moreover, the leaders of fashion. the only difference between the savage and civilized titles of honour is, that in the former case they can only be obtained by deeds; they must be earned; which is not always the case with modern distinctions." all titles of honour indubitably originated in official employments, though, in the lapse of ages, they have become, as to the majority, entirely honorary. this will appear on an etymological inquiry into the meaning of the titles still enjoyed in our social system. thus, duke is equivalent with _dux_, a leader or commander, and such, in a military sense, were those personages who primarily bore this distinction. marquis, according to the best authorities, signifies a military officer to whom the sovereign intrusted the guardianship of the marches or borders of a territory. an earl or count was the lieutenant or viceroy of a county, and the geographical term owes its origin to the office. a vicecomes, or viscount, again, was the deputy of a count. the derivation of baron is more obscure; still there was a period when official duties were required of the holders of the title. to descend to the lesser nobility, knight is synonymous with servant, a servant in a threefold sense, first to religion, next to his sovereign, and thirdly to his 'ladye;' while an esquire was in antient times _ecuyer_ or _scutifer_, the knight's shield-bearer. among the orientals official duties are still attached to every title of honour; and it is worthy of remark that the highest of all titles, that of king, has never, in any country, been merely honorary; the responsible duties of government having always been connected with it. in sovereigns, whom our old writers quaintly term 'fountains of honour,' is vested the right of conferring dignities, and it is by a judicious use of this prerogative that the balance of a limited monarchy is properly preserved. were there no difference of grade amongst the subjects of a state, the monarch would be too far removed from his people, and mutual disgust or indifference would be the consequence. a well-constituted peerage serves as a connecting link between the sovereign and the great body of his subjects, and may therefore be regarded, next to the loyal affections of the people, the firmest prop of the throne. i know that, in these utilitarian days, this position is frequently and fiercely controverted, and that probably by many who have never read the following eloquent passage of burke--a passage which though _decies repetita placebit_, and which i therefore introduce without apology: "to be honoured and even privileged by the laws, opinions, and inveterate usages of our country, growing out of the prejudice of ages, has nothing to provoke horror and indignation in any man. even to be too tenacious of those privileges is not absolutely a crime. the strong struggle in every individual to preserve possession of what he has found to belong to him, and to distinguish him, is one of the securities against injustice and despotism implanted in our nature. it operates as an instinct to secure property, and to preserve communities in a settled state. what is there to shock in this? nobility is a graceful ornament to the civil order. it is the corinthian capital of polished society. _omnes boni nobilitati semper favemus_ was the saying of a wise and good man. it is, indeed, one sign of a liberal and benevolent mind to incline to it with some sort of partial propensity. he feels no ennobling principle in his own heart who wishes to level all the artificial institutions which have been adopted for giving a body to opinion and permanence to fugitive esteem. _it is a sour, malignant, and envious disposition, without taste for the reality, or for any image or representation of virtue, that sees with joy the unmerited fall of what had long flourished in splendour and in honour._ i do not like to see anything destroyed, any void produced in society, any ruin on the face of the land."[ ] it is a fact not perhaps generally known that poverty formerly disqualified a peer from holding his dignity. in the reign of edward iv, george neville, duke of bedford, was degraded on this account by act of parliament. the reason for this measure is given in the preamble of the act: "because it [poverty] causeth great extortion, &c. to the great trouble of all such countries where the estate [of the impoverished lord] happens to be."[ ] happily for some of its members, no such prerogative is now exercised by parliament. dignities and titles, like other things, are of course estimated by their rarity. "if all men were noble, where would be the noblesse of nobility?" in no country has so much prudence been displayed in regard to the multiplication of titles as in england. on the continent, as every one is aware, there is such a profusion of titled persons that, excepting those of the highest orders, they are very little respected on the score of honour. titles are so cheap that persons of very indifferent reputation not unfrequently obtain them; and hence the spanish proverb: "formerly rogues were hung on crosses, but now crosses are hung upon rogues!" a german potentate once requested to be informed what station an english esquire occupied in the ladder of precedence, and was answered, that he stood somewhat higher than a french count, and somewhat lower than a german prince! there was certainly more truth than courtesy in the reply. much has been written on the orders of precedence. i am neither disposed nor qualified to handle so delicate a subject; but the following table, showing how the various grades were formerly recognized by their _hawks_, is so curious that i do not hesitate to introduce it: "an _eagle_, a _bawter_ (vulture), a _melown_; these belong unto an _emperor_. a _gerfalcon_, a _tercell_ of gerfalcon are due to a _king_. there is a _falcon_ gentle and a _tercell_ gentle; and these be for a _prince_. there is a _falcon_ of the _rock_; and that is for a _duke_. there is a _falcon_ peregrine; and that is for an _earl_. also there is a _bastard_; and that hawk is for a _baron_. there is a _sacre_ and a _sacret_; and these ben for a _knight_. there is a _lanare_ and a _laurell_; and these belong to a _squire_. there is a _merlyon_; and that hawk is for a _lady_. there is an _hoby_; and that is for a _young man_. there is a _goshawk_; and that hawk is for a _yeoman_. there is a _tercell_; and that is for a _poor man_. there is a _spave-hawk_; she is an hawk for a _priest_. there is a _muskyte_; and he is for an _holy-water clerk_." to this list the 'jewel for gentre' adds, "a _kesterel_ for a _knave_ or _servant_."[ ] occupying a kind of intermediate rank between the peerage and the commons stands the order of baronets. these, though really commoners, participate with peers the honour of transmitting their title to their male descendants. james i, the founder of this order, pledged himself to limit its number to two hundred, but successive sovereigns, possessing the same right to enlarge as he had to establish it, have more than quadrupled the holders of this dignity. baronets are in reality nothing more than hereditary knights, and some families who have been invested with the honour have gained little by it, seeing that their ancestors regularly, in earlier times, acquired that of knighthood. it is no unusual thing in tracing the annals of an antient house, to find six or seven knights in the direct line, besides those in the collateral branches. in the family of calverley, there was, if i mistake not, a _succession_ of sixteen knights. this was a 'knightly race' indeed. of knighthood nares remarks, "since it was superseded by the order of baronets, it has incurred a kind of contumely that is certainly injurious to its proper character. it has been held cheaper by the public at large, and i fear also by the sovereign himself. how often do we hear the remark when a _sir_ or _lady_ is mentioned, 'he is _only_ a knight,' or 'she is _only_ a knight's lady.'" we have seen that knight is synonymous with servant. so also is theign or thane, one of the oldest titles of northern nobility. bede translates it by minister regis. sometimes these thanes were servientes regis more literally than would suit the ambition of modern courtiers, for in doomsday book we find them holding such offices as latinarius, aurifaber, coquus, interpreter, goldsmith, cook. lord ponsonby bears three combs in his arms, to commemorate his descent from the conqueror's barber! sir john ferne traces the origin of knighthood to olybion, the grandson of noah; and lydgate and chaucer speak of the knights of troy and thebes. but the honour is not older than the introduction of the feudal system. when the whole country was parcelled out under that system, the possessor of each _feu_ or _fee_ (a certain value in land) held it by knight's service, that is, by attending the summons of the king, whenever he engaged in war, properly equipped for the campaign, and leading on his vassals. knighthood was obligatory, as the possessor of every fee was bound to receive the honour at the will of his sovereign or other feudal superior. such knights were, in reference to their dependants, styled lords. greater estates, consisting of several knights' fees, were denominated baronies, and the possessor of such an estate was called a baron, or banneret, on account of his right to display a square banner in the field--an honour to which no one of inferior rank could pretend. military aid was commonly all the rent which was required of a vassal. sometimes, however, sums of money which now appear ludicrously small, or provisions for the lord's household, were also demanded; and not unusually these payments were commuted for a broad arrow, a falcon, or a red rose. from such rents numerous coats of arms doubtless originated. knights are addressed as _sir_, derived from the french sire or sieur, which was primarily applied to lords of a certain territory, as le sieur de bollebec. this title was not limited to knighthood, for the great barons also used it. so also did ecclesiastics, even those holding very small benefices. i have found no instances of priests being called sir, since the reformation, except shakspeare's sir hugh evans, in the merry wives of windsor, and there the dramatist evidently alludes to the practice of earlier times than his own. two other applications of the expression may be noticed--_sire_ is a very respectful mode of address to a king; but what shall we say of the scots, who apply it in the plural to women, and even to an individual of that sex--_eh sirs?_ to distinguish this, the most antient order of knights, from those of the garter, bath, and others, they are called knights-bachelors. ("what," asks nares, "are the wives and children of a _bachelor_?") the etymology of this word in all its senses, is extremely obscure; so much so that scarcely any two authorities are agreed upon it. menage, according to johnson, derives it from _bas chevalier_; an unfortunate hypothesis, certainly, for it would make the compound word mean 'knight low-knight.' knighthood at the present day, so far from being restricted to the profession of war, is often given, says clark,[ ] "to gownsmen, physicians, burghers, and artists." nares adds, "brewers, silversmiths, attorneys, apothecaries, upholsterers, hosiers, and tailors;" and continues, "i do by no means wish to see such persons placed out of the reach of honours, or deprived of the smiles and favours even of royalty. king alfred undoubtedly showed his wisdom in honouring merchants." he regards knighthood _inappropriate_, however, to the avocations named; but surely he could not have reflected that the successive changes which have come over the face of society have altered the import of nearly every title amongst us. the title of duke (_dux, general_) is as inappropriate when bestowed upon a civilian as that of knight--nay, more so; for in knighthood the erroneous application dies with the person honoured, while the dukedom (generalship) is hereditary. the lowest titles borne in england are those of _esquire_ and _gentleman_--titles which coke (as blackstone observes) has confounded together. nor is it easy to discriminate between them, as every esquire is a gentleman, although every gentleman may not be an esquire. in the reign of henry vi this difference is observable, namely, that the heads of families were commonly accounted esquires, while younger sons were styled gentlemen. esquireship, like knighthood, is a military dignity; and its origin is perfectly clear. in the earliest times, possibly in the days of olybion himself, every warrior of distinction was attended by his armour-bearer. hence in the romances of the middle ages we find the knight almost invariably attended by a subordinate personage, half-friend, half-servant, who carried his shield and other armour, and who thence acquired the designation of ecuyer, esquire, or (anglicè) shield-bearer. in later periods, knights selected one, or more frequently, several, of their principal or most valiant retainers, to officiate as esquires during a campaign. these, in the event of a successful issue of the war, they often enriched with lands and goods, giving them, at the same time, the privilege of bearing armorial ensigns, copied in part from their own, or otherwise, according to circumstances.[ ] after such a grant the person honoured became an esquire in another sense, as the bearer of _his own shield_; and in this sense all persons at the present day whose claim to bear arms would be admitted by the proper functionaries, are virtually, _scutifers_, _armigers_, or _esquiers_. but there is a more restricted use of the term, bearing relation to the honour in a civil rather than a military aspect, as we shall shortly see. by the courtesies of common life, now-a-days, every person a little removed from the _ignobile vulgus_ claims to be an esquire; and comparatively few, even among the better informed classes, know in what esquireship really consists. for the behoof of such as are confessedly ignorant of this branch of heraldry, and are not too proud to learn, i subjoin the following particulars, gathered from various respectable authorities. real esquires, then, are of seven sorts: . esquires of the king's body, whose number is limited to four. . the eldest sons of knights, and _their_ eldest sons born during their lifetime. it would seem that, in the days of antient warfare, the knight often took his eldest son into the wars for the purpose of giving him a practical military education, employing him meanwhile as his esquire. such certainly was chaucer's _squier_. with the knight "ther was his son, a young squier, a lover, and a lusty bachelor... and he hadde be somtime in chevachie,[ ] in flaunders, in artois, and picardie." . the eldest sons of the younger sons of peers of the realm. . such as the king invests with the collar of ss, including the kings of arms, heralds, &c. the dignity of esquire was conferred by henry iv and his successors, by the investiture of the collar and the gift of a pair of silver spurs. gower the poet was such an esquire by creation. in the ballad of the king (edward iv) and the tanner of tamworth we find the frolicsome monarch creating a dealer in cowhides a squire in this manner: "a coller, a coller here, sayd the king, a coller he loud gan crye; then would he[ ] lever than twentye pound, he had not beene so nighe. a coller, a coller, the tanner he sayd, i trowe it will breed sorrowe; after a _coller_ commeth a _halter_, i trow i shall be hang'd to-morrowe." . esquires to the knights of the bath, _for life_, and their eldest sons. . sheriffs of counties _for life_, coroners and justices of the peace, and gentlemen of the royal household, while they continue in their respective offices. . barristers-at-law, doctors of divinity, law, and medicine, mayors of towns, and some others, are said to be of scutarial dignity, but not actual esquires. supposing this enumeration to comprise all who are entitled to esquireship, it will be evident that thousands of persons styled esquires are not so in reality. it is a prevailing error that persons possessed of £ a year in land are esquires, but an estate of £ , would not confer the dignity. nothing but one or other of the conditions above mentioned is sufficient; yet there are some who contend that the representatives of families whose gentry is antient and unimpeachable, and who possess large territorial estates, are genuine esquires. this, however, does not seem to have been the opinion of such persons themselves two or three centuries ago, for we find many gentlemen possessing both these qualifications who, in documents of importance, such as wills and transfers of property, content themselves with the modest and simple style of _yeoman_. the mention of the word yeoman reminds us of the misappropriation of this expression in modern times. the true definition of it, according to blackstone, is, one "that hath free land of forty shillings by the year; who is thereby qualified to serve on juries, vote for knights of the shire, and do any other act where the law requires one that is _probus et legalis homo_." now, however, it is applied almost exclusively to farmers of the richer sort,[ ] even though they do not possess a single foot of land. the yeomen of the feudal ages were as much renowned for their valorous deeds on the battle-field, as those of a later period were for their wealth. in the sixteenth century it was said-- "=a knight of cales, a squire of wales, and a laird of the north countree, a yeoman of kent, with his yearly rent, would buy them out all three.=" it is much to be regretted that this substantial class of men is almost extinct. to how few are the words of horace now applicable-- "beatus ille, qui procul negotiis, ut prisca gens mortalium, _paterna rura_ bobus exercet suis." "happy the man whose wish and care a few paternal acres bound; content to breathe his native air _on his own ground_." but i am violating the laws of precedence in noticing yeomen before gentlemen. the term _gentleman_ is, perhaps, one of the most indefinite in the english language. george iv prided himself in being the finest gentleman in europe; every peer of the realm is a _gentleman_; every judge, member of parliament, and magistrate is a _gentleman_; every clergyman, lawyer, and doctor is a _gentleman_; every merchant and tradesman is a _gentleman_; every farmer and mechanic is a _gentleman_; every draper's errand-boy and tailor's apprentice is a _gentleman_; and every ostler who, "in the worst inn's worst room," treats the stable-boy with a pot of ale is thereupon declared to be a _gentleman_. so say the courtesies of society; but there is the legal and heraldric, as well as the social, gentleman. "as for gentlemen (says sir thomas smith[ ]) they be made good cheape in this kingdom: for whosoever studieth the laws of the realm, who studieth in the universities, who professeth liberal sciences, and (to be short) who can live idly and without manual labour, and will bear the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall be called master, and taken for a gentleman." this is the legal definition; but the heralds of former days recognized several different classes of gentlemen; sir john ferne, in his 'blazon of gentry,'[ ] enumerates the following: . gentlemen of ancestry, with blood and coat-armour perfect; namely, those whose ancestors, on both sides, have, for five generations at least, borne coat-armour. . gentlemen of blood and coat-armour perfect, but not of ancestry; being those descended in the fifth degree from him 'that slewe a saracen or heathen gentle-man;' from him that won the standard, guidon, or coat-armour of a christian gentleman, and so bare his arms; from him that obtained arms by gift from his sovereign; or from him that purchased an estate to which arms appertained. to this order likewise belong a yeoman who has worthily obtained arms and knighthood; and a yeoman who has been made a doctor of laws and has obtained a coat of arms. . gentlemen of blood perfect, and coat armour imperfect; the 'yonger blouds' of a house, of which the elder line has failed after a lineal succession of five generations. . gentlemen of blood and coat-armour imperfect; the _third_ in lineal descent from him who slew a saracen gentleman, &c. &c. &c., as under the third description; also the natural son of a gentleman of blood and coat-armour perfect, and the legitimate son of a yeoman, by a gentlewoman of blood, &c., being an inheritrix. . gentlemen of coat-armour imperfect: those who have slain an infidel gentleman, &c., _ut supra_; also gentlemen of _paper and wax_. . gentlemen, neither of blood nor coat-armour, are of three orders; namely, , _apocrafat_--students of common law and grooms of the sovereign's palace, having no coat-armour; , _spiritual_--a churl's son made a priest, canon, &c.; and , _untriall_--he who being brought up in the service of a bishop, abbot, or baron, enjoys the bare title of gentleman; and he that having received any degree of the schools, or borne any office in a city so as to be saluted _master_. as saracen-killing has long ceased to be a favourite amusement,--as the winning of standards is an undertaking as rare as it is perilous,--as few in protestant england have the good fortune to serve abbots and bishops,--and, as a grant of arms by the heralds is a somewhat expensive affair,--how very few have now the chance of becoming _gentlemen_ in the heraldrical sense of the term. widely at variance with the courtesies of every-day life are these antiquated laws of chivalry! we have seen that nearly every man, from the throne to the stable, each in his own sphere, is recognized as a gentleman; yet how few, notwithstanding, like to be so described in a legal, formal manner. formerly, it was customary to add gent., as an honourable distinction to one's name, in the address of his letters, in his will, or upon his tombstone; but in these days nothing short of esq. is deemed respectful. this foible, however, is not a thing of yesterday; for so long ago as , mr. isaac bickerstaff, of the tatler, says: "i have myself a couple of clerks; one directs to degory goosequill, _esquire_, to which the other replies by a note to nehemiah dashwell, _esquire_, with respect." what courtesy at first concedes, the party honoured soon learns to exact. the tenacity with which many persons of some pretensions to family, but with very few of the other qualifications which are supposed to belong to the character of a gentleman, adhere to the courtesy title of _esq._ must have been observed by every one. i have heard of persons of this description, who, from the pressure of circumstances, have entered into trade, being mortified by its omission; though their own good sense must have suggested to them the absurdity of such an address as "nicholas smith, esq. tailor," or "geoffry brownman, esq. butcher." not long since a _squireen_ of this order (in a southern county), who eked out the little residuum of his patrimony by the occupation of a farm comprising a few acres of hops, on receiving a letter from the local excise-officer respecting the hop-duty with which he was charged, felt his dignity much insulted at being styled in the address plain _mr._ full of rage at the insolence of the official, he appealed to the collector, expecting, probably, that he would reprimand the offender with great severity. the collector, however, treated the matter as a joke, but ordered his clerk to strike out _mr._ from the beginning of the name, and to add esq. at the end. this was not satisfactory to the insulted party, who determined to appeal to a higher court. he accordingly paid a visit to the magistrates in petty sessions assembled at h----, and a dialogue somewhat like the following took place. _chairman._ what is your application? _squireen_ (with a low salaam). sir, i come here to have my title confirmed. _chairman_ (in surprise). to what title do you allude, sir? _sq._ i have the honour to be an esquire; and i have here a document to show that i have not been treated with the respect due to my rank. i demand a summons for the writer of this letter. the letter was handed to the bench, and the chairman, looking doubtfully at his colleagues, requested our squireen to withdraw while his application was considered. he withdrew accordingly, and the magistrates were not a little amused with the case. fortunately, a gentleman who had witnessed the scene before the collector happened to be present, and he having related the particulars, the bench ordered the applicant to be recalled. the cry of "n. m. _esquire_! n. m. _esquire_!" resounded along the room and down the staircase. that gentleman responded to the call with great alacrity, and approached the bench with another profound obeisance; while the chairman, assuming all the gravity he could command, said-- sir; the magistrates have considered your application, and although they would not feel justified in issuing a summons against the offending party, yet they have come to an unanimous decision that your claim to be considered an esquire is well founded. sir, i have the satisfaction to inform you that your title is confirmed! a third inclination followed this highly satisfactory sentence, and our esquire left the court with as much dignity as if he had just been created an earl, or rather with as much as don quixote exhibited in the stable-yard, after the innkeeper had conferred upon him the honour of knighthood. the _country squires_ may be regarded as an extinct race; and though in the present advanced state of society we can scarcely wish to see that rude and stalwart order revived, yet there are many parts of their character which certainly deserve the imitation of their more polished descendants. the subjoined description of an antient worthy of this class, mr. hastings, of dorsetshire,[ ] though familiar to many readers, i venture to introduce. "mr. hastings was low of stature, but strong and active, of a ruddy complexion, with flaxen hair. his clothes were always of green cloth, his house was of the old fashion, in the midst of a large park, well stocked with deer, rabbits, and fishponds. he had a long narrow bowling-green in it, and used to play with round sand bowls. here, too, he had a banquetting room built, like a stand, in a large tree! he kept all sorts of hounds, that ran buck, fox, hare, otter, and badger; and had hawks of all kinds, both long and short winged. his great hall was commonly strewed with marrow-bones, and full of hawk-perches, hounds, spaniels, and terriers. the upper end of it was hung with fox-skins of this and the last year's killing. here and there a polecat was intermixed, and hunters' poles in great abundance. the parlour was a large room, completely furnished in the same style. on a broad hearth, paved with brick, lay some of the choicest terriers, hounds, and spaniels. one or two of the great chairs had litters of cats in them, which were not to be disturbed. of these, three or four always attended him at dinner, and a little white wand lay by his trencher to defend it, if they were too troublesome. in the windows, which were very large, lay his arrows, crossbows, and other accoutrements. the corners of the room were filled with his best hunting and hawking poles. his oyster table stood at the lower end of the room, which was in constant use twice a day, all the year round, for he never failed to eat oysters both at dinner and supper, with which the neighbouring town of pool supplied him. at the upper end of the room stood a small table with a double desk, one side of which held a church bible, the other the book of martyrs. on different tables in the room lay hawks-hoods, bells, old hats, with their crowns thrust in, full of pheasants' eggs; tables, dice, cards, and store of tobacco-pipes. at one end of this room was a door, which opened into a closet, where stood bottles of strong beer, and wine, which never came out but in single glasses, which was the rule of the house; for he never exceeded himself, nor permitted others to exceed. answering to this closet, was a door into an old chapel, which had been long disused for devotion; but in the pulpit, as the safest place, was always to be found a cold chine of beef, a venison pasty, a gammon of bacon, or a great apple-pie, with thick crust, well baked. his table cost him not much, though it was good to eat at. his sports supplied all, but beef and mutton, except on fridays, when he had the best of fish. he never wanted a london pudding, and he always sang it in with "my part lies therein-a." he drank a glass or two of wine at meals; put syrup of gillyflowers into his sack; and had always a tun glass of small beer standing by him, which he often stirred about with rosemary. he lived to be an hundred, and never lost his eyesight, nor used spectacles. he got on horseback without help, and rode to the death of the stag at fourscore."[ ] in consequence of the cheapness of titles in foreign countries, our esquires and gentry are frequently undervalued by strangers, who can form no idea of an untitled aristocracy. we are accustomed to consider no families noble except those possessing the degree of baron, or some superior title; and the branches, even of a ducal house, after a certain number of removes from the titled representative cease to be noble. on the continent it is otherwise: all the descendants of a peer are noble. our antient gentry, possessed of the broad lands which have descended to them through a long line of ancestors, are virtually more noble, in the heraldric sense of the term, than dukes and marquises who are but of yesterday. new nobility cannot compensate for the want of antient gentry. the caviller will perhaps ask, concerning some of the rambling observations contained in this chapter, and the subject which has called them forth, _cui bono?_ he may also mutter something about the nobility of virtue, as the only one worth possessing. well, well, let him enjoy his opinion, and maintain it if he can; but until he has convinced me that true integrity and exalted benevolence cannot reside beneath a coronet, and that the nobility of station obliterates or neutralizes that of virtue, i shall beg leave also to enjoy mine; admitting, meanwhile, the correctness of a sentiment quaintly, though wisely, advanced by sir john ferne: "that kind of gentry which is but a bare noblenes of bloud, not clothed with vertues (the right colours of a gentleman's coat-armour) is the _meanest_, yea, and the _most base_ of all the rest: for it respecteth but onely the body, being derived from the loynes of the auncestors, not from the minde, which is the habitation of vertue, the inne of reason, and the resemblaunce of god; and, in true speach, this gentry of stock _only_ shal be said but a shadow, or rather a painture of nobility."[ ] "=manners makyth man, quoth william of wykeham.=" [illustration] chapter xi. historical notices of the college of arms. [illustration: (arms of the college.)[ ]] "their consequence was great in the court, in the camp, and, still more than either, in the council; as negociators they had great influence; they were conspicuous for judgment, experience, learning, and elegance; they gained honour whenever they were employed."--_noble._ we have seen, in a former chapter, that at an early period the sovereign and his greater nobles retained in their respective establishments certain officers called heralds, whose duties have been slightly alluded to. in the present chapter the reader will find a hasty sketch of the history of these functionaries in their incorporated capacity as a =college of arms=. the college of arms, or, as it is often called, the "heralds' college," owes its origin as a corporation to a monarch who has the misfortune to occupy a very unenviable place in the scroll of fame; to a man whose abilities and judgment would have received all due honour from posterity had they been coupled with the attributes of justice and benevolence, and attended with a better claim to the sceptre of these realms. but, whatever may be said of richard iii as an usurper, a murderer, and a tyrant, impartial justice awards to him the credit of a wise and masterly execution of the duties of the regal office. many of the regulations in the state adopted by him and continued by his successors bear the impress of a mind of no despicable order. one of his earliest acts was the foundation of this college. "personally brave, and nurtured from his infancy in the use of the sword, he was more especially ambitious of preserving the hereditary dignity and superior claims of the =white rose=. he supported, at his own charge, richard champneys, falcon herald, whom upon his accession he created gloucester king of arms, and at whose instance he was further induced to grant to the body of heralds immunities of great importance."[ ] his letters patent for this purpose bear date march d, , the first year of his reign. the heraldic body, as originally constituted, consisted of twelve of the most approved heralds, for whose habitation he assigned a messuage in the parish of all saints in london, called pulteney's inn, or cold harbore.[ ] as usual with every fraternity of those times, the newly-constituted college had a chaplain, whose stipend was fixed at £ per annum. the 'right fair and stately house,' as it is termed by stowe, was first presided over by sir john wriothesley, or wrythe, whose arms were assumed by the body, and are still perpetuated on their corporate seal. for the better performance of the duties of the heralds, the kingdom was divided into two provinces, over each of which presided a king of arms. the title of the officer who regulated all heraldric affairs south of the river trent was _clarenceux_, and that of him who exercised jurisdiction northward of it, _norroy_. from this statement it must not be inferred that kings of arms had not previously existed, for there were a _norroy_ and a _surroy_[ ] (q. d. 'northern king' and 'southern king,') as early as the reign of edward iii; although their duties were not so well defined nor their authority so great as both became after the incorporation of the college. over both these, as principal of the establishment, was appointed _garter_, king of arms, an office instituted by king henry v, and so called from his official connexion with the order of knighthood bearing that designation. next in point of dignity to the provincial kings, stood several _heralds_ bearing peculiar titles, and the third rank was composed of pursuivants, or students, who could not be admitted into the superior offices until they had passed some years of probationary study and practice in the duties of their vocation. these three degrees, it is scarcely necessary to state, still exist in the corporation. from a very early period garter exercised, and still continues to exercise, a concurrent jurisdiction with the two provincial kings of arms in the grant of armorial ensigns, but he had many exclusive privileges; as the right of ordering all funerals of peers of the realm, the two archbishops, the bishop of winchester, and knights of the garter; he only could grant arms to these individuals; he was consequently a person of no inconsiderable importance. the duties of the officers of arms at this period consisted in attending all ceremonials incident to the king and the nobility, such as coronations, creations, the displaying of banners on the field of battle or in the lists, public festivities and processions, the solemnization of baptisms, marriages, and funerals, the enthronization of prelates, proclamations, and royal journeys or progresses. the importance of the presence of heralds at royal funerals of a somewhat later date, is shown in the two following extracts:[ ] "and incontinent all the heraudes did off their cote-armour, and did hange them upon the rayles of the herse, _cryinge lamentably_ in french, 'the noble king henry the seaveneth is dead;' and as soon as they had so done, everie heraude putt on his cote-armure againe, and cried with a loude voyce, 'vive le noble henry le viijth.'" at the interment of prince arthur, : "at every kurie elyeson an officer of arms with a high voyce said for prince arthure's soule and all christian soules, pater-noster.... his officer of arms, _sore weeping_, toke off his coate of armes, and cast it along over the cheaste right lamentablie."[ ] the fees demanded on the occasions before recited were considerable, but the officers of arms had another source of revenue, namely, the largesses or rewards for proclaiming the styles and titles of the nobility. these were optional, and generally corresponded to the rank and opulence of the donors. "on newe-yeares-day," [ ], says leland, "the king, being in a riche gowne, dynede in his chamber, and gave to his officers of armes vi_l._ of his largesse, wher he was cryed in his style accustomede. also the quene gave to the same officers xl_s._ and she was cried in her style. at the same time my lady the kyngs moder gave xx_s._ and she was cried largesse iij tymes. de hault, puissaunt, et excellent princesse, la mer du roy notre souveraigne, countesse de richemonde et de derbye, largesse. item, the duc of bedeforde gave xl_s._ and he was cried, largesse de hault et puissaunt prince, frere et uncle des roys, duc de bedeforde, et counte de penbroke, largesse. item, my lady his wiff gave xiij_s._ iiij_d._ and she was cried, largesse de hault et puissaunt princesse, duchesse de bedeforde et de bokingham, countesse de penbrok, stafford, harford, et de northampton, et dame de breknok, largesse. item, the reverende fader in god the lorde john fox, bishop of excester, privy seale, gave xx_s._ item, th' erle of aroundell gave x_s._, and he was cried, largesse de noble et puissaunt seigneur le counte d'aroundell, et seigneur de maltravers. item, th' erle of oxinforde gave xx_s._ and he was cryede, largesse de noble et puissaunt le counte d'oxinforde, marquis de develyn, vicount de bulbik, et seigneur de scales, graunde chamberlayn, et admirall d'angleter, largesse. item, my lady his wiff xx_s._ and she was cried, largesse de noble et puissaunt dame la countesse d'oxinford, marquise de develyn, vicountesse de bulbik, et dame de scales, &c. &c." another perquisite of the heraldic corps were great quantities of the rich stuffs, such as velvet, tissue, and cloth of gold, used as the furniture of great public ceremonials. the following are some of the fees claimed by the officers on state occasions, as recorded in one of the ashmolean mss. "at the coronacion of the kinge of england c{_l._}[ ], appareled in scarlet. "at the displaying of the king's banner in any campe ... c markes. "at the displaying of a duke's banner, £ . "at a marquis's, markes. "at an earle's, x{_l._}, &c. &c. "the kinge marrying a wife £ , _with the giftes of the king's and queen's uppermost garments_! "at the birth of the king's eldest son, markes; at the birth of other younger children, £ . "the king being at any syge (siege) with the crowne on his head, £ . "the wages due to the officers of armes when they go owt of the land: "garter _s._ a day: every of the other kings _s._: every herald _s._: every pursuivant _s._: and theyr ordinary expences." to return to the thread of our history: at the death of richard iii,[ ] all his public acts were declared null and void, as those of an usurper, and the heraldic body, in common with others, fell under the censure of henry. driven from their stately mansion of cold-harbour, they betook themselves to the conventual house of rounceval, near charing cross, which had been a cell to the priory of rouncevaulx, in navarre, and suppressed with the rest of the alien priories by the jealous policy of henry v. here they remained for many years, though only by sufferance, for edward vi granted the site to sir thomas cawarden. it must not be imagined that the heralds were created merely for the purpose of acting as puppets in the pageantry of the court and the camp: they had other and more useful functions to perform. the genealogies of noble and gentle families were intrusted to their keeping, and thus titular honours and territorial possessions were safely conveyed to lawful heirs, when, in the absence of proper officers, and a recognized depository for documents, much confusion might have been produced by disputed claims. the ecclesiastics had formerly been the chief conservators of genealogical facts, but at the dissolution of the monasteries by henry viii, the documents containing them were scattered to the winds. hence it became necessary to adopt some more general and better regulated means of collecting and transmitting to posterity the materials of genealogy, and out of this necessity sprang those 'progresses' of the kings of arms and heralds through the various counties, called visitations. some faint traces of these visitations occur, it is true, before the reformation, and even before the incorporation of the heralds, namely, as early as ; but it was not until that they were systematically attended to.[ ] after the latter date they were continued about once in every generation, or at intervals varying between twenty-five and forty years. the officers, under the warrant of the earl-marshal, were bound to make inquisitions respecting the pedigree of every family claiming the honour of gentry, and to enter the names, titles, places of abode, &c. in a book. many such books, between the date just referred to and the year , are now existing in the college of arms, while many copies of them, and a few of the originals, are in the british museum and in private collections. to most of the pedigrees thus entered were attached the family arms, which received the confirmation of the 'kings' when satisfactory evidence of the bearer's right to them could be adduced.[ ] when a family from any circumstance did not bear arms, a coat was readily granted by the kings, who received fees proportioned to the rank of the parties; for example: a bishop paid £ . a dean £ _s._ _d._ a gentleman of marks per annum, in land, £ _s._ _d._ a gentleman of inferior revenue £ . the passion for emblazoning the arms of the nobility and gentry upon glass, in the windows of churches and halls, imposed considerable employment, and brought no small emolument, to the officers of arms, who undertook to marshal and arrange them, as well as often to draw up short pedigrees of such families, which were set forth in the gloomy chancel or the sombre hall of the long-descended patron or lord of the mansion, exemplified with the shield rich in quarterings.[ ] henry viii was a great admirer of the "pomp and circumstance" of chivalry. during his reign the college was in high estimation and full employment. at home and abroad he was constantly attended by his heralds, some of whom were often despatched to foreign courts, to assist in negociations, to declare war, to accompany armies, to summon garrisons, to deliver the ensign of the order of st. george (the garter) to foreign potentates, to attend banquets, jousts, and tournaments, and to serve upon every great occasion of state. "there was nothing performed," says noble,[ ] "of a public nature, but what the heralds were employed in." the history of this reign teems with curious anecdotes touching the dignity and prerogatives of the heralds. so great was the regard entertained by the 'bluff' monarch for the officers of arms, that he treated even those of foreign sovereigns, who came to his court to deliver hostile messages, with all the courtesy inculcated by the laws of chivalry, and even gave them bountiful largesses. for example, when in 'lord lyon, king at arms,' came to him at tours upon an errand of a very disagreeable character from the scottish court, his majesty sent garter with him to his tent, commanding him to give him 'good cheer;' and when his reply to the message was framed he dismissed him courteously, with a gift of one hundred angels.[ ] although the persons of the heralds, in their ambassadorial capacity, were generally regarded as sacred, they sometimes received very rough treatment from desperate enemies. on one occasion, ponde, somerset herald, going to scotland with a message to james v, was slain in his tabard--a violation of the laws of honour which was only compensated by the death of the bailiff of lowth and two others, who were publicly executed at tyburn in the summer of . "it is singular," says noble, "that in this reign it was usual to give to pieces of ordnance the same names as those appropriated to the members of the college; names, we must presume, dear to the sovereign and cherished by the people."[ ] at the field of the cloth of gold, in , the heraldic corporation attended in magnificent array. it then consisted of the following members: kings. garter, clarenceux, norroy. heralds. windsor, richmond, york, lancaster, carlisle, montorgueil, somerset. pursuivants in ordinary. rouge-cross, blue-mantle, portcullis, and rouge-dragon. pursuivants extraordinary. calais, risebank, guisnes; and hampnes. these four took their titles from places in france within the english pale. the armorial bearings devised in this reign had little of the chaste simplicity of those of an earlier date. those coats which contain a great variety of charges may be generally referred to this period, and they are familiarly styled '_henry-the-eighth_ coats.' such arms have been humorously compared to "garrisons, _well stocked_ with fish, flesh, and fowl."[ ] edward vi bestowed upon the heralds many additional immunities and privileges; and mary, his successor, by charter dated , granted them derby house for the purpose of depositing their rolls and other records. elizabeth inherited from her father the spirit of chivalry, and its concomitant fondness for pageantry. hence she necessarily patronized the officers of arms. in this reign the quarrels which for some time previously had been hatching between various members of the body touching their individual rights, broke out with great virulence. "their accusations against each other," noble remarks, "would fill a volume." broke, or brokesmouth, york herald, whose animosities against the great and justly venerated camden have given to his name a celebrity which it does not deserve, was foremost amongst the litigants.[ ] a new order of gentry had sprung up in the two or three preceding reigns, some of whom had enriched themselves by commercial enterprise, while others had acquired broad lands at the dissolution of the monasteries. these _novi homines_ were very ambitious of heraldric honours, and accordingly made numerous applications for grants of arms. cooke, clarenceux, granted upwards of five hundred coats, and the two dethicks twice that number in this reign. great pains were taken by the sovereign to preserve inviolate the rights of the college; yet notwithstanding there were some adventurers who, for the sake of lucre, devised arms and forged pedigrees for persons of mean family, to the no small umbrage of the antient gentry, and the pecuniary loss of the corporation. one w. dawkeyns compiled nearly a hundred of these spurious genealogies for families in essex, herts, and cambridgeshire, an offence for which he was visited with the pillory; but though he stood "earless on high," he seems to have been "unabashed;" for after an interval of twenty years he was found 'at his olde trickes againe,' and again fell under the lash of the earl-marshal. the warrant for his second apprehension is dated dec. st, . james i advanced the regular salaries of the heralds, and indirectly promoted their interests, further, by a lavish distribution of new titular honours. in this reign occurs an instance of the antient custom of degrading a knight. sir frances michel having been convicted of grievous exactions was sentenced, in , to a 'degradation of honour.' being brought by the sheriff of london to westminster-hall, in the presence of the commissioners who then executed the office of earl-marshal and the kings of arms, the sentence of parliament was openly read by philipot, a pursuivant, when the servants of the marshall hacked off his spurs, broke his sword over his head, and threw away the pieces, and the first commissioner proclaimed with uplifted voice, that he was "=no longer knight, but a scoundrel-knave=!" the disputes in the college concerning the duties and prerogatives of its members, and their jealousies respecting preferments continued unabated. broke (or brokesmouth), york, and treswell, somerset, carried their effrontery so far as to defy the authority of their superiors in office, for which offence, added to contempt of the earl-marshal, they were committed to prison. the house was 'divided against itself,' and consequently could not 'stand,' at least in the respect and estimation of the public. francis thynne, a herald of the period, speaks of the poverty of the college as compared with its antient condition; complains that 'the heralds are not esteemed,' and that 'every one withdraweth his favour from them;' and prays the superior powers to repair their 'ruined state.' of charles i it has been truly said, that he was not more arbitrary in his government than several of his predecessors had been. his mistake was, that he did not march with the times, but wished, amid the increased enlightenment of the th century, to exercise the monarchical prerogatives of the middle ages. most of the acts which led to his downfall were not greater violations of the fundamental principles of the constitution than had been committed by earlier monarchs; but the time was now come when they could no longer be tolerated by a free and generous nation. in relation to heraldic usages charles only copied the acts of former sovereigns; yet they added not a little to his unpopularity. one of his commissions directed to the provincial kings of arms, authorized them to visit all churches, mansions, public halls, and other places, to inspect any arms, cognizances, or crests, set up therein; and, if found faulty in regard of proof, to pull down and deface the same. it further empowered them to reprove, control, and _make infamous, by proclamation at courts of assize_, all persons who had without sufficient warrant assumed the title of esquire or gentleman; to forbid the use of velvet palls at the funerals of persons of insufficient rank; and to prevent any painter, glazier, engraver, or mason, from representing any armorial ensigns, except under their sanction and direction. all delinquents were to be cited into the earl-marshal's court of chivalry, an institution almost as arbitrary and unconstitutional as the court of star-chamber itself. nothing perhaps, as noble observes, injured the heralds' college more than this shameful tribunal, which proceeded to fine and imprisonment for mere words spoken against the gentility of the plaintiff. "had it only decided upon what usually ends in duels it would have been a most praiseworthy institution." but it went further, and its severity became deservedly odious to the nation. mr. hyde (afterwards lord clarendon) deprecated its insolence and said, "the youngest man remembered the beginning of it, and he hoped the oldest might see the end of it."--"a citizen of good quality," said he, "a merchant, was by that court ruined in his estate and his body imprisoned, _for calling a swan a goose_!" it is needless to say that the court of chivalry was swept away along with other grievances of a like nature in the revolution which succeeded. it was revived, however, at the restoration of charles ii, and continued, though rather feebly, to execute its functions until the year . some of its proceedings, as recited by dallaway, are very curious. i give an abstract of a case or two. th may, . the earl-marshal, assisted by several peers and knights, held a court of chivalry to decide on a quarrel between anthony felton, esq., and edmund withepool, esq. it appears that a dispute had occurred between these two gentlemen at the town of ipswich, when withepool so far forgot himself as to bastinado the other, for which the latter summoned him into this court. the decree of the earl-marshal was that withepool should confess to his prosecutor "that he knew him to be a gentleman unfitt to be stroken," and promise that he would hereafter maintain mr. felton's reputation against all slanderous persons. the delinquent submitted to this judgment, and the proceedings were at an end. pity it is that a similar court of honour, voluntarily supported, should not now exist for the purpose of settling those quarrels among the aristocracy, which are generally adjudicated by the stupid, illegal, and wicked ordeal of the bullet.[ ] let it form part of every gentleman's code of honour to bow to the decision of a tribunal so constituted, and duelling--that purest relic of mediæval barbarism, which has descended to our time--would be numbered among the absurdities of the past. . fowke contra barnfield. walter fowke of ganston, co. stafford, prosecuted richard barnfield of wolverhampton for a libel, for that he had said 'that complainant was never a soldier or captain before the isle of rhe voyage, when he was made a captain, and afterwards ran away; and that he dared the said w. f. to go to a fencing-school to fight it out with him, &c.' the decree of the court was, that barnfield should make submission, find security for his good behaviour towards fowke, and pay a fine of £ to the king, £ to the complainant, and marks costs; and, in default, be committed to prison. the assumption of the arms of a family, by persons bearing the same name, though unauthorized by family connexion, brought many causes into this court. west, lord delawarr, against west. a man who had been a famous wrestler, and bore the sobriquet of 'jack in the west,' acquiring a fortune by keeping a public-house, assumed the regular surname of west, and the arms of lord delawarr's family. in support of this double assumption he got some venal member[ ] of the college of arms to furnish him with a pedigree, deducing his descent, through three or four generations, from the fourth son of one of the lords delawarr. his son, who had been bred in the inns of court, and was resident in hampshire, presuming, upon the strength of his pedigree, to take precedence of some of his neighbours, they instigated lord delawarr to prosecute him in the court of honour. at the hearing, the defendant produced his patent from the heralds; but, unfortunately for his pretensions, an antient gentleman of the house of west, who had been long abroad and was believed to be dead, and whom our innkeeper's son had claimed as his father's father, returned at this juncture to england, and 'dashed the whole business.'[ ] the would-be west was fined £ , and commanded 'never more to write himself gentleman.' on the breaking out of the civil wars the heralds espoused opposing interests. the three kings of arms, with a few of their subordinates, adhered to _their brother monarch_: the others sided with the parliament. when, in , charles was compelled to take up his residence at oxford, several of the officers of arms were in attendance upon him; and it affords very high testimony of their respectability and learning that some of them were admitted to the first distinctions the university could bestow. the afterwards famous dugdale (then rouge-croix) and edmund walker, chester, were created masters of arts, and sir william le neve, clarenceux, was admitted to the dignity of ll.d. in and , george owen, york, john philipot, somerset, sir john borrough, garter, and his successor, sir henry st. george, were also honoured with the last-mentioned degree. it is singular that an institution so immediately connected with royalty as was the college of arms, should have been permitted to exist during the commonwealth; and still more so that while the republicans carried their hatred to the very name of king so far as to alter the designation of the _king's_ bench, and to strike the word _kingdom_ out of their vocabulary, that the principal functionaries of the college should have been allowed to retain their antient titles of kings of arms. the royal arms, of course, disappeared from the herald's tabard, though it does not very clearly appear what was substituted; probably the state arms, namely, two shields conjoined in fesse; dexter, the cross of st. george, and, sinister, the irish harp.[ ] oliver cromwell was, as noble justly remarks, "a splendid prince, keeping a most stately and magnificent court." hence the heralds could by no means be dispensed with. they attended at his proclamation, and on all subsequent state occasions. the protector's funeral was a pageant of more than regal magnificence, and cost the extravagant sum of £ , .[ ] but, notwithstanding the patronage of cromwell, the college was far from prosperous at this period, for the visitations were discontinued, and the nobility and antient gentry, awaiting in moody silence the issue of the system of government then in operation, paid little attention to heraldric honours, which were disregarded by the nation at large, or, if recognized at all, only to be associated (as they have too often since been[ ]) with the idea of an insolent and overbearing aristocracy. the college of arms, like all other public bodies, was put into very great disorder by the return of the exiled charles. several of the officers who had been ejected on account of their loyalty to his father were restored to their former posts; those who had changed with the times were degraded to the inferior offices; while those who had been appointed during the commonwealth and protectorate were expelled. in scotland the heralds were restored to their former privileges. sir andrew durham, created lyon king of arms in , had, at his investment, a crown of gold placed upon his head in full parliament, and was harangued by the chancellor and the lord register on the duties and importance of the office conferred upon him. the great fire of destroyed the buildings of the college of arms; but fortunately all the records and books were rescued from the flames and deposited at whitehall, whence they were afterwards removed to an apartment in the palace at westminster. the college was rebuilt some years subsequently; a small portion of the necessary funds having been raised by subscription; but by far the greater part was contributed by the officers themselves.[ ] at its completion in it was considered 'one of the handsomest brick buildings in london.' the income of the heralds was, at this time, little more than nominal; but they were principally persons of good family, who possessed private property. county visitations were revived soon after the restoration, but (with the exception of those of sir william dugdale, which are amongst the best in the college) they do not appear to have been conducted with so much strictness as in former times; and at the revolution of they were entirely abandoned. during the intolerant proceedings against the nonconformists under charles ii, the pursuivants were occasionally employed in that disagreeable duty of their office from which they originally borrowed their designation, (poursuivre, fr. v. a. to pursue), that of bringing suspected persons up to london. noble gives (from calamy) some instances of their being despatched to apprehend nonconformists in cheshire. james ii "affected great state, and was the last of our monarchs who kept up the regal state in its full splendour."[ ] the investiture of some new officers of arms in this reign was probably more splendid than any that had previously taken place. but all the benefits they received from the sovereign were countervailed by his insisting upon their attending him to the catholic worship on all high days and holidays, a proceeding which very much disgusted them. nothing of particular importance relating to the college occurs in the reign of william and mary, except the refusal of the usual commissions to hold visitations, as a practice discordant with the spirit of the times. under the antient system, a broad line of demarcation had separated the nobility and gentry from the common people; but gradually the commercial interests of the nation introduced that intermediate rank recognized as the middle classes of society, and these, by means of the wealth acquired in merchandise and trade, often eclipsed in the elegancies of life many of the antient gentry. hence the heraldic visitations, had they been continued to our times, would have necessarily led to much invidiousness of distinction on the part of the heralds, and probably to much ill feeling between the representatives of far-descended houses and the upstarts of a day. at the union with scotland, temp. anne, it was determined that lyon, the scottish king of arms, should rank in dignity next after garter, the principal english king.[ ] the reign of george i presents us with two incidents deserving of notice. the first is the ceremony of the degradation of the duke of ormond, attainted of treason, from the order of the garter, which was performed with the usual ceremonials at windsor, in . the other i give in the words of noble: "in the year , an impostor, of the name of robert harman, pretending to be a herald, was prosecuted for the offence by the college of arms, at the quarter-sessions for the county of suffolk, held at beccles, and being convicted of the offence, was sentenced to be placed in the pillory in several market-towns on public market-days, and afterwards to be imprisoned and pay a fine, which sentence was accordingly executed, proving that the impudent and designing were not to encroach upon the rights of the college with impunity."[ ] when war with spain was proclaimed in the thirteenth year of george ii, the proclamation was made in the metropolis by the officers of arms, according to antient usage. they also attended at the trial of the three scottish rebel lords in westminster-hall, in . fourteen standards taken from the adherents of the pretender were publicly burnt at edinburgh, by the common hangman. "the prince's own standard was carried by the executioner, each of the others by _chimney-sweepers_ (!) the former was first committed to the flames, with three flourishes of the trumpets, amidst repeated acclamations of a vast concourse of people. the same was done with each of the other colours separately; the _heralds_ always proclaiming the names of the 'rebel traitors to whom they belonged.'"[ ] "after the battle of dettingen, fought in , his majesty revived the order of knights-bannerets, the last of whom had been sir john smith, created a banneret by charles i at the battle of edgehill, the first in the fatal civil war. the form of treating them formerly was, the candidate presented his standard or pennon to the sovereign or his general, who cutting off the skirt or tail of it made it square, when it was returned: hence they are sometimes called knights of the square banner. they precede all knights, not of the garter or bath, of england, and even baronets, being reputed next to the nobility after those preceding orders."[ ] they have the privilege of using supporters to their arms; but, as the honour is not hereditary, their descendants cannot claim it. in an unsuccessful attempt was made to revive the court of chivalry. the earl-marshal's deputy and his assistant lords and the officers of arms being present, the king's advocate exhibited complaints, _first_, against mrs. radburne, for using divers ensigns at the funeral of her husband not pertaining to his condition; _secondly_, against the executors of a mr. ladbrook for using, on a similar occasion, arms not legally belonging to the defunct; and, _thirdly_, against sir john blunt, bart. for assuming, without right, the arms of the antient family of blount of sodington. this gentleman had been a scrivener, and was one of the projectors of the well-known south-sea scheme or 'bubble,' which ended in the total ruin of so many respectable families. but "the whole business was imprudently begun, and unskilfully conducted; the lawyers who were consulted laughed at it;"[ ] and, though the court proceeded so far as to fine some of the parties, it was unable to carry its decisions into effect; and we hear no more of the court of chivalry. it would be tedious, and beyond the design of the present hasty sketch, to notice all the great occasions on which the heralds were in requisition during the reigns of the three predecessors of her present majesty. during this period several members of the college have shed lustre on their office, and on the antiquarian literature of england. these will come under review in my next chapter; and it will only be necessary here to add a few particulars relating to the present state of the college. the building, which stands upon the site of the _derby house_ before referred to, is approached by an archway on st. benet's hill, and has a sombre appearance perfectly in keeping with the purposes to which it is devoted. it comprises the great hall, the library, consisting of two rooms; the outer one of the time of charles ii, fitted with dark carved-oak panels, and containing a beautifully executed chimney-piece, said to be the work of sibborn; the inner, a spacious and lofty octangular apartment, recently erected and rendered fire-proof, for the safer preservation of the records and more valuable documents; and besides these rooms there are separate apartments appropriated to the use of the several officers. the great hall, where the courts of chivalry were antiently held, and where the 'chapters' of the heralds still take place, remains almost _in statu quo_, with its high-backed throne for the earl-marshal, surrounded with balustrades, and retaining somewhat of the awe-striking solemnity of the tribunal. the panelling has recently been decorated with shields of the several lords and earls-marshal from the origin of that office till the present time. the library, it is scarcely necessary to state, contains a large and extremely valuable collection of original visitation books, records of the arms and pedigrees of families, funeral certificates of the nobility and gentry, antient tournament and other rolls of great curiosity; the sword, dagger, and ring of king james iv, of scotland; and probably every work illustrative, in any degree, of heraldry and genealogy, that has issued from the press of this country, together with many foreign works on those subjects. of the great value of this inexhaustible mine of information the historian and the antiquary are well aware, and there is scarcely any work in their respective departments that has not received some addition from this library. the following is a list of the corporation of the college as it now exists: =earl-marshal= and hereditary marshal of england. henry-charles, duke of norfolk, &c. &c. &c. =kings of arms.= garter. sir charles george young, knt., f.s.a. clarenceux. joseph hawker, esq., f.s.a. norroy. francis martin, esq., f.s.a. =heralds.= somerset. james cathrow disney, esq. chester. walter aston blount, esq. genealogist and blanc-coursier herald, of the order of the bath. richmond. james pulman esq., f.s.a. registrar of the college of arms, and yeoman-usher of the black rod to the house of lords. windsor. robert laurie, esq. lancaster. albert william woods, esq. gentleman-usher of the red rod, and brunswick herald of the order of the bath. york. edward howard gibbon, esq., secretary to the earl-marshal. =pursuivants.= bluemantle. george harrison rogers harrison, esq., f.s.a. rouge-dragon. thomas william king, esq., f.s.a. rouge-croix. william courthope, esq. portculis. george william collen, esq. [illustration] chapter xii. distinguished heralds and heraldric writers. in the earliest ages after the introduction of heraldry the laws of the science must have been orally taught to novitiate heralds: but when the regulations of chivalry were framed into a code they began to be committed to writing, and among the earliest mss. are some on this subject.[ ] but these generally have reference rather to feats of arms than to the technicalities of blazon. [sidenote: a.d. .] the first author, of any note, on this subject is doctor nicholas upton, a native of devonshire, who was honoured with the patronage of humphrey, "the good" duke of gloucester, temp. henry iv, by whose influence he became canon of sarum, wells, and st. paul's. previously to obtaining these preferments he had served in the french wars under thomas de montacute, earl of salisbury; and it was during those campaigns he wrote a latin treatise, entitled 'de studio militari,' ms. copies of which are preserved in the college of arms, and elsewhere.[ ] it consists of five books; viz. , of officers of arms; , of veterans, now styled heralds; , of duels; , of colours; , of figures; forming altogether a systematic grammar of heraldry. the latinity of upton is considered very classical for the age in which he flourished. one of the earliest treatises on heraldry, as well as one of the first productions of the press in this country, is contained in the highly-celebrated =boke of st. albans=, printed within the precincts of the monastery from which it is designated, in the year . this singular work contains tracts on hawking, hunting, and 'coot-armuris'--the last constituting the greater portion of the volume. it is printed in a type resembling the text-hand written at the period, and with all the abbreviations employed in manuscript. the margin contains exemplifications of the arms described in the text, stained with coloured inks. this edition, like others of that early date, is now exceedingly scarce, there being probably not more than five or six copies extant. another edition was published in by wm. copeland, and a single copy occurs of the same date with the imprint of wynkyn de worde: these were probably of the same impression with different title-pages. a new edition appeared in ; and another was included in gervase markham's 'gentleman's academie,' in .[ ] the entire work was attributed, for the first three centuries after its publication, to dame julyan berners,[ ] prioress of sopewell, and sister of richard, lord berners, a woman of great personal and mental endowments.[ ] that a woman, and especially the superior of a religious sisterhood, should have devoted her pen to the secular subjects of heraldry and field-sports, at first sight, seems singular; but the rude complexion of the times in which she lived renders little apology necessary for this apparent violation of propriety; and we may fairly venerate the memory of this gentle lady as a promoter of english literature. dallaway is the first, and, as far as i am aware, with the exception of mr. haslewood, the only author who questions the pretensions of dame juliana to the authorship of the whole work; and he founds his doubts upon the difference observable between the style of the heraldric essay and the previous ones. he considers the former as the work of some anonymous monk of st. albans. but as several almost contemporary authors ascribe it to her, and there is no positive proof to the contrary, far be from me that want of gallantry which would despoil the worthy prioress of the honour of having indited this goodly tractate, this 'nobull werke!'[ ] if the reader has never seen the boke of saint albans, and feels only half as much curiosity to become acquainted with its contents as i did before i had the good fortune to meet with it, i am sure he will not consider the following choice bits of old english, extracted from it, impertinently introduced. dame julyan berners merits honourable notice as one of the earliest of english poetesses. the treatise on hunting is in rhyme, and consists of verses. the style is didactic. take a specimen: "_bestys of venery._ "whersoever ye fall by fryth or by fell, my dere chylde take heed how tristrom dooth you tell, how many maner beestys of venery ther were, lysten to your dame and then schall you lere, ffour maner beestys of venery there are; the first of them is the hert--the secunde is the hare, the boore is oon of them--the woolff and not oon moe." "_how ye schal break an hert._ "then take out the suet that it be not lefte, for that my child is good for lechecrafte (medicine), and in the myddest of the herte a boon shall ye fynde, loke ye geve hit to a lord--and chylde be kynde. for it is kynd for many maladies." in subsequent parts of the poem, 'the namys of diverse maner houndys,' 'the propertees of a good hors,' 'the company of bestys and fowles,' and other sporting subjects are discussed, and interspersed with proverbs of a somewhat caustic description. the composition very oddly concludes with an enumeration of "all the shyeris and the bishopryckes of the realme of england." from the heraldrical portion of the boke many short extracts have already been given. some others follow: "_note here well who shall gyue cotarmures_: "ther shall none of the iv. orduris of regalite bot all onli the soueregne kyng geue cootarmur. for that is to hym improperid by lawe of armys.[ ] and yit the kyng shall nott make a knyght with owte a cootarmure byfore. "ev'y knyght cheftayn i the felde mai make a cootarmur knight. "_in how many places a knyght may be made_: "a knyght is made in iv. dyuerse placis. in musturing in lond of werys. in semblyng under baneris. in listys of the bath and at the sepulcur. "_a gentylman spirituall_: "ther is a gentylman a churls sone a preste to be made and that is a spirituall gentylman to god and not of blode. butt if a gentylmannys sone be made a preste he is a gentilman both spirituall and temperall. criste was a gentylman of his moder's behalue and bare cotarmure of aunseturis. the iiij euangelists berith wittenese of cristis workys in the gospell with all thappostilles. they were jewys and of gentylmen come by the right lyne of that worthy conqueroure judas machabeus but that by succession of tyme the kynrade fell to pouerty, after the destruction of judas machabeus, and then they fell to laboris and ware calde no gentilmen. and the iiij doctores of holi church seynt jerom ambrose augustyn and gregori war gentilmen of blode and of cotarmures!" the following are specimens of her directions for 'blasing of armys,' the most important part of the work: "off armys palit crokyt and sharpe now i will speke. "loke and beholde how mony maner of wyse thes palit armys be borne dyuersli, as it is shewyt in thys boke, and theis armys now shewyt here [referring to the exemplification in the margin] be calde palit, crokyt and sharpe, for in theys armys ij coloris paly ar put togethir: oon into another crokytly and sharpe. therefore it shall be sayd of hi' the wich beris thes armis in thys wyse, first in latyn thus. portat arma palata tortuosa acuto de nigro et argento. gallice sic: il port pale daunsete de sable et dargent. anglice sic: he berith pale crokyt and sharpe of sable and syluer." "off armys the wich ar calde frectis (frets) here now i will speke: "a certain nobull baron that is to say the lorde awdeley of the reame of england baar in his armys a frecte, the wich certain frectis in mony armys of dyurse gentillmen ar founde, other while reede other while golde, and other while blac oderwhile simple and oderwhile double otherwhile tripull and other while it is multepliet ou' (over) all the sheld as here it apperith, and ye most vnderstande on gret differans bytwix armys bendit and theis armys the wich be made with the forsayd frettys, wherefore it is to be markyt that in bendyt armys the colouris contenyt equally ar dyuydit. bot in this frectis the felde alwai abydys hool as here, and this forsayd lorde audeley beris thus in latyn. portat arma frectata de auro in campo rubreo. et gallice sic. il por de gowles vng frecte dor. anglice sic. he berith gowles and a frecte of golde." [sidenote: ] the next author of any note on the subject of heraldry is gerard legh, whose 'accedens of armorie' became, as anthony à wood phrases it, "the pattern or platform of those who came after." this gentleman was son of henry legh, of london, an illegitimate scion of a cheshire family, who, according to the proverb, were "as plenty as fleas." he was educated at oxford, and died in , the year after the first appearance of his work. the 'accedens' obtained a degree of popularity not usual at that period, and reached a fifth edition within half a century. it was the text-book on the science until guillim's 'displaie' superseded it. the author, in his preface, acknowledges the aid he had received from a work "on the whole subject," by one nicholas warde, concerning whom nothing further is known. he likewise acknowledges his obligations to eight other authors, but somewhat singularly omits to mention the boke of st. albans, the method of which he follows, and the very words of which he frequently borrows. after the literary fashion of his times, his work is cast in the form of a dialogue, the speakers being gerard and legh, his own christian name and surname. the style is highly pedantic, yet withal sufficiently amusing, and the illustrative woodcuts are executed with great spirit. specimens of his composition have already been cited.[ ] [sidenote: ] john bossewell, gentleman, of whose personal history little or nothing is known, next appears in the field of heraldric literature. his 'workes of armorie, devyded into three bookes,' reached a second edition in . his design was an improvement upon the treatise of legh, in which he partly succeeded; but the admixture of the antient mythology, the moral virtues, the marvellous attributes and fictitious anecdotes of animals, and other foreign topics, with the more immediate subject of his work, renders it, like that of his predecessor, almost unreadable, except to the initiated. the following short extract will serve as a specimen of bossewell's lucubrations: "=the field is of the saphire, on a chiefe pearle, a musion.... ermines. this beaste is called a musion, for that he is enimie to myse and rattes ... he is slye and wittie and ... seeth so sharpely that he overcommeth darknes of the nighte by the shyninge lyghte of his eyne. in shape of body he is like vnto a leoparde, and hathe a great mouth. he dothe delighte that he enioyeth his libertie; and in his youthe he is swifte, plyante, and merye. he maketh a rufull noyse and a gastefull when he profereth to fighte with an other. he is a cruell beaste, when he is wilde, and falleth on his owne feete from moste highe places: and vneth is hurte therewith. when he hathe a fayre skinne, he is, as it were, prowde thereof, and then he goeth faste aboute to be seene.="[ ] need the reader be informed that this beast of the 'rufull noyse,' which falleth from 'highe places on his _owne_ feete,' is the common house cat? an anonymous quarto, which reached a fourth edition, made its appearance in , bearing the modest title of 'a very proper treatise, &c.' and it shows the attention paid to heraldrical 'tricking and painting' in the time of queen elizabeth, when an art which is now limited to herald-painters was deemed a fitting accomplishment for 'gentlemenne.' among a host of small works on subjects connected with heraldry which appeared about this time, one may be mentioned as a great curiosity. this is a funeral sermon on the death of walter, earl of essex, to which are prefixed copies of verses on his lordship's pedigree in latin, _hebrew_, welsh, and french! the author of this tract was 'richard davis, bishoppe of saint davys.' [sidenote: ] sir john ferne, knight, descended from a good family in leicestershire, and connected, on his mother's side, with the noble house of sheffield, is believed to have studied at oxford, though he never graduated. great part of his life was spent as a member of the inner temple. king james gave him the office of secretary and keeper of the signet for the northern parts, then established at york. he died about . henry ferne, his eighth son, was the loyalist bishop of chester, and a writer of some note. his 'blazon of gentrie,' published in , is divided into two parts, 'the glorie of generositie,' and 'lacie's nobilitie;' the former treating of blazon, and the latter of the genealogy of the family of lacy, with a view to disprove the claim of affinity to it set up by albertus a lasco, count-palatine of syradia, which is very successfully refuted. of this learned work, which our author tells us is "compiled for the instruction of all gentlemen, bearers of arms, whom and none else it concerneth," peacham speaks as "indeed very rare, and sought after as a jewell." dallaway describes it as "a continued dialogue, alternately supported by six interlocutors, who discuss the original principles of nobility and the due gradations of the other ranks in society, adjust military distinctions, describe orders of knighthood, and adduce proofs of certain symbols and devices, concluding with high commendations of heraldic investigation. to ferne the rank of a classic in heraldry will not be denied. his studies were directed to the investigation of the laws of chivalry, and he has transfused into his work the spirit of the voluminous codes now forgotten, which he delighted to consult. it may be considered therefore as the most complete epitome of them now extant. but we must allow that he writes more for the amusement of the learned than for the instruction of novices, and that he deals much more in criticism than rudiments." the interlocutors are 'paradinus, the herald; torquatus, a knight; theologus, a deuine; bartholus, a lawier; berosus, an antiquary; and columell, a plowman,' who converses in the dialect of somerset. "there is somewhat of a dramatic spirit in this dialogue; the characters are supported by sentiments appropriate to each, particularly the clown, who speaks freely both the language and opinions of the yeomanry at that time; nor are the strong prejudices of the knight and herald described with less force." as a copy of this "rare jewell" lies before me, i should certainly be to blame if i did not present my reader with a specimen of its brilliancy. the topic of discourse is the "blasing of armes." "_torq._ i pray you _pose_ me once again. "_parad._ goe to then: you shall begin with a coate of easie charge to be discried. therefore, i pray you begin, and tell your soueraigne, what coat-armour this knight beareth (for i tell you, it is the coate of a knight), that your soueraine might know him by his signes of honour, sith that perchaunce you know not his name. "_torq._ me thinkes hee beareth sable, a musion[ ] passaunt gardaunt or, oppressed with a frett gules, of eight parts, nayles d'argent. [illustration: _the cutter hath not done his duety._[ ] _ignorance bringeth rash judgements of armes, and signes honourable._] "_columel._ iesa zir: call you this armes? now by my vaye, chad thought armes should not have been of zutche trifling thinges. why, this is euen the cat in the milke-house window. full ill will her dayrie thriue, giffe she put zutch a vermine beast in trust to keepe it. "_torq._ i am iust of thy minde: for thou hast reasoned as profoundly as might be upon so bad a deuise. "_parad._ i perceaue (_torq._) as clearkly as you seem to be in armory yet are you far to seeke and must still be taught. this payssaunt's glosse is euen comparable with your blazon: for bad is the best. "_torq._ i suppose my blazon cannot be amended. [sidenote: _the true blazon of the former coat._] "_parad._ yes, it shall be amended, and your errour also corrected. did you euer see a fret thus formed before (i mean nayled?) to correct your blazon, learne by this: hee beareth sable, a musion, or, oppressed with a troillis g. cloué dargent; for this, which you call a fret, is a lattice, a thing well knowne to poore prisoners and distressed captiues, which are forced to receaue their breath from heauen at such holes for want of more pleasant windowes, &c." [sidenote: .] sir william segar is, i believe, the first of our heralds who published on the subject. his 'book of honor and armes,' enlarged and republished in , under the title of 'honor military and ciuill,' relates as its designation implies, not to the art of blazon, but to dignities. his zeal for antiquity, like that of his contemporaries, outruns historical truth, as a proof of which it may be mentioned that he deduces the origin of knighthood from the fabulous round table of king arthur. his work possesses, however, great merit, and exhibits much learning and profound research. many of his unpublished mss., genealogical and otherwise, are still extant. segar, who was of dutch extraction, was bred a scrivener, and obtained his introduction to the college through the interest of sir t. heneage, vice-chamberlain to queen elizabeth. here, at length, his talents raised him to the post of garter, the _ne plus ultra_ of heraldic ambition. he died in . [sidenote: .] william wyrley, author of 'the trve vse of armorie,' is the next heraldric author who had any official connexion with the college of arms, in which establishment he rose, however, no higher than the degree of a pursuivant. he was a gentleman by birth, a native of staffordshire, and died in . he did not confine his attention to heraldry, but studied antiquities at large: his collections he bequeathed to the college. the 'trve vse,' his only published work, is a scarce quarto of pages, and is freer from the irrelevant rubbish which blemishes most of the treatises of this century than any one which preceded it, or any one which for a long time subsequently issued from the press. sir w. dugdale makes great use of this work in his 'ancient usage of bearing arms,' , and in return somewhat ungratefully, robs wyrley of the honour of its authorship, ascribing it, upon hearsay evidence, to sampson erdeswicke, the historian of staffordshire. we now come to a name which has shed more lustre upon the office of the herald and the science of heraldry than any other our country has produced--that of the justly-celebrated william camden. any biographical notice, however brief, of so eminent a personage seems almost uncalled for in these narrow pages. it will be sufficient, for the sake of uniformity, merely to mention a few particulars respecting him. this laborious antiquary and historian was born in london in , and received his education first at christ's hospital and st. paul's school, and afterwards at oxford. he quitted the university in , and made the tour of england. at the early age of twenty-four he became second master of westminster school; and while performing the duties of that office devoted his leisure to the study of british antiquities. here, after ten years' labour, he matured his great work, the 'britannia,' which was first published in . four years previously to its publication he visited many of the eastern and northern counties, for the purpose of making a personal investigation of their antiquities. the 'britannia' immediately brought him into notice, and he lived to enjoy the proud gratification of seeing it in its sixth edition. it was written in elegant latin, and in that language passed through several of its earlier editions, the first english version having been made, probably with the author's assistance, by dr. philemon holland, in . this great national performance, which bishop nicholson quaintly styles "the common sun whereat our modern writers have all lighted their little torches," has been so highly esteemed in all subsequent times, that it has been many times reprinted. the last edition is the greatly enlarged one of gough. in the bishop of salisbury presented him with a prebend in his cathedral, which he retained till his death; and in , the office of clarenceux king of arms becoming vacant, he was advanced to that dignity. after his establishment in the college he published several emended editions of the 'britannia,' 'the annals of the reign of queen elizabeth,' 'an account of the celebrated persons interred in westminster abbey,' and that very interesting little volume, 'remaines concerning britaine,' which, as he tells us, was composed of the fragments of a projected work of greater extent, which his want of leisure prevented his executing. all these works, except the last, were written in latin, a language for which he had so great a predilection, that he even compiled pedigrees in it. as an antiquary, camden deserves the highest praise; as an historian, he is charged with partiality towards the character of the virgin queen; and as a herald, he was confessedly unequal to some of his contemporaries. in the latter capacity he was much indebted to francis thynne, or botteville, blanch lion pursuivant, and afterwards lancaster herald, of whom anthony a wood gives a high character. camden was concerned with that delightful old chronicler, holinshed, in the production of his famous work. he was mainly instrumental in the formation of the original society of antiquaries, whose discourses have been printed by hearne. he was a great admirer of the father of english poetry, and contributed many additions to speght's edition of his works. he left many unpublished mss. amongst which was a 'discourse of armes,' addressed to lord burghley. the last years of his life were spent in retirement at the village of chislehurst, co. kent, where he died in , in the d year of his age. ralph brooke, rouge croix pursuivant, and york herald, was contemporary with camden and his violent adversary. his skill as a herald has rarely been questioned, but his whole career exhibits the character of a petulant, envious, mean, and dishonest person. he pretended to be a descendant of the antient family of brooke of cheshire; but it is unfortunate for his pretensions that his father's name was not brooke, but _brokesmouth_. he was bred to the trade of a painter-stainer, and became free of that company in . how he obtained his introduction to the college does not appear, though it is certain that it would have been better, both for himself and that body, had he never entered it. noble characterizes him as "so extremely worthless and perverse that his whole mind seemed bent to malice and wickedness:" unawed by virtue or by station, none were secure from his unmerited attacks. his enmity towards camden arose out of the circumstance of the antiquary's having been appointed, on the demise of richard lee, to the office of clarenceux, to which, from a long connexion with the college, and greater professional knowledge, he considered himself entitled; and it is but justice to admit that he certainly had some ground for complaint, though the mode in which he chose to give vent to his spleen cannot be defended. camden's great work, the 'britannia,' had passed through several editions unimpeached as to its general accuracy, when brooke endeavoured to bring its well-deserved popularity into contempt by a work entitled 'a discoverie of certaine errours published in print in the much-commended britannia,' a production overflowing with personal invective. to this spiteful book camden replied in latin, treating his opponent with the scorn he deserved, exposing his illiteracy, and at the same time adroitly waiving such of the charges as were really well founded. never was reviewer more severely reviewed. 'a second discoverie of errours' followed, and, as it remained unanswered, brooke might in some sort have claimed a triumph, particularly as camden, recognizing the maxim "fas est ab hoste doceri," availed himself, in the subsequent editions of the 'britannia,' of his adversary's corrections. in brooke published a 'catalogue and succession of kings, princes, and nobilitie since the norman conquest,' a work of considerable merit, though it did not escape censure, for vincent, rouge croix, an adherent of camden, in a 'discovery of errors,' printed three years afterwards, controverted many of its statements. brooke still continued his paltry and litigious proceedings, and was twice suspended from his office; and it was even attempted to expel him from the college.[ ] he closed his unenviable life in , and was buried in the twin-towered church of reculver, co. kent, where a mural monument informs us that "quit of worldly miseries, ralph brooke, esq., late york herald, lies. fifteenth october he was last alive, one thousand six hundred and twenty-five seaventy three years bore he fortune's harmes, and forty-five an officer of armes," &c. robert glover, somerset, temp. elizabeth, wrote a treatise entitled 'nobilitas politica vel civilis,' which was posthumously published in , the author having died in . he was a most learned and industrious herald, and his authority in genealogy and heraldry is much relied on by the officers of arms of the present day. his mss. are in the library of the college. in appeared 'the catalogue of honour, or treasury of true nobility peculiar and proper to the isle of great britaine,' by thomas milles, esq. of davington-hall, co. kent. this large folio of eleven hundred pages is professedly a compilation from the mss. of glover, to whom mr. milles was nephew; and although reliance is not to be placed upon all its statements, it constitutes a remarkable monument of the persevering labour and research of that herald. edmund bolton, a retainer of villiers, duke of buckingham, was author of several works. his principal heraldric composition is a small volume entitled the 'elements of armouries,' to which are prefixed commendatory epistles by segar and camden, honourable testimonies of its merit. in his remarks upon the lines of partition, &c. he displays more geometrical than heraldric knowledge. his religious opinions are discovered by his wish for a new crusade. his style is highly pedantic, and the reader would scarcely thank me for a specimen. john guillim (rouge dragon pursuivant in , in which office he died in ,) was of welsh extraction, and a native of herefordshire. his 'display of heraldrie,' one of the most popular of heraldric treatises, has passed through numerous editions. anthony a wood asserts that the real author of it was john barkham, rector of bocking in kent, who composed it in the early part of his life, and afterwards thinking it somewhat inconsistent with his profession to publish a work on arms, communicated the manuscript to guillim, who gave it to the world with his own name. what authority wood had for this assertion does not appear, but from the erudition displayed in the work, it is evidently not the production of a very young man; and besides this, in the dedication to the king, guillim himself does not hesitate to claim the merit of originality, for he says "i am the first who brought a method into this heroic art." it is remarkable that three of the most celebrated books on our science, namely those of dame j. berners, william wyrley, and john guillim, should have been ascribed to other parties than those under whose names they have gone forth to the world. the highly complimentary verses prefixed to this volume by guillim's seniors in office can hardly be supposed to have been written to sanction a fiction in allowing him the merit of another's labours.[ ] the eulogium of one g. belcher not only commends the work in the highest terms, but, after enumerating the several authors who had written on the same subject, namely wynkenthewordius,[ ] leghus, boswell, fernus, and wyrleius, adds "at tu præ cæteris _guillime_." the 'display' may fairly claim to be considered the first methodical and intelligent view of heraldry published in england; and the addition of the name of the family to every coat of arms cited as an example (which in all earlier treatises is wanting) has conduced as much as its intrinsic merit to give to guillim's book the popularity it enjoys.[ ] henry peacham (whose name is more familiar to the non-heraldric reader than those of most other armorists of early date, in consequence of dr. johnson, in his dictionary, referring exclusively to him as an authority for terms of blazonry,) wrote 'the compleat gentleman,' which professes to treat of every necessary accomplishment befitting that character, and of course, among other things, "of armorie or the blazon of armes." the th chapter, devoted to this subject, is a compendious and scientific production. 'the compleat gentleman' was one of the most popular books of its time, and between and passed through six editions. in peacham published another work called 'the gentleman's exercise, or an exquisite practise as well for drawing all manner of beasts in their true portraitures, as also the making of all kinds of colours to be used in lymming, painting, tricking and blazon of coates and armes, with diuers others most delightfull and pleasurable obseruations for all yong gentlemen and others.' the two markhams, gervase and francis, were brothers, and flourished in the early part of this century. the former republished the boke of st. albans, under the title of 'the gentleman's academy;' and the latter wrote a 'booke of honour,' one of the dullest of books upon a very dull subject. the 'titles of honour' of the celebrated selden demands for him a place among heraldric authors.[ ] hitherto, a review of our sixteenth and seventeenth century armorists presents us with the names of men of erudition or of professional heralds, but another class of authors now occasionally demands, each in his turn, a passing remark. this is composed of the persons, who, possessed of few qualifications beyond a knowledge of the technicalities of blazon and an ardent zeal in the pursuit, have ventured to add to the already extensive stock of heraldric lore. the earliest writer of the class alluded to is james yorke, the blacksmith of lincoln, who in published 'the union of honovr,' containing the arms, matches, and descents of the nobility from the conquest. appended to it are the arms of the gentry of lincolnshire, and an account of all the battles fought by the english. it is dedicated to charles i; and there is also an epistle dedicatory to henry, son and heir of thomas, earl of arundel, earl-marshal, in which yorke very candidly avows his lack of erudition. "my education," says he, "hath made me but just so much a scholler as to feele and know my want of learning." he hopes, however, that his noble patron will find the work "decent." "i undertooke it not for vaine-glory, nor assume the credit of mine authours to my selfe, onely am proud nature inclin'd me to so noble a study: _long was i forging and hammering it to this perfection_, and now present it to your lordship, as a _master-piece, not yet matched by any of my trade_." in his address to the courteous reader he expresses his apprehensions that "some will _smutch_ his labours with a scorne of his profession." there was, however, little to fear on this head, for the book is really a very '_decent_' production. fuller includes yorke among the 'worthies' of lincolnshire, and gives the following quaint account of him and his work:--"james yorke, a blacksmith of lincoln, and an excellent workman in his profession, insomuch that if pegasus himself would wear shoes, this man alone is fit to make them, contriving them so thin and light, as that they would be no burden to him. but he is a servant as well of apollo as vulcan, turning his stiddy into a study, having lately set forth a book of heraldry, called the _union of honour, &c._ and although there be some mistakes (no hand so steady as always _to hit the nail on the head_) yet it is of singular use, and industriously performed, being set forth _anno_ ." the plain common-sense of our unlettered blacksmith presents a singular contrast to the inflated and bombastic style of edward waterhouse, a gentleman, and a man of education, who, twenty years later, published 'a discourse and defense of armory.' anthony a wood speaks of this writer and of his works in terms of the highest contempt, characterizing the former as "a cock-brained man," and the latter as "rhapsodical, indigested and whimsical." dallaway says, "the most severe satyrist whose intention might be to bring the study of heraldry into contempt could not have succeeded better than this author, who strove to render it fashionable by connecting it with the most crude conceits and endless absurdities." waterhouse is supposed to have contributed the principal portion of the two works published under the name of sylvanus morgan, an arms-painter of london. the character of this last-named author must have been already inferred from the quotations i have made from his works. the ponderous volume, entitled 'the sphere of gentry,' and its successor, 'armilogia, or the language of armes,' may be safely pronounced two of the most absurd productions of the english press. that the former contains much useful information is proved by the eagerness with which it is sought after in the formation of an heraldrical library; but this is so overlaid with crude, unconnected, and irrelevant jargon, that although i have had the volume many times upon my table, i never could muster the patience to read three consecutive pages of it. of the 'armilogia,' we are told on the title-page that it is "_a work never yet extant_!" this volume has the imprimatur of sir e. walker and sir w. dugdale, kings of arms; but, singularly enough, the terms of the license are so disparaging that the printer has very judiciously placed it on the last page; for had it been on the first, no _judicious_ reader would have proceeded beyond it. "in this book are such strange conceits and wild fancies, that i do not know of what advantage the printing of it can be to any that soberly desires to be instructed in the true knowledge of arms,"--is one of the severe things said of it by dugdale. morgan died in , at the age of . he seems to have been countenanced by the members of the college of arms. gibbon, bluemantle, who knew him well, describes him as "a witty man, full of fancy [too full], very agreeable company ... and the prince of arms-painters."[ ] almost equal to camden, in a literary point of view, and perhaps his superior in his qualifications as a herald, stands the name of sir william dugdale. independently of his great works, 'the baronage of england,' and the 'monasticon,' his 'antiquities of warwickshire,' and 'history of st. paul's cathedral,' would have served to hand down his name to posterity among the literary worthies of his country. sir william died in , at the age of years, nearly thirty-two of which he was a member of the college of arms, having passed through all the gradations of office to the post of garter, king of arms. it would be supererogatory, even if i had space, to give the simplest outline of his life, by no means an uneventful one; as his memoirs have been often written, and are accessible to every reader. elias ashmole ( - ), the friend and son-in-law of dugdale, was the son of a tradesman of litchfield. his talents, which were of the most versatile order,[ ] raised him into notice and procured him many offices of honour and trust, among which was that of windsor herald. this situation he obtained at the restoration of charles ii, and resigned, from motives of jealousy, in . his great work is the 'history of the order of the garter.' he was an eminent collector of rarities, and founded the museum at oxford which bears his name. francis sandford, esq., lancaster, published, besides several other works of great value, 'a genealogical history of the kings of england,' one of the most lordly tomes that ever appeared in connexion with our subject. it was originally published in , and was reprinted in . it is well executed, and charles ii pronounced it "a very useful book." the fine plates, by hollar and others, of the royal arms, seals, and monuments, with which it is embellished, give it charms to a larger circle than that which includes the mere students of heraldry. in appeared decidedly the most curious heraldric treatise ever printed. i mean randle holme's 'academie of armory, or a storehouse of armory and blazon.' mr. moule characterizes it as "a most heterogeneous and extraordinary composition, which may be well denominated a pantalogia. the author was not a learned man, nor has he adopted any systematic arrangement of its multifarious contents, but he has contrived to amass in this _storehouse_ a vast fund of curious information upon every branch of human knowledge, such as is not to be found in any other work, and of a nature peculiarly adapted to the illustration of the manners and customs of our predecessors, from the highest rank to the lowest menial." it is one of the scarcest of books, there being, according to mr. moule, not more than fifty copies in the kingdom. it will be interesting to the general reader to know that "dr. johnson confessed, with much candour, that the address to the reader at the end of this book suggested the idea of his own inimitable preface to his dictionary."[ ] the volume, a large folio, is illustrated by numerous plates of objects borne as charges in arms, as well as many that never entered the field of heraldry. "the author's object," says mr. ormerod, "appears to have been the formation of a kind of encyclopædia in an heraldic form."[ ] to give the merest outline of the subjects treated would occupy many pages; suffice it to say that every imaginable created being, spiritual and corporeal; every science and pseudo-science; every gradation of rank, from the 'emperour' with the ceremonies of his coronation, to the butcher and barber, with the implements of their trades; hunters' terms and the seven deadly sins; palmistry and the seven cardinal virtues; grammar and cockfighting; poverty and the sybils; an essay on time, and bricklayers' tools; glass-painting and billiards; architecture and wrestling; languages and surgery; tennis and theology, all find a place in this compendium, and are all adorned with "very proper cuts," in copper. i have had the good fortune to procure a copy of this amusing work. it has, opposite the title, an engraving containing the external ornaments of a coat of arms, the coat and crest being neatly inserted in pen-drawing. beneath is the following in letter-press, except the line in italics, which is ms.: "the coat and crest of the ever honoured and highly esteemed _s{r}. james poole of poole, baronett_: to whom this first volume of the book entituled the academy of armory is most humbly dedicated and presented, from him who is devoted yours randle holme." this was probably a compliment paid to every subscriber, and it displays, as mr. moule observes, the finest illustration extant of the "oeconomy of flattery." the following extract will give an idea of a large proportion of the contents of this famous 'storehouse,' which, like many other storehouses, holds much that is of very little value. honest randle blazons one of his fictitious bearings for the purpose of introducing the names of the implements and terms employed by that useful personage the barber. "lvii. he beareth argent a =barber bare headed=, with a =pair of cisers= in his right hand, and a =comb= in his left, =cloathed= in russet, his =apron chequé= of the first and azure, &c. "_instruments of a barber._ the instrument case, in which are placed these following things in their several divisions: the glass or seeing glass. a set of horn combs, with teeth on one side, and wide. a set of ivory combs with fine teeth, and toothed on both sides. an ivory beard comb. a four square bottle with a screw'd head for sweet water, or benjamin water, &c. the like bottle with sweet powder in; but this is now not used. a row of razors, &c. &c." then follow "terms or art _used in barbing and shaving_ (!!!) _take the chair_, is for the person to be trimmed to sit down. _clear the neck_, is to unbutton and turn down the collar of the man's neck. _cloath him_, is to put a trimming cloth before him, and to fasten it about his neck. _powder the hair_, is to puff sweet powder into it. _walk your combs_, is to use two combs, in each hand one, and so comb the hair with one after the other. _quever the combs_, is to use them as if they were scratting on each side the temples. _curle up the hair_, is to rowle it about a pair of curling or beard irons, and thrust it under the cap. _lather the face_, is to wash the beard with the suds which the ball maketh by chaffing it in the warm water. _hand the razor_, set it in a right order between the thumb and fingers. _shave the beard_, is to take off superfluous hairs. _hold him the glass_, to see his new made face, and to give the barber instruction where it is amiss. _take off the linnens._ _brush his cloaths._ _present him with his hat_, and according to his hire, he makes a bow, with your humble servant, sir."[ ]. but, although the 'academy of armory' abounds in passages equally useless and totally irrelevant of the subject of arms, it must be acknowledged to contain a great body of information which, at a time when encyclopædias were unknown, must have been of considerable utility.[ ] alexander nisbet, gent. appears at the beginning of the th century as an heraldric writer. in he published 'an essay on additional figures and marks of cadency;' in , 'an essay on the ancient and modern use of armories;' and in , 'a system of heraldry,' which are all characterized by great intelligence and research. in the preface to his 'system' he tells us, in a style bordering upon the egotistical, yet in perfect accordance with truth, "though i have not been able to overtake some things in the system of heraldry as i first intended, yet i have explained the true art of blazon in a more ample, regular, and distinct manner than anything i have ever yet seen on the subject." nisbet's illustrations are principally drawn from scottish heraldry, and he must be acknowledged to occupy a very high, if not the first, place among his countrymen in this department of literature. john anstis, a gentleman of fortune, was born at st. neot's, co. cornwall. he sat for st. germains in the first parliament of queen anne, and was afterwards elected for launceston. he was a strenuous tory, and, being attached to heraldrical pursuits, obtained a reversionary patent for the office of garter, king of arms. on the accession of george i, he was imprisoned under the suspicion of a design to restore the stuarts. at this critical time the office of garter becoming vacant, he petitioned for it in , and received his appointment the following year. he wrote many works relating to heraldry, and edited 'the register of the garter,' with an introduction and notes. "in him," says noble, "were joined the learning of camden, and the industry, without the inaccuracy, of dugdale; he was a most indefatigable and able herald, and though he lived to the age of seventy-six, yet we wonder at the greatness of his productions."[ ] he died in . glover, brooke, vincent, dugdale, and others had long since paid much attention to the genealogy of the noble families of this country, when arthur collins, esq. projected a more complete account of existing houses in his afterwards celebrated 'peerage.' this work, which first appeared in in a single octavo of pages, was augmented in successive editions, until the last, edited by sir egerton brydges in , reached the goodly number of nine volumes. this work is too well known to require the slightest eulogium. in he published the first edition of his valuable 'baronetage,' and subsequently one volume of a 'baronage,' and several independent family histories. upon the whole, collins was one of the most laborious of writers; and none but those who have paid some attention to the construction of genealogies can fully appreciate his industry and research. collins was born in , and died in . the reigns of the first two georges produced many other writers on subjects connected with heraldry and titular honours, including (i) kent and coats, and (ii) crawfurd on the 'peerage of scotland,' wotton on the 'english baronetage,' the learned madox on 'land-honours and baronies,' and the indefatigable _mr. salmon_. during the same period also appeared innumerable volumes on the genealogies of our royal and noble families. joseph edmondson, f.s.a. (author of 'baronagium genealogicum,' , and 'a complete body of heraldry,' ,) was of humble parentage. becoming a herald-painter, that pursuit led his naturally inquisitive genius to the study of heraldry and family history, and the two works referred to are sufficient monuments of his assiduity in both. his merits raised him to the office of mowbray herald extraordinary, but even after his appointment to that honour, he continued his business as a coach-painter, thus uniting the seemingly discordant avocations, science and trade. he died in . the 'baronagium' consists of five folio volumes, and contains the pedigrees of the peers, originally drawn up by sir w. segar, enlarged and continued to . the 'complete body' is in two volumes folio, and must be regarded as the great standard work on the subject of english heraldry. it contains numerous dissertations on the origin and history of the science, on the great offices of state, on the heralds, on knighthood, on the arms of corporate bodies, on blazon in all its departments, an alphabet of , coats of arms, and various other interesting matters. the celebrated sir joseph ayloffe assisted the author in both these works. edmondson possessed what was somewhat rare in his day--_good taste_ on the subject of blazon. he animadverts with becoming asperity on the ridiculous landscape-painting which disfigures some modern arms and augmentations, and justly remarks that the "several charges they contain, puts it out of the power of a very good herald to draw new arms from their blazons." on the subject of crests he adds, "crests are objects intended to strike the beholder at a distance," and then produces the instance of a crest lately granted to the family of titlow: "a book, on the book a silver penny! and on the penny the lord's prayer!! and on the top of the book a dove, holding in its beak a crow-quill pen!!!"[ ] francis grose, esq., f.s.a., held the office of richmond herald, but resigned it in to become paymaster of the hampshire militia. his numerous antiquarian works are well known; but i am not aware that he contributed anything towards the advancement of heraldric literature. ralph bigland, esq., somerset, and at length garter, published in a very curious and useful book on parochial registers. he made large collections for a history of gloucestershire, which were posthumously published by his son. he died in . the rev. james dallaway, a.m. f.s.a., &c. obtained a well-deserved celebrity as the author of 'inquiries into the origin and progress of heraldry in england,' published in . this learned and elegant work traces the history of our science from its source in the feudal ages to his own times; and has the merit of having made attractive to the general reader a subject from which he had hitherto turned away in disgust. moule compares its style to that of tacitus. a new edition, with additional literary illustrations and more appropriate embellishments, appears to me to be a desideratum. the rev. mark noble, f.s.a., rector of barming, co. kent, wrote, besides several other works, 'memoirs of the house of cromwell,' and 'a history of the college of arms,' with lives of all the officers from richard iii to the year . the value of the latter production is generally acknowledged, though mr. moule accuses the author of partiality in the biographical department. to this work i am under great obligations, particularly for many of the materials of chapter xi of this volume. thomas brydson, f.s.a., edinburgh, published in 'a summary view of heraldry, in reference to the usages of chivalry and the general economy of the feudal system,'--an agreeable and intelligent work, which will be read with much interest by those who study our science _historically_. about the same time, a lady--for the first time i think since the days of dame julyan berners--makes her appearance in the field of heraldric literature: 'historical anecdotes of heraldry and chivalry, by a lady.' this work, which was published at worcester, is generally attributed to a mrs. dobson, and abounds with curious information relative to the acquisition of particular coats of arms.[ ] sir egerton brydges, bart., wrote several works on the peerage, particularly 'a biographical peerage of great britain,' and edited collins's voluminous and popular work. the anonymous volume on the 'historical and allusive arms' of british families, noticed at page , is ascribed to colonel de la motte. it appeared in . the rev. w. betham, of stonham-aspall, suffolk, published 'genealogical tables' of the sovereigns of the world, and an elaborate 'baronetage,' in five volumes, to, ( .) t. c. banks, esq., between and , produced several works of great importance, particularly 'the dormant and extinct baronage of england,' an elaborate and spiritedly-written work. in appeared that most voluminous work, 'british family antiquity,' a genealogical view of the titled classes of the united kingdom, in nine vols. to, by w. playfair, esq. joseph haslewood, esq., celebrated for his vast bibliographical knowledge, reprinted in the treatises on hawking, hunting, coat-armour, &c., known as the 'boke of st. albans,' from the edition of w. de worde, . mr. haslewood's edition is printed in black letter with fac-simile cuts, and is designated by mr. moule "one of the choicest specimens of printing which have issued from the modern press." mr. w. berry, the compiler of several minor works, published in , and following years, his 'encyclopædia heraldica,' vols. to, including dictionaries of the technical terms of heraldry and of family bearings. of the latter there are , examples. mr. berry has subsequently published a series of volumes containing tabular pedigrees of the principal families (contributed in part by the resident gentry) of kent, sussex, hants, surrey, bucks, berks, essex, and herts, under the general title of 'county genealogies.' some severe criticisms on one of the early volumes of this work, in the 'gentleman's magazine,' induced the editor to commence proceedings in the court of king's bench against the conductor of that periodical for a libel. in appeared another large compilation, entitled robson's 'british herald.' it was published at sunderland, in three vols. to. it contains the arms of many of the gentry of scotland and the northern counties of england, which are not to be found in any previous work. in , thomas moule, esq., published 'bibliotheca heraldica,' a catalogue of all the works that have appeared on heraldry and kindred subjects in this country. to this highly useful publication i am greatly indebted. in mr. moule published a beautiful and interesting volume entitled 'the heraldry of fish,' containing notices of all the charges "with fin or shell" which occur in the arms of english families, with excellent illustrations on wood. "within the last twenty years," observes mr. montagu, "there have been published some of the very best works that have ever appeared, connected with the subject of heraldry, and its kindred science, genealogy." i much regret my inability to do justice to living and to recently deceased authors in this department of literary effort. in this book-teeming age it would be laborious merely to name all the persons who have written on the subject within the last few years. it will suffice for my purpose to mention some of those who stand _præ cæteris_, either in the intrinsic merit or the magnitude of their productions. sir harris nicolas has rendered essential service to the heraldric student by the publication of several rolls of arms of early date and unquestionable authenticity; namely, those of temp. henry iii, edw. i (carlaverok), edw. ii, and edw. iii; and a splendid 'history of the orders of knighthood of the british empire,' in four to volumes. the late g. f. beltz, esq., lancaster herald, a gentleman of extensive antiquarian research, published an interesting work, entitled 'memorials of the order of the garter.' thomas willement, esq. who combines with the research of the antiquary the skill of the artist, has produced, 'regal heraldry,' 'heraldic notices of canterbury cathedral,' and some additional rolls of arms, viz. temp. rich. ii and hen. viii. mr. montagu's 'guide to the study of heraldry,' evinces a profound knowledge of the subject, and is elegantly written. in addition to these works of general reference, several volumes of great local interest have appeared, particularly several county visitations; among which may be noticed the visitations of durham, and ; the former edited by n. j. philipson, esq., f.s.a., and the latter by sir cuthbert sharp and j. b. taylor, esq.; and middlesex, , printed at the expense of sir thomas phillipps, bart. sir thomas has also printed, at his own press at middle hill, those of wiltshire, ; somersetshire, ; and cambridgeshire, . in the genealogical department two classes of works of modern date possess great value, namely, _county histories_, such as baker's northamptonshire, surtees's durham, clutterbuck's hertfordshire, and ormerod's cheshire; and _family histories_, of which rowland's history of the house of neville, and shirley's 'stemmata shirleiana,' are splendid examples. mr. drummond's 'histories of noble families' bids fair to do honour to the author, the subject, and the age. that the messrs. burke are indefatigable in the heraldric field, their existing and extinct peerages, baronetages, 'history of the landed gentry,' 'general armory,' &c. give ample proof. of other books of reference relating to the titled orders, the press is annually pouring out a quantity which sufficiently proves the estimation in which the aristocracy of this country is held. in fine, the 'archæologia,' the 'collectanea topographica et genealogica,' and that veteran periodical, the 'gentleman's magazine,' contain innumerable papers of great interest and value to the student of genealogy. [illustration] chapter xiii. genealogy. "i must not give up my attachment to genealogy, and everything relating to it, because it is the greatest spur to noble and gallant actions." _rev. mark noble._ "it is a reverend thing to see an ancient castle or building not in decay; or to see a fair timber-tree sound and perfect; how much more to behold an ancient noble family which hath stood against the waves and weathers of time?" _bacon. of nobility._ a passion for deducing a descent from the most remote progenitor of a family appears to be inherent in mankind; for we trace its existence in all ages, and in almost every state of society. the hebrews, the oldest historical people in the world, entertained this feeling in a degree perhaps unparalleled in any nation. the egyptians, greeks, scythians, phrygians, and romans claimed a very high, though probably a very much exaggerated, antiquity. alexander claimed descent from jupiter ammon; cæsar's pedigree was traced without an hiatus to venus; arthur's to brutus; hengist's to woden! the english peer views with complacency the muster-roll of departed generations, which connects him with charlemagne or the plantagenets. the democratic american is proud if perchance he bears the name of a stock renowned in the annals of fatherland; and even the plebeian berkeley or neville of busy london walks a little more erect as he tells you that his great-grandfather came from the same county where dwells the coronetted aristocrat who bears his patronymic! the love of a distinguished ancestry is universal. the credibility of genealogy depends, like that of every thing else, upon the nature of the evidence by which it is supported. i have met with persons who could not trace their lineage beyond their grandfather; but such instances are rare; for the oral traditions of a family, even in middle life, generally ascend to about the fifth generation, or a century and a half: beyond that all is obscurity. if we go to documents, such as parish registers, monumental inscriptions, and court-rolls, numerous families may be traced years with absolute certainty. an hereditary title or an entailed patrimony carries families of higher pretensions still further; and antient wills, genealogical tables, and the public records lead an exclusive few back to the glorious days of cressy, to the norman conquest, or even to the times of the edreds and the edwys. that this antiquity is of the utmost rarity will appear from the data given below. "at present," observes mr. grimaldi,[ ] "there are few english families who pretend to a higher antiquity than the norman invasion; and it is probable that not many of these can authenticate their pretensions." the claim to such an honour, as has just been intimated, is well founded in some families. the ashburnham pedigree, for instance, is carried two generations higher than ; and the family still reside on the spot from whence, at the commencement of the eleventh century, their great ancestor derived his surname. the shirleys have dwelt upon their estate of lower eatington, co. warwick, uninterruptedly for eight centuries from the time of edward the confessor. in collins's peerage (edit. brydges[ ]) there is an abstract of the antiquity of the nobility, from which it appears that out of the peers, could trace their descent beyond the conquest: beyond the year " " " " " " " " " " " " mr. grimaldi has ably illustrated the sources from which, and from which only, the genealogies of english families can be derived, in his 'origines genealogicæ,' and any one who will take the pains to consult that curious work may easily convince himself of the futility of attempting to trace pedigrees beyond the periods adverted to. yet there was a time when the most ridiculous notions prevailed respecting the antiquity of some of our great houses. the royal family were traced in a direct line to the fabulous brutus, a thousand years before the christian era; the cecils pretended to be of roman origin, and the house of vaux deduced themselves from the kings of the visigoths. many welsh families went farther, and carried up their pedigree as far as it could well be carried, namely, to adam! the scottish and irish families pretended to an equal antiquity. this taste in the nations descending from a common celtic stock was probably derived from the bards of antient times, whose office consisted in the recital of the heroic deeds of mighty ancestors. the splendid history of the family of grace, drawn from a great variety of antient sources, by sheffield grace, esq., f.s.a., contains some of the finest possible specimens of fictitious genealogy. the family is traced, in the male line, to the time of alfred, and through some female lines to the founder of the human race himself. the pedigree of o'more begins with "god the father, &c., who was from all eternity [and who] did, in the beginning of time, of nothing create red earth, and of red earth framed adam, and of a rib out of the side of adam fashioned eve; after which creation, plasmatation and formation succeeded generation." the pedigree is regularly deduced through adam, noah, nilus, and the kings of scythia to milesius, who conquered spain and settled in ireland. thence through cu chogry o'more, king of seix, and m{c}murrough, king of leinster, in the time of our henry ii, to anthony o'more, dynast or sovereign of seix, whose daughter married sir oliver grace about the year ! considering the vast number of individuals who in the course of a few ages proceed from a common parent, and taking into account the mutations to which families are subject, it is not surprising that the "high" are often found to be "descended from the low, and, contrariwise, the low from the high." i know a comparatively obscure country gentleman who can (by the most undeniable evidences) prove his descent through three different lines from william the conqueror, and consequently from the northman rollo, the founder of the duchy of normandy in the tenth century. two hundred years ago we find some descendants of the line of the paleologi, emperors of the east, residing in privacy in the little village of landulph, in cornwall. in the church of that place there is a small monument to the memory of "theodoro paleologus, of pesaro in italye, descended from y{e} imperial line of y{e} late christian emperors of greece, being the sonne of camilio, the son of prosper, the sonne of theodoro, the sonne of john, y{e} sonne of thomas, second brother of constantine paleologus, the th of that name, and last of y{t} line y{t} rayned in constantinople until subdved by the turks; who married w{t}. mary, y{e} daughter of william balls, of hadlye in souffolke, gent., and had issue children, theodoro, john, ferdinando, maria, and dorothy, and departed this life at clyfton, y{e} st. of janu. ." some female descendants of this individual married persons of humble condition in the immediate vicinity of landulph, and hence, as mr. gilbert observes, the imperial blood may still flow in the veins of the bargemen of cargreen![ ] on the other hand, many of our peers descend from tradesmen, and other persons of plebeian condition. not to meddle with the pedigrees of some of our _novi domini_, the earl of dartmouth descends from a worthy london skinner of the fourteenth century; the earl of coventry from a mercer of the fifteenth; and lord dudley from a goldsmith of the seventeenth. "genealogy," says sir egerton brydges, "is of little value, unless it discloses matter which teaches the causes of the decay or prosperity of families, and furnishes a lesson of moral wisdom for the direction of those who succeed. when we reflect how soon the fortunes of a house are ruined, not only by vice or folly, but by the least deficience in that cold prudence with which highly endowed minds are so seldom gifted, the long continuance of any race of nobility or gentry seems to take place almost in defiance of probabilities."[ ] persons not conversant with antiquarian researches often express surprise at the possibility of tracing the annals of a family through the long period of five, six, or seven centuries. it may therefore be interesting to mention the principal sources from which genealogical materials are derived. . the several records which go under the general name of _doomsday books_ constitute, collectively, one of the most valuable monuments possessed by any nation. they contain the name of every landowner, with the value of his estate, and frequently refer to earlier proprietors antecedently to the conquest. the 'great doomsday book' in the chapter house, the 'exon doomsday,' and the 'inquisitio eliensis,' were compiled between and ; the 'winton doomsday,' temp. hen. i; and the 'boldon book' in . . the next documents in point of antiquity are _monastic records_, such as chartularies, leiger-books, chronicles, obituaries, registers of marriages and burials, and abbey rolls. these usually contain much information for the genealogist, particularly in relation to the founders and benefactors of the respective establishments. of abbey rolls the 'roll of battel abbey' is an eminent example. its authenticity, however, is extremely doubtful, and we have the authority of camden for declaring that, "whosoever considereth it well shall find it always to be forged."[ ] it has been asserted that many records of great value were destroyed at the dissolution of the religious houses, and there is probably truth in the allegation; for john bale, a contemporary observer, writes, that the library books of [some of] the monasteries were reserved by the purchasers of those houses to scour their candlesticks, to rub their boots, and even for still viler uses. some again, he says, were sold to grocers and soap-sellers, or sent over sea to the book-binders. a merchant bought two noble libraries for forty shillings. peacham, in his 'compleat gentleman,'[ ] and several other authors declare that polydore vergil, the historian, _burnt_ many of the best and most antient records he could find in the conventual and cathedral libraries;[ ] but the learned italian has been most ably defended against this heavy charge.[ ] . _antient charters_ and deeds transferring lands, &c. are most excellent authorities for genealogical particulars. such documents are immensely numerous. by series of these in the muniment-rooms of our nobility and gentry, and other places, both family lines and territorial descent may be clearly established for a great length of time. . _monumental inscriptions_ are documents of great interest. many of them are of very high antiquity. that of king arthur, described by camden, is, if genuine, more than thirteen centuries old. the legend is, "hic jacet sepvltvs inclytvs rex artvrivs in insvla avalonia." there are several remains of this description belonging to the norman period whose genuineness is not questioned. there are two in my own locality; namely, the epitaph on gundred, wife of william de warren, and daughter of william the conqueror (ob. ), in the church of southover, lewes, and that on mangnus, a danish prince of the eleventh or twelfth century, in the wall of st. john sub castro.[ ] unfortunately _most_ of the monuments of those early times have no inscriptions; so that, without the evidence of concurrent tradition, they can scarcely be regarded as monuments at all. monumental _brasses_, a most interesting class of memorials, occur from the thirteenth century to the era of the mural tablets now in use. regular genealogical series of them are sometimes to be found in our country churches. . the _public records_, many of which have been printed at the national expense, contain an inexhaustible mine for the genealogist and historian. particulars relating to knights' fees and other feudal matters are found in the 'black and red books of the exchequer,' the 'testa de neville,' the 'nomina villarum,' and the 'hundred rolls.' these are all of very early date. the fine, charter, close, patent, nona, and numerous other rolls, and particularly the inquisitiones post mortem[ ] and escheat rolls are rich in materials for pedigrees. lists of english gentry for certain counties occur temp. edw. ii; and the celebrated list of temp. hen. vi purports to contain the names of all the gentry in thirty counties. . the _wills_ proved in the prerogative court of canterbury at doctors' commons commence so early as , and those in several of the local registries are of considerable, though not of equal, antiquity. these are of all documents the most confidently to be relied on, containing as they do much information respecting the family-connexions of the testators. from a single will a descent of four generations can frequently be traced. . the _heraldic records_, gathered from documents no longer extant, are most valuable. the visitation-books, extending from to , are in the college of arms; and there are numerous other collections of pedigrees in public and private ms. libraries. the funeral certificates of the nobility and gentry preserved at the college are most authentic and useful documents, though apparently little known even amongst antiquaries. the following is a specimen: " . sire john gefferay, knyght, lord chief baron of the quenes majesties exchequer died at his house in london on twesday the xiij daye of maye, and from thense was conveyed to his maner house at chettingligh in the county of sussex & was buryed at the p[ar]ishe churche of chettingligh the xxij{th} daye of the same monthe a{o}. , he maryed to his fierst wiff alis doughte{r} & heire aperante to john apesley of london, gent. & by her had yssue elizabethe his only doughte{r} and heire; secondly he maryed mary doughter to george goringe of lewis in the county of sussex, esquier, & by her had no yssue. the offycers of armes that se{r}vid their was ric. turpyn alias windsor and edmond knyght alias chester, herauldes. in witnes of the truthe of this certyfycatt these [pt=]ies hereunder writen have subscribed their names the xxiij{th} daye of maye a{o} . (sign'd) george goringe. w{m}. apsley. richard jefferay."[ ] . last, though not least, among the aids in tracing pedigrees, are _parish registers_. the dispersion of the monks, who had previously been the great register-keepers, gave rise to the necessity of these local records. a mandate was issued in , by thomas cromwell, the king's vicar-general, for the keeping, in every parish, of registers of baptisms, marriages, and burials. many of the existing registers begin with that year, but more generally they commence in , the first year of elizabeth.[ ] parish registers, when carefully kept, are amongst the most useful of public records. in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and in the earlier part of the eighteenth, they are in many instances a sort of chronicles not only of the rites of baptism, marriage, and burial, but also of interesting parochial events; such as fires, unusual mortalities, storms, alterations in the churches, and short remarks on the baptisms or burials of distinguished persons. the following extracts from various registers may not be unamusing to the reader: "_mr._ henry hastings, son & heir of mr. francis hastings, was born on st. nicholas' even, april , between the hours of & of the clock at night. sign. sagit. secund. die plenilunii marte in taurum intrato die precedente, & was christened may ." _eaton, co. rutland._ " . m{m}. forgotten until now, that edmond denmark & alice smyth were married the th. of may, ." _thorington, essex._ " . license to lady barbara hastings to eat flesh in lent, on account of her great age." _st. mary, leicester._ " . richard snatchall, a stout yong man, a curious blacksmith, died of y{e} small-pox." _chiddingly, co. sussex._ " . a time of mortality upon the dicker. richard luccas, w{th}out any buriall was buried!" _ibid._ it would be difficult to say how this was managed. some of the entries are occasionally very loose. " . buried. wickens, a lame boy. . a maide of n. m. a maide of r. b." _ibid._ "an infant crisaned!"--burials. "a mayde from the mill." "black john." "a prentice of m{r}. kirford." "a tinker of berye in suffolk." vide _grimaldi's orig. geneal._ "richard cole and _his wife_ were marryed the xixth. of may . symon fuller was marryed the rd. of october, ." _alfriston, co. sussex._ "the son of a mason, buried x feb. ." "mother fowler buried th. nov. ." "goody hilton bur. april . ." _ibid._ during the protectorate of cromwell marriages were solemnized by justices of the peace. the following entry of such a marriage, cited by mr. grimaldi, is a curious specimen of magisterial literature: "_marriadges._ _begone_ the . september, . john ridgway, _bricklar_ and mary chart _widdow_ according to _a_ act of parliament _baringe_ date the . august , _was_ three several times _publissed_ in the market-place, and afterwards _maried_ by _mee_ upon tuesday, the _six_ of december, . "thomas atkin." " . married william thunder and eliz. horscraft as is reputed but not certainly known _anab.: chiddingly._ " . m{r}. thomas shirley, a young gentleman of great hopes, who in all probability had he lived longer would have been very useful to his country and neighbours." _ibid._ " . this day were married by m{r}. holloway, _i think_, a couple _whose names i could never learn_, for he allowed them to carry away the license." _lincoln's inn chapel._ " . buried m{r}. matt. hutchinson, vicar of gilling, worth £ a year. . m{rs}. ursula allen worth £ ." _richmond, co. york._ many of the entries respecting local events are very curious; but as they belong still less than the foregoing to my subject, i must resist the temptation to transcribe any of them. to these several principal sources of genealogical materials may be added the private memoranda preserved in many families, correspondence, entries in family bibles, and others which it is unnecessary to mention. * * * * * there are some persons who cannot discriminate between the taste for pedigree and the pride of ancestry. now these two feelings, though they often combine in one individual, have no necessary connexion with each other. man is said to be a hunting animal. some hunt for foxes; others for fame or fortune. others hunt in the intellectual field; some for the arcana of nature and of mind; some for the roots of words or the origin of things. i am fond of hunting out a pedigree. _parva decent parvum._ family pride, abstractedly considered, is one of the coarsest feelings of which our nature is susceptible. "those who on glorious ancestors enlarge, produce their debt instead of their discharge." a great and wise man among the antients said "----genus, et proavos, et quæ non fecimus ipsi, vix ea nostra voco." "the glory of ancestors," says caius marius, "casts a light indeed upon their posterity, but it only serves to show what the descendants are. it alike exhibits to full view their degeneracy and their worth." "boast not the titles of your ancestours, brave youths! they're _their_ possessions, none of _yours_; when your own virtues equall'd have their names, 'twill be but fair to lean upon their fames, for they are strong supporters; but, till then, the greatest are but growing gentlemen." _ben jonson._ i do not know that i can more appropriately close this last chapter of my essay than by citing a passage from lord lindsay's introduction to his 'lives of the lindsays,' a passage which entitles its author to as high a place among "virtue's own noblemen" as he deservedly occupies among the great ones of man's creation. "be grateful, then, for your descent from religious as well as noble ancestors: it is your duty to be so, and this is the only worthy tribute you can now pay to their ashes. yet, at the same time be most jealously on your guard lest this lawful satisfaction degenerate into arrogance, or a fancied superiority over those nobles of god's creation, who, endowed in other respects with every exalted quality, cannot point to a long line of ancestry. pride is of all sins the most hateful in the sight of god; and of the proud, who is so mean, who so despicable as he who values himself on the merits of others? and were they all so meritorious, these boasted ancestors? were they all christians? remember, remember, if some of them have deserved praise, others have equally merited censure; if there have been "stainless knights," never yet was there a stainless family since adam's fall. where, then, is boasting? for we would not i hope glory in iniquity. '=only the actions of the just smell sweet and blossom in the dust.=' "one word more. times are changed, and in many respects we are blessed with knowledge beyond our fathers, yet we must not on that account deem our hearts purer, or our lives holier, than theirs were. nor, on the other hand, should we for a moment assent to the proposition, so often hazarded, that the virtues of chivalry are necessarily extinct with the system they adorned. chivalry, in her purity, was a holy and lovely maiden, and many were the hearts refined and ennobled by her influence; yet she proclaims to us not one virtue that is not derived from and summed up in christianity. the age of chivalry may be past--the knight may no more be seen issuing from the embattled portal-arch on his barbed charger, his lance glittering in the sun, his banner streaming to the breeze,--but the spirit of chivalry can never die; through every change of external circumstances, through faction and tumult, through trial and suffering, through good report and evil report, still that spirit burns like love, the brighter and purer;--still, even in the nineteenth century, lights up its holiest shrine, the heart of that champion of the widow, that father of the fatherless, that liegeman of his god, his king, and his country, the noble-hearted but lowly-minded christian gentleman of england." [illustration] appendix. differences, abatements, grant of arms, etc. etc. appendix a. differences. a few remarks upon this interesting branch of heraldry have been made at p. et seq. this subject is ably discussed by wyrley, camden, dallaway, and others, in their published works, but the following treatise, i have good reason to believe, has never before appeared in print. it is the production of sir edward dering, a representative of the great family of that name in kent: the author, who enjoyed the friendship of sir william dugdale, was knighted jan. , and created a baronet st feb. . the only copy of this essay i have seen occurs in a copy of the visitation of kent, , transcribed from a ms. of peter le neve, by hasted, the kentish historian, and now in the possession of mr. j. r. smith. "variations of the arms in the family of dering, by sir edward dering, knt. and bart. the differences of arms by adding small and minute figures as of crescents, mullets, martlets, etc. is neither antient nor could be so: for years since every man of note and family carried in the wars his shield carved and coloured, and his armour painted suitable, and his coat of arms to cover his armour embroidered of the same; besides the caparison of his horse, if so be he served on horseback; you shall have it by example as follows:-- [a rude sketch of a brass of a man in armour with his surcoat of arms is here given, and beneath it-- "this was copied from pluckley church, from the gravestone of john dering, esq., who dyed august ."] the use of all this art was to distinguish and notify the party, and soe his valorous atchievements might be seen and known, when his face was not. the further off and the easier this view could be made, the better; for that concurred to the end for which these signs were taken. now these petty variations were not to be seen, but when near at hand, requiring a clear light and near approach to make them, and so consequently, the bearers of them, discoverable. in the last battle fought by the famous earl of warwicke for k. henry th against k. edward the th, the day grew hopefull for warwick by the valor of the earl of oxford: oxford's soldiery had his star, or rather mullet, embroidered on their coats--k. edward's men, saith speed, the sun; but it was indeed a little white rose, with the rayes of the sun-beams pointing round about it. the day was overcast and foggy; oxford had made such impression upon the yorkists, that many fled from the field at barnet to london, giving out the news that the day was warwick's. warwick, intending to perfect the victory over that part of k. edward's army, came up to oxford, when, the light being dull with mists, rendered oxford's badge as big as the king's, the difference in form and colours being but little; so that warwick's men by mistake let fly at those of oxford. they seeing warwick's ragged staff and bear making havock at their backs, whilst they were pressing forward on k. edward's sun-beams, not knowing or guessing the cause and error, cryed out, "treason! treason! we are all betrayed." hereupon the earl of oxford, with men fled the field, and the yorkists prevailed, with the death of the great warwick and his brother the marquis of montacute. other examples have been two; in wyrley one, of the two baliols--the other of the french lord of chine, who laying up the lord courcy's banner, the english of sir hugh calvely's company, reputing them friends, were thereby unfortunately slain, and the lord courcy had thereupon dishonour spoken of him, though absent as far as austrich. "this chine did raise lord courcy's fair devise, which was bars of vairy and of red; this way the same or difference small so nice and slender that 'mongst them they error bred, which now were either taken slain or fled. all men of younger house which banners bear should have their difference glist'ning large and fair." _capital de bur_, p. . these minute differences, as they were antiently dangerous and insufficient, so in manner as they are now used they were then unknown; neither is there art enough by any of our heralds' rules, though much refined of late, to guide one so as to know which of the crescent-bearers was the uncle or which the nephew, and for crescent upon crescent, mullet upon mullet, etc. in a pedigree of no great largeness, perspective-glasses and spectacles cannot help you; but you must have lyncean eyes, or his that could write homer's iliads, and fold them into a nutshell. there was an elder way of differencing in former ages, and very good, though at no time regularly prescribed, yet it was much practised, as by bordures, bars, bends, chiefs, etc. and something upon special motives of relinquishing the whole devise and assuming another; all which are eminently known in the families of nevil, howard, berkeley, beauchamp, stafford, chaworth, latymer, grey and bassett, willoughby, etc. you shall have an example of two in kent leaving the chevron-bearers in imitation of the great lords of clare and criol, the ten variations and imitations of leyborne's lions; and of sandwich's indentings in like number, i will here instance in say and cobham. [illustration: sir wm. de say.] [illustration: sir r. de huntingfield.] [illustration: sir ibron de huntingfield.] [illustration: sir alex. de cheney.] [illustration: ... huntingfield.] [illustration: sir ralph de perington.] [illustration: st. nicholas.] [illustration: parrocke[ ]] there are more examples, but these are in kent. now for an instance in the family of cobham. [illustration: wm. de pluckley, brother of john de cobham. john de cobham brother of wm. de pluckley.] [sidenote: _vide book of differences_, p. .] henry cobham, great grandchild of this john, and joane, da. and heir of de bokeland. [illustration] john de cobham, son of henry and joane bokeland, put his father's fleurs de lizs upon his mother's cheveron, and had issue three sons, who did each constitute a several family, and varied their arms. [illustration: henry cobham, the eldest son, married joane, sister and heir of step{n} de pencester.] [illustration: john, the d son, to whom his father gave the manor of cobham, and from whom the lords cobham descended.] [illustration: reginald, the d, de orkesden, from whom the cobhams of sterborough are descended.] this henry by the great heir, his wife, was father of three sons, who all of them followed the copy of their mother's arms, whereof [illustration: . stephen de cobham, lord of shorne, who leaving the paternal coat, took his mother's arms.] [illustration: . john de toneford, where he dwelt, a place in chartham.] [illustration: . stephen de cobham, father of henry, lord of dunstall.] this elder stephen was father of sir john de cobham of rundale, and of robert de cobham, which sir john was father of sir thomas cobham de rundale, and of john de hever, who had the manor of hever, and thence his name. [illustration: robert de cobham.] [illustration: john de hever of hever.] john de cobham, aforesaid, who bore the three lions on his cheveron, was father of henry lord cobham, and of john cobham de blackburg, in co. devon. henry lord cobham was father of henry lord cobham and of thomas cobham, of chafford in kent. this henry lord cobham was father of john lord cobham and of thomas cobham, owner of belunele and pipards-clive, who had issue two sons, thomas and henry; now all these younger cobhams varied their arms as under. [illustration: john cobham de blackburg.] [illustration: thos. cobham de chafford.] [illustration: thos. cobham de belunele.] [illustration: henry cobham de pypard's clive.[ ]] in like manner the family of dering, though not so eminent, (yet as antient, and more numerous, for aught yet appears,) did, as the use and necessity of those former ages required, vary their arms upon several occasions, which need not here be repeated, being more visible in the descent,[ ] it shall therefore be enough in this place to set down the several shields borne anciently and at present by this name and the several branches thereof, by seals, monuments, old rolls, windows, &c. the antient paternal coat of this family was (if tradition may persuade us) only the blue fesse in a white field, until, say they, one of our ancestors being slain in the king's wars, his shield was found to have three great bloody spots in place where now the roundels are. i cannot justify such far-fetcht storys; yet two things have a proportionate correspondence with this tradition. first, it is certain that norman fitz-dering was sheriff of kent, as shall be evident in the part of the genealogical history which concerns him. dly. the arms of william de wrotham, constable of dover castle, and one of this family, were by old rolls the fesse without the roundells, which may confirm the report, because he was descended from godred, brother to norman, who was slain as aforesaid, and not of the body of the said norman. the concurrence whereof has induced me to assign that coat unto all before the said norman fitz-dering. so then the several shields borne by the several persons of this family have been as follows, setting them down as they have first been in antiquity used, and so in order successively. [illustration: sired fitz-dering, t. w. conqr./de la hell, t. r. steph. ao. ./deerman ao. , hen. d./w. de wrotham, r. johis./hamo de pirefeld, t. r. .] [illustration: norman fitz-dering, hen. i and t. r. steph.] [illustration: arnaldus de cuckeston, t, h. ./wm. de cheriton, t. h. .] [illustration: normannus de ashde fraxino--and de fresne, miles, t. r. et h. .[ ]] [illustration: wm. de perington miles, t. hen. .[ ]] [illustration: wimond fitz-wimond, t. hen. ./hamo wimond, filius ejus, t. ed. i.[ ]] [illustration: ricus fitz-dering, qui obiit ii ed. i.[ ]] [illustration: henry dering, frater junior ricardi.[ ]] [illustration: john dering, dns. de evering-acre in pluckley, ao hen. et ricus filius ejus, occis apd. bosworth.[ ]] [illustration: wm. dering de petworth in co. sussex, et de lisse in co. hants, arm. t hen. .[ ]] to these ten may be added two very antient, whose order gave them a diversification, being knights-templers, and three other moderne, assigned by sir wm. segar, garter. [illustration: dns. robtus. dering, miles ordinis militiae sci. templi ad dissolut. ejus ap{d}. ewell.[ ]] the three modern ones assigned by sir wm. segar are as follows: [illustration: anthony dering, of charing, esq.] [illustration: john dering, of egerton, esq.] [illustration: xtopher dering, of wickins.[ ]] [sidenote: _so in old chartularies of abbeys i have often observed that one and the same man varied his own name of addition by the change of places where he made his abode._] besides the variations of arms, here is much change of sirname to be observed, which among antiquaries is nothing new. here are dering, wimond, dereman, de la hell, wrotham, cuckeston, pevington, pirefield, cheriton, ash, and de fraxino, whereof the first three are assumed from forenames or xtian names, as have done the families of herding, herbert, aucher, bagot, bardolph, hasting, durand, hubert, oughtred, leonard, and very many more; all the others here were assumed by reason of lands possessed of that name. norman fitz-dering being lord of ash was called norman de fraxino, de fresne, and de ash. arnold, a son of another norman fitz-dering, being lord of cuckeston, was called arnold de cuckeston, whose grandchildren were wm. de pevington and wm. de cheriton, and so the rest had their surnames appropriated from their habitation and possession. in the family of cobham you have toneford and hever of the same blood. mortimer and warren were brothers, and the sons of walter de st. martin. de frydon, de pantley, and de albdy, were three brothers, the sons of hugh de saddington. wm. belward, lord of the moiety of malpas, in chester, had issue david and richard; from david came three sons, wm. de malpas, philip gogh, david golborne; and from them egerton and goodman--richard, son of wm. belward, had issue thomas de cotgreve, wm. de weston, and richard little, father of n. keneclerk and of john richardson, (who would conceive without good proof that malpas, gough, golborne, egerton, goodman, cotgrave, weston, little, kenclerk, and richardson were all in short time the issue of wm. belward.) nay, to make the instance of better impression, the antient earls of norfolk having also suffolk within their earldom did write themselves of norfolk, of suffolk, and sometimes of norwich, indifferently, according to the place where they signed or subscribed, or were in any instrument named. the like did the old earls of dorset and somerset, using either title indifferently. four earls of chester had several sirnames successively one after another--randolph meschines had issue randolph gemers, father of hugh kivilicke, whose son was randolph blundeville. if yet you wish a more full president, you have it in lucas de hardres, who.... [n. b. the rest is wanting, or rather seems never to have been attempted by the author.] * * * * * the distinctions of arms to be borne by the several branches of the family of dering, according to sir edward dering, knight and baronet. the younger sons of the eldest house to give these differences instead of the crescent, mullet, martlet, etc.: the d son a bordure sable. the d son a bordure gules. the th son a bordure purflewe, argent and azure. the th son a bordure azure. likewise the collar of the buck, their crest, was of the same colour as their bordure. younger houses: the d house a chief sable. the d house a chief gules. the th house.... the th house a chief azure. likewise the collar of the buck's head, the crest, the same colour as the chief. younger sons of younger houses give the minute difference in the crest besides the great one in the arms: as nichs. dering, of charing, gives a mullet on the buck's neck. _note._ nich{s}. dering quarters both lambert's arms and home's, tho' descended but from one of them; whereas finch dering and his son, brent dering, leave out the home's. anthony dering, son of anthony by a second venter,[ ] gives the fleur de liz upon the buck's neck. the wreath on which the crest stands is in all houses or and sable.... [illustration] appendix b. a very curious illustration of some antient heraldric usages is furnished by an examination of the armorial bearings of families connected with the county of cornwall. . the arms of the county of cornwall are sable, fifteen bezants-- . . . and ., with two lions as supporters, and the motto 'one and all.'[ ] this coat is pretended to be derived from cadoc, or cradock, earl or duke of cornwall in the fifth century. . the families of moreton and de dunstanville, successively earls of cornwall after the norman conquest, bore personal arms totally different from these; yet on the marriage of roger valetorte with joan, daughter of reginald de dunstanville, he surrounded his paternal arms (argent, three bendlets gules,) with a =bordure sable bezantee=. . whalesborough of cornwall, temp. henry iii, bore the same arms, with the =bordure sable bezantee=, whence he is presumed to have been a cadet of valetorte. . henry ii took the earldom into his own hands, and gave it to his youngest son john, and john, on coming to the throne, gave it to his second son, richard, afterwards king of the romans and earl of poictou. "richard, nd son of king john, in the th year of king henry iii, his brother, being crowned king of the romans, writ himself _semper augustus_, and had his arms carved on the breast of the roman =eagle=. he bare =argent, a lyon rampant gules=, crowned or, within a =bordure sable bezantee=."[ ] "he had," says nisbet, "nothing of his father's royal ensigns [his arms being] composed of his two noble feus, viz. argent, a lion rampant gules, crowned or (the arms of poictiers), surrounded with a border sable bezantée, or, (the arms of cornwall,) and which were on his seal of arms appended to instruments, anno ."[ ] . edmund, his son and successor, bore the same arms, only omitting the imperial supporter. . the same arms are borne as the ensigns of the borough of grampound. boroughs usually took the arms of their over-lords. . walter de cornwall, knight of the shire in , an illegitimate descendant of one of the earls of cornwall, bore the same arms.[ ] . sir geoffrey cornwall having taken prisoner the duke of brittany, received in reward that nobleman's arms, viz. ermine, which he made the field of his own, retaining the lion gules, &c.[ ] the descendants of the bastard offshoot of the earls of cornwall became widely scattered, and, according to the practice of antient times, varied their arms in every house. for example: . de cornewall, and cornwall of oxfordshire, bore the =red lion= of poictou, debruised by a bend =sable=, charged with three =bezants=. . cornwall of devon omitted all traces of poictou, but retained the characteristics of cornwall, viz., on a cross patée =sable= five =bezants=. . cornwall of essex bore the =red lion= of poictou, the ermine of burgundy, and the =sable bordure bezantee= of cornwall. . cornwall of salop bore the same, except that he made his lion reguardant. his descent from the princely stock of cornwall is hinted at in his crest, which is a _cornish chough_. in glover's 'ordinary' are these two: . cornwayle, argent, on a fesse =sable=, three =bezants=. . cornwall, argent, on a cross-patonce =sable=, five =bezants=. many other coats borne by this name are given in various works of reference. nearly the whole of them retain one or other of the charges and tinctures of the coat from which they were primarily borrowed. similar arms are also borne by other names connected with the county. . chamberlayne, m.p. for liskeard, temp. edw. iii, bore, argent on a bend =sable=, five =bezants=. it seems exceedingly probable that this gentleman, or one of his ancestors, held the office (unde nomen) of chamberlain to the earls of cornwall, who paid him for his services with a few of their bezants. . killegrew of cornwall bore, argent, an =eagle= displayed with two heads =sable=, within a =bordure sable bezantee=. _crest._ a demi-=lyon= rampant, =gules=, charged on the flank with two =bezants=. i cannot trace any connexion between this family (which was of great antiquity) and the earls of cornwall; but the similarity between these bearings and those of the king of the romans is too striking to admit a doubt of some connexion. . cole of cornwall bears, inter alia, a =bordure sable=, charged alternately with =bezants= and annulets. . carlyon of cornwall bore =sable=, between three towers ... a =bezant=. query. did the founder of this family hold the office of castellan to the earls of cornwall? many cornish families bear double-headed =eagles=, and the number bearing =bezants= is really astonishing. in the foregoing enumeration i have confined myself to such of the latter as are borne upon sable. it is probable that if the arms of other districts were examined they would produce a similar result; and i doubt not that, carrying out a large series of such investigations, the majority of our armorial bearings might be traced to a comparatively small number of antient baronial coats. [illustration] appendix c. abatements. an abatement of honour is defined as a mark introduced into the paternal coat to indicate some base or ungentlemanlike behaviour on the part of the bearer. the number of these figures is, as usual, _nine_, and they are all tinctured of the _stainant_ or disgraceful colours, tenné and sanguine. the first is the delf tenné, assigned to him who revokes his challenge. . the escocheon reversed sanguine, occupying the middle point of the arms, is the sign of disgrace proper to him who offends the chastity of virgin, wife, or widow, or flies from his sovereign's banner. . the point-dexter parted tenné is for him who boasts of valiant actions he never performed. . the point-in-point sanguine is the badge of a coward. . the point champaine tenné attaches to him who breaks the laws of chivalry by slaying a prisoner after he has demanded quarter. . the liar should bear the plain-point sanguine. . the gore sinister tenné is the punishment of the soldier who acts in a cowardly manner towards his enemy. . the gusset sanguine, if on the right side, denotes adultery, and if on the left, drunkenness. . the last and greatest 'abatement of honour' is the reversing or turning upside down of the whole shield: this belongs to the traitor. from these abatements originates the expression--"he has a _blot_ in his scutcheon." it is scarcely necessary to state that 'abatements of honour' exist only in theory. who ever did or would voluntarily bear a badge of disgrace? every one deserving either of them would sooner relinquish all claim to the bearing of arms than continue it with such a stigma. leigh, guillim, and other old writers are sufficiently prolix on this subject, which would seem to belong exclusively to english heraldry; for menestrier calls them _english fooleries_ ('sottises anglaises,') and montagu thinks "we shall seek in vain for a more appropriate designation." a singular mistake prevails among the vulgar respecting the "bloody hand," borne in the arms of baronets. i have been very seriously and _confidentially_ told, that murders had been committed by the ancestors of such and such families, and that the descendants were compelled to bear this dreadful emblem in consequence. according to the same sapient authorities, it can only be got rid of by the bearer's submitting, either in his own person or by proxy, _to pass seven years in a cave, without either speaking or cutting his nails and beard for that length of time_! the intelligent reader needs not be informed that this supposed badge of infamy is really a mark of honour, derived from the arms of the province of ulster in ireland, the defence and colonization of which was the specious plea upon which the order of baronets was created by james i. [illustration] appendix d. grant of arms. (_referred to at p. , note._) a touts pñts et advenir qui ces pñts lettres verront ou orront thomais trowte autrement dit norrey roy d'armes du norst de cestuy royalme d'angleterre salut et dilection avec humble recomendacion: equitie veult et raison ordonne que les homes vertueulx et de noble courage soient per leurs merites par renommee remunerez et non par seulment leurs personnes en ceste vie mortelle tant breife & transitoire mes apres euls ceulx qui de leurs corpes ystront et serront procreez soient en touts placs degraund honneur perpetuellem{t} devant autres luisans par certaines ensignes et de monstrances d'honneur et gentillesse. c'est ascavoir de blason heaillme & tymbre a fine que a leur example autres plus sefforcent de pseverement user leurs joures en faitz d'armes et ouvres verteuces pour acquirer la renowme d'auncienne gentillesse en leurs lignes & posterité: et pource je norrey roy d'armes desusdit que non pas seulm{t} par commune renoume mais aussi par le report et testemoigne d'autres nobles homes dignes de fois suy pour vray adverty et enforme que alan trowte natef de la counte de norff. a longem{t}. poursuey les faicts de vertues et tant en ce quen autres ces affayres s'est porte vertuesment et honnor ablement gouverne tellement q'ill a bien deservy et est bien digne que doresnavannt perpetuellement lui et sa posterite soyent en touts placs honurables admits, renomeez, countez, nombrez, et receivez en nombre et en la campaigne dez autreiz auncients gentils et nobleis hommes: et pour la remembrance du celle sagentilesse par sa vertue del authorite et povoir annexes et attribues a men dit office de roy d'armes jay devise, ordonne et assignee au dit alan trowte par luy et sa dite posterite le blason, heaulme et tymbre, en la maniere qui sensuit c'est ascavoir ung escu d'or ung cheveron de purpure troys testes moriens de sable crounes de troyes trovels d'argent: le timbre sur le heaulme ung teste morien assis dedans ung torse entre deux eliez pale du champ et du cheveron & emant elle de sables sommees de cinq foyles doublee d'or si come le picture en le merge cy devant le demonstre: a voyir et tenir par luy et sa dit posterite et eux on revestir a tous jourmais. en testemoiging de ce je norrey roy d'armes desus nomée ay signe de ma main et selle de mon seale ces p'senteis fait et donne a londrez le viij jour de novebre l'an de ñre seig{n} jesus christ mccclxxvj et l'an de ñre seig{n} roy edwarde le tierce apres le conquest xvj. this patent was examined with the record in the college of arms by charles townley, york herald, . apr. . n. b. there is a mistake in the date, either in the year of our lord, or of the king. [illustration] appendix e. [illustration] that the curious relic of brass found at lewes (alluded to at p. [ ]), was the sword-pommel of prince richard, king of the romans, was an easy and natural inference from its rounded form, so similar to that observed on ancient swords, and from its being found where that prince is known to have been engaged in the great battle of . further examination, however, proves this supposition to be erroneous, and by reference to page , in vol. xxv of 'archæologia,' it will be seen so closely to resemble, in form, material, workmanship, and heraldic bearings, the two ancient steelyard weights found in norfolk, and there represented, that its identity with their former use must be at once recognized. the lewes relic is smaller than the two other weights, and is deficient in the upper part, through which the suspending hook was passed, but, as it now weighs - / oz., it was probably, when perfect, a lbs. weight. it is remarkable that all these weights, thus found at distant localities, and all evidently of the same era, the thirteenth century, should bear the arms of the king of the romans,[ ] though in each instance intentionally varied, in order, probably, to signify more readily to the eye the intended amount of each weight when in use. sandford (geneal. hist., p. ) says that the king of the romans did not bear the arms of his father, king john, but on the larger norfolk specimen the three royal lions are exhibited passant, sinisterwise, a remarkable difference, of which only one other similar example is known, on the ancient stamped tiles of horsted-keynes church, co. sussex, where the prince's arms, as earl of cornwall, are also extant. this prince had a grant of the stanneries and mines of cornwall, held by service of five knights' fees, (vide dugdale's baronage,) and sandford says that "he got much money by farming the mint," but he would not appear to derive from these sources any peculiar right to stamp with his own arms all the weights of the kingdom. he is also mentioned (madox, hist. exch.) as sitting with others of the king's council in the court of exchequer in {o} and {o} of henry iii: there was an ancient officer of that court, called a pesour, ponderator, or weigher, but the family of windesore held this office for four generations by hereditary serjeantry, during the reigns of kings john and henry iii. it would seem more probable, therefore, that these weights were stamped with his arms,[ ] by the king of the romans, in the ordinary exercise of his baronial rights, for the common use of his own officers in his widely extended domains, and especially for those of his own personal household, in order efficiently to check the entries and deliveries of the stores of food and forage necessary for the supply of his numerous retinue. the contemporary accounts of his sister, the princess eleanor, wife of the great simon, earl of leicester, in (recently published by the roxburghe club), show with what minute detail and accuracy such expenses in a large household were regulated, and superintended by the steward of a great personage. the steward of the king of the romans may have been thus busily employed at lewes in measuring out with this identical weight their scanty rations to his cornish troops, until surprised by the hurry of the fatal battle, in which--for human bones were found with the weight near the castle gateway--he may have continued to clutch it faithfully, even in death. prince richard embarked at yarmouth in , on his way to his coronation as king, at aix-la-chapelle, and he went to cologne in , to marry his german bride, beatrice. on one of these occasions, when he would have been accompanied by a large suite, or on some other passage through norfolk, which was a customary route to germany, the two interesting weights found there may have been accidentally dropped. [illustration] c. and j. adlard, printers, bartholomew close. footnotes: [ ] yorke's 'union of honour.' [ ] the general ignorance of heraldry even among the well-educated may be illustrated by the fact that not many months since the commissioners of assessed taxes decided that a person who sealed his letters with a thistle surrounded by the words '=dinna forget=,' was liable to the charge for armorial bearings, albeit the device contained neither shield, helmet, wreath, nor any other _necessary_ element of heraldric insignia! [ ] woodham's 'application of heraldry to the illustration of various university and collegiate antiquities;' nos. and of the publications of the cambridge antiq. soc.--an interesting essay, which would be none the worse if divested of a few remarks on "church principles," "conventicles," "cobbett," and the "morning chronicle,"--subjects as irrelevant as the whims of old morgan, or any other heraldric writer of the sixteenth or seventeenth century. [ ] woodham. [ ] grimaldi. orig. gen. p. . [ ] vide p. . [ ] some curious specimens (for example) of this kind of history occur in the writings of john rous of warwick, temp. edw. iv. his _history of england_ is compiled indiscriminately _from the bible_ and from monastic writers. moses, he tells us, does not mention all the cities founded before the deluge, but barnard de breydenback, dean of mayence, does! with the same taste he acquaints us, that, though the book of genesis says nothing of the matter, giraldus cambrensis writes, that caphera or cesera, noah's niece, being apprehensive of the deluge, set out for ireland, where, with three men and fifty women, she arrived safe with one ship, the rest perishing in the general destruction! vide walpole's historic doubts. [ ] morgan. adam's shield, p. . [ ] morgan. adam's shield, p. . [ ] "god himselfe set a marke upon cain. but you perhaps will say, that was stigma, and not digma, a brand, not an ornament." bolton's armories. [ ] 'three _rests_ gules.' a difference of opinion exists as to what this charge represents. some blazon it a _horseman's rest_, and assert that it was the _rest_ in which the tilting-spear was fixed. others contend that it was a wind instrument called the clarion or claricorde; while "leigh and boswell will have them to be _sufflues_, instruments which transmit the wind from the bellows to the organ." lastly, minsheu advises those who blazon them _rests_, to call them brackets or _organ-rests_; and this is evidently the sense implied by morgan. [illustration] [ ] the correctness of these extracts, historically and etymologically considered, needs no comment. [ ] numb. ii. . "every man shall pitch by his own standard, with the ensign of his father's house." [ ] gen. xlix. [ ] he couched as a lion.... [ ] zebulon shall be for an haven of ships.... [ ] issachar is a strong ass couching down between two burdens.... [ ] dan shall be a serpent by the way.... [ ] he shall yield royal dainties.... [ ] naphtali is a hind let loose ... &c. &c. &c. [ ] sprinkled with drops of water. [ ] morgan gives the preamble of the letters patent of king david _for the warrant of a pedigree_. it commences with "omnibus, &c. david, dei gratiâ rex juda et israel, universis et singulis," &c.!! [ ] leigh's accedens of armory. [ ] boke of st. alb. it will be seen in this extract that the origin of arms is referred to other times than those mentioned in the former quotations. several similar discrepancies occur in the work, proving it to have been a compilation from different and conflicting authorities. [ ] miscellaneous collection. [ ] see vignette at the head of this chapter. [ ] those who wish for other examples of this fictitious heraldry may find in ferne's 'blazon of gentrie,' the arms of osyris king of egypt, hercules king of lybia, macedonus, anubis, minerva, semiramis, tomyris, delborah (judge of israell), jahel the kenite, and judith. these six last mentioned, together with the empress maud, elizabeth of arragon, and joan of naples, constitute the "nine worthies amongst women." ferne, et seq., where their arms are engraved. upon the accession of james vi of scotland to the throne of england, a controversy arose between the heralds of the two nations respecting the priority of right to the first quarter in the british achievement. the scottish officers maintained that as scotland was the older sovereignty, its tressured lion should take precedence of the three lions-passant, or, as they called them, the _leopards_, of england. this was an indignity which the english heralds could not brook, and they employed sir william segar to investigate the antiquity of our national ensigns. segar's treatise on this subject, dedicated to his majesty, contains some fine examples of fictitious heraldry. he begins with the imaginary story of brutus, king of britain, a thousand years before the christian era, and his division of the island between his three sons. to locheren, the eldest, he gave that portion afterwards called england, with arms 'or, a lion passant-guardant, gules.' to his second son, toalknack, he assigned albania, or scotland, with 'or, a lion rampant, gules,' which, says he, with the addition of the double tressure, continue the arms of scotland. and to his youngest son he gave cambria, with 'argent, three lions passant-guardant, gules,' which the princes of wales used for a long time. vide nisbet's essay on arm. p. . bolton (elements of armories, , p. ,) gives the arms of caspar and balthasar, two of the three kings who, guided by the 'star in the east,' came to worship our saviour at bethlehem. he admits, indeed, that there is no 'canonicall proofe' of them, yet appears to think that a painting "in the mother church of canterburie, upon a wal, on the left hand, as you enter the north ile of the first quire," is pretty respectable authority! it was a favourite crotchet with this writer, that heraldry did not owe its origin to any particular period or nation, but that it sprang from the light of nature. [ ] story of thebes, p. . [ ] romulus. [ ] vide donaldson on the connexion between heraldry and gothic architecture, &c. &c. &c. the far-renowned shield of achilles was covered with so great a number of figures _pictorially disposed_, that it resembled modern heraldry still less than those above alluded to. [ ] essay on armories, p. . [ ] from a contemporary picture at castle-ashby, engraved in pennant's journey from chester to london. [ ] it is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that all early nations had their national emblems, for the ox of the egyptians, the owl of the athenians, the eagle of the romans, and the white horse of the saxons (retained in the arms of saxony and of kent), must occur to the recollection of every one. [ ] vide the next chapter, where a _rationale_ of these figures is attempted. [ ] dallaway, p. . [ ] _blazon_ is closely allied to the anglo-saxon blawan, to blow. there are some however who deduce it from the german, _blasse_, a mark.--_vide montagu's guide_, p. . [ ] planché hist. brit. costume. [ ] those who contend for the earlier origin of heraldry adduce a certain shield occurring in the bayeux tapestry, and resembling a modern coat charged with a cross coupée between five roundles; but whatever may be said of the cross, the roundles are probably only the studs or rivets of the shield. again, as there are several shields in which the ornaments are exactly alike, the arms of a family cannot be intended. they also bring forward the encaustic tiles taken up from the floor of a monastery at caen by mr. henniker, and now in the possession of the society of antiquaries, which they presume to have been laid down at the time of the foundation of the abbey in . the arms upon these, supposed to have been those of benefactors, have been proved to belong to a date considerably posterior. among them are the arms of england, three lions passant, an ensign which had no existence till the reign of richard i, upwards of a century later than the foundation of the monastery of caen. [illustration: (caen tile.)] [ ] dallaway. [ ] _lybbardes_--leopards. it has long been a matter of controversy between french and english armorists, whether the charges of our royal arms were originally leopards or lions. napoleon always derisively called them leopards. the author of the 'roll of karlaverok,' described in a future page, speaking of the banner of edward i, says it contained "three leopards courant of fine gold, set on red, fierce, haughty, and cruel."--_nicolas' karlav._ p. . nisbet, who, as a scotchman, viewed english heraldry with a somewhat supercilious eye, decides in favour of leopards, and cites the 'survey of london,' by john stowe, who quotes a record of the city of london, stating that frederick, emperor of germany, in , sent to henry iii three living leopards, "in token of the regal shield of arms." the same author likewise mentions an order of edward ii to the sheriff of london, to pay the keeper of the king's leopards in the tower of london sixpence a day for the sustenance of the leopards.--_nisbet's essay on armories_, p. . [ ] dallaway; but nisbet (armories, p. ,) alludes to earlier examples abroad. [ ] salverte. essai sur les noms d'hommes, (paris, .) vol. i, p. . [ ] dall. pp. - . the offering of trophies to the deity is of a much earlier origin, and it was derived from the nations of antiquity. the old testament furnishes us with several instances, the classics with many more: "it was very common," says robinson, "to dedicate the armour of the enemy, and to suspend it in temples."--vide homer, iliad, vii. , "i will bear his armour to troy, and hang it up in the temple of apollo;" and virgil, Æn. vii, describes a temple hung round with ----"helmets, darts and spears, and captive chariots, axes, shields, and bars, and broken beaks of ships, _the trophies of their wars_." _dryden_, vii. . but, what is more to our purpose, "it was also customary to dedicate to the gods their own weapons, when they retired from the noise of war to a private life." (rob. archæolog. græc.) from i sam. xxi, , it appears that david, after his victory over goliath, had dedicated the philistine's sword to god as a trophy. "behold it is here," says the priest, on a subsequent occasion, "wrapped in a cloth behind the ephod." in i chron. x, , we read that the philistines put the armour of saul "in the house of their gods, and fastened his head in the temple of dagon;" and, in xxvi, , we are told that "out of the spoils won in battles did they (the israelites) dedicate to maintain the house of the lord." [ ] hist. poet. i, . [ ] the second book of upton's treatise, written in the fifteenth century, is entitled 'of _veterans_, now called heralds.' [ ] nicolas' karlaverok, p. . [ ] nicolas' karlaverok, p. . the charge here blazoned, a cross patée, is, in fact, a cross patonce. [ ] ibid., notes, p. . [ ] waterhouse's discourse, p. . [ ] let it not be understood from this remark that i mean in the slightest degree to advocate war as a means of acquiring national greatness. the war which edward waged against france was totally unjustifiable; and the desolating civil wars which followed the misgovernment of his pusillanimous grandson richard, were (as many of our subsequent wars have been) a disgrace to the very name of england. [ ] strutt's roy. and eccl. antiq. [ ] holinshed. [ ] the engraving above is from royal ms., e. iii. brit. mus. [ ] decline and fall, v. , p. . [ ] apparently the village of retiers, near rennes, in brittany. [ ] de controversia in curia militari inter r. de scrope and r. grosvenor, milites, rege ricardo secundo, - . e recordis in turre, lond. asservatis, vol. i, p. . [ ] vide historical and allusive arms; loud. , p. , et seq. anecdotes of heraldry and chivalry; worcester, . [ ] hutchinson's cumberland, vol. i, p. . the arms borne by a junior branch of the blencowes are 'gules, a quarter argent,' the original coat of the family. the baron of graystock's grant is sometimes borne as a quartering. the arms of his lordship, from which it is borrowed, were 'barry of six, _argent_ and _azure_, over all three _chaplets_ gules.' according to a family tradition, adam de blencowe was standard-bearer to the baron. vide west's antiquities of furness, quoted by hutchinson. [ ] montagu's study of heraldry, appendix a. [ ] one of the earliest grants of arms preserved in the heralds' coll. is printed in the appendix. it is of the time of edward iii. [ ] "nihil sibi insignii accidisse quia nec ipse nec majores sui in bello unquam descendissent." waterhouse, quoted by dallaway. [ ] dallaway. [ ] this was called _dimidiation_. [ ] the dimidiated coat represented on p. , is not the arms of a family, but those of the corporation of hastings. here three demi-lions are conjoined with three sterns of antient ships--a composition compared with which the griffin, cockatrice, and every other _hybrid_ of a herald's imagination sinks into insignificance. that this singular shield is a dimidiation of two antient coats cannot be doubted. three ships, in all probability, formed the original arms of the town--the dexter-half of the royal arms of england having been superimposed in commemoration of some great immunity granted to this antiently important corporation. [ ] query--might not some of our english maidens, who are verging somewhat on the _antique_, resort to this mode of advertising for a husband with advantage? the odious appellation of "old maids" would then give place to the more courteous one of "ladies of the half-blank shield." [ ] nisbet's essay on armories, p. . [ ] a lineal ancestor of sir john shelley, bart. the date of the lady's death is . [ ] in the great hall at fawsley, co. northampton, the seat of sir charles knightly, bart., is a shield containing the unprecedented number of quarterings. vide baker's northampton, vol. i, p. . [ ] vide appendix. [ ] in the temple church, london. tomb of sir geoffrey de magnaville. vide woodcut at the head of the preface. [ ] boke of st. a. and dall. [ ] the arms of the see of hereford at this day are identical with those of thomas cantilupe, who held the episcopate in the thirteenth century, and was canonized as st. thomas of hereford, {o} edward i. [ ] it is almost unnecessary to observe that the expression 'a merchant's mark' is by no means appropriate; for such devices were employed in a great variety of ways. they appear, primarily, to have been used as signatures by illiterate though wealthy merchants, who could not write their names. at a later date they were employed for _marking_ bales of goods. within the last century, many flockmasters in the south of england used them for marking sheep. although the illiterate of our own times substitute a + for their proper names, it was far otherwise two centuries ago, when they generally made a rude monogram, or _peculiar_ mark, analogous to the merchant's mark of earlier date. [ ] dallaway. [ ] c. s. gilbert's hist. cornw. vol. i, introd. to herald. [ ] historical and allusive arms, p. . [ ] montagu, study of heraldry. but this is, perhaps, an isolated instance of such early date, for dame julyan berners, more than a century later, says, "there be vi differences in armys; ij for the excellent and iiij for the nobles; labelle and enborduryng for lordis; jemews, mollettys, flowre delyce and quintfoyles for the nobles," (i. e. gentry). [ ] cited by dall. p. . [ ] memoirs, p. . cott. ms., calig. a. xviii. [ ] vide my english surnames, d edition, p. et seq. [ ] montagu, p. . [ ] if heraldry had to be established _de novo_, something of the sort might be done, by giving each family a patent right to a particular ordinary, provided the ordinaries were much more numerous than they are. but as nearly every ordinary and charge is common to many families, dugdale's system cannot possibly be carried out. [ ] hugh clark's 'introduction to heraldry,' which may be purchased for a few shillings, contains everything necessary to a thorough knowledge of the art of blazon. [ ] spenser uses this word: "how the red roses flush up in her cheeks, and the pure snow with goodly _vermeil_ stain." [ ] roll of karlaverok, p. . [ ] in the 'secretes of master alexis of piedmont' are many recipes for making this article. [ ] there is an extraordinary difference of opinion respecting the mediæval latin, _sinopis_. ducange, with the authorities quoted above, make its colour green; but the _sinoper_, or ruddle of commerce, is of a dark red or purplish hue. in one of the cottonian mss. nero, c. vi, fol. , is the following account of it: "sinopim, colorem videlicet illum cujus tres sunt species, videlicet _rubea_, _subrubea_, et inter has media, invenerunt primitus, ut scribit ysidorus viri regionis ponticæ in urbe eorum quam solent ipsi sinopem vocitare." [ ] page . [ ] it is a prevailing error that the bend sinister is a mark of dishonour, as betokening illegitimacy; this seems to have arisen from its having been confounded with the baton, which bearing differs from it both in being much narrower, and in being cut off from the borders of the escocheon. [ ] among the sovereign states whose armorial ensigns are formed of such stripes are cyprus, hungary, saxony, austrasia, burgundy, arragon, and germany under the descendants of louis the debonaire. the private families who bear armories so formed are innumerable.--_brydson_, p. . [ ] these, as mr. planché (hist. brit. costume, p. ,) observes, are mostly heraldric terms. ounding, or _undeing_, signifies a waved pattern or edge. [ ] blaauw's barons' war. [ ] mylneris, miller's; yrne, iron; mylnys, mills; mylne-ston, mill-stone. [ ] furetiere, quoted by dall. [ ] accid. fol. . [ ] by a statute of temp. edw. ii. (apud winton) every person not having a greater annual revenue in land than pence, was compelled to have in his possession a bow and arrows, with other arms both offensive and defensive; but all such as had no possessions (in land), but could afford to purchase arms, were commanded to have a bow with sharp arrows if they resided without the royal forests, and a bow with round-headed arrows if their habitation was within the forests. the words of the statute are, "ark et setes hors de foreste, et en foreste ark et _piles_." the word pile is supposed to be derived from the latin 'pila,' a ball; and strutt supposes this kind of missile to have been used to _prevent_ the owners from killing the king's deer. in the following reign archery, as a pastime of the common people, began to be neglected, which occasioned the king to send a letter of complaint to the sheriffs of london, desiring them to see that the leisure time upon holidays was spent in the use of the bow. in the thirty-ninth year of this reign, , the penalty incurred by offenders was imprisonment at the king's pleasure. the words of the letter are, "arcubus et sagittis, vel _pilettis_ aut boltis," with bow and arrows, or piles or bolts. _vide strutt's sports and pastimes. edit. hone_, pp. , . [ ] nisbet. [ ] vide p. , arms of echingham, &c. [ ] '_gules_, a tri-corporated lyon issuant out of the three corners of the field, and meeting under one head in fesse, _or_,' was the coat-armour of edmund crouchback, second son of henry iii. this is the earliest specimen of _differencing_ i have met with. [ ] this is the usual notion of the old armorists, but bossewell gives a different statement: "the pellicane feruently loueth her [young] byrdes. yet when thei ben haughtie, and beginne to waxe hote, they smite her in the face and wounde her, and she smiteth them againe and sleaeth (kills) them. and after three daies she mourneth for them, and then striking herself in the side till the bloude runne out, she sparpleth it upon theire bodyes, and by vertue thereof they quicken againe."--armorie of honour, fol. . on the brass of wm. prestwick, dean of hastings, in warbleton church, co. sussex, there is a representation of a pelican feeding her young with her blood, and the motto on a scroll above, '=sic epus dilerit nos=,'--'thus hath christ loved us.' [ ] the heraldry of fish, by thomas moule, esq. london, . [ ] vide cut at the head of this chapter. [ ] loadstone. [ ] op. maj. edit. jebb. . [ ] halliwell's sir john maundevile, p. . [ ] succinct account of religions and sects, sect. , no. . [ ] some of the greek coins of sicily bear an impress of three legs conjoined, exactly similar to this fanciful charge, except that they are naked, and have at the point of conjunction a mercury's head. [ ] dallaway. [ ] the flower of the 'sword-grass, a kind of sedge.' _dict._ [ ] a work on the fleur-de-lis, in vols. vo (!), was published in france in . [ ] the following jest on the _fleur-de-lis_ may amuse some readers. sir william wise "having lente to the king (henry viii) his signet to seale a letter, who having powdred eremites engrayl'd in the seale, [qy. ermine?--several families of wise bear this fur:] 'why, how now, wise,' quoth the king, 'what? hast thou _lice_ here?' 'and if it like your majestie,' quoth sir william, 'a _louse_ is a rich coate, for, by giving the louse, i part armes with the french king, in that he giveth the _floure de lice_.' whereat the king heartily laugh'd, to heare how pretily so byting a taunt (namely, proceeding from a prince,) was so sodaynely turned to so pleasaunte a conceyte." (stanihurst's hist. of ireland in holinshed's chron.) nares thinks that shakspeare, who is known to have been a reader of holinshed, took his conceit of the '_white lowses_,' which 'do become an old coat well,' in the merry wives of windsor, from this anecdote. (heraldic anom. vol. i, p. .) [ ] essay on armories, p. . [ ] chevaux-de-frise (in fortification), large joists of wood stuck full of wooden spikes, armed with iron, to stop breaches, or to secure the passes of a camp.--_bailey's dict._ [ ] heywood's epigrams and prov. . no. . [ ] _wende_, thought; _mulne_, mill. [ ] modern naturalists place it in the class cryptogamia, and give it the name of _tremella nostoc_. [ ] in reading this list it will be seen that it contains several monsters not of the 'gothick' but of the classical era, as the chimera, harpy, and sagittary; but it is a curious and characteristic fact that the purely classical monsters were never great favourites in heraldry. [ ] nisbet on armories, edit. ; pp. - . [ ] workes of armorie, folio . [ ] cocatryse, basilicus, _cocodrillus_! prompt. parv. camd. soc. [ ] hence sometimes called the basilisk, from the greek [greek: basiliskos]. [ ] mallet (northern antiquities, ch. ix) says, "the thick misshapen walls winding round a rude fortress, on the summit of a rock, were often called by a name signifying serpent or dragon. women of distinction were commonly placed in such castles for security. thence the romancers invented so many fables, concerning princesses of great beauty guarded by dragons and afterwards delivered by young heroes, who could not achieve their rescue till they had overcome those terrible guards." [ ] anon, parag. [ ] brydson's summary view. [ ] probably, also, by frightening their horses, to throw their ranks into confusion. [ ] by an oversight in the drawing some small vestiges of wings have been omitted. [ ] barons' war, p. . [ ] 'sir degore.' warton's hist. poet., p. , ibid. [ ] barons' war, p. . [ ] "regius locus fuit inter _draconem_ et standardum." [ ] barnes's hist. edw. iii. [ ] vide promptorium parvulorum, camd. soc. voc. _griffown_. leigh's accedens, &c. [ ] Æn. iii, , &c. [ ] vide vignette at the head of this chapter for maundevile's representation of an ipotayne. [ ] kitto's pictorial bible, job xxxix. [ ] vide congregational mag. or . [ ] kitto, ut sup. [ ] "what reason," asks morgan, "can be given why the three brothers, warren, gourney, and mortimer, should every one bear a severall coat, and derive (hand down) their sirnames to posterity, all of them yet retaining the metal and colour of or and azure, the one _checky_, the other _pally_, and the other _barry_?" armilogia, p. . [ ] huge. [ ] accedens, fol. et seq. [ ] heralds. [ ] accedens, fol. . [ ] sphere, nobility native, p. . [ ] ibid. [ ] bibl. herald, p. . [ ] accedens, fol. . [ ] ib. fol. . [ ] accedens, fol. . [ ] display, p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] these seem originally to have been arms of office. their "character was strictly emblematical, and their import obvious, consisting, as they generally did, of a representation of the various official implements or ensigns." "little doubt can be entertained but that much of our personal heraldry is derived from such a source." (woodham's application of heraldry to the illustration of collegiate antiquities, p. .) [ ] between and . (lxiv in coll. arm.) [ ] chaffinch. [ ] sphere of gentry. [ ] vide cut at the head of the present chapter. [ ] vide english surnames, p. , second edit. [ ] gibbon, bluemantle pursuivant, who flourished subsequently to camden, made a collection of "allusive arms" containing some thousands of such coats. his ms. is in the college of arms. [ ] vide the chapter of rebuses, appended to my 'english surnames,' second edit. p. . [ ] it is a fact not unworthy of notice that nicholas breakspeare (pope adrian iv) and william shakspeare both bore canting-arms; the former, 'gu, a broken spear, or;' and the dramatist, 'argent, on a bend sable, a spear of the first.' [ ] debrett, edited by wm. courthope, esq. [now rouge-croix.] [ ] essai sur les noms, &c., i, . [ ] brydson's summary view of heraldry, pp. - . [ ] menestrier. [ ] study of heraldry, p. . [ ] berry, encycl. herald. [ ] the ducal coronet antiently denoted command, and the chapeau, dignity; but in their modern application they have no such meaning. [ ] edward iii is the first monarch who introduced a crest (the lion statant-guardant) into his great seal. but this cannot be regarded as the first instance of the use of crests, for they appear nearly half a century earlier upon the seals of edmund crouchback, earl of lancaster. that they were in common use in chaucer's time is obvious from the poet's description of the one borne by sire thopas, the tower and lily. vide page . [ ] the crest of exmew is generally blazoned as 'a dove supporting a text =r= by a branch of laurel.' as to the letter, it is certainly an x, not an r; and the bird is quite as much like a sea-gull, or mew, as a dove. hence a rebus upon the name was doubtless intended =x=-mew! the crest of bourchier shows the manner in which the crest was affixed to the helmet. [ ] herald-painters of the present day neglect this rule, and generally paint the mantlings red, doubled or lined with white or ermine. [ ] in the seal of ela, countess of salisbury, who was born in , two lions rampant, or rather _crawling_, are introduced to fill up the spaces _on each side of the lady's effigies_. it is engraved in sandford's geneal. hist. [ ] the following are the royal supporters, as given in sandford's genealogical history: richard ii, two angels; henry iv, swan and antelope; henry v, lion and antelope; henry vi, two antelopes; edward iv, lion and bull; edward v, lion and hind; richard iii, two boars; henry vii, dragon and greyhound; henry viii, lion and dragon; edward vi, lion-guardant crowned and dragon; mary, eagle and lion; elizabeth, as edward vi; james i, &c. lion and unicorn, as at present. [ ] according to nisbet, the earliest royal supporters of england were two angels. the transition from one angel to two, and from two angels to two quadrupeds is very natural. [ ] c. s. gilbert's cornwall, pl. . [ ] ormerod's cheshire. [ ] archæologia, vol. xxx. [ ] hone's table book. [ ] in the above sketch i have ventured to supply the head which in the original is wanting. [ ] montagu, guide, p. . [ ] the coat-armour of a great family was of too sacred a character to be used as the personal ornament or distinction of their retainers, the private herald only excepted; and it was long ere this functionary was allowed to invest himself in his master's armorials. [ ] vide chapter ix. [ ] viz. warbleton priory, robertsbridge abbey, and the churches of thundridge, (co. herts.), crowhurst, burwash, laughton, chiddingly, ripe, east hothly, wartling, and dallington. as a proof of the value of heraldric insignia in ascertaining the founders of antient buildings, it may be remarked that, so far as i am aware, the buckles which adorn the whole of the _churches_ here enumerated, furnish the only evidence (and most irrefragable evidence it must certainly be admitted to be) that the family of pelham were concerned in their erection or enlargement. there are _histories_ as well as 'sermons' 'in stones!' [ ] from a paper on the 'pelham buckle' read before the first meeting of the archæological association at canterbury, th september, . [ ] montagu. [ ] the dogs here alluded to were greyhounds, a yorkist badge. [ ] guide, p. . [ ] still retained in the collar of ss. [ ] vide chapter xi. [ ] the 'hawthorn' is probably the 'crown in a bush,' used in conjunction with the letters =h. r.= as the badge of henry vii. this badge originated in the finding of the crown of richard iii in a bush after the battle of bosworth-field. (vide fosbroke's encycl. of antiq. p. .) [ ] montagu, p. , from a ms. in the pepys. lib. cambridge. [ ] vide exodus, iii, . [ ] vide judges, vii, . [ ] by _montjoye_ is supposed to be intended the national banner, on which the figure of some saint was embroidered. [ ] the motto of the royal arms, 'dieu et mon droit,' is older, and is ascribed to richard i. [ ] guide, p. . [ ] the modern motto of the family is 'crede biron.' [ ] 'per linguam bos inambulat.' ant. proverb. [ ] vide 'the principal historical and allusive arms borne by families of the united kingdom; collected by an antiquary,' quarto, lond. . moule says, "but few copies of the work were sold, and the remaining impressions were destroyed in the fire at the printing-office, which has rendered it _a particularly scarce book_." (bibl. herald., p. .) on this account i am induced to make extensive use of the volume, and to carry this chapter much beyond my original intention. [ ] archæologia, xxix. [ ] harl. ms. . [ ] "arthgal, the first earl of warwick, in the days of king arture, and was one of the round table; this arthgal took a _bere_ in his arms, for that, in britisch, soundeth a bere in english." (leland's collect.) [ ] a very similar coat of arms, borne by the lloyds of denbighshire, barts., is said to have originated under similar circumstances in . [ ] hist. and allusive arms. [ ] ibid. [ ] fun. mon., p. . [ ] vide 'english surnames,' d edit. p. . [ ] vol. ii, p. , edit. . [ ] enumerated at p. . [ ] the vignette at the head of the present chapter was copied from a brick at laughton place. the inscription, which is in relievo, is w. p. (william pelham) lan de grace fvt cest mayson faicte. [ ] the painting is upon panel. an engraving of it is given in bigland's gloucester, vol. i, p. . hist. and allus. arms, p. . [ ] hist. and allus. arms, p. . [ ] i use the present tense _bear_, although in many cases the families may have become extinct. [ ] gough's camden, vol. i, p. . [ ] _bowles_--'azure, a crescent argent, in chief the sun or.' _smith_--'vert a cheveron gules between three turks' heads couped in profile proper, their turbans or.' this was an augmentation borne quarterly with the antient arms of smith. [ ] supporters of sir william draper, k. b. (hist. and allus. arms, p. .) [ ] vide robertson, smollet, stewart, &c. _in loco_; grose's antiq. of scotland, &c. [ ] hist. and allus. arms, pp. - . [ ] the name of carlos is presumed to have become extinct; that of penderell is by no means so. the representative of the family still continues to receive the pension of marks originally granted to richard penderell. several members of the family, in various conditions in life, have been connected for some generations with the county of sussex. one of them, a few years since, kept an inn at lewes, bearing the sign of the _royal oak_. [ ] a lion rampant within a double tressure, &c. [ ] a unicorn. [ ] sable, a cheveron between three astroits, or mullets, argent. (historical and allusive arms.) [ ] ibid. [ ] hist. and allus. arms, p. . [ ] hist. and allus. arms. ( .) [ ] "over against the parish church [of st. olave, southwark] on the south side of the streete was sometime one great house builded of stone, with arched gates, which pertained to the prior of lewes in sussex, and was his lodging when he came to london: it is now a common hostelry for travellers, and hath to sign the walnut-tree." (_stowe_, p. .) the last remains of this inn were destroyed in making the approach to the new london bridge. for an account of them, see 'archæologia,' vol. xxv, p. . [ ] the supporters of this family are 'two leopards argent, spotted sable.' [ ] page . [ ] peerage, ii, . [ ] in the history of birds, by the rev. edward stanley (now bishop of norwich), vol. i, , are some interesting anecdotes of the asportation of infants by eagles, illustrative of the family crest, and the corresponding story of king alfred's peer, "nestingum," who received that name from his having been found, in infancy, in the nest of an eagle. for further remarks, vide mr. ormerod's interesting paper on the "stanley legend," in the collect. topog. et geneal. vol. vii, which has been reprinted in the form of a private tract. [ ] penes rev. henry latham, m. a., rector of selmeston, &c. &c., to whose kindness i am much indebted. [ ] vide notice of _rebuses_, at p. . [ ] c. s. gilbert's cornwall, vol. i. [ ] the earldom of oxford continued in this family during the unprecedented period of five centuries and a half. [ ] itin. vol. vi, p. . [ ] leland, collect. vol. ii, p. . [ ] or, a fesse chequy argent and azure. [ ] anonymous paragraph. [ ] it is not unworthy of remark that among the north american indians, symbols are employed for the purpose of distinguishing their tribes. the shawanese nation, for example, was originally divided into twelve tribes, which were subdivided into septs or clans, recognized by the appellations of the bear, the turtle, the eagle, &c. in some cases individuals, particularly the more eminent warriors, formerly assumed similar devices, commemorative of their prowess. "and this," says mr. r. c. taylor, an american antiquary, "is _indian heraldry_, as useful, as commemorative, as inspiriting to the red warrior and his race, as that when, in the days of the crusades, the banner and the pennon, the device and the motto, the crest and the war-cry exercised their potent influence on european chivalry." [ ] reflections on the revolution in france. [ ] blackstone, rights of persons, ch. xii. [ ] cited in nares's herald. anom. [ ] history of knighthood, quoted by nares. [ ] vide pp. , . [ ] a military expedition. [ ] the tanner. [ ] there are two other expressions applied to this respectable class which are extremely incorrect, namely, _gentlemen-farmers_ and _tenant-farmers_. a person who by birth, education, and wealth, is entitled to the distinction of gentleman, and who chooses to devote his capital to agriculture may be properly designated a _farming-gentleman_, though the occupation of a large estate without those qualifications can never constitute a _gentleman_-farmer. _tenant-farmer_, a phrase which has lately been in the mouth of every politician, is as fine a piece of tautology as 'coat-making tailor' or 'shoe-mending cobbler' would be. "it maketh me laugh to see," says sir john ferne's _columel_, "a jolly peece of worke it were, to see plow-men made gentle-men!" [ ] quoted by blackstone. [ ] page et seq. [ ] he was living in , and was son, brother, and uncle to three successive earls of huntingdon. an account of him coinciding in many particulars with the one here given is painted in gold letters beneath an original portrait in the possession of his descendants: it is said to have been written by the celebrated earl of shaftesbury. (vide bell's huntingdon peerage.) [ ] "the hall of the squire," says aubrey, "was usually hung round with the insignia of the squire's amusements, such as hunting, shooting, fishing, &c.; but in case he were justice of peace it was _dreadful to behold_. the skreen was garnished with corslets and helmets, gaping with open mouths, with coats of mail, launces, pikes, halberts, brown bills, bucklers, &c." [ ] glory of generositie, p. . [ ] the vignette is copied from the common seal of the college, which has the following legend in roman characters: + sigillvm · commvne · corporacionis · officii · armorvm. [ ] dallaway. [ ] the former appellation was given to this mansion because it was originally the inn or town residence of sir john poulteney, who flourished under edward iii, and was four times lord mayor. stowe calls it cole-herbert, but by other authors it is generally spelt as in the text. the name cold-harbour is common to many _farms_ in the southern counties of england. there are several in sussex which are by no means remarkable for the bleakness of their situation, and a house in surrey bearing this singular designation is placed in a remarkably sheltered spot, at the foot of a range of hills. harbour means not only a sea-port or haven, but any place of shelter or retreat: the epithet 'cold' is doubtless a corruption of some other word. [ ] the title of surroy was changed to clarenceux by henry v, in compliment to his brother thomas, duke of clarence; the first king of this name having been the private herald attached to the duke's establishment. [ ] quoted by dall. p. . [ ] at modern funerals it is no part of the heralds' duty to render their 'coats' _guttée des larmes_! [ ] equal, probably, to £ or £ , at the present value of money. [ ] after the death of richard upon the field of bosworth, a pursuivant (perhaps one of his own creation) was employed to carry his remains to leicester. "his body naked to the skinne, not so much as one clout about him," says stowe, "was trussed behinde a _pursuivant of armes_, like a hogge or calfe." [ ] among the dugdale mss. are the following memoranda of tong, norroy, made during a visitation of lancashire, temp. henry viii: "john talbot of salebury, a verry gentyll esqwyr, and well worthye to be takyne payne for." "sir john townley of townley. i sought hym all day rydynge in the wyld contrey, and his reward was ij{s}, whyche the gwyde had the most part, and i had as evill a jorney as ever i had." "sir r. h. knyght. the said sir r. h. has put awaye the lady his wyffe, and kepys a concobyne in his howse, by whom he has dyvers children. and by the lady aforsayd he has leyhall, whych armes he berys quarterde with hys in the furste quarter. he sayd that master garter lycensed hym so to do, and he gave mr. garter an angell noble, but he gave me nothing, nor made me no good cher, but gave me prowde words." certes _he_ was a very naughty and '_un_gentyll esqwyr.' [ ] it frequently happened in those days, as well as at the present time, that parties used arms for which they had no authority either from grant or antient usage. these were publicly disclaimed by the heralds who made visitation. in a copy of the visitation of wiltshire, in , are the names of no less than fifty-four persons so disclaimed at salisbury. (montagu's guide, p. .) [ ] noble, p. . in these heraldric displays the arms of the sovereign generally found a conspicuous place. "the royal arms placed over doors or upon buildings was an antient mode of denoting that they were under the protection of the sovereign. when some troops of a tyrant were ravaging the estates of the chartreuse de montrieu, the monks had recourse to the antient remedy. they put up the arms of the king over the gate of the house; but the depredators laughed at it, saying that it might have been efficacious in times past (que cela étoit bon autrefois) and persecuted them with more severity." (mem. de petrarque, quoted by fosbroke.) [ ] hist. coll. arms, . [ ] ib. . [ ] ib. . [ ] mr. woodham, in his tract (no. of the publications of the cambridge antiq. soc.) says, "the styles of blazonry admit of classification like those of gothic architecture. the bare deviceless ordinaries agree with the sturdy pier and flat buttress of the _norman_ age; the progress of ornament uniting still with chasteness of design may be called _early english_; the fourteenth century exhibits the perfection of both sciences, as displayed in the highest degree of _decoration_ consistent with purity; and the mannerism of henry viii's time, with its crowded field and accumulated charges, is as essentially _florid_ and flamboyant as any panelling or tracery in the kingdom." (p. .) [ ] see chapter xii. [ ] a 'society for the suppression of duelling,' lately established, enrols among its members many of the greatest and best men of our times. all success to it! [ ] that the college at this period comprised several officers of unimpeachable integrity cannot be doubted, while it is equally certain (at least, according to popular opinion) that others were less scrupulous. "an herald," says butler: "an herald can make a gentleman scarce a year old to be descended of a race of antient kings in a small space." and, "for a piece of coin, twist any name into the line." the satire may have been deserved at the time--it was a corrupt age; but i am not sure that the reputation of the college has not suffered, even to our days, from this biting sarcasm, which is as far from the truth, as applied to the learned and respectable body now composing it, as hudibras is from poetry. [ ] rushworth. [ ] in the churchwardens' accounts of great marlow are the following entries: " , sept. . for defacing of the king's arms £ ,, ,, . " . paid to the painter for setting up the state's arms £ ,, ,, ." three years earlier there is an entry of s. 'payd the ringers when the king came thorowe the towne!' [ ] dallaway. [ ] witness the french revolution, a period at which these distinctions of gentry were temporarily abolished, as if, forsooth, bends and fesses and lions-rampant had conduced to the previous misgovernment of the nation! from the blow which heraldry received in france during that bloody struggle it has never recovered; although, from some recent movements, it appears evident that heraldric honours will, ere long, receive that attention which they deserve in every antient and well-constituted state in christendom. [ ] the expense of the n.w. corner was defrayed by dugdale, then norroy. [ ] noble. [ ] the present heraldic establishment of scotland consists of lyon, king of arms; six heralds, albany, rothsay, snowdoun, marchmont, yla, and ross; and six pursuivants, unicorn, kintire, bute, dingwall, ormond and carrick. the scottish college, as noble observes, has not been much distinguished for literature; there is, however, one example, a name familiar to the readers of marmion: "sir david lyndsay of the mount, lord lyon king at arms," who was author of 'the dreme,' 'the complaynt,' and other politico-moral poems; also of 'the three estates,' a satirical piece of great humour; his most popular work was 'the history of squire meldrum,' which "is considered as the last poem that in any degree partakes of the character of the metrical romance." the principal functionary for ireland is styled ulster, king of arms: under him are two heralds, cork and dublin, and one pursuivant, athlone. [ ] hist. coll. arms, p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] noble, p. . [ ] noble. [ ] dallaway. [ ] it was printed in by sir edward bysshe, garter. [ ] that portion of the original edition which relates to arms is reprinted in the appendix to dallaway. [ ] or, by corruption, barnes. [ ] bale, de script. brit. viij. . [ ] it is worthy of remark, as sustaining the claim of dame julyan to the authorship of the heraldric portion of the boke, that at the end of the treatise on arms there is a passage in which evident recurrence is made to her former and undisputed essays. speaking of the necessity of attending to precise rules in the study of heraldry she adds in conclusion, "nee ye may not overryn swyftly the forsayd rules, bot dyligently have theym in yowr mind, and be not to full of consaitis. for he that will hunt ij haris in oon howre, or oon while oon, another while another, lightly he losys both." [ ] here the good dame contradicts her own assertion; vide p. . [ ] vide pp. , , , , &c. &c. [ ] armorie of honour, fo. . [ ] the heraldric term for a _cat_; vide p. , ante. [ ] the nails are omitted. [ ] bishop gibson records a piece of malicious revenge practised by brooke which alone would be sufficient to stamp his character with opprobrium. having a private pique against one of the college he employed a person to carry to him a ready-drawn coat of arms, purporting to be that of one gregory brandon, a gentleman of london then sojourning in spain, desiring him to attest it with his hand and seal of office, and bidding the messenger return with it immediately, as the vessel by which it was to be transmitted was on the point of sailing. the officer, little suspecting brooke's design, did what was required of him, received the customary fee, and dismissed the bearer. brooke immediately posted to the earl of arundel, one of the commissioners for the office of earl-marshal, exhibited the arms, which were no other than _the royal bearings of spain_, and assured his lordship that brandon, the supposed grantee, was a man of plebeian condition, no way entitled to the honour. the earl laid the matter before the king, who ordered the herald to be cited into the court of star chamber, to answer for the insult offered to the court of spain. he, having no alternative, submitted himself to the mercy of the court, only pleading, in extenuation of his offence, that he had acted without his usual circumspection in the business, in consequence of brooke's urgency, on the pretence that delay was impossible. brooke was compelled to admit his own knavery in the transaction, and the consequence was that both himself and the other herald were committed to prison, himself for treachery, and the other for negligence. [ ] moule. [ ] referring to the edition of the boke of s. a., printed by wynkyn de worde. [ ] for extracts from it see several of the preceding chapters. [ ] in this hasty glance at writers on the subject of armory it would be unjust to omit the names of several heralds and others who are either almost unknown to the general student of english literature, or are recognized in some other character than that of illustrators of our science. in the former class may be noticed sir edward bysshe, garter, (who published the 'de studio militari,' and another treatise of upton, and the 'aspilogia' of sir h. spelman;) john philipot, somerset, and his son thomas; thomas gore; john gibbon, bluemantle; and matthew carter, author of 'honor redivivus;' and among the latter speed, weever, heylyn, and stowe. [ ] moule. [ ] he was a musician, a lawyer, an alchemist, a herald, a naturalist, an historian, an antiquary, an astrologer, and to use the encomium of his friend, the notorious lilly, "the greatest virtuoso and curioso that was ever known or read of in england." [ ] beloe's anecdotes of literature, vi, . [ ] hist. of cheshire. [ ] book iii, chap. iii. [ ] the holmes of which our author was a member were a remarkable family. they were of gentle origin, their ancestors having been seated at the manor of tranmere in the hundred of wirral, in cheshire. william holme, of tranmere. ===== | | thomas holme, third son. ===== | | ( .) randle holme, st son, deputy to the coll. of arms for cheshire, shropshire, and north wales; paid a fine of £ for contempt in refusing to attend the coronation of chas. i. mayor of chester ; married the widow of thos. chaloner, ulster king of arms. died . ===== | | ( .) randle holme, a warm royalist, mayor of chester in , during the siege. died charles ii. ===== | | ( .) randle holme, author of the 'academy,' sewer of the chamber in extraordinary to chas. ii. he followed the employment of his father and grandfather as deputy to the kings of arms. died , and was succeeded in office by his eldest son. ===== | | ( .) randle holme. died in , in reduced circumstances. ===== | | ( .) randle holme and his sisters died before their father. the heraldric collections of the first four randle holmes, relating chiefly to their native county, are in the british museum. ormerod's cheshire; moule's bibliotheca, p. et seq. [ ] hist. coll. arms, p. . [ ] moule, . [ ] the following works appeared between the years and . douglas's scotch peerage, , (reprinted in ). kimber's peerage and his baronetage. jacob's peerage, vols. fol. almon's peerages; these afterwards went under the name of debrett; peerages by barlow, archdall, catton and kearsley. many of these compilations bear the names of the publishers. two popular elementary treatises also appeared, viz. 'the elements of heraldry,' by mark antony porny, french master at eton, several editions; and hugh clark's 'introduction to heraldry,' the th edition of which, lately published, is one of the prettiest little manuals ever published on the subject. clark also published 'a concise history of knighthood,' vols. vo. [ ] orig. gen. p. . [ ] . [ ] a village on the western bank of the tamar in the parish of landulph. [ ] desultoria, p. . [ ] this roll professes to give the names of the distinguished personages who accompanied william the conqueror in his invasion; but it is a fact strongly militating against its genuineness that many of the names occurring in it are not to be found in the doomsday books. [ ] , p. . [ ] the reason assigned by peacham for polydore's thus playing '_old gooseberry_' with the records is that "his owne historie might passe for _currant_!" [ ] vide sir h. ellis's polydore vergil, printed for the camden soc. . preface. [ ] vide notices of each in horsfield's lewes, vol. i. [ ] "the proof of pedigrees has become so much more difficult since inquisitiones post mortem have been disused, that it is easier to establish one for years before the time of charles ii than for years since." (lord c. j. mansfield.) [ ] i, , p. , in coll. arm. [ ] the register of alfriston, co. sussex, begins with marriages if i mistake not, in the year , but as all the entries up to , or later, were evidently written at one time, they were doubtless copied from a _private_ register kept by the incumbent prior to the mandate of the government. i mention this fact because i never heard of another parish register of equal antiquity. [ ] in the ms. the tinctures of these shields are shown in the usual manner by lines, &c. nos. , , , , , and , are quarterly, or and gules. the bordure of no. is sable; the label of no. is sable; that of no. purpure; and that of no. sable, charged with plates; the charge of no. is a plate; the chief of no. is quarterly, or and gules; and that of no. gules and or. the coat no. is identical with that of peckham of kent and sussex. [ ] these shields are all, as to the fields, gules; as to the cheverons, or; and as to the charges, sable. [ ] id est, in the family pedigree. _ed._ [ ] the shields are all argent, the fesses azure, and the roundels, gules. [ ] quarterly, or and gules, a plate. [ ] argent, a fesse azure between six torteaux. [ ] or, a saltire sable. [ ] ditto, with a chief gules. [ ] gules, three bucks' heads, or. [ ] or, a saltire sable, a canton gules. [ ] the first of these two is or, a saltire sable, the second argent, a fesse azure, in chief three torteaux; the chiefs are both gules, a cross argent. [ ] these three are alike, or, a saltire sable, the differences being in the chief; the first is sable, the second gules, and the third azure. as the ms. bears evident marks of haste, the reader is desired not to depend upon the blazon here given. [ ] _venter_, [a law term] a mother. _bailey._ [ ] in general the arms assigned to a county are those of one of its chief, or most antient, boroughs. thus the arms of sussex are identical with those of east grinstead, once the county town; (although within the last years, for some unexplained reason, the _fictitious_ bearings ascribed to the south-saxon kings have been employed as the official arms of the county.) but the arms of cornwall are those of its antient feu, attached to the territory, and not to any particular family. [ ] morgan's armilogia, p. . [ ] armories, p. . [ ] sandford's geneal. hist. gives richard, king of the romans, two natural sons, viz. richard de cornwall, ancestor of the knightly family commonly called barons of burford, and walter de cornwall, to whom he gave lands in branel. walter de cornwall mentioned in the text was probably descended from the latter. [ ] nisbet, . [ ] it is now in the possession of mr. wm. davey of lewes. the engraving (from a drawing by mr. wm. figg,) is of the actual size of the object. [ ] the charges on the shields are conjectured to be, , the lion-rampant of poictou; , the double-headed eagle of the king of the romans; and , the lion of poictou, surrounded by the bezantée bordure of cornwall, (vide p. .) the workmanship is so extremely rude that the bezants are scarcely perceptible. [ ] a similar example of ancient measures thus guaranteed by heraldry exists in the market-place of aisme, a small town in piedmont, where a large marble block is adapted by four excavations of different sizes for corn measures from half a bushel to two bushels. on the front of this are two heater shields, apparently of the thirteenth century, with the arms of savoy and val tarentaise. (vide p. , vol. xviii, n. s. gent. mag.) transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. passages in gothic font are indicated by =gothic=. superscripted characters are indicated by {superscript}. the original text includes greek characters. for this text version these letters have been replaced with transliterations. the original text contains letters with diacritical marks that are not represented in this text version. flags: some account of their history and uses. _of this large-paper edition only copies have been printed for sale._ _this copy is no. _ [illustration: plate i standard presented by napoleon i to his guards at elba a short time before he invaded france in ] flags: some account of their history and uses. by a. macgeorge, author of "old glasgow," "the armorial insignia of glasgow," etc. blackie & son: london, glasgow, and edinburgh. . prefatory note. in a nation like ours, with a dominion so extended, and with communication by sea and land with all parts of the world, the flags under which ships sail and armies and navies fight, cannot be without interest. yet there are few subjects in regard to which the means of information are less accessible. the object of the present volume is to give, in a popular form, some account of our own flags, and of those of other nations, ancient and modern, with some notices regarding the use of flags, in naval warfare and otherwise. i have taken occasion to point out certain heraldic inaccuracies in the construction of our national flag, and also in the design on our bronze coinage. i shall be glad if what i have written be the means, by directing public attention to the subject, of effecting the correction of these errors. a. m. _glenarn, december, ._ contents. page introductory, ancient standards, different kinds of flags--gonfanon, pennon, penoncel, banners, standards--the royal standard, standards borne by nobles, flags of the covenanters, national flags, the union flag, the union jack, the ensign, special flags, the pendant, signals and other flags, use of flags in naval warfare, international usage as to flags, flags of the british army, use of flags by private persons, foreign flags--france, the american flag, other foreign flags, conclusion, index, list of illustrations. coloured plates. plate page i. standard presented by napoleon i. to his guards at elba, a short time before he invaded france in , _frontispiece_ ii. the "bluidy banner" carried at bothwell brig, a.d. , iii. union flags and pendant, iv. national flags and standards, v. do. do. vi. do. do. woodcuts. fig. . ancient egyptian standards, . other forms of egyptian standards, . do. do. . assyrian standard, . another form of assyrian standard, . assyrian standards and standard-bearers, . other varieties of assyrian standards, . persian standard, . turkish horse-tail standard, . standard of turkish pacha, . roman eagle, . the roman wolf on standard, . group of roman standards, . roman standard--various devices on same staff, . another form with different devices, . other roman standards, . roman labarum, . standard of constantine, . dragon used as roman standard, . standard of earl of warwick, , . flag of the earl marshall, . standard of earl douglas, , . later banner of the douglas's, . the "blue blanket," , . flag of the covenanters, , . the union flag as now borne, . the union on the bronze penny, . regimental colours of th regiment, . queen's colours of th regiment as presented to the queen, . the oriflamme, circa a.d. , . the french eagle, during the empire, . united states flag, as used in , flags. on that morning when the news arrived from south africa of the disaster at isandlana, there was general mourning for the loss of so many brave men; but there was mourning also of a different kind,--with some perhaps even deeper--for the loss of the colours of the th regiment. and yet, after all, it was only a bit of silk which had been lost, having on it certain devices and inscriptions--a thing of no intrinsic value, and which could be replaced at a cost merely nominal. but it possessed extrinsic qualities which could be measured by no money value, and every one felt that the loss was one to redeem which, or rather to redeem what that loss represented, demanded, if necessary, the putting forth of the strength of a great nation. and so, when it was found that the colours never had been really lost--that they had been saved by brave men who had laid down their lives in defending them--there was throughout the nation a feeling of intense relief that national honour had been saved; a feeling of rejoicing far beyond what was evoked by the news of the capture of the zulu king and the termination of the war. so at sea. in our great wars in which the navy of great britain played so prominent a part, we became so accustomed to see the flag of the enemy bent on under our own ensign, that if an exceptional case occurred where the position of the two flags was reversed, it went home to the heart of every loyal subject with a pang which the loss of many ships by storm and tempest would not have produced. yet how few of us know what the national colours are, what the union is, what the royal standard is. not to speak of civilians, are there many officers, in either the army or the navy, who, without a copy before them, could accurately construct or describe the flag of the nation under which they fight, or tell what its component parts represent? i doubt it. and, after all, they would not be so much without excuse, for even at the horse guards and the admiralty, there is some confusion of ideas on the subject. i have before me "the queen's regulations and orders for the army," issued by the commander-in-chief, in which flags which can be flown only on shore are confounded with flags which can be flown nowhere but on board ship. yet the subject is really an interesting one, and, connected as it is with national history, it is deserving of a little study. flags are of many kinds, and they are put to many uses. they are the representatives of nations; they distinguish armies and fleets, and to insult a flag is to insult the nation whose ensign it is. we see in flags, says carlyle, "the divine idea of duty, of heroic daring--in some instances of freedom and right." there are national flags, flags of departments, and personal flags; and as signals they are of the greatest value as a means of communication at sea. ancient standards. it is chiefly of our own flags that i intend to speak, but it may be interesting to say something of those which were in use among the peoples of ancient history. from the earliest times of which we have authentic records, standards or banners were borne by nations, and carried in battle. it was so in old testament times, as we know from the mention of banners as early as the time of moses. they are repeatedly referred to by david and solomon. the lifting up of ensigns is frequently mentioned in the psalms and by the prophets, while the expression, "terrible as an army with banners," shows the importance and the awe with which they were regarded. [illustration: fig. .--egyptian standards.] we find representations of standards on the oldest bas-reliefs of egypt. indeed, the invention of standards is, by ancient writers, attributed to the egyptians. according to diodorus, the egyptian standards consisted generally of the figures of their sacred animals borne on the end of a staff or spear, and in the paintings at thebes we find on them such objects as a king's name and a sacred boat. one prominent and much used form was a figure resembling an expanded semicircular fan, and another example shows this form reversed and surmounted by the head of the goddess athor, crowned with her symbolic disk and cow's horns. another figure also used as a standard resembles a round-headed table-knife. examples of these, and of the sacred ibis and dog, are shown in fig. .[ ] but on the egyptian standards--those which were no doubt used in pharaoh's army--there were various other figures, including reptiles such as lizards and beetles, with birds crowned with the fan-like ornament already referred to. a group of these is given in fig. ; but they had many other forms. those represented in fig. , and which show some curious symbolic forms, are taken from the works of champollion, wilkinson, and rosellini. [ ] for this, and figures , , and , i am indebted to the courtesy of messrs. a. and c. black. they appear in the _encyclopædia britannica_, vol. ix. p. . [illustration: fig. .--egyptian standards.] [illustration: fig. .--egyptian standards.] that the hebrews carried standards after the exodus is, as i have already said, certain, and the probability is that they derived the practice from the egyptian nation, from whose bondage they had just escaped, for they bore as devices figures of birds and animals, and also human figures, just as the egyptians did. one of the earliest of the divine commands given to moses was that "every man of the children of israel shall pitch by his own standard with the ensign of their father's house."[ ] the _ensign_ probably meant the particular device borne upon the standard by each tribe; and tradition has assigned as these the symbolic cherubim seen in the visions of ezekiel and john--judah bearing a lion, reuben a man, ephraim an ox, and dan an eagle. this is the opinion of the later jews. the targumists believe that, besides these representations, the banners were distinguished by particular colours--the colour for each tribe being analogous to that of the precious stone in the breastplate of the high-priest. they consider also that each standard bore the name of the tribe with a particular sentence from the law. the modern opinion, however, is that the hebrew standards were distinguished only by their colours, and by the name of the tribe to which each belonged. [ ] numbers ii. . apart from the direct scripture evidence on the subject, this bearing of distinguishing standards is what might be expected in a military organization such as that of the israelites, just as we find them using warlike music. it is interesting to note that even the particular trumpet signals to be used for the assembling and advance of the troops, and in cases of alarm in time of war, are carefully prescribed,[ ] while the association of their military standards with the trumpet is indicated in the exclamation of jeremiah: "how long shall i see the standard and hear the sound of the trumpet?"[ ] [ ] numbers x. . [ ] jer. iv. . [illustration: fig. .--an assyrian standard. fig. .--another assyrian standard.] as the standard was among all nations regarded with reverence, so the standard-bearer was selected for his strength and courage. so important was this considered that isaiah, in describing the ruin and discomfiture that was about to fall on the king of assyria, could find no stronger expression than to say that his overthrow would be "as when a standard-bearer fainteth."[ ] [ ] isa. x. . [illustration: fig. .--assyrian standards and standard-bearers.] the standards of the assyrians, like those of the egyptians, consisted of figures fastened on the end of spears or staffs; but of these very few varieties have been yet discovered. layard says[ ] that "standards were carried by the assyrian charioteers. in the sculptures they have only two devices [figs. , , ]: one a figure, probably that of a divinity, standing on a bull and drawing a bow; in the other, two bulls running in opposite directions. these figures are inclosed in a circle and fixed to a long staff ornamented with streamers and tassels. the standards appear to have been partly supported by a rest in front of the chariot, and a long rope connecting them with the extremity of the pole. in a bas-relief of khorsabad this rod is attached to the top of a standard." the interesting illustration given in fig. is from a sculpture in which these standards are represented with the figures of the standard-bearers, and in which also the ropes or supports of the staff are indicated. [ ] _nineveh and its remains._ [illustration: fig. .--assyrian standards.] there were, however, varieties in the forms of the assyrian standards other than those mentioned by layard. in the annexed cut (fig. ) the one to the left is from a sculpture in the british museum. the others are given on the authority of botta. [illustration: fig. .--persian standard. fig. .--turkish horse-tail standard.] the persians, like the assyrians, carried their standards, in battle, on staffs or spears attached to chariots. their royal standard was a golden eagle with wings expanded carried on the end of a spear. they had also a figure of the sun which they used on great occasions when the king was present with the army. quintus curtius describes one of these figures of the sun, inclosed in a crystal, as making a very splendid appearance above the royal tent. but the proper royal standard of the persians for many centuries, until the mahommedan conquest, was a blacksmith's leather apron, around which the people had been at one time rallied to a successful opposition against an invader (fig. ). many other national standards have had their origin in similar causes. something which was at hand was seized in an emergency, and lifted up as a rallying point for the people, and afterwards adopted from the attachment which clung to it as an object identified with patriotic deeds. in this way originated the horse-tails borne as a standard by the modern turks (fig. ). under the old system, among that people, the distinction of rank between the two classes of pachas was indicated by the number of these horse-tails, the standards of the second class having only two tails, while those of the higher had three. hence the term a pacha of two tails or three. a further mark of distinction appears to have been the elevation of one of the tails above the others, and the surmounting of each with the crescent, as shown in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--standard of pacha.] the romans had various forms of standards, some composed entirely of fixed figures of different devices, including figures of animals. the eagle, according to pliny, was the first and chief military ensign. in the second consulship of caius marius (b.c. ) the eagle (fig. ) alone was used, but at a subsequent period some of the old emblems were resumed. these were the minotaur, the horse, and the wild boar; and on the trajan column we find as one of their standards the historic wolf (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--roman standards.] one of the most ancient of the roman standards had an origin similar to that of the apron of the persians and the horse-tails of the turks. it was derived from a popular rising which took place in the time of romulus, and was composed of a wisp of hay attached to the end of a pole (as seen in fig. ), and carried into battle. from its name, _manipulus_, the companies of foot soldiers, of which the _hastati_, _principes_, and _triarii_ of each legion were composed, came to be called maniples--_manipuli_. another standard borne by the romans was a spear with a piece of cross wood at the top with the figure of a hand above, and having below a small round shield of gold or silver, as shown in fig. . on this circle were at first represented the warlike deities mars and minerva, but after the extinction of the commonwealth it bore the effigies of the emperors and their favourites. from these coin-shaped devices the standards were called _numina legionum_. the eagle was sometimes represented with a thunderbolt in its claws, of which an example will be seen in fig. . under the later emperors it was carried with the legion, which was on that account sometimes termed _aquila_. the place for this standard was near the general, almost in the centre. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] another common form of the roman standard consisted in a variety of figures and devices exhibited on the same staff, one over the other. on the top of one of these will be seen a human hand (fig. ). this by itself, or inclosed, as here, within a wreath, was, as i have mentioned, a frequent device, and was probably of oriental origin. it is also found as a symbol in ancient mexico; and at the present day the flagstaffs of the persians terminate in a silver hand. among the pieces composing this form of standard are also found the eagle, and figures of the emperors inclosed in circles, with other devices (fig. ). a common form is that numbered in fig. . this example is taken from the arch of titus. the eagle surmounting the thunderbolt with the letters s p q r (no. ) was also a common form. the letters indicate _senatus populusque romanus_. the examples nos. and in fig. are from montfaucon. no. is given by mr. hope. the _vexillum_ of the romans was a standard composed of a square piece of cloth fastened to a cross bar at the top of a spear, sometimes with a fringe all round as shown in fig. , and sometimes fringed only below (no. , fig. ), or without a fringe, but draped at the sides (fig. ). when placed over the general's tent it was a sign for marching, or for battle. [illustration: fig. .--roman standards.] [illustration: fig. .] the _labarum_ of the emperors was similar in form, and frequently bore upon it a representation of the emperor, sometimes by himself and sometimes accompanied by the heads of members of his family. it has been said that the emperor constantine bore on the top of his standard the sign of the cross, but this was not so. the cross at that time was known only as a heathen emblem, and was not adopted by the christians till afterwards. that which constantine bore was what in his time was the only recognized christian emblem--the first two letters of our lord's name (fig. )--the greek x (english ch) and p (in english r). the _labarum_ was made of silk. the term is sometimes used for other standards, and its form may still be recognized in the banners carried in ecclesiastical processions. the _labarum_, like the _vexillum_, had sometimes fringes with tassels or ribbons. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the dragon, an ensign of the parthians, was adopted by the romans as the standard of their cohorts. it appears as such on the arch of severus. it was also the device of the dacians, and indeed seems to have been a general ensign among barbarians. besides being carried as a separate figure in metal--as shown in fig. --it was frequently embroidered in cotton or silk on a square piece of cloth borne on a cross bar elevated on a gilt staff; the bearer being called _draconarius_. from the romans the dragon came to the western empire. it was borne by the german emperors. in england also it was for some time the chief standard of the kings, and of the dukes of normandy, and according to sir richard bacon it was the standard of utor pendragon, king of the britons.[ ] the golden dragon was in the eighth century the standard of wessex, and it was displayed in a great battle in when ethelbald, the king of mercia, was defeated. it was also borne on a pole by king harold as a standard. it was borne by henry vii. at bosworth field, and at a later date it was carried as a supporter by henry viii. and edward vi., and also by elizabeth. in many of the illuminations of mss. in the fifteenth century we also find a gold dragon on a red pennon, as one of the ensigns in the french armies. [ ] nisbet's _heraldry_, vol. i. p. . the infantry flag of the romans was red, that of the cavalry blue, and that of a consul white. the banners of the parthians resembled those of the romans, but they were more richly decorated with gold and silk. in early times the greeks carried as a standard a piece of armour on a spear, but although they had an ensign, the elevation of which served as a signal for giving battle either by land or by sea, they were not regularly marshalled by banners. in their later history their different cities bore different sacred emblems. thus the athenians were distinguished by the olive and the owl, and the corinthians by a pegasus. at what time the form of standard which we call a flag was first used is not known. it was certainly not the earliest but the ultimate form which the standard assumed. the original form was some fixed object such as we have seen on the egyptian and roman examples, and the vexillum and labarum were transitional forms. the waving flag is said to have been first used by the saracens. another account is that the flag first acquired its present form in the sixth century, in spain. the banners which bede mentions as being carried by st. augustine and his monks, when they entered canterbury in procession, in the latter part of the sixth century, were probably in the form of the roman labarum. he calls them little banners on which were depicted crosses. of our own national flags the earliest forms were those which bore the cognizance of the ruler for the time being. the well-known ensign of the danes at the time of their dominion in britain was the raven. the dragon, as we have seen, was in the eighth century the cognizance of wessex, and the saxons had also on their standards a white horse. of our later royal standards and those of other nations i shall speak afterwards. the forms of flags in our own country have varied very much. it was not till the time of the crusades, when heraldry began to assume a definite form, that they became subject to established rules. up to that period flags were, as a rule, small in size, and they usually terminated in points, like the more modern pennon. such were the standards of the normans. at the battle of the standard in the staff of the english standard was in the form of the mast of a ship, having a silver pyx at the top, containing the host, and bearing three sacred banners dedicated respectively to st. peter, st. john of beverley, and st. wilfrid of ripon, the whole being fastened--like the standards of the persians and assyrians--to a wheeled vehicle. from an early period the practice has prevailed of blessing standards, and this has continued to our own day in the british army when new colours are presented to a regiment--there being a special form of service at the consecration. the banner of william the conqueror was one blessed and sent to him by the pope. indeed, it has been the practice of the popes in every age to give consecrated banners where they wished success to an enterprise. different kinds of flags--gonfanon--pennon--penoncel. in the middle ages almost every flag was a military one. a very early form, borne near the person of the commander-in-chief, was the gonfanon. it was fixed in a frame made to turn like a modern ship's vane. that of the conqueror, as depicted in the bayeux tapestry, had three tails, and was charged with a golden cross on a white ground within a blue border. of other forms of flags the principal varieties were the penoncel, the pennon or guidon, the banner, and the standard. the pennon was a purely personal flag, pointed, borne below the lance-head by a knight-bachelor, and charged with the arms, or crest, and motto of the bearer. but in early times no knight displayed a pennon who had not followers to defend it--the mounting of this ensign being a matter of privilege, not of obligation. the order of knight-bachelor was the most ancient and originally the sole order, being the degree conferred by one knight on another without the intervention of prince, noble, or churchman, and its privileges and duties approached nearly to those of the knight-errant.[ ] [ ] sir walter scott, _essay on chivalry_, p. . the penoncel, which was carried by the esquire, was the diminutive of the pennon, being one-half its breadth. it was borne at the end of a lance, and usually bore the cognizance or "avowrye" of the bearer. this flag was not carried by the esquire after the fight began, but was then either held by an inferior attendant, or put up by the owner's tent. banners. the banner was the flag of a troop, and was borne by knights, called after it bannerets, an order which held a middle rank between knights-bachelors and the barons or great feudatories of the crown. the flag of a knight-banneret was square at the end, but not an exact square on all the sides. the perfectly square banner was the flag of a baron, and of those of higher rank. it was only on the field of battle, and in presence of the royal standard, that a knight-banneret could be created. it was the custom for the commander of the host thus to reward the distinguished services of a knight-bachelor bearing a pennon, and he did so by tearing off the "fly," or outer part of that flag, and by so doing giving it a square form, thus making it a banner, and its bearer a knight-banneret. the ceremony is thus described by blome.[ ] "the king (or his general), at the head of the army, drawn up into battalia after a victory, under the royal standard displayed, attended with all the field-officers and nobles of the court, receives the knight led between two renowned knights or valiant men-at-arms, having his pennon or guydon of arms in his hand; and before them the heralds, who proclaim his valiant achievements, for which he deserves to be made a knight-banneret, and to display his banner in the field. then the king (or general) says unto him _advances toy, bannaret_, and causes the point of his pennon to be rent off; and the new knight, having the trumpets before him sounding, the nobles and officers accompanying him, is remitted to his tent, where they are nobly entertained." [ ] _analogia honoria_. london, ; p. . but knights were thus promoted before a battle as well as after it. froissart relates the manner in which the celebrated sir john chandos was made banneret by the black prince before the battle of navarete. the whole scene forms a striking picture of an army of the middle ages moving to battle. upon the pennons of the knights, penoncels of the squires, and banners of the barons and bannerets, the army formed, or, in modern phrase, dressed its line. the usual word of the attack was, "advance banners in the name of god and saint george." "when the sun was risen," writes froissart, "it was a beautiful sight to view these battalions, with their brilliant armour glittering with its beams. in this manner they nearly approached to each other. the prince, with a few attendants, mounted a small hill, and saw very clearly the enemy marching straight towards them. upon descending this hill he extended his line of battle on the plain, and then halted. the spaniards, seeing the english halted, did the same, in order of battle; then each man tightened his armour and made ready as for instant combat. sir john chandos then advanced in front of the battalions, with his banner [pennon] uncased in his hand. he presented it to the prince, saying 'my lord, here is my banner; i present it to you that i may display it in whatever manner shall be most agreeable to you, for, thanks to god, i have now sufficient lands that will enable me so to do, and maintain the rank which it ought to hold.' the prince, don pedro being present, took the banner in his hands, which was blazoned with a sharp stake gules, on a field argent; and after having cut off the tail to make it square, he displayed it, and, returning it to him by the handle, said, 'sir john, i return you your banner: god give you strength and honour to preserve it.' upon this sir john left the prince, and went back to his men with the banner in his hand."[ ] [ ] johnes' _froissart_, vol. i. p. . a banneret was expected to bring into the field at least thirty men-at-arms--that is, knights or squires mounted--at his own expense; and each of these, again, besides his attendants on foot, ought to have had a mounted crossbow-man, and a horseman armed with a bow and axe--forming altogether a large troop. the same force might be arrayed by a knight under a pennon, but his accepting a banner bound him to bring out that number at least. after the reign of charles iv. this obligation fell into disuse in france, and in england, soon after that time, it also ceased to be observed.[ ] judging, however, from the contemporary heraldic poem of the "siege of carlaverock" (june, ), it would appear that early in the fourteenth century there was a banner to every twenty-five or thirty men-at-arms. at that period the english forces comprised the tenants _in capite_ of the crown, who were entitled to lead their contingent under a banner of their arms--either by themselves or under a deputy of equal rank. thus at carlaverock the bishop of durham sent of his men-at-arms, with his banner intrusted to john de hastings. but his banner on this occasion bore, not the cognisance of the see, but simply his paternal arms. having mentioned this old poem--in which the arms of every banneret in the english army are accurately blazoned--it may be interesting to give one of the opening verses, as an example of the norman french of the period-- "la ont meinte riche garnement brode sur cendeaus et samis, meint beau penon en lance mis, meint baniere desploie." in english--there were many rich caparisons, embroidered on silks and satins, many a beautiful penon fixed to a lance, and many a banner displayed. [ ] sir walter scott, _essay on chivalry_. in the scottish wars, the banner of st. cuthbert was, in the english army, carried by a monk. this continued to be done so late as the reign of henry viii. in the same way the banner of st. john of beverley was carried by one of the vicars of beverley college--who, by the way, received eight pence halfpenny per diem as his wages, to carry it after the king--a large sum in those days--and a penny a day to carry it back.[ ] the bearer of a banner, or bannerer as he was called, was in these early times a very important personage. in the old paintings in mss. the persons holding the national or royal banners are generally represented in the same kind of armour as the chief leaders. and they were liberally rewarded for their services. in edward iii. granted sir guy de bryon marks a year for life for having discreetly borne the king's banner at the siege of calais in .[ ] [ ] prynne's _antiquæ constitutiones angliæ_, vol. iii. p. . [ ] _calend. rot. patent._ p. . we learn from the "siege of carlaverock" that a pennon hung out by the besieged was the signal for a parley. when the castle surrendered there were placed on its battlements, we are told, the banners of the king, of st. george, of st. edmund, and st. edward, together with those of the marshall and constable of the army. to these were added the banner of the individual to whose custody the castle was committed. but it is doubtful whether in the fifteenth century any others but those of the king and st. george were affixed to captured fortresses. in france the office of custodier of national banners--such as the oriflamme--was hereditary. it was the same in ireland, which claims a higher antiquity in the use of banners than any other european nation; and in scotland the representative of the great house of scrymgeour enjoys the honour of being banner-bearer to the sovereign.[ ] [ ] _vicissitudes of families and other essays_, by sir bernard burke, st series, p. . it was the custom in early times to have banners suspended from trumpets. at the battle of agincourt the duke of brabant, who arrived on the field towards the close of the conflict, is said, by st. remy, to have taken one of the banners from his trumpeters, and, cutting a hole in the middle, made a surcoat of arms of it. to this circumstance shakespeare thus alludes-- "i will a banner from my trumpet take and use it for my haste." chaucer, too, notices banners being suspended from trumpets-- "on every trump hanging a brod banere, of fine tartarium full richly bete, every trumpet his lorde's armes bere."[ ] [ ] _flour and the leafe_, . at coronations banners were also used; and in the fifteenth century heralds, when despatched on missions, appear to have carried a banner bearing their sovereign's arms. banners were also for a long time used at funerals. it was not till about the period of the revolution that the practice fell into comparative desuetude. standards--the royal standard. the standard was a large long flag, gradually tapering towards the fly. according to the representation of a standard, in a heraldic ms. at least as early as the reign of henry vii., in the british museum, it was not quite so deep but very much longer than a banner,[ ] and it varied in size according to the rank of the owner. in england that of a duke was seven yards in length, of a banneret four and a half, and of a knight-bachelor four yards. [ ] _harleian mss._ , f. . the royal standard of england, when the sovereign in person commanded the army, appears to have been of two sizes. according to the ms. referred to, one of these standards is to be "sett before the kynges pavillion or tente, and not to be borne in battayle, and to be in length eleven yards." the other--"the kynges standard _to be borne_"--is to be "in lengthe eight or nine yards." the royal standard is a flag personal to the sovereign. it was not always exclusively so, for in the seventeenth century the lord high admiral, when personally in command of the fleet, and sometimes also other commanders-in-chief, flew as their flag of command, not the union, but the standard. it was so flown at the main by the duke of buckingham as lord high admiral, on the occasion when he disgraced the english flag in the unfortunate expedition against the isle of rhé in . but now the royal standard is used only by the sovereign in person, or as a decoration on royal fête days. there are depicted on it the royal arms, which have had various forms in different periods of our history. the standard of edward the confessor was azure a cross floré between five martlets, or. the arms of william duke of normandy, emblazoned on his standard, were two lions, and they were borne by him and his successors, as the royal arms of england, till the reign of henry ii. that monarch married eleanor, daughter and co-heiress of the duke of aquitaine, whose arms--one lion--henry added to his own. hence the three lions _passant gardant in pale_, borne ever since as the ensigns of england. these now occupy the first and fourth quarters of the standard, but they did not always do so. the fleurs-de-lis of france were, till a comparatively recent period, quartered with the english arms, having been first borne by edward iii. when he assumed the title of king of france. many noble families, both in this country and on the continent, have quartered the french lilies to show their origin, or in acknowledgment of the tenure of important fiefs there. among the last may be mentioned the arms of sir john stewart of darnley, who obtained from charles vii. the lands and title of aubigny, and the right to quarter the arms of france with his own. but in all these instances the fleurs-de-lis occupied a secondary place. so if henry ii. had desired merely to show his french connection, by maternal descent, he would have placed them in the second and third quarters. but he placed them in the first quarter, as arms of dominion, to indicate that he claimed the kingdom by right, and our sovereigns continued this idle pretence till so late as the reign of george iii. it was not till the union with ireland that it was discontinued. some of the english kings bore personal standards besides the flag of their own arms. edward iv., besides his royal standard, generally bore a banner with a white rose. henry vii. at the battle of bosworth field had three personal standards, in addition to the standard of his own arms. the blazon of these three, and how the king disposed of them after the battle, are thus described in a contemporary manuscript:--"with great pompe and triumphe he roade through the cytie to the cathedral church of st. paul where he offered his iij standards. in the one was the image of st. george; in the second was a red firye dragon beaten upon white and green sarcenet; the third was of yellow tarterne [a kind of fine cloth of silk] in the which was painted a donne kowe."[ ] [ ] _lansdowne mss._ , f. . the royal standard of scotland was a red lion rampant on a gold field within a red double tressure, floré counterfloré, of which the origin is veiled in the mists of antiquity. our great heraldic authority, nisbet, in common with earlier writers, adopts the tradition which assigns the assumption of the rampant lion to fergus i., who is alleged to have flourished as king of scotland about years before christ. he also refers to the celebrated league which charlemagne is said to have entered into in the beginning of the ninth century with achaius, king of scotland, on account of his assistance in war, "for which special service performed by the scots the french king encompassed the scots lion, which was famous all over europe, with a double tressure, flowered and counterflowered with flower de luces, the armorial figures of france, of the colour of the lion, to show that it had formerly defended the french lilies, and that these thereafter shall continue a defence for the scots lion and as a badge of friendship."[ ] on the other hand chalmers observes that these two monarchs were probably not even aware of each other's existence, and he suggests that the lion--which first appears on the seal of alexander ii.--may have been derived from the arms of the old earls of northumberland and huntingdon, from whom some of the scottish kings were descended. he adds, however, that the lion was the cognisance of galloway, and perhaps also of all the celtic nations. chalmers also mentions an "ould roll of armes," preserved by leland, said to be of the age of henry iii. ( ), and which the context shows to be at least as old as the reign of edward i. ( ), in which the arms of scotland are thus described: "le roy de scosce dor a un lion de goules a un bordure dor flurette de goules."[ ] in the parliament of james iii. "ordanit that in tyme to cum thar suld be na double tresor about his armys, but that he suld ber hale armys of the lyoun without ony mar." if this alteration of the blazon was ever actually made, it did not long continue.[ ] [ ] _system of heraldry_, vol. ii. part iii. p. . [ ] _caledonia_, i. , note (i.). [ ] seton's _law and practice of heraldry in scotland_, p. . with one noted exception scotland never quartered the arms of any kingdom with her own. the exception was when mary stuart claimed the arms and style of england, and quartered these arms on her standard. this was perhaps the first, and, as it proved, an inexpiable provocation to elizabeth.[ ] mary's mode of blazoning was peculiar. she bore scotland and england quarterly--the former being placed first, and, over all, _the dexter half_ of an escutcheon of pretence, charged with the arms of england, the sinister half being obscured in order to intimate that she was kept out of her right.[ ] [ ] hallam's _constitutional history_, th edit. i. . [ ] strype's _annals_, quoted by mr. seton, p. . on the accession of james i. the royal standard of england was altered. the arms of france and england quarterly appeared in the first and fourth quarters, those of scotland in the second, and in the third the golden harp of ireland, which had taken the place of the three crowns. but an exception occurred in the case of william iii., who, on his landing in england, had a standard bearing the motto, "the protestant religion and liberties of england," and, under the royal arms of england, instead of "dieu et mon droit," the words "and i will maintain it." afterwards he impaled on his standard the arms of mary with his own. they are represented in this form in a ms. of the harleian library, on a banner per pale orange and yellow. after his elevation to the throne william placed over the arms of the queen, which were those of her father james ii., his own paternal coat of nassau.[ ] [ ] willement's _regal heraldry_, p. . george iii. when he left out the ensigns of france marshalled on his standard those of his germanic states in an escutcheon of pretence--a small shield in the centre point. this was omitted on the accession of queen victoria, who bears on her standard the arms of england in the first and fourth quarters, scotland in the second, and ireland in the third. (see plate iv. no. , p. .) but while the royal standard was, on the accession of james i., altered for england in the way i have described, it was displayed according to a different blazon in scotland. for a long period, whenever the standard was used to the north of the tweed, the scottish arms had precedence by being placed in the first and fourth quarters. on the great seal of scotland this precedence is still continued, and the scottish unicorn also occupies the dexter side of the shield as a supporter. but on the standard the arms of scotland have now lost their precedence, those of england being placed in the first quarter, and although there has been much controversy on the subject, i agree with mr. seton[ ] that it is better that the arrangement should be so. the standard is the personal flag of the sovereign of one united kingdom, and heraldic propriety appears to require that only one unvarying armorial achievement should be used on it--that of the larger and more important kingdom taking precedence, although nisbet[ ] claims precedence for the scottish arms on the achievement of great britain as those of "the ancientest sovereignty."[ ] i certainly do not agree with mr. seton, however, that either in the arms or supporters precedence ought to be granted to england "in accordance with the sentiment of certain well-known classical lines:-- "'the lion and the unicorn were fighting for the crown, the lion beat the unicorn all round the town.'"[ ] [ ] _scottish heraldry_, p. . [ ] vol ii. part iii. p. . [ ] sir george mackenzie says: "the king of scotland being equal in dignity with the kings of england, france, and spain, attained to that dignity before any of these." he therefore claims precedence for scotland over all these kingdoms. _treatise on precedency_, p. . [ ] _scottish heraldry_, p. . i do not know where mr. seton got that version, inconsistent as it is alike with patriotism and with historical accuracy. it is certainly not the correct one. the true version, familiar to every boy in scotland, is more impartial, and it has more fun in it. it runs thus:-- "the lion and the unicorn, fighting for the crown: up came a little dog and knocked them both down." --the "little dog" being the small lion which stands defiantly on the crown, and constitutes the royal crest at the top of the achievement. the supporters of the scottish arms were two unicorns. in england, previous to the accession of the stuarts, the supporters of the royal arms were changed at the caprice of the sovereign, and almost every king or queen adopted new ones. from these, and from the royal badges, came many of the curious names which may be found in old lists of ships. such as the "antelope," which refers to one of the supporters of henry vi.; the "bull" of edward iv.; the "dragon" of henry viii. and of elizabeth. so also the badges: the "sun," "rose in the sun," and "falcon in the fetterlock," were all worn by edward iv. the "double rose" speaks for itself, and the "hawthorn" belonged to henry viii.[ ] the supporters assumed by king james, and continued to all his successors, were a lion on the dexter side, and on the sinister one of the scottish unicorns--the latter displacing the red dragon of the tudor family. [ ] _heraldry of the sea_, by j. k. laughton, m.a.r.n., . in ships the royal standard is never hoisted now except when her majesty is on board, or a member of the royal family other than the prince of wales. when the latter is on board his own standard is hoisted. it is the same as that of the queen, except that it bears a label argent of three points, with the arms of saxony on an escutcheon of pretence. the standard of the duke of edinburgh is the same as that of the prince of wales, except that the points of the label are charged, the first and third with a blue anchor, and the second with the st. george's cross. wherever the sovereign is residing the royal standard is hoisted; and on royal anniversaries and state occasions it is hoisted at certain fortresses or stations--home and foreign--specified in the queen's regulations. standards borne by nobles. standards borne by subjects were, in early times, according to the tudor ms. to be "slitt at the end," but they appear to have been also borne square. this is the form in an old standard of richard, earl of warwick--circa --bearing his badge of the bear and ragged staff (fig. ). shakespeare[ ] alludes to this device when he puts into the mouth of warwick the words-- "now by my father's badge, old neville's crest, the rampant bear chained to the ragged staff." [illustration: fig. .--standard of the earl of warwick, a.d. .] but shakespeare was out in his heraldry here, first in confounding the badge with a crest, and secondly in calling it neville's, for the bear and the ragged staff had been the badge not of the nevilles but of the beauchamps, who preceded warwick in the earldom.[ ] this old earl of warwick had a similar device on the flag which he flew in his ship. it was a long flag, having the cross of st. george on the upper part--then the bear and ragged staff, and the remainder covered with ragged staffs. it is interesting to note that the account for this and other flags made for the earl in , is preserved. the one just referred to is described as "a great stremour for the ship of xi yerdis length and viij yerdis in brede," and the price for making it was "j^{li} vi^s viii^d."[ ] [ ] _king henry vi._ part ii. act v. sc. . [ ] seton's _scottish heraldry_, p. . [ ] _antiquities of warwickshire._ in the advocates' library there is preserved an interesting flag, which is said to have been the standard borne by the earl marshall at the battle of flodden (fig. ). it is thus described in the paper which accompanies it: "the standard of the earl marshall of scotland, carried at the battle of flodden, , by _black_ john skirving of plewland hill, his standard-bearer. skirving was taken prisoner, having previously, however, concealed the banner about his person. the relic was handed down in the skirving family, and presented to the faculty of advocates by william skirving of edinburgh, in the beginning of the present century. the arms and motto are those of the keith family." [illustration: fig. .--flag of the earl marshall.] the flag may have been borne by the earl at flodden, but the devices on it are certainly not his _arms_. the arms of the earl marshall were, argent, on a chief gules three pallets or; or, as it is otherwise given by nisbet, pallé of six, or and gules. the _crest_ of the earl, however, was a hart's head, and he had for supporters two harts. his motto also was that which appears on the banner, "veritas vincit." that the full arms should not appear on the standard i can understand, for it was not common to place them there, and in england the tudor ms. prescribes that, besides the cross of st. george, standards and guidons are to have on them not the arms, but only the bearers "_beast_ or crest, with his devyce and word." it is possible, therefore, that the earl may have placed on his flag his well-known crest with the heads of the two harts forming his supporters, though such an arrangement would be unusual. [illustration: fig. .--standard of earl douglas, a.d. .] the relic of a still older fight than that of flodden is still preserved in scotland in the standard borne by earl douglas at otterburn--one of the most chivalrous battles, according to froissart, that was ever fought. the story, as told in all the histories,[ ] is that shortly before the battle, in a skirmish before newcastle, douglas, in a personal encounter with percy, won the pennon of the english leader, and boasted that he would carry it to scotland and plant it on his castle of dalkeith; and till lately this standard was supposed to be the flag so captured. but recent investigation has shown that the flag--which, by the way, is not a pennon but a standard thirteen feet long--is that of douglas himself, which of course his son would be careful to preserve and bring back. the flag is now much faded, and the second word of the motto was, when i saw it lately, not legible, but the motto is undoubtedly that of earl douglas, "jamais arriere" (fig. ). the devices are not the arms as borne by his descendants the dukes of douglas;--indeed they are not arranged as a coat of arms at all. but the lion rampant for galloway, the saltire for the lordship of annandale, and the heart and the star, are all douglas bearings. curiously enough, there are two hearts, while the later earls bore only one, and there is only one star, while on their shields they carried three. the real trophies, the capture of which, in all probability, precipitated the battle, are to be found in two other relics which are preserved along with the flag. they consist of two lady's gauntlets, fringed with filigree work in silver, on each of which is embroidered the white lion of the percys. the gloves are of different sizes, and were perhaps love pledges, carried by percy suspended from his spear or helmet, as was the fashion of the time; and the loss of such tokens was quite as likely as the loss of a personal flag, to cause the northumbrian knight to pursue douglas and force him to battle.[ ] these relics are in the possession of the family of douglas of cavers in roxburghshire, descended from the earl who was slain at otterburn. [ ] tytler's _history of scotland_, ii. , &c. [ ] paper read by mr. j. a. h. murray of hawick to the hawick archæological society. [illustration: fig. .--banner of the douglas's.] along with them is preserved another old flag of the douglas's, but evidently of a later date. it is a good example of the square banner borne by knights of noble rank. it is about inches square, and bears on a shield the douglas arms, but with the heart as originally borne before it was ensigned with a crown, and the chivalric motto still used by the cavers family, "doe or die" (fig. ). flags borne by trades. besides national and personal flags, those of trades and companies were frequently carried in armies, and of these many examples occur in the illuminated copies of froissart. on one occasion we find on a banner azure a chevron between a hammer, trowel, and plumb. on another there is an axe and two pairs of compasses. and on the painting of the battle between philip d'artevel and the flemings, and the king of france, banners occur charged with boots and shoes, drinking vessels, &c. in scotland an interesting example is preserved of a trades flag which was borne at flodden, and which was presented in by james iii. to the trades of edinburgh (fig. ). it is familiarly known as the _blue blanket_, and is in the possession of the trades' maidens' hospital of edinburgh. in an accompanying memorandum it is described thus: "the blue blanket or standard of the incorporated trades of edinburgh. renewed by margaret, queen of james iii., king of scots: borne by the craftsmen at the battle of flodden in , and displayed on subsequent occasions when the liberties of the city or the life of the sovereign were in danger." the field of the flag has been blue, but it is now much faded. in the upper corner is the white saltire of scotland, with the crown above and the thistle in base. on a scroll in the upper part of the flag are the words, "fear god and honor the king with a long life and a prosperous reigne;" and, in a scroll below, the words, "and we that is tradds shall ever pray to be faithfull for the defence of his sacred majestes royal persone till death." the flag is about ten feet in length. [illustration: fig. .--the "blue blanket," a.d. .] flags of the covenanters. of the flags borne in scotland by the covenanters, in their noble struggle for liberty, several are extant, and connected as they are with so important a part of scottish national history, they are replete with interest. one of these, which is preserved by the antiquarian society of edinburgh, bears the national cross, the white saltire of scotland, with five roses in the centre point, and the inscription "for religion, covenants, king, and kingdomes" (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--flag of the covenanters, a.d. .] for the description of another of these flags of the covenanters, to which a more than usual interest attaches, we are indebted to the late distinguished artist and archæologist mr. james drummond, r.s.a.[ ] mr. drummond says it was known as "the bluidy banner," and it is important as confirming a statement which had been disputed, namely, that hamilton of preston, who commanded the covenanters at the battle of bothwell brig, gave out "no quarter" as the word of the day. hamilton himself, in his "vindication," not only acknowledges this, but boasts of it--"blessing god for it," he says, and "desiring to bless his holy name that since he helped me to set my face to his work, i never had nor would take a favour from mine enemies, either on the right or left hand, and desire to give as few." but wodrow denies the statement--characterizing it as an unjust imputation on the covenanters, and in this he is followed by dr. m'crie. the discovery of the flag, however, puts the matter beyond doubt. mr. drummond found it in the possession of an old gentleman and his sister in east lothian, and it was only after much persuasion that he was allowed to see it and take a drawing of it. on his asking the old lady why she objected to show it to strangers, she said: "it's the bluidy banner, ye ken, and what would the roman catholics say if they kenned that our forbears had fought under such a bluidy banner." by roman catholics mr. drummond understood her to include episcopalians and all others of a different religious persuasion from her own. the flag is of blue silk. the first line of the inscription, which is composed of gilt letters, is in the hebrew language--"jehovah nissi"--the lord is my banner. the next line is painted in white--"for christ and his truths;" and then come the words, in a reddish or blood colour, "no quarters for y^e active enimies of y^e covenant." the detailed account given by the custodiers to mr. drummond, left no doubt as to the authenticity of this flag. (see plate ii.) [ ] paper read before the society of antiquarians of scotland, th june, . [illustration: plate ii. "the bluidie banner" carried at bothwell brig. a.d. .] national flags. but i must proceed to speak of our national flags. for a long time the distinguishing flag of england has been a red cross on a white field. the flag of scotland is a white saltire (or st. andrew's cross) on a blue field, and what has come to be called the flag of ireland is a red saltire on a white field. but ireland, strictly speaking, never had till lately a national flag. the kings of ireland previous to were not hereditary but elective. they were chosen from among the petty kings, and each king, when elected, brought with him and continued to use his own standard. after the invasion of the standard of ireland bore three golden crowns on a blue field, and the three crowns appear on ancient irish coins. henry viii. relinquished this device for the harp, from an apprehension, it is said, that the three crowns might be taken for the triple crown of the pope; but the harp did not appear in the royal standard till it was placed there by james i. neither had st. patrick a cross. the cross-saltire, so far as it belongs to any saint, is sacred to st. andrew only. the origin of the scottish saltire, however, may possibly be found in the sacred monogram--the greek x (ch), the initial letter of our lord's name as borne by the emperor constantine, to which i have already referred. i do not know when the irish saltire was first introduced, as a national flag, but from the early conquest of ireland the fitzgeralds have borne as their arms a red saltire on a white field.[ ] [ ] _heraldry of the sea._ the union flag. in , on the union of the _crowns_ of england and scotland, the first union flag was formed by the combination of st. george's cross with the saltire of scotland; but this flag appears to have been used for ships only. the order by the king for its construction and use bears to have been made "in consequence of certain differences between his subjects of north and south britain anent the bearing of their flags;" and in the proclamation issued in , king james appoints that "from henceforth all our subjects of this isle and kingdom of great britain shall bear in the maintop the red cross commonly called st. george's cross, and the white cross commonly called st. andrew's cross, joined together according to a form made by our heralds, and sent by us to our admiral to be published to our said subjects." this was the first union flag. the scots being, however, sensitively jealous of england, insisted on using their own national flag as well as the union, and it was no doubt owing to this that the proclamation goes on to provide that "in their foretop our subjects of south britain shall wear the red cross only as they were wont, and our subjects of north britain in their foretop the white cross only, as they were accustomed." in the ensign the union was not worn till a considerable time afterwards--the union by itself being then as now worn by the king's ships as a jack at the bowsprit. on the death of charles i. the commonwealth parliament, professing to be the parliament of england only, and of ireland as a dependency, expunged the scottish cross from the flag with its blue field. the flag of command ordered to take the place of the union, and to be borne by the admirals of the respective squadrons, at the main, fore, and mizen, is described[ ] as "the arms of england and ireland in two escutcheons on a red flag within a compartment or,"--that of the admiral, according to mr. pepys, being encircled by a laurel wreath, while those of the vice and rear-admirals were plain. the ensigns showed the irish harp on the fly.[ ] [ ] order dated th march, . [ ] _heraldry of the sea_, p. . on the restoration in the union flag was reintroduced, and when england and scotland became constitutionally united in , this was confirmed, with an order that it should be used "in all flags, banners, standards, and ensigns, _both at sea and land_." the order in council bears "that the flaggs be according to the draft marked c, wherein the crosses of st. george and st. andrew are conjoined;" but none of the drafts appear in the register. a representation of this flag will be found in plate iii. no. i., and there being no draft to copy, i have given it according to the verbal blazon, viz. azure a saltire argent surmounted by a cross gules fimbriated of the second--that is, the st. george's cross with a narrow white border. on the union with ireland in the beginning of the present century the irish saltire was introduced. the st. george's cross remained as it was, but the saltires of scotland and ireland were placed side by side, but "counterchanged"--that is, in the first and third divisions or quarters, the white, as senior, is uppermost, and in the second and fourth the red is uppermost. the "verbal blazon," or written direction, is very distinct, but in making the flag, or rather in showing pictorially how it was to be represented, a singular and very absurd error occurred, which, in the manufacture of our flags, has been continued to the present day, and which it may be interesting to explain. the verbal blazon is contained in the minute by the king in council, and in the proclamation which followed on it, issued on st of january, . i need not give the technical words; suffice to say that the flag is appointed to be blue, with the three crosses, or rather, the one cross and two saltires combined. and, in order to meet a law in heraldry, that colour is not to be placed on colour, or metal upon metal, it is directed that where the red crosses of england and ireland come in contact with the blue ground of the flag, they are to be "fimbriated"--that is, separated from the blue by a very narrow border of one of the metals--in this case silver, or white. of heraldic necessity this border of both the red crosses fell to be of the same breadth. to use the words of the written blazon, the st. george's cross is to be "fimbriated _as the saltire_;" a direction so plain that the merest tyro in heraldry could not fail to understand it, and be able to paint the flag accordingly. let me premise another thing. it is a universal rule in heraldry that the verbal blazon, when such exists, is alone of authority. different artists may, from ignorance or from carelessness, express the drawing differently from the directions before them, and this occurs every day; but no one is or can be misled by that if he has the verbal blazon to refer to. now, in the important case of the union flag it so happened that the artist who, according to the practice usual in such cases, was instructed to make a drawing of the flag on the margin of the king's order in council, was either careless or ignorant or stupid. most probably he was all three, and here is how he depicted it. the horizontal lines represent blue and the perpendicular red; the rest is white. (see fig. .) [illustration: fig. .--union flag as depicted a.d. .] now here, it will be observed, the red saltire of ireland is "fimbriated" white, according to the instructions; and this is done with perfect accuracy, by the narrowest possible border. but the st. george's cross, instead of being fimbriated in the same way--which the written blazon expressly says it shall be--is not fimbriated at all. the cross is placed upon a ground of white so broad that it ceases to be a border. the practical effect of this, and its only heraldic meaning, is, that the centre of the flag, instead of being occupied solely by the st. george's cross, is occupied by _two crosses_, a white cross with a red one superinduced on it. so palpable is this that mr. laughton, the accomplished lecturer on naval history at the royal naval college, in a lecture recently published, suggests that this is perhaps what was really intended. "a fimbriation," he says, "is a narrow border to prevent the unpleasing effect of metal on metal or colour on colour. it should be as narrow as possible to mark the contrast. but the white border of our st. george's cross is not, strictly speaking, a fimbriation at all. it is a white cross of one-third the width of the flag surmounted of a red cross." and his hypothesis is that this may have been intended to commemorate a tradition of the combination of the red cross of england with the white cross of france.[ ] the suggestion is ingenious and interesting, but it has clearly no foundation. there might have been something to say for it had there been only the drawing to guide us. in that case, indeed, the theory of mr. laughton, or some one similar, would be absolutely necessary to account for the two crosses. but mr. laughton overlooks the important facts, first, that we possess in the verbal blazon distinct written instructions; secondly, that where such exist no drawing which is at variance with them can possess any authority; and lastly, that in this case the verbal blazon not only is silent as to a second cross, but it expressly prescribes that there shall be only one, that of st. george. to that nothing is to be added--nothing, that is, but the narrow border or fimbriation necessary to meet the heraldic requirement to separate it from the blue ground of the flag, the same as is directed to be done, and as has been done, with the saltire of ireland. [ ] _heraldry of the sea_, . some years ago i called the attention of the admiralty to this extraordinary blunder, and i pointed out then, just what mr. laughton has done in his recent lecture, that the flag, as made, really shows two crosses in the centre. the admiralty referred the matter to garter king of arms, but sir albert woods, while he did not say a word in defence of the arrangement, would not interfere. "the flag," he said, "was made according to the drawing,"--which was too true--"and it was exhibited," he added, "in the same way on the colours of the queen's infantry regiments;" and, naturally enough, he declined the responsibility of advising a change. and so it remains. i may observe, however, that in one, at least, of the horse guards' patterns, the arrangement of the tinctures is not, as sir albert supposes, according to the original drawing, and it is different from the pattern prescribed by the admiralty. i refer to the flag prescribed for the use of military authorities "when embarked in boats or other vessels." in that flag, of which an official copy is now before me, the fimbriation of the irish saltire is of much greater breadth than it is in the admiralty flag, while that saltire itself is considerably reduced in breadth. besides the error in the border of the st. george's cross, the breadth of the irish saltire in all our flags, as now manufactured, is less than that of the white cross of scotland, which is clearly wrong. for obvious reasons, and according to the written blazon, they ought to be the same. indeed, all the three crosses ought to be of the same breadth. so great, however, is the difference in practice, that in the official admiralty directions for the construction of a flag of given dimensions, while the st. george's cross is appointed to be inches in breadth, that of st. andrew is to be only inches, and the irish cross only --this last being exactly the same as the breadth appointed for the border of the cross of st. george! figure ii. of plate iii. shows the flag as made according to the erroneous pattern now in use. figure iii. shows it as it ought to be, and as it is appointed to be made by the distinct terms of the verbal blazon, in the order by the king in council. but the breadth of the st. george's cross i have left unaltered. it is to be hoped that heraldic propriety will prevail over a practice originating in obvious error, and that our national flag will be flown according to its true blazon. the correction would be very easily made. the reduction of the breadth of the border of st. george's cross and the slight increase in the width of the irish saltire would be little noticed, while, besides correcting obvious errors, it would have the advantage of bringing the flag, in one important respect, into conformity with the design as represented on the coinage. on the reverse of our beautiful bronze coins the st. george's cross on britannia's shield is fimbriated as it ought to be, that is, by the narrow border prescribed by the written blazon. [illustration: union flags and pendant. plate iii.] [illustration: fig. .] but if the penny is right in that respect, it exhibits another extraordinary example of our slipshod heraldry, by a variation of a different and more startling kind. my complaint against the flag, as made, is, that it represents four crosses, but on the penny there are only two. this was all right when the design was first made in the reign of charles ii., but when the third cross was added to the flag the three crosses should have appeared on the coin. a desire to adhere to the original design cannot certainly be pleaded, for there have been many changes in this figure of britannia. she was first placed there by charles ii. in honour of the beautiful duchess of richmond, who sat to the sculptor for the figure. but her drapery on the coin of those days was very scanty, and her semi-nude state was hardly in keeping with the stormy waves beside which she was seated. queen anne, like a modest lady as she was, put decent clothing on her, and made her stand upright, and took away her shield, crosses and all. in the subsequent reigns she was allowed to sit down again, and she got back her shield, with the trident in her left hand and an olive-branch in the right. on the present coinage--a copy of which (the penny) is shown in fig. --the drapery of queen anne is retained, but the figure is entirely turned round, and faces the sinister side of the coin, instead of the dexter, as at first, and the olive-branch (_absit omen_) has been taken away. but with all these changes there remain only two crosses on the shield. the reader will naturally suppose, however, that the omission consisted in not adding the irish saltire to that of scotland, which had been there from the first. but no. in this instance there was certainly no "injustice to ireland," for the extraordinary thing is, that the st. andrew's cross has been taken away altogether, and the saltire of ireland, distinguished by its fimbriated border, has been put in its place, scotland being not now represented on the coin at all. of course this has arisen from mere carelessness at the mint, but it is an error which ought to be at once corrected. the union jack. but to return to our flags. the union jack is a diminutive of the union. it is exclusively a ship flag, and, although of the same pattern as the union, it ought never to be called the union _jack_ except when it is flown on the jack-staff,--a staff on the bowsprit or fore part of a ship. it is extraordinary how little this distinction is understood. for example, in the queen's regulations for the army a list of stations is given at which it is directed that "the national flag, _the union jack_, is authorized to be hoisted." and in a general order issued from the north british head quarters as to the arrangements to be observed on a recent occasion of the sitting of the general assembly in edinburgh, it was stated that "the union jack" would be displayed from the castle and at the palace of holyrood. but the _union jack_ is never flown on shore. the proper name of the national flag is _the union_. it is the shore flag, and, except personal flags, the only one which is displayed from fortresses and other stations. at the royal arsenal and a few other stations the union flag is displayed daily. at others, such as sandgate castle and rye, it is flown only on anniversaries. at tilbury, edinburgh castle, and other places, it is hoisted on sundays and anniversaries. and there are similar rules for foreign stations. on board her majesty's ships the union is sometimes displayed, but only on special occasions. it is hoisted at the mizen top-gallant-masthead when the queen is on board, the royal standard and the flag of the lord high admiral being at the same time hoisted at the main and fore top-gallant-mastheads respectively. and an admiral of the fleet hoists the union at the main top-gallant-masthead. the army regulations, however, referring to the presence of the queen on board ship, again confound the two flags, and prescribe that a salute shall be fired by forts whenever a ship passes showing the flags which indicate the presence of the sovereign, and among these is specified "_the union jack_ at the mizen top-gallant-masthead." if the commandant of a fortress acted on this, her majesty might pass every day of the year without a salute, as he would certainly never see the union _jack_ in that position. the mistake is the more curious as the regulations elsewhere distinguish the union jack from the union by speaking of the latter as the "great union." the jack when flown from the mast with a white border is the signal for a pilot. in this case it is called the pilot jack. when flown from the bowsprit of a merchant ship it must also have a white border. it has been said that the term "jack" is derived from the name of the sovereign james i. (_jacques_), in whose reign it was constructed. this is the legend at the admiralty, but it is of doubtful authority. the oxford glossary says there is not a shadow of evidence for it, and traces the word to the surcoat worn of old by the soldiery called a _jacque_--whence jacket. but this also is doubtful. the union, or junction of the three crosses, is used in other cases in the royal navy, and also in the merchant service, not by itself, but in certain combinations. the ensign. the flag under which all our ships now sail is the ensign. in early times every chieftain or knight, whether serving in the field or on board ship, had his own distinguishing flag, and if several knights were embarked in one ship, the ship carried the flags of them all. in one of the illuminations of the reign of henry vi., the sides of a ship are covered with shields, and in other examples armorial devices are even shown painted on the sails. when engaged in any active service, a ship would carry also the flag of the leader or admiral, and, in addition to this, the emblem of some patron saint, depending in this on the caprice or superstition of the owner. besides these a ship usually bore the flag of her port--a usage which, so far as merchant ships are concerned, still holds among us in the practice of carrying what are known as "house flags," though now strictly subordinated to that of carrying the national ensign. with ships of other countries the usage continued till comparatively lately. in france, down to the revolution, merchant ships flew the flag of their port more commonly than the flag of france; as for instance, of marseilles, white with a blue cross; or of dunkirk, barry of six argent and azure, with the alternative of the old english white ensign, white with a small st. george's cross in the upper corner next the hoist, derived from the english sovereignty in the seventeenth century.[ ] in the same way in the baltic: in the netherlands almost every port had its own flag, and the free towns of germany till quite recently followed the same practice. it was the same in england in early times--a sailor being more a sailor of his port than of his country. [ ] laughton's _heraldry of the sea_. now, as a rule, the ships of all countries sail under their national colours. with us the flag under which all our ships sail is the ensign, of which there are three--the white, the blue, and the red. it is a large flag of one of the colours named, with the union in a square or canton at the upper part of the hoist. i may explain that the portion of a flag next the staff or rope from which it is flown is called the hoist, the next is called the centre, and the outer portion the fly. besides the union in the canton, the white ensign has the st. george's cross extending over the whole field. although the union flag of great britain was appointed by royal order in , it was not inserted in the ensign till . previous to that the ensign bore only the english cross in the canton. in the royal navy, not always, but for some time previous to , the fleet consisted of three divisions called the white, the blue, and the red squadrons, each carrying its distinctive ensign, and, latterly, each having its admiral called after the colour of his flag. but till there was no admiral of the red. previous to that the admiral commanding in the centre flew at the main, not the red flag, but the union. the first notice of the division of the fleet appears in a ms. report by mr. pepys, secretary to the admiralty, in which it is stated that in the duke of buckingham's expedition against the isle of rhé in the fleet was thus divided. the notice is interesting:--"the duke now lying at portsmouth divided his fleete into squadrons. himselfe, admirall and generall in chiefe, went in y^e triumph, bearing the standard of england in y^e maine topp, and admirall particular of the bloody colours. the earle of lindsay was vice-admirall to the fleete in the rainbowe, bearing the king's usual colours in his fore topp, and a blew flag in his maine topp, and was admiral of the blew colours. the lord harvey was rear admirall in y^e repulse bearing the king's usual colours in his mizen, and a white flag in the maine topp, and was admirall of y^e squadron of white colours." in this instance it will be observed the blue flag took precedence of the white. under the commonwealth the blue was put down to the third place, and when on the restoration the union flag was reintroduced, the precedence of the three colours remained as it had been determined by the commonwealth. the arrangement of the fleet into three divisions continued till ; but it often proved puzzling to foreigners, and it was found inconvenient in action. it was for this last reason that lord nelson, on going into action at trafalgar, ordered the whole of his fleet to hoist the white ensign, and it was under that flag that that great victory was gained. during the wars of the seventeenth century the dutch fleets were also divided into three squadrons, distinguished, like the english, by the three colours--orange or red, white, and blue, and both with them and in our own service this was perhaps necessary when fleets consisted of such a large number of ships--our own numbering often as many as sail. latterly, when fleets were comparatively so much smaller, the distinctive colours became of less importance, and in the classification was discontinued. now the white ensign only is used by all her majesty's ships in commission. previous to this it had been ordered by royal proclamation, in , that merchant ships should fly only the red ensign, and this is still the rule; but since the three divisions of the fleet were abolished, the blue ensign is allowed to be used by british merchant ships when commanded by officers of the royal naval reserve, provided one-third of the crew be men belonging to the reserve. by permission of the admiralty the blue ensign is also allowed to be used by certain yacht clubs; and the members of one club--the royal yacht squadron--have liberty to use the white ensign. special flags. the flag of the lord high admiral is crimson, having on it an anchor and cable, and it is hoisted on any ship of which that high officer is on board. it is also hoisted at the fore top-gallant-masthead of every ship of which the queen may be on board. the flag of an admiral is white with the cross of st. george on it. it is only flown by an admiral when employed afloat, and then at the main, fore, or mizen top-gallantmast-head, according as he is a full, vice, or rear admiral. the union flag and the blue ensign are, with the addition of certain distinctive badges, used as personal flags by certain high officers, and also in particular departments of the service. for example, the flag of the lord-lieutenant of ireland is the union with a blue shield in the centre, charged with a golden harp. the governor-general of india has the union with the star of india in the centre surmounted by a crown, and this also is the flag of british burmah. british ministers, chargés d'affaires, fly the union with the royal arms in the centre within a circle argent surrounded by a wreath. our consuls have the blue ensign with the royal arms in the fly. there are also differences in the union or ensign with distinctive badges for other offices and departments, and for the colonies. the pendant. the pendant is a well-known flag in ships of war. it is of two kinds, the long and the broad. the first is a long, narrow, tapering flag--the usual length being twenty yards, while it is only four inches broad at the head. an admiralty memorandum regarding the history of our flags bears that the origin of the long pendant is generally understood to have been this:--after the defeat of the english fleet under blake, by the dutch fleet under van tromp, in , the latter cruised in the channel with a broom at the mast-head of his ship, to signify that he had swept his enemies off the sea. in the following year the english fleet defeated the dutch, whereupon the admiral commanding hoisted a long streamer from his mast-head to represent the lash of a whip, signifying that he had whipped his enemies off the sea. hence the pendant, which has been flown ever since. this certainly has been the popular tradition, and the english admiral may, on the occasion referred to, have adopted a flag of the description and for the purpose mentioned, but it was not altogether a new form of flag. in the tudor ms. we find a description of a long tapering flag of somewhat the same description. it is called a streamer, and is appointed to "stand in the top of a ship or in the forecastle, and therein is to be put no armes but a man's conceit or device, and may be of length , , , or yards, and is slitt as well as a guydhomme or standard." from this description the streamer would appear to have been a personal flag bearing "the conceit or device"--crest, badge, or motto--of the owner. as now used in our navy the long pendant is of two colours--one white with a red cross in the part next the mast; the other blue with a red cross on a white ground. the first is flown from the mast-head of all her majesty's ships in commission, when not otherwise distinguished by a flag or broad pendant. the other is worn at the masthead of all armed vessels in the employ of the government of a british colony. (see plate iii. no. iv.) the broad pendant or "burgee" is a flag tapering slightly and of a swallow-tailed shape at the fly. it is white with a red st. george's cross, and is flown only by a commodore, or the senior officer of a squadron, to distinguish his ship. if used by a commodore of the first class it is flown at the main top-gallant-masthead. otherwise it is flown at the top-gallant-masthead. signals and other flags. signal flags are those which are used for communication between ships at sea. in the system instituted by james ii. intelligence was communicated or messages interchanged by a confused number of flags exhibited at different parts of the ship. now, signalling has been reduced to a complete system. the flags are of various shapes and colours, each flag representing a letter or number, and by a recent arrangement a universal code has been adopted by which vessels of different nations can now communicate. a flag of truce is white, both at sea and on land, but on board ship it is customary to hoist with it the national flag of the enemy--the white flag at the main and the enemy's ensign at the fore. on one occasion during the war in when the french frigate _clorinde_ was about to be attacked by the british frigate _dryad_, the commander of the former, being desirous to ascertain what terms would be granted in case he surrendered, hoisted french colours aft and english colours forward. under cover of this the french frigate sent a boat with the message. the answer was a refusal to grant any terms, but the boat was allowed to return to the french frigate in safety before the _dryad_ filled and stood towards her. the ensign and pendant at half-mast are the recognised signs of mourning. sometimes also it is an expression of mourning to set the yards at what seamen call "a-cock-bill," that is all the yards topped up different ways on each mast; but this is chiefly done by foreigners, who, on good friday and other occasions, set their yards thus. it is also customary as a sign of mourning to paint the white lines of a ship of a blue colour. in older times, when ships were more gaudily painted and gilded than they are now, they were painted black all over as a sign of mourning. the red or bloody flag is a signal of mutiny, and as such it was displayed in our own navy on two noted occasions in the end of last century, when the fleet at spithead mutinied, and afterwards that at the nore. in the latter case the mutineers hauled down the flag of vice-admiral buckner and in its stead hoisted the red flag. it is a singular fact, however, and characteristic of the british seaman, that on the th of june, the king's birth-day, while the mutiny was at its height, the whole fleet, with the exception of one ship, evinced its loyalty by firing a royal salute, and displaying the colours usual on such occasions, the red flag being struck during the ceremony, and only re-hoisted when it was over.[ ] [ ] james' _naval history_, ii. p. . the yellow flag is the signal of sickness and of quarantine. use of flags in naval warfare. such are the principal naval flags. of the circumstances in which they may or may not be legitimately used, especially in naval warfare, some interesting stories might be told. although it is prohibited to merchant ships to carry the colours used in the navy, this may be done in time of war to deceive an enemy. i may mention one instance when it was practised with happy effect. in the french war in the french rear-admiral sarcy, when cruising with six frigates in the bay of bali, came in sight of five of our indiamen--one of them, the _woodford_, captain lennox. they were homeward bound, and all richly laden, and to all appearance they had no chance of escape, when captain lennox rescued them by an act of great judgment and presence of mind. he first of all hoisted in his own ship a flag which the french admiral knew well--that of the british admiral rainier, blue at the mizen, and he made all the other ships in his company hoist pendants and ensigns to correspond. but he did more. he detached two of the indiamen to chase and reconnoitre the enemy; and as these advanced towards the french reconnoitring frigate the _cybèle_, the latter, completely deceived, made all sail to join her consorts with the signal at her mast-head--"the enemy is superior in force to the french." on this the french admiral, believing that he was in the presence of a powerful british squadron, made off with his frigates under all sail, and captain lennox and his consorts completed their voyage in safety. when admiral sarcy discovered afterwards the ruse that had been practised on him, and which had lost him a prize of such great value, his mortification may be imagined. in going into action it is the custom with the ships of all nations to hoist their national colours. nelson at trafalgar carried this to excess, for he hoisted several flags lest one should be shot away. the french and spaniards went to the opposite extreme, for they hoisted no colours at all, till late in the action, when they began to feel the necessity of having them to strike.[ ] nelson on that occasion ran his ship on board the _redoubtable_, a large seventy-four gun ship, and fought her at such close quarters that the two ships touched each other. twice nelson gave orders to cease firing at his opponent, supposing she had surrendered, because her great guns were silent, and as she carried no flag there was no means of instantly ascertaining the fact. it was from the ship which he had thus twice spared that nelson received his death wound. the ball was fired from the mizen-top, which, so close were the ships, was not more than fifteen yards from the place where he was standing. soon afterwards the _redoubtable_, finding further resistance impossible, hoisted her flag, only to haul it down again in sign of surrender, within twenty minutes after the fatal shot had been fired. in this great battle each of the spanish ships had in addition to her ensign a large wooden cross hung to the end of her spanker boom. [ ] southey's _life of nelson_. when a ship surrenders the fact is usually intimated by her hauling down her flag, but in lord cochrane's spirited attack on the french fleet in basque roads in , two of the french ships, the _varsovie_ and _aquilon_, made the token of submission by each showing a union jack in her mizen chains; and in other instances during the war french ships hoisted a union jack as the signal of their having struck. of course when a ship has surrendered the fire of both ships ceases. in an action off lissa between british ships and a franco-venetian squadron, the french ship _flore_ surrendered to the british frigate _amphion_. immediately afterwards the venetian frigate _bellona_ bore up and commenced a heavy fire against the _amphion_, and some of the shot struck the captured ship on the other side. supposing, erroneously, that the shot came from the british ship, one of the officers of the _flore_, in order to make more clear the fact of her having absolutely surrendered, took the french ensign, halliards and all, and holding them up in his hand over the taffrail to attract the attention of the _amphion's_ people, threw the whole into the sea. having captured the _bellona_ also, the captain of the _amphion_ temporarily left the surrendered ship while he pursued another of the enemy, the _corona_, which he also captured. when thus engaged, however, he was mortified to see his first prize, the _flore_, notwithstanding her emphatic act of submission, dishonourably stealing away, and she actually effected her escape into the harbour of lessina. captain hoste, who commanded the british squadron, afterwards sent a letter by a flag of truce to the captain of the _flore_, demanding restitution of the frigate in the same state as when she struck her flag and surrendered to the _amphion_; but the commander of the french squadron replied by a letter, neither signed nor dated, denying that the _flore_ had struck, and falsely asserting that the colours had been shot away. the letter was sent back and the demand repeated, but no answer was returned. i may mention another instance in which captured colours were thrown into the sea in token of surrender under different circumstances, but not more creditable to the vanquished party. in the war between america and the barbary states in the early part of the century, the united states schooner _enterprise_, under the command of lieutenant sterrett, fell in with and engaged a tripolitan polacre ship, and in the course of the action the colours of the latter were either shot away or struck--in all probability the latter, for the americans believed she had surrendered and quitted their guns. the corsair, however, re-hoisted her flag and continued the action. thereupon the _enterprise_ poured in so destructive a fire that her opponent this time unequivocally hauled down her colours, and lieutenant sterrett ordered her under his lee quarter. this order was obeyed, but the tripolitan, when he got there, thinking his position favourable, re-hoisted the red flag, and having poured another broadside into the _enterprise_, prepared to board. the americans, justly incensed at this treacherous act, delivered a raking broadside which effectually terminated the affair. the tripolitan captain now abjectly implored the quarter which he had justly forfeited, and bending over the waist barricade of his ship, and as an indication of his sincerity, raised his colours in his arms and threw them into the sea. in contrast to the conduct of the captain of the _flore_ in carrying off his ship after he had surrendered, may be mentioned the very different course taken by the officer in command of a french -gun frigate, the _renommée_, which was captured off madagascar in , after an action between a french squadron, and a british squadron under captain schomberg. from the state of the british ships after the action, captain schomberg, when night was coming on, could only send on board the prize a lieutenant of marines and four seamen, in a sinking boat. at this time the _renommée_ had a crew of nearly effective officers and men, and they could have had at once retaken the ship and got off during the night. the crew wished to do so, but colonel barrois, who--the captain having been killed--was now, according to the etiquette of the french service, the commanding officer, acting on a high principle of honour, refused to give his sanction, as they had surrendered by striking their flag. the lieutenant and his few hands remained accordingly in quiet possession of the prize, till the prisoners were taken out next morning, and a proper prize crew placed on board. when an action takes place at night, when flags cannot be seen, other modes of intimating surrender have to be reverted to. in the war with america, in , when a british ship in a disabled state found she had no alternative but to surrender at midnight to an american ship of superior force, she did so by firing a lee gun and hoisting a light. in another case a french frigate, the _néréide_, after a severe action during night with the british frigate _phoebe_, surrendered to the latter by hauling down a light she had been carrying, and hailing that she surrendered. in another case a french ship intimated the fact of her surrender by hoisting a light and instantly hauling it down. when a ship has surrendered and is taken possession of, the captor hoists his ensign over that of the enemy. in one instance a mistake in this produced disastrous results. in the celebrated capture of the _chesapeake_ off boston in , when the american flag was struck, the officer of the _shannon_ who was sent on board the _chesapeake_ to take possession, inadvertently--owing to the halliards being tangled--bent the english flag below the american ensign instead of above it. by this time the two ships were drifting apart, and when the _shannon's_ people saw the american stripes going up first they concluded that their boarding party had been overpowered, and at once reopened their fire, by which their first-lieutenant and several of their own men were killed. the mistake was discovered before the flags had got halfway to the mizen peak, when they were hauled down and hoisted properly. in this brilliant but short action--for between the discharge of the first gun and the conclusion of the fight only fifteen minutes elapsed--the american ship, by way of display, carried more than the ordinary number of flags. she flew three ensigns, one at the mizen, one at the peak, and one, the largest of all, in the starboard main rigging. she had besides, flying at the fore, a large white flag inscribed with the words "sailors' rights and free trade," with the intention, it was supposed, of damping the energy of the _shannon's_ men by this favourite american motto. the _shannon_ had the union at the fore and an old rusty blue ensign at the mizen peak, and besides these she had one ensign on the main stay and another in the main rigging, both rolled up and "stopped" ready to be cast loose in case either of the other flags should be shot away. a similar display of flags occurred on the occasion of the encounter off valparaiso in between the british -gun frigate _phoebe_ and the united states -gun frigate _essex_, which resulted in the capture of the latter. captain porter, who commanded the american ship, made an attempt, as in the case of the _chesapeake_, on the loyalty of the _phoebe's_ seamen, by hoisting at his fore top-gallant-mast head the stock motto, "free trade and sailors' rights." this, in a short time, the british ship answered with the st. george's ensign and the motto, "god and country--british sailors' best rights: traitors offend them." subsequently the _essex_ hoisted her motto flag at the fore, and another on the mizen mast, with one american ensign at the mizen peak and a second lashed on the main rigging. not to be outdone in decorations the british ship hoisted her motto flag with a profuse display of ensigns and union jacks, and all these were flying when the american ship was captured. to hoist false colours in time of war in order to entice an enemy within reach has always been considered legitimate, but it is not allowable to engage, or to commit any hostile act, under them. while it is considered legitimate to mislead, however, it is not legitimate to cheat. an example of what might appear to be a distinction without a difference is afforded by a case which occurred in , when the french ship _sybille_, a powerful -gun frigate, was sighted off cape henry by the _hussar_ of guns. the _sybille_ had, a few days before, had a drawn fight with one of our ships of the same force, and, in consequence of injuries she had then received, had been dismasted in a puff of wind, and was under jury masts. as she was unable to chase the _hussar_, she sought to entice her alongside, in order to take her by boarding, and accordingly she hoisted at the peak the french ensign under the english, as if she had been captured. all this was legitimate, and the _hussar_ might or might not have been deceived by it. but the french captain did something more. he hoisted in the main shrouds an english ensign reversed, and tied in a weft or loop. now this was a well-known signal of distress--an appeal to a common humanity, which no english officer was ever known to disregard, and the _hussar_ closed at once. but fortunately her crew were at quarters, and the _sybille_, hauling down the english flag at the peak and hoisting the french above, endeavoured to run her on board. her extreme rolling, however, steadied by no sufficient sail, exposed her bottom, and several shots from the _hussar_ went through her very bilge. by this time another of our ships, the _centurion_ of guns, had come up, and the _sybille_ struck her flag--the reversed ensign with its weft, so dishonourably hoisted, remaining in the main shrouds. the english officer who took possession sent the french captain on board the _hussar_, and he presented his sword to captain russell on the quarterdeck. russell took the sword, broke it across, and threw it on the deck; and sending the frenchman below, kept him in close confinement in the hold till his arrival in port some days later.[ ] [ ] laughton's _heraldry of the sea_. i may mention another case where a legitimate ruse was successfully practised on an enemy by our great naval commander, lord cochrane. it occurred in the early part of his brilliant career, when he was cruising in the mediterranean in his little brig the _speedy_. this small craft, under her daring and skilful commander, had made herself so much an object of terror by the many captures she had made that a spanish frigate, heavily armed, was fitted out and sent after her. in order to get near the _speedy_ the spaniard was disguised as a merchantman. for the same reason, lord cochrane, to lull suspicion and enable him to get near the merchant craft of the enemy, had also disguised his small vessel, and was sailing as a merchant brig under danish colours. perceiving the supposed spanish merchantman, lord cochrane at once gave chase, and he only discovered his mistake when his formidable antagonist opened her ports and showed her teeth. at the same time the spaniard lowered a boat to go on board the _speedy_ and see what she was. discovery and capture were apparently now unavoidable, but lord cochrane was equal to the occasion. hoisting the yellow flag--the dreaded signal of sickness and quarantine--he made straight for the frigate, and, having dressed a petty officer in danish uniform, on the gangway, he ordered him to hail the boat with the intimation that they were out just two days from algiers, where it was well known the plague was then violently raging. this was enough. the boat pulled back, and the frigate at once filled and proceeded on her course. it was a narrow escape; yet the crew of the _speedy_ complained loudly that they had not been allowed to fight the frigate! they had been admirably trained, and had implicit confidence in their brave commander, and thought he was equal to anything. lord cochrane was not a man to disregard murmurs uttered in such a direction, and he told them that if they really wanted a fight they would get it with the first enemy they came across, whatever she might be. they had not long to wait before they fell in with a large spanish zebec, the _gamo_, which, to the astonishment of the big ship, lord cochrane immediately attacked. a fight with the guns could not have lasted long, for the spanish ship carried heavy guns with a crew of upwards of men, while the _speedy_ had only four-pounders and a crew of all told. lord cochrane, therefore, notwithstanding this immense disparity of force, determined, as his only chance, to board the frigate, and this he succeeded in doing, taking his entire crew with him and leaving only the surgeon at the wheel. a deadly hand-to-hand conflict ensued, when, just as his small band were nearly overpowered, lord cochrane ordered one of his men to haul down the spanish colours. this was promptly done, and the spaniards--their commander having been killed--thinking that their own officers had struck, ceased fighting, and lord cochrane became master of the frigate. how to take care of his numerous prisoners was not a small difficulty, but he succeeded in doing so, and brought his prize safely into port mahon. it was one of the most brilliant affairs in the glorious life of this great seaman. another interesting example of an enemy's ship being taken in consequence of her colours being hauled down, not by her own officers but by the party assailing, occurred at a much earlier period in an action between the british and dutch fleets off the english coast. a runaway boy--thomas hopson--an apprentice to a tailor in the isle of wight, had just before come on board the admiral's ship as a volunteer. in the midst of the action he asked a sailor how long the fight would continue, and was told that it would only cease when the flag of the dutch admiral was hauled down. the boy did not understand about the striking of colours, but he thought if the hauling down of the flag would stop the fight it might not be difficult to do. as the ships were engaged yard-arm and yard-arm, and veiled in smoke, hopson at once ran up the shrouds, laid out on the mizen-yard of his own ship, and having gained that of the dutch admiral he speedily reached the top-gallant-mast head and possessed himself of the dutch flag, with which he succeeded in returning to his own deck. perceiving the flag to be struck the british sailors raised a shout of victory, and the dutch crew, also deceived, ran from their guns. while the astonished admiral and his officers were trying in vain to rally their crew the english boarded the ship and carried her. for this daring service the boy was at once promoted to the quarter-deck, and he rose to be a distinguished admiral under queen anne. international usage as to flags. in time of peace it is considered an insult to hoist the flag of one friendly nation over that of another. this has given rise to an order that national flags are not to be used for decoration or in dressing ships. this order has reference more particularly to two flags, which are in ordinary use as signal flags. one of these is the french tricolour, but with the red and blue transposed; the other is the dutch flag turned upside down, and there are two pendants to match. an unintentional departure from this rule gave rise to some unpleasantness on one occasion in the early part of this century. on the d of april, , the english frigate _euryalus_, lying at st. thomas in the west indies, had dressed ship in honour of st. george's day--the fête of the prince regent--and in doing so had made use of the blue, white, and red flag, which four years before had been the national flag of france. a three-coloured pennant hung down from the spanker boom and trailed in the water, and another three-coloured flag was at the lower end of the line pendant from the flying boom. this was observed by the french rear-admiral duperré, who was there in the _gloire_, and he demanded and received apologies for what he conceived to be an insult offered to a flag which had lately been the flag of france, and under which he and many of his officers and men had served.[ ] [ ] _heraldry of the sea_, p. . if a foreign flag is hoisted on shore--as it often is in compliment to some distinguished stranger--it must have the staff to itself. in , when the queen of louis philippe visited oban, the proprietor of the caledonian hotel, at which she resided, in compliment to his visitor, and in ignorance, no doubt, of the proprieties of the case, hoisted the french flag over the union. this excited the indignation of an old pensioner, john campbell, who had been a sergeant in the st highlanders--the regiment of campbell of lochnell--and he went to the innkeeper and demanded that matters should be put right. as no attention was paid to his remonstrance, he then and there cut down the french flag, and dared the innkeeper to hoist it again in that manner. the residents in oban were so pleased with campbell's spirited conduct that they presented him with a silver-headed stick. in gun practice it is also held to be an insult to take as a mark the flag of another nation, and sometimes unintentional offence has been given through mistakes about the flags in such circumstances. for the following i am indebted to a distinguished naval officer who was cognizant of the circumstances. some twenty years ago, when the french had an army of occupation in syria, and their fleet and ours were lying amicably together at beyrout, some of the english ships having occasion to practise the men with their rifles, put out their respective targets--which generally consisted of bits of old flags fastened to a stick, and stuck in a small cask anchored off at the required distance--and commenced firing. presently a boat with a superior officer was seen pulling in hot haste from the french flagship. it afterwards transpired that the boat was conveying a polite request that the english would refrain from firing on the french flag--the officer at the same time pointing to an exceedingly dirty piece of bunting which was being riddled by the bullets from one of her majesty's ships. "that's not the french flag," was the answer of the english. "yes, i assure you," the frenchman replied, "we are nearer than you are, and can see the colours. and, pardon me," he added, "another of your ships is at the present moment, in this turkish port, firing on the turkish flag"--pointing at the same time to another target, consisting of a faded bit of red bunting. inquiries were made, and what had been taken for the tricolour was found to be a piece of an old condemned union jack, that had unfortunately been nailed on to the staff without due regard to the position of the colours, while the so-called turkish flag was discovered to be a fragment of an old english red ensign. to the same naval officer i am indebted for the following amusing incident, which i am glad to give in his own words, as he was personally concerned in it. "about the same time," he writes, "another occurrence of the same kind took place at larnaca, in cyprus. it happily ended well, but at one time it looked quite serious. one of our surveying vessels had taken advantage of a lull in the work to practise her crew with her formidable armament of two twenty-four pounders, and on a bright calm mediterranean morning the gunner was sent for by the senior lieutenant, and directed to prepare a target. but here there arose a difficulty. the ship had been a long time from malta, stores of all kinds were scarce, and of old bunting there was absolutely none. the gunner was in despair, but a marine came to the rescue, and offered his pocket-handkerchief as a substitute. it was about the usual size of such articles, and as it had been bought at malta while disturbances were pending at naples, it had the italian colours, green, white, and red, together with a pendant, printed on it, and on the white part some patriotic sentences in italian. the whole presented an ancient and faded appearance, but the gunner accepted it with thanks. "so it was duly nailed on a staff stuck into a small cask, and anchored about yards to seaward. after the firing from the howitzers was finished the men were ordered to fire on it with rifles, which for a time they did. while this was going on a small french brig happened to be lying in the roads, and during the forenoon a boat was observed pulling from her in the direction of the target, but it did not venture very close; the firing was not suspended, and nothing further was thought about it. before going to dinner in the middle of the day, a boat was sent to examine the target to see if it would float, as it was intended to continue the practice in the afternoon, and although it was reported to have been knocked about a good deal, it was thought it might remain afloat as long as it would be required, and so it was left. about an hour afterwards, however, it disappeared, and went to the bottom. "the lieutenant, who had been weary with his work and had gone to bed early, was much astonished at being sent for by the captain about midnight. a formal despatch from our consul had come on board, inclosing a communication from the french representative giving a detailed account of what was described as a gross insult to the french flag, perpetrated by h.m.s. ----, and demanding all kinds of apologies. the prime mover in the affair, it appeared, was a certain captain napoleon something, the commander of the little brig. his story was that he had seen with indignation the flag of his country--in size six feet square by his account--carried out by an english man-of-war boat, and deliberately fired upon. he and his crew, he said, had got into their boat determined to rescue the desecrated ensign, 'even at the risk of their lives,' but on getting near they had thought better of it, and pulled ashore instead. here he had collected all the french residents he could get, whom he harangued, and having persuaded them that the scarcely visible speck was in truth their national flag, he got them to sign a strongly worded protest, and go with it along with him in a body to the french consul. reparation, they said, must be made--the insulted flag must be saluted. so great was the excitement and so plausible the story that the french consul, pending negotiations, sent to beyrout requiring the immediate presence of a french man-of-war. in fact there was all the groundwork of a very pretty row. meantime the cause of all the commotion was lying at the bottom of the sea, with five or six fathoms of water over it. a written explanation of the circumstance was sent from the ship, and a meeting arranged for next day at the english consulate; and in the meantime a number of boats were sent early in the morning to try and fish up the bone of contention, as without it there was only the english word against the french. at the consulate there was a stormy meeting--much hard swearing and vociferation on the part of the french captain and his crew, with the affidavits of any number of respectable french residents, formally drawn up and signed. everybody was getting very angry, and prospect of an amicable settlement there was none, when in a momentary lull the english lieutenant asked the french captain--who had for the fiftieth time declared that it _was_ a french flag, and six feet square at least--'whether it was likely that he knew more about it than the marine who had blown his nose with it for the last six months.' this in some measure restored good humour. the meeting separated in a more friendly spirit than had at first seemed possible, and when, on the following day, a lucky cast of the grapnel brought to the surface the innocent cause of the disturbance, there was an end of the matter. torn by bullets, draggled and wet as it was, the wretched handkerchief was borne in triumph to the french consulate, and of course there was no more to be said. the consul made the proper _amende_, and the man-of-war, which actually appeared from beyrout a few hours afterwards to vindicate the honour of the french flag, returned to her anchorage." i shall just add one more incident of the same kind, for which i am indebted to another naval officer. in an english corvette visited tahiti. the island, being under french protection, flies a special flag, and as it is one which is not supplied to english men-of-war, it is usual, when it is necessary for them to salute, to borrow a protectorate flag from the authorities. on the occasion in question, accordingly, the flag was sent off by the governor's aide-de-camp (a naval officer) on the evening of the corvette's arrival at papeite, and the flag having been hoisted on the following morning, the salute was duly fired. but the display of the flag caused a terrible commotion on shore. on such occasions the whole population turns out to see the salute, and the beach of the beautiful land-locked, or rather reef-inclosed, harbour was crowded with french and tahitians watching the corvette, which was moored close under the town. the cause of the commotion was that the flag had been improperly made, so that in hoisting it the french ensign, by pure inadvertence, appeared underneath that of tahiti. the indignation of the french was great, and they hastened to complain to the governor that their flag had been deliberately insulted by her majesty's ship. the mistake, fortunately, lay entirely with the authorities on shore. it was only on hauling it down that the officer in command found it had been caused by the flag being improperly constructed, the technical explanation being that the distance line had been sewed in, the wrong way, with the taggle towards the bottom of the flag--a very trifling thing in itself, but which, if unexplained, might have led to serious consequences. of course the flag was immediately sent to the governor with the explanation, and there was an end of it. so much for naval flags. flags of the british army. i have already noticed incidentally some of the flags used in the armies of england in early times. those used in the latter part of the thirteenth century, and early in the fourteenth, were, besides those of the knights and bannerets, the royal standard and the banners of st. george, of st. edmund, and of st. edward. subsequently various changes took place which it is unnecessary to follow. at present in the british army every regiment of infantry has two flags. they are both made of silk, in this differing from sea flags, which are usually made of bunting. with the exception of the foot guards, the first or queen's colours of every regiment is the union or national flag, with the imperial crown in the centre, and the number of the regiment beneath in gold. the second or regimental colours are, with certain exceptions, of the colour of the facing of the regiment, with the union in the upper corner. the second colours of all regiments bear the devices or badges and distinctions which have been conferred by royal authority. fig. is a representation of the regimental or second colours of the first battalion of the th regiment, for which i am indebted to the courtesy of sir albert woods. it will serve as an example of the regimental colours of other regiments. the pole, it will be observed, is surmounted by the royal crest, and this is common to all regiments carrying colours. the ground of the flag is grass green. the crown and wreath are "proper," that is of the natural colours. the scrolls are gold with black letters. [illustration: fig. .--regimental colours of first battalion of th regiment.] the first or royal colours of the foot guards are crimson, and bear certain special distinctions besides those authorized for the second colours--the whole surmounted by the imperial crown. the second, or regimental colours, of the foot guards is the union, with one of the ancient badges conferred by royal authority. the first battalion of the scots fusilier guards possesses the high distinction of carrying on their first colours the royal arms of scotland. [illustration: fig. .--queen's colours of the first battalion of th regiment.] the colours of infantry are as a rule carried by the two junior lieutenants, and our military annals present many examples of devoted heroism by the standard-bearers in defence of their charge. among such incidents few are more interesting than the loss and recovery of the queen's colours of the first battalion of the th regiment in the african campaign of - , to which i have already referred. it will be recollected that lieutenants melville and coghill, after crossing the river tugela with the queen's colours, were overtaken and attacked by overwhelming numbers and shot down. they died bravely, revolvers in hand, but their pursuers failed to get possession of their precious charge--the colours having been found near them when the bodies were recovered. the queen was much affected by this incident, and bestowed on the young heroes after death the highest distinction for valour in her power--the victoria cross. on the arrival of the colours in england the queen expressed a wish to see them, and they were taken to osborne, where her majesty tied on them a small wreath of immortelles as a mark of her deep sense of the heroism of the two young officers who gave their lives to save the flag. fig. shows the colours in the state in which they were, when presented to the queen, with the wreath placed upon them by her majesty. the colours of the second battalion of the th had been left in camp when the troops advanced to meet the zulus, and they were consequently captured. no trace of them could be found till some time afterwards when the pole with its crown was recovered by a party of the th lancers in a zulu kraal near ulundi. this remnant continued to be carried by the regiment for upwards of a year, when new colours were presented to them at gibraltar on behalf of the queen by lord napier of magdala. the old colours, or rather their pole with the crown, were first trooped. the new colours were then uncovered, and, after consecration, presented--lord napier stating that her majesty knew very well that the flag had not been lost through any default of the battalion, but only in consequence of their having been placed in camp when the battalion went to the front under the general commanding. the presentation of new colours with the accompanying consecration service is an interesting ceremony. as the form may not be generally known, i shall describe a recent one when new colours were presented by the prince of wales to the first battalion of the d regiment (the royal welsh fusiliers) on their embarkation for india. it is specially interesting in connection with the history of the old ragged colours which were then superseded. they had been presented by the late prince consort thirty-one years before, and in the crimea they were the first which were planted on the heights of the alma. two lieutenants were successively shot while holding them, and they were finally seized by sergeant o'connor, who, though wounded, held them aloft and rallied the regiment. for this service he was decorated with the victoria cross. shortly afterwards he received his commission, and subsequently he became colonel of the battalion. on the recent arrival of the troops at portsmouth they were drawn up on the military recreation ground, and the prince and princess of wales having taken their place at the saluting point, the regiment marched past, headed by the goat which always accompanies it. the old colours were then trooped and conveyed to the rear, and three sides of a square having been formed, with a pyramid of the drums in the centre, the new colours were uncased. the royal party then advanced, and the senior chaplain of the regiment read the consecration service. the queen's colours and the regimental colours were then handed to the prince, and he presented them to the two lieutenants who received them kneeling. the prince having spoken a few appropriate words, and the colonel having replied, the colours were saluted by the whole regiment. another march past, and the presentation of the officers to the prince, concluded the ceremony. in the cavalry the standards of regiments of dragoon guards are of crimson silk damask, embroidered and fringed with gold, and their guidons, anciently called "guydhomme"--a swallow-tailed flag--are of crimson silk. each is inscribed with the peculiar devices, distinctions, and mottoes of the regiment. the standards and guidons of cavalry are carried by troop sergeant-majors. the hussars and lancers have no standards. they were discontinued, for what reason i do not know, by william iv., and their badges and devices are now borne on their appointments. neither the royal engineers nor the rifles have colours. neither have the royal artillery; nor is it necessary that they should have any on which to record special services, for the artillery is represented in every action. their appropriate motto, _ubique_, is borne on their appointments. none of the volunteer regiments carries colours. the queen's and regimental colours always parade with the regiment. on march they are cased, but they are always uncased when carried into action. for military authorities "when embarked in boats or other vessels," there is, as we have seen, a special flag. it is the union with the royal initials in the centre on a blue circle, surrounded by a green garland, and surmounted by the imperial crown. use of flags by private persons. in regard to the use of the national flag by private persons, there is a positive rule as to marine flags, but none, so far as i am aware, as to its use on shore. i have occasionally seen it flown on shore with a white border, under an impression, apparently, that this difference was necessary, but it is unmeaning, and there is no authority for it. in numberless instances we see one or other of the marine ensigns hoisted on shore over gentlemen's houses, or used in street decoration on the occasion of public rejoicings; but nothing could be more absurd, as the ensign is exclusively a ship flag. any private individual entitled to armorial bearings may carry them on a flag. in such cases the arms should not be on a shield, but filling the entire flag. the flags and banners represented in works on heraldry have almost invariably a fringe; but this is optional. if a fringe is used it should be composed of the livery colours, each tincture of the arms giving its colour to the portion of the fringe which adjoins it. in the british army the colours of the different regiments are fringed. foreign flags: france. my notice of foreign flags must be short. those of france and america have naturally most interest for us. previous to the revolution the french can hardly be said to have had a national flag. the colours of the reigning families--changing as they did with each fresh dynasty, as was the case in our own early history--were accepted in the place of national standards, while each regiment in the army followed colours of its own. the celebrated _chape de saint martin de tours_ and the _oriflamme_ of the abbey of saint denis, were, like the labarum of constantine, ecclesiastical banners, symbolic of the two patrons of christian france watching over her in her battles. the chape de saint martin was a banner imitating in form a cape or cloak, and was of blue. the oriflamme was red with a green fringe. by the end of the tenth century this had become the royal standard. in one of the windows of the cathedral of chartres (of the thirteenth century) there is a representation of henri sieur de argentin et du mez, marshall of france under st. louis, receiving from the hands of st. denis a banner which is supposed to be the oriflamme. fig. is a copy of this interesting old work of art. the banner, it will be observed, has five points; but in other examples it has only three, each having attached to it a tassel of green silk. [illustration: fig. .--the oriflamme, circa .] the royal banner of st. louis was blue powdered with fleurs-de-lis in gold, and these fleurs-de-lis have remained since the eleventh or twelfth century a peculiarly french and royal device. it is indeed one of extreme antiquity, the emblem of a long-forgotten worship--older by many ages than any record of the doctrine of the trinity, of which some have supposed this flower to be an emblem.[ ] [ ] laughton's _heraldry of the sea_. in the reign of charles vi. the blue field ceased to be _powdered_ with fleurs-de-lis, and was charged with three only--two and one. the white flag which became the standard of the kings of france was probably not introduced till the reign of henry iv. but there is great confusion in the history of the french flags, and this is increased by the use of personal colours at sea, which continued among the french to a much later period than among the english. in the colours of the french regiments there has been great variety of design. under the old monarchy the regimental colours were of two kinds--one was the _drapeau-colonel_, or royal; the other, called _drapeau d'ordonnance_, took its device from the founder of the particular regiment which carried it, or from the province of its origin. a common form of the royal colours was a white cross on a blue field. in other examples, sometimes the cross and sometimes the field were powdered with fleurs-de-lis. in some instances the field was green. the flag displayed by the french in was a white cross on a blue ground, with one fleur-de-lis at each corner of the field, and the motto "patrie et liberté." the tricolour was introduced at the revolution, but the origin of the design is unknown. possibly a trace of it may be found in an illumination in one of the ms. copies of froissart. it represents the king of france setting out against the duke of brittany, and his majesty is preceded by a man on horseback bearing a swallow-tailed pennon, the first part containing the ancient arms of france, and each of the tails--composed of three stripes--red, white, and green. for some time after the revolution the white field was retained. when the three colours came to be used there appears to have been at first no fixed order in arranging them, and in some cases they were placed vertically, and in others horizontally. by a decree in it was ordained that in the navy the flag on the bowsprit--the jack--should be composed of three equal bands placed vertically, that next the staff being red, the middle white, and the third blue. the flag at the stem was to have in a canton the jack above described (occupying one fourth of the flag), and to be surrounded by a narrow band, the half of which was to be red and the other blue, and the rest of the flag to be white. in this flag was abolished, and it was ordered "that the national flag shall be formed of _the three national colours_ in equal bands placed vertically, the hoist being blue, the centre white, and the fly red." it would appear, however, that this arrangement was not for some time universally adopted, and that old flags continued to be used. thus, in the great picture by de loutherbourg at greenwich, the french ships are represented as wearing the suppressed flag of ; while, in a rare print preserved in the bibliotheque nationale at paris, representing the magnificent ceremony at which the first napoleon distributed eagles to the troops in , the banners suspended over the ecole militaire in the champ de mars, where the ceremony took place, show the three colours in fess, that is, in horizontal lines. but the vertical arrangement must have been soon afterwards generally adopted, and this continued to be the flag both of the french army and navy during the empire. on the return of the king in , and again in , it was abolished, and the white flag restored; but the tricolour was reintroduced in , and it has remained in use since.[ ] [ ] see french imperial standard, and national flag, plate iv. nos. and . when the emperor napoleon assumed the sovereignty of elba he had a special flag made. it will be recollected that he was allowed to retain the title of emperor, and although the island which comprised his dominions was only sixty miles in circumference, the inhabitants barely , , his household persons, and his entire army only infantry and cavalry, he considered it necessary to have a "national flag." according to sir walter scott, it bore on a white field a bend charged with three bees. but the emperor was preparing another and very different flag for his small army, of which i am able to give a representation from a very rare coloured engraving.[ ] it was the tricolour of france, composed of the richest silk with the ornaments elaborately embroidered in silver. it bore the imperial crown with the letter n, and the eagle, on each of the blue and red portions, with the imperial bees; and over all the inscription, "l'empereur napoléon à la garde nationale de l'lle d'elbe." to the staff, the top of which was surmounted by a golden eagle, was suspended a tricoloured sash also richly embroidered in silver. this splendid standard was presented by napoleon to his guards in elba shortly before his invasion of france in . on the reverse side there was subsequently embroidered the inscription, "champ de mai"--the flag having been a second time presented by the emperor to his guards at that celebrated meeting, a short time before they marched for waterloo. the standard was captured by the prussians, and on their entering paris was sold to an english gentleman who brought it to england.[ ] [ ] see frontispiece. [ ] when the drawing of it was taken it was in the possession of bernardbrocas, esq., at wokefield. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: national flags and standards. plate iv] the lately-abolished eagle (fig. ) was borne as a standard in the french army during the empire only. it was introduced by napoleon i., who adopted it from the romans. the ribbon attached was of silk five inches wide and three feet long, and richly embroidered. after napoleon's fall the eagles were abandoned, but they were again introduced by napoleon iii. in consequence of their intrinsic value, they proved in the franco-german war a much-coveted prize among the germans, who captured a considerable number of them on the successive defeats of the french. the first napoleon was very careful of the eagles. he himself tells us, in one of the conversations at st. helena, that he established in each regiment two subaltern officers as special guardians of the eagle. "ils n'avaient d'autre arme," he says, "que plusieurs paires de pistolets: d'autre emploi que de veiller froidement a bruler la cervelle de celui qui avancerait pour saisir l'aigle." the dutch and russian ensigns have the same tinctures as those of the present french flag, but borne fess ways--that is horizontally. the former has the red uppermost. the latter has _the metal_, the white, uppermost, and the two _colours_, the blue and the red--against all our notions of heraldic propriety--placed together below. (see dutch and russian flags, plate iv. nos. and .) the belgian colours adopted in are arranged as the french, but the colours are black, yellow, and red. (plate iv. no. .) the flag of prussia is also composed of three stripes-black, white, and red, but arranged horizontally. (plate iv. no. .) the flag of mexico is arranged like that of france, but the colours are green, white, and red. (plate iv. no. .) the american flag. the history of the american flag is interesting. previous to the declaration of independence the different colonies retained the standards of the mother country with the addition of some local emblem. massachusetts, for example, adopted the pine-tree, a device which was also placed on the coins. in "the union with a red field"--a red ensign--was displayed at new york on a liberty poll with the inscription, "george rex and the liberties of america;" and it is interesting to note that the first flag adopted as a national ensign by the ships of the united states consisted of the horizontal stripes with which we are familiar, but with the british union still retained in a canton. this was replaced by the stars on a blue ground. some of the flags first used--at the time when only twelve states had ratified the articles of convention--bore only twelve stars. on the th of august, , congress resolved "that the flag of the united states be thirteen stripes alternately red and white, and that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation." (see fig. .) it has been said that the design of the flag was derived from arms borne by the family of washington; but there is no foundation for this. an american writer--with probably as little ground for the statement--says: "the blue field was taken from the covenanters' banner in scotland, likewise significant of the league and covenant of the united colonies against oppression, and incidentally involving vigilance, perseverance, and justice. the stars were then disposed in a circle symbolizing the perpetuity of the union, as well as equality with themselves. the whole was a blending of the various flags used previous to the war, viz. the red flags of the army and white colours of the floating batteries--the gem of the navy."[ ] [ ] article on "flags," by h. k. w. wilcox, new york, _harper's magazine_, july, . [illustration: fig. .] in it was ordained that the stripes should be increased to fifteen and the stars to the same number; but in congress ordered a return to the thirteen stripes but with twenty stars, and that on the admission of any new state a star should be added. thus the old number of stripes perpetuated the original number of the states forming the union, while the added stars show the union in its existing state. in consequence of the greatly increased number of stars, the circular arrangement had to be abandoned, and they are now disposed in parallel lines. (see flag of the united states, plate v. no. .) the construction of the first national standard, from which the stars and stripes were afterwards adopted, took place at philadelphia in under the personal direction of washington aided by a committee of congress. the flag of the american admirals is composed of the stripes alone, and the stars are used separately as a jack. one of the first american flags used at sea, and bearing only the twelve stars, is still preserved. it is the flag which was flown by the celebrated paul jones from his privateer, the _bon homme richard_, in his engagement with the english ship _serapis_ on d september, . in the course of the action the flag having been shot away from the mast-head, lieutenant stafford, then a volunteer in paul jones' ship, leaped into the sea after it, and recovered and replaced it, being severely wounded while performing this action. the flag thus saved was afterwards presented to him by the marine committee of congress, and it now ( ) belongs to his son.[ ] [ ] letter in _daily telegraph_, th march, , by mr. w. stafford northcote. [illustration: national flags and standards. plate v.] i may mention that the white and red stripes are not peculiar to the american flag. a flag of similar design was for a long time a well-known signal in the british navy, being that used for the red division to draw into line of battle. other foreign flags. the flag of liberia is very like that of the united states, being composed of red and white stripes with a blue canton. the only difference is that the latter bears only one star. (see the flag of liberia, plate v. no. .) the flag of bremen is also composed of red and white stripes. spain from the first period of her greatness bore the castilian flag, quartering castile and leon. in an old illumination representing the coronation of henry, son of john, king of castile, there are on the king's left hand two men, unarmed, the one holding a banner of castile and leon quarterly, the other a blue pennon charged with three kings' heads-the banner of the three kings of cologne. on his majesty's right hand a man, also unarmed, holds a shield with the arms of castile and leon. it was this last device, as a national flag, that was carried by the ships of columbus. but columbus had also as a personal flag one given to him by queen isabella--a white swallow-tailed pennon bearing a latin cross in green between the letters fy crowned. these two flags are noteworthy as the first that crossed the atlantic. the present royal standard of spain is of very complicated construction (see plate v. no. ), embracing among its bearings the arms of castile and leon, of aragon, sicily, burgundy, and others. the national ensign is in marked contrast by its simplicity. it is composed of yellow and red stripes--derived from the bars of aragon. (see plate v. no. .) austria at first bore on her flag the roman eagle. now her war ensign is red, white, and red placed horizontally, and in the centre a shield of the same within a gold border (the arms of the dukes of austria), surmounted by the royal crown. (see plate v. no. .) the merchant flag is the same without the shield and crown. the austro-hungarian flag has the lower stripe half red and half green, with two shields, one on the right containing the arms of austria, and the other bearing the arms of hungary. (see plate v. no. .) the flag of italy was designed by napoleon i. on his declaration of the kingdom of italy. it is a modification of the french, the division of the field next the staff being, instead of blue, green, which, it is known, was a favourite colour of the emperor. in the centre is a red shield charged with a white cross--the arms of the dukes of savoy, now borne by italy. a representation of the italian merchant flag will be found on plate v. no. . the war ensign is the same, except that the shield is surmounted by the royal crown. in the construction of the flag of norway, curiously enough, the same blunder has been committed as in our own union. it is "described" as a blue cross _fimbriated_ white; but the border, as the flag is worn, is too broad, and it really represents two crosses, a blue cross superimposed on a white one--just as our st. george's cross, as represented in our national colours, is nothing but a red cross superimposed on a white one. mr. laughton accordingly looking at the norwegian flag in this light, calls it the white flag of denmark with a blue cross over it,[ ] which it was certainly not intended to be. the flag is shown in plate v. no. . the swedish-norwegian union in the canton was introduced in , when the two countries were united under one king. [ ] _heraldry of the sea_, p. . the danish flag (see plate v. no. ) is the oldest now in existence. the tradition is that it descended from heaven ready made in the year in answer to the prayer of king waldemar, as he was leading his troops to battle against the pagans of the baltic. be that as it may, it certainly dates from the thirteenth century. the flag of portugal has borne a conspicuous part in history, and the devices in it carry us back to a very early period. the present royal standard is red with a red shield in the centre charged with towers or castles for the kingdom of algarve, which alphonsus iii. got from the king of castile when he married the daughter of the latter in ; and in the centre there is a white shield bearing on it the shields of the five moors placed crossways. the portuguese national flag is per pale, blue and white, and in the centre point is the same device as appears on the royal standard. the present flag, however, is only a modification of the old flag which was carried by the early discoverers, and which brought glory to portugal in the days of prince henry the navigator. (see the national flag of portugal, plate v. no. .) the royal standards of norway and sweden, and also the ensign of these kingdoms, are peculiar in preserving the ancient form of having the fly ending in three points. (see the swedish standard, plate v. no. .) greece has adopted the colours of bavaria in compliment to her first king. (see plate vi. no. .) the devices on some of the asiatic flags are peculiar. that of burmah bears a peacock; siam, a white elephant; and china, a hideous-looking dragon. (see these flags, plate vi. nos. , , .) on the flag of bolivia (plate vi. no. ) is the representation of a volcano, suggested in all probability by the great volcano of serhama, which rises in western bolivia to the height of , feet. japan, the land of the far east, the source of the sun, as her name signifies, has adopted for her flag the sun rising blood-red. (see plate v. no. .) [illustration: national flags and standards. plate vi.] the flag of brazil, which is very inartistic in its construction, bears among other devices the armillary sphere of portugal. (see plate vi. no. .) in plates iv. v. and vi. will be found representations of the flags of other kingdoms and republics. these speak for themselves, and do not call for particular description. but i must now bring these notices to a close. to the true patriot of every country the national flag must be a subject of pride. if, as a french writer observes, it does not always lead him to victory, it inspires him to fight well, and if need be to die well. "we pay to it," says the same writer, "royal honours. when it is paraded--in rags it may be, and with faded colours, bearing in letters of gold the names of victories--the troops present arms, the officers salute it with the sword, and the white heads of veteran generals are uncovered and bent before the ensign." to the soldier its loss is one of the greatest calamities. in napoleon's disastrous retreat from moscow in not many of his flags remained with the russians. of those which were not carried off most were burned, and of some of these the officers drank the ashes. more recently the same thing is said to have been done at metz and sedan. so a french writer tells us, and he characterizes the act as "_communion sublime_!" what the flag is, indeed, to the sailor and the soldier, whether when shaken out in battle or when displayed in memory of great victories, none but the soldier and the sailor can realize. at the interment of lord nelson, when his flag was about to be lowered into the grave, the sailors who assisted at the ceremony ran forward with one accord and tore it into small pieces, to be preserved as sacred relics. "i know," says charles kingsley--in those _brave words_ which he addressed to our soldiers then fighting in the trenches before sebastopol, "i know that you would follow those colours into the mouth of the pit; that you would die twice over rather than let them be taken. those noble rags, inscribed with noble names of victory, should remind you every day and every hour that he who fights for queen and country in a just cause is fighting not only in the queen's army but in christ's army, and that he shall in no wise lose his reward." index. a. armenian flag, . army, british, flags of, . artillery--have no colours, . assyrian standards, , . austria, flag of, . austro-hungary, flag of, . b. banner of st. cuthbert, . banner-bearers, . bannerets, . ---- their following, . banners, . belgian flag, . beverly, sir john of, his banner, . black prince at navarete, . "blue blanket," , . "bluidy banner" of covenanters, . bolivia, flag of, . brazil, flag of, . bryon, sir guy de, banner-bearer of edward iii., . burmah, flag of, . ---- british, flag of, . c. carlaverock, siege of, . chandos, sir john, made banneret, . china, flag of, . cochrane, lord, , . colours of british army, . colours of th regiment, , . ---- of foot guards, . ---- of cavalry, . ---- presentation of new, . columbus, his flag, . commonwealth, flag of, . constantine, standard of, . consuls, flags of, . coronations, banners borne at, . covenanters, flags of, , . custodiers of banners, . d. danish flag, . ---- standards, . ---- flag, . deceiving enemy, use of flags in, . douglas. see earl douglas, , , . dragon--standard of romans and dacians, . dragon--standard of germany and england, . dragoon guards, colours of, . dutch fleets, . e. eagle, roman, . ---- french, . earl douglas, his standard, , . earl marshall, his standard, . earl percy--love pledges, . edward iii., his banner, . ---- his standard, . egyptian standards, , , . engineers, royal--have no colours, . ensign, the, . f. false colours, when may be used, . firing at colours of a friendly nation, . flag, waving, first introduction of, . flag of mutiny, . flags, first forms of, . ---- different kinds of, . ---- hauling down enemy's, . ---- usage, international, as to, . ---- of british army, . ---- of military authorities embarked in boats, . flags, special, . ---- of private persons, . fleurs de lis of france in arms of england, . flodden, battle of, . foreign flags, . ---- ---- use of at home, . french flags, . funerals, banners borne at, . g. george iii., his standard, . gonfanon, . greece, flag of, . greeks, standards of, . h. hauling down enemy's colours, , . hebrew standards, . henry ii., his standard, . henry vii., his personal standard, . hopson, admiral, . hussars--have no colours, . i. india, governor-general of, his flag, . international usage as to flags, . ireland, national flag of, . ---- lord-lieutenant of, his flag, . isandlana, , . italy, flag of, . j. jack, union, . ---- pilot, . james i., his standard, . japan, flag of, . k. knights bannerets, . l. labarum, roman, . lancers--have no colours, . liberia, flag of, . lord-lieutenant of ireland, his flag, . m. marshall. see earl marshall, . mary stuart, queen, her standard, . moscow, flags destroyed in napoleon's retreat from, . mourning, flags signifying, . mutiny, flag hoisted in, . n. napoleon i., standard presented by to his guards, . national flags, . navarete, battle of, . norman standards, . norway, peculiar form of flag of, , . o. otterbourne, battle of, . p. pacha, standard of, . parley, signal for, . parthians, banners of, , . paul jones, his flag, . pendant, the, . ---- long, . ---- broad, . pennon, . penny, design of union on, . penoncel, . percy. see earl percy, . persian standards, . portugal, flag of, . private persons, use of flags by, . prussian flag, . q. quarantine, flag of, . r. rifle brigade--has no colours, . roman standards, , . royal standard of england, , . ---- of scotland, . russian flag, . s. saxons, standards of, . scottish arms, their precedence on royal standard, . sedan, flags destroyed by french at, . siam, flag of, . sickness, flag intimating, . signal flags, . spain, flag of, . special flags, . squadrons, division of navy into, . standard, battle of, . standard, the royal, , . ---- ---- when hoisted in ships, . standard-bearers, , . standards, ancient, . ---- of egypt, - . ---- of the hebrews, . ---- of the assyrians, , . ---- of persians, . ---- of turks, . ---- of pachas, . ---- roman, , , . ---- of greeks, . ---- parthian, . ---- of danes, . ---- of saxons, . ---- of normans, . ---- suspended from trumpets, . ---- at coronations and funerals, . ---- personal, of sovereigns, . ---- borne by nobles, . ---- borne by trades, . supporters of royal arms, . surrender, signal of, at sea, , . ---- of a fortress, . swedish-norwegian flag, . t. trades, standards borne by, . truce, flag of, . trumpets, banners suspended from, . turkish standards, . u. union, design of, on penny, . ---- flag, the first, . ---- under commonwealth, . ---- on restoration, . ---- present form, . ---- error in construction of, . ---- as it ought to be made, . ---- how and when displayed, , . ---- in ensign, . ---- jack, . united states flag, . usage, international, as to flags, . uses of flags in naval warfare, . v. volunteer regiments--have no colours, . w. warwick, earl of, his standard, . william iii., his standard, . wolf, on roman standard, . y. yellow flag, . ---- successful use of, by lord cochrane, . transcriber notes: passages in italics were indicated by _underscores_. small caps were replaced with all caps. throughout the document, the oe ligature was replaced with "oe". throughout the document, the superscripted letters are preceeded by a carot. if there is only one superscripted letter it is placed directly after the carot, and if there is more than one superscripted letter they are enclosed by curly brackets. thus, the word "y^e" represents a word where the "y" is normal and the "e" is superscripted; and the word " ^{st}" represents a word where the " " is normal and the "st" is superscripted. the illustrations have been moved so that they do not break up paragraphs and so that they are next to the text they illustrate. thus the page number of the illustration might not match the page number in the list of illustrations, and the order of illustrations may not be the same in the list of illustrations and in the book. errors in punctuations and inconsistent hyphenation were not corrected unless otherwise noted. on page , "andrews" was replaced with "andrew's". on page , "top-gallantmast-head" was replaced with "top-gallant-masthead". on page , two instances of "top-gallantmast head" were replaced with "top-gallant-masthead". on page , "buntin" was replaced with "bunting". transcriber's note: a few typographical errors have been corrected; they are listed at the end of the text. to facilitate the use of the index, page numbers have been included enclosed by curly brackets (example: { }). the flags of the world: their history, blazonry, and associations. from the banner of the crusader to the burgee of the yachtsman; flags national, colonial, personal; the ensigns of mighty empires; the symbols of lost causes. by f. edward hulme, f.l.s., f.s.a., author of "familiar wild flowers," "history, principles and practice of heraldry," "birth and development of ornament," &c., &c. london: frederick warne & co., and new york [all rights reserved.] {iii} table of contents. chapter i. the necessity of some special sign to distinguish individuals, tribes, and nations--the standards of antiquity--egyptian, assyrian, persian, greek, and roman--the vexillum--the labarum of constantine--invocation of religion--the flags of the enemy--early flags of religious character--flags of saints at funeral obsequies--company and guild flags of the mediæval period--political colours--various kinds of flags--the banner--rolls of arms--roll of karlaverok--the flag called the royal standard is really the royal banner--main-sail banners--trumpet banners--ladies embroidering banners for the cause--knights' banneret--form of investiture--the standard--the percy badges and motto--arctic sledge-flags--the rank governing the size of the standard--standards at state funerals--the pennon--knights' pennonciers--the pennoncelle--mr. rolt as chief mourner--lord mayor's show--the pennant--the streamer--tudor badges--livery colours--the guidon--bunting--flag devising a branch of heraldry--colours chiefly used in flags--flags bearing inscriptions--significance of the red flag--of the yellow--of the white--of the black--dipping the flag--the sovereignty of the sea--right of salute insisted on--political changes rendering flags obsolete chapter ii. the royal standard--the three lions of england--the lion rampant of scotland--scottish sensitiveness as to precedence--the scottish tressure--the harp of ireland--early irish flags--brian boru--the royal standards from richard i. to victoria--claim to the fleurs-de-lys of france--quartering hanover--the union flag--st. george for england--war cry--observance of st. george's day--the cross of st. george--early naval flags--the london trained bands--the cross of st. andrew--the "blue blanket"--flags of the covenanters--relics of st. andrew--union of england and scotland--the first union flag--importance of accuracy in representations of it--the union jack--flags of the commonwealth and protectorate--union of great britain and {iv} ireland--the cross of st. patrick--labours of st. patrick in ireland--proclamation of george iii. as to flags, etc.--the second union flag--heraldic difficulties in its construction--suggestions by critics--regulations as to fortress flags--the white ensign of the royal navy--saluting the flag--the navy the safeguard of britain--the blue ensign--the royal naval reserve--the red ensign of the mercantile marine--value of flag-lore chapter iii. army flags--the queen's colour--the regimental colour--the honours and devices--the flag of the th regiment--facings--flag of the king's own borderers--what the flag symbolises--colours of the guards--the assaye flag--cavalry flags--presentation of colours--chelsea college chapel--flags of the buffs in canterbury cathedral--flags of the scottish regiments in st. giles's cathedral--burning of rebel flags by the hangman--special flags for various official personages--special flags for different government departments--the lord high admiral--the mail flag--white ensign of the royal yacht squadron--yacht ensigns and burgees--house or company flags--how to express colours with lines--the allan tricolor--port flags--the british empire--the colonial blue ensign and pendant--the colonial defence act--colonial mercantile flag--admiralty warrant--flag of the governor of a colony--the green garland--the arms of the dominion of canada--badges of the various colonies--daniel webster on the might of england--bacon on the command of the ocean chapter iv. the flag of columbus--early settlements in north america--the birth of the united states--early revolutionary and state flags--the pine-tree flag--the rattle-snake flag--the stars and stripes--early variations of it--the arms of washington--entry of new states into the union--the eagle--the flag of the president--secession of the southern states--state flags again--the stars and bars--the southern cross--the birth of the german empire--the influence of war songs--flags of the empire--flags of the smaller german states--the austro-hungary monarchy--the flags of russia--the crosses of st. andrew and st. george again--the flags of france--st. martin--the oriflamme--the fleurs-de-lys--their origin--the white cross--the white flag of the bourbons--the tricolor--the red {v} flag--the flags of spain--of portugal--the consummation of italian unity--the arms of savoy--the flags of italy--of the temporal power of the papacy--the flag of denmark--its celestial origin--the flags of norway and sweden--of switzerland--cantonal colours--the geneva convention--the flags of holland--of belgium--of greece--the crescent of turkey--the tughra--the flags of roumania, servia, and bulgaria--flags of mexico, and of the states of southern and central america--of japan--the rising sun--the chrysanthemum--the flags of china, siam and corea--of sarawak--of the orange free state, liberia, congo state, and the transvaal republic chapter v. flags as a means of signalling--army signalling--the morse alphabet--navy signalling--first attempts at sea signals--old signal books in library of royal united service institution--"england expects that every man will do his duty"--sinking signal codes on defeat--present system of signalling in royal navy--pilot signals--weather signalling by flags--the international signal code--first published in --seventy-eight thousand different signals possible--why no vowels used--lloyd's signal stations alphabetical index to text coloured plates { } the flags of the world. chapter i. the necessity of some special sign to distinguish individuals, tribes, and nations--the standards of antiquity--egyptian, assyrian, persian, greek, and roman--the vexillum--the labarum of constantine--invocation of religion--the flags of the enemy--early flags of religious character--flags of saints at funeral obsequies--company and guild flags of the mediæval period--political colours--various kinds of flags--the banner--rolls of arms--roll of karlaverok--the flag called the royal standard is really the royal banner--mainsail banners--trumpet banners--ladies embroidering banners for the cause--knights' banneret--form of investiture--the standard--the percy badges and motto--arctic sledge-flags--the rank governing the size of the standard--standards at state funerals--the pennon--knights-pennonciers--the pennoncelle--mr. rolt as chief mourner--lord mayor's show--the pennant--the streamer--tudor badges--livery colours--the guidon--bunting--flag devising a branch of heraldry--colours chiefly used in flags--flags bearing inscriptions--significance of the red flag--of the yellow--of the white--of the black--dipping the flag--the sovereignty of the sea--right of salute insisted on--political changes rendering flags obsolete. so soon as man passes from the lowest stage of barbarism the necessity for some special sign, distinguishing man from man, tribe from tribe, nation from nation, makes itself felt; and this prime necessity once met, around the symbol chosen spirit-stirring memories quickly gather that endear it, and make it the emblem of the power and dignity of those by whom it is borne. the painted semblance of grizzly bear, or beaver, or rattlesnake on the canvas walls of the tepi of the prairie brave, the special chequering of colours that compose the tartan[ ] of the highland clansman, are examples of this; and as we pass from individual or local tribe to mighty nations, the same influence is still at work, and the distinctive union flag of britain, the tricolor of france, the gold and scarlet bars of the flag of spain, all alike appeal with irresistible force to the patriotism of those born beneath their folds, and speak to them of the glories and greatness of the historic past, the duties of the present, and the hopes of the future--inspiring those who gaze upon their proud blazonry with the determination to be no unworthy sons of their fathers, but to live, and if need be to die, for the dear home-land of which these are the symbol. { } the standards used by the nations of antiquity differed in nature from the flags that in mediæval and modern days have taken their place. these earlier symbols were ordinary devices wrought in metal, and carried at the head of poles or spears. thus the hosts of egypt marched to war beneath the shadow of the various sacred animals that typified their deities, or the fan-like arrangement of feathers that symbolised the majesty of pharoah, while the assyrian standards, to be readily seen represented on the slabs from the palaces of khorsabad and kyonjik, in the british museum and elsewhere, were circular disks of metal containing various distinctive devices. both these and the egyptian standards often have in addition a small flag-like streamer attached to the staff immediately below the device. the greeks in like manner employed the owl of athene, and such-like religious and patriotic symbols of the protection of the deities, though homer, it will be remembered, makes agamemnon use a piece of purple cloth as a rallying point for his followers. the sculptures of persepolis show us that the persians adopted the figure of the sun, the eagle, and the like. in rome a hand erect, or the figures of the horse, wolf, and other animals were used, but at a later period the eagle alone was employed. pliny tells us that "caius marius in his second consulship ordained that the roman legions should only have the eagle for their standard. for before that time the eagle marched foremost with four others, wolves, minatours, horses, and bears--each one in its proper order. not many years past the eagle alone began to be advanced in battle, and the rest were left behind in the camp. but marius rejected them altogether, and since this it is observed that scarcely is there a camp of a legion wintered at any time without having a pair of eagles." the eagle, we need scarcely stay to point out, obtained this pre-eminence as being the bird of jove. the vexillum, or cavalry flag, was, according to livy, a square piece of cloth fixed to a cross bar at the end of a spear; this was often richly fringed, and was either plain or bore certain devices upon it, and was strictly and properly a flag. the ensigns which distinguished the allied forces from the legions of the romans were also of this character. examples of these vexilla may be seen on the sculptured columns of trajan and antoninus, the arch of titus, and upon various coins and medals of ancient rome. the imperial standard or labarum carried before constantine and his successors resembled the cavalry vexillum.[ ] it was of purple silk, richly embroidered with gold, and though ordinarily { } suspended from a horizontal cross-bar, was occasionally displayed in accordance with our modern usage by attachment by one of its sides to the staff. the roman standards were guarded with religious veneration in the temples of the metropolis and of the chief cities of the empire, and modern practice has followed herein the ancient precedent. as in classic days the protection of jove was invoked, so in later days the blessing of jehovah, the lord of hosts, has been sought. at the presentation of colours to a regiment a solemn service of prayer and praise is held, and when these colours return in honour, shot-rent from victorious conflict, they are reverently placed in stately abbey, venerable cathedral, or parish church, never more to issue from the peace and rest of the home of god until by lapse of years they crumble into indistinguishable dust. the israelites carried the sacred standard of the maccabees, with the initial letters of the hebrew text, "who is like unto thee, o god, amongst the gods?" the emperor constantine caused the sacred monogram of christ to be placed on the labarum, and when the armies of christendom went forth to rescue the holy land from the infidel they received their cross-embroidered standards from the foot of the altar. pope alexander ii. sent a consecrated white banner to duke william previous to his expedition against harold, and we read in the "beehive of the romish church," published in , how "the spaniardes christen, conjure, and hallow their ensignes, naming one barbara, another katherine," after the names of saints whose aid they invoked in the stress of battle. we may see this invocation again very well in figs. , : flags borne by the colonists of massachusetts when they arrayed themselves against the mercenaries of king george, and appealed to the god of battles in behalf of the freedom and justice denied by those who bore rule over them. this recognition of the king of kings has led also to the captured banners of the enemy being solemnly suspended in gratitude and thanksgiving in the house of god. thus speed tells us that on the dispersal and defeat of the armada, queen elizabeth commanded solemn thanksgiving to be celebrated at the cathedral church of st. paul's, in her chief city of london, which accordingly was done upon sunday, the th of september, when eleven of the spanish ensigns were hung, to the great joy of the beholders, as "psalmes of praise" for england's deliverance from sore peril. very appropriately, too, in the chapel of the royal college at chelsea, the home of the old soldiers who helped to win them, hang the flags taken at barrosa, martinique, bhurtpore, seringapatam, salamanca, waterloo, and many another hard-fought struggle; { } and thus, in like manner, is the tomb of napoleon i., in paris, surrounded by trophies of captured flags. on march th, , the evening before the entry of the allies into paris, about , flags--the victorious trophies of napoleon--were burnt in the court of the eglise des invalides, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. early flags were almost purely of a religious character.[ ] the first notice of banners in england is in bede's description of the interview between the heathen king ethelbert and augustine, the missionary from rome, where the followers of the latter are described as bearing banners on which were displayed silver crosses; and we need scarcely pause to point out that in roman catholic countries, where the ritual is emotional and sensuous, banners of this type are still largely employed to add to the pomp of religious processions. heraldic and political devices upon flags are of later date, and even when these came freely into use their presence did not supplant the ecclesiastical symbols. the national banner of england for centuries--the ruddy cross of her patron saint george (fig. )--was a religious one, and, whatever other banners were carried, this was ever foremost in the field. the royal banner of great britain and ireland that we see in fig. , in its rich blazonry of the lions of england and scotland and the irish harp, is a good example of the heraldic flag, while our union flag (fig. ), equally symbolizes the three nations of the united kingdom, but this time by the allied crosses of the three patron saints, st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick, and it is therefore a lineal descendant and exemplar of the religious influence that was once all-powerful. the ecclesiastical flags were often purely pictorial in character, being actual representations of the persons of the trinity, of the virgin mother, or of divers saints. at other times the monasteries and other religious houses bore banners of heraldic character; as the leading ecclesiastics were both lords temporal and lords spiritual, taking their places in the ranks of fighting men and leading on the field the body of dependants and retainers that they were required to maintain in aid of the national defence. in such case { } the distinguishing banner of the contingent conformed in character to the heraldic cognisances of the other nobles in the host. fig. , for instance, was the banner of st. alban's abbey. in a poem on the capture of rouen by the english, in the year , written by an eye-witness of the scenes described, we read how the english commander-- "to the castelle firste he rode and sythen the citie all abrode, lengthe and brede he it mette and riche baneres up he sette upon the porte seint hillare a baner of the trynyte; and at porte kaux he sette evene a baner of the quene of heven; and at porte martvile he upplyt of seint george a baner breight." and not until this recognition of divine and saintly aid was made did "he sette upon the castelle to stonde the armys of fraunce and englond." henry v., at agincourt, in like manner displayed at his headquarters on the field not only his own arms, but, in place of special honour and prominence, the banners of the trinity, of st. george, and of st. edward. these banners of religious significance were often borne from the monasteries to the field of battle, while monks and priests in attendance on them invoked the aid of heaven during the strife. in an old statement of accounts, still existing, we read that edward i. made a payment of ½d. a day to a priest of beverley for carrying throughout one of his campaigns a banner bearing the figure of st. john. st. wilfred's banner from ripon, together with this banner of st. john from beverley, were brought on to the field at northallerton; the flag of st. denis was carried in the armies of st. louis and of philip le bel, and the banner of st. cuthbert of durham was borrowed by the earl of surrey in his expedition against scotland in the reign of henry viii. this banner had the valuable reputation of securing victory to those who fought under it. it was suspended from a horizontal bar below a spear head, and was a yard or so in breadth and a little more than this in depth; the bottom edge had five deep indentations. the banner was of red velvet sumptuously enriched with gold embroidery, and in the centre was a piece of white velvet, half a yard square, having a cross of red velvet upon it. this central portion covered and protected a relic of the saint. the victory of neville's cross, october th, , was held to be largely { } due to the presence of this sacred banner, and the triumph at flodden was also ascribed to it. during the prevalence of roman catholicism in england, we find that banners of religious type entered largely into the funeral obsequies of persons of distinction: thus at the burial of arthur, prince of wales, the eldest son of henry vii., we find a banner of the trinity, another with the cross and instruments of the passion depicted upon it; another of the virgin mary, and yet another with a representation of st. george. such banners, as in the present instance, were ordinarily four in number, and carried immediately round the body at the four corners of the bier. thus we read in the diary of an old chronicler, machyn, who lived in the reigns of edward vi., mary, and elizabeth, that at the burial of the countess of arundel, october th, , "cam iiij herroldes in ther cotes of armes, and bare iiij baners of emages at the iiij corners." again, on "aprell xxix, , was bered my lady dudley in saint margarett in westminster, with iiij baners of emages." another item deals with the funeral of the duchess of northumberland, and here again "the iiij baners of ymages" again recur. anyone having the old records, church inventories, and the like before them, would find it easy enough, as easy as needless, to multiply illustrations of this funeral use of pictured banners. these "emages" or "ymages" of old machyn are of course not images in the sense of sculptured or carved things, but are painted and embroidered representations of various saints. machyn, as a greatly interested looker-on at all the spectacles of his day, is most entertaining, but his spelling, according to the severer notions of the present day, is a little weak, as, for instance, in the following words that we have culled at random from his pages:--prossessyon, gaffelyns, fezyssyoun, dysquyet, neckclygens, gorgyusle, berehyng, wypyd, pelere, artelere, and dyssys of spyssys. the context ordinarily makes the meaning clear, but as our readers have not that advantage, we give the same words according to modern orthography--procession, javelins, physician, disquiet, negligence, gorgeously, burying, whipped, pillory, artillery, dishes of spices. the various companies and guilds of the mediæval period had their special flags that came out, as do those of their successors of the present day, on the various occasions of civic pageantry; and in many cases, as may be seen in the illuminated mss. in the british museum and elsewhere, they were carried to battle as the insignia of the companies of men provided at the expense of those corporations. thus in one example that has come under our notice we see a banner bearing a chevron between hammer, trowels, and builder's square; in another between an axe and two pairs of compasses, while a third on its azure field bears a pair of golden { } shears. in the representation of a battle between philip d'artevelde and the flemings against the french, many of the flags therein introduced bear the most extraordinary devices, boots and shoes, drinking-vessels, anvils, and the like, that owe their presence there to the fact that various trade guilds sent their contingents of men to the fight. in a french work on mediæval guilds we find the candle-makers of bayeux marching beneath a black banner with three white candles on it, the locksmiths of la rochelle having a scarlet flag with four golden keys on it. the lawyers of loudoun had a flag with a large eye on it (a single eye to business being, we presume, understood), while those of laval had a blue banner with three golden mouths thereon. in like manner the metal-workers of laval carried a black flag with a silver hammer and files depicted on it, those of niort had a red flag with a silver cup and a fork and spoon in gold on either side. the metal-workers of ypres also carried a red flag, and on this was represented a golden flagon and two buckles of gold. should some national stress this year or next lead our city companies, the fishmongers, the carpenters, the vintners, and others to contribute contingents to the defence of the country, and to send them forth beneath the banners of the guilds, history would but repeat itself. in matters political the two great opposing parties have their distinctive colours, and these have ordinarily been buff and blue, though the association of buff with the liberal party and "true blue" with the conservatives has been by no means so entirely a matter of course as persons who have not looked into the matter might be disposed to imagine. the local colours are often those that were once the livery colours of the principal family in the district, and were assumed by its adherents for the family's sake quite independently of its political creed. the notion of livery is now an unpleasant one, but in mediæval days the colours of the great houses were worn by the whole country-side, and the wearing carried with it no suggestion either of toadyism or servitude. as this influence was hereditary and at one time all-powerful, the colour of the castle, or abbey, or great house, became stereotyped in that district as the symbol of the party of which these princely establishments were the local centre and visible evidence, and the colour still often survives locally, though the political and social system that originated it has passed away in these days of democratic independence. it would clearly be a great political gain if one colour were all over great britain the definite emblem of one side, as many illiterate voters are greatly influenced by the colours worn by the candidates for their suffrages, and have sufficient sense of consistency of principle to vote always for the flag that first claimed { } their allegiance, though it may very possibly be that if they move to another county it is the emblem of a totally distinct party, and typifies opinions to which the voter has always been opposed. at a late election a yorkshire conservative, who had acquired a vote for bournemouth, was told that he must "vote pink," but this he very steadily refused to do. he declared that he would "never vote owt else but th' old true blue," so the liberal party secured his vote; and this sort of thing at a general election is going on all over the country. the town of royston, for instance, stands partly in hertfordshire and partly in cambridgeshire, and in the former county the conservatives and in the latter the liberals are the blue party; hence the significance of the colour in one street of the little town is entirely different to that it bears in another. at horsham in sussex we have observed that the conservative colour is pale pink, while in richmond in surrey it is a deep orange. the orange was adopted by the whigs out of compliment to william iii., who was prince of orange. in the old chronicles and ballads reference is made to many forms of flags now obsolete. the term flag is a generic one, and covers all the specific kinds. it is suggested that the word is derived from the anglo-saxon verb fleogan, to fly or float in the wind, or from the old german flackern, to flutter. ensign is an alternative word formed on the idea of the display of insignia, badges, or devices, and was formerly much used where we should now employ the word colours. the company officers in a regiment who were until late years termed ensigns were at a still earlier period more correctly termed ensign-bearers. milton, it will be recalled, describes a "bannered host under spread ensigns marching." sir walter scott greatly enlarges our vocabulary when he writes in "marmion" of where "a thousand streamers flaunted fair, various in shape, device, and hue, green, sanguine, purple, red, and blue, broad, narrow, swallow-tailed, and square, scroll, pennon, pensil, bandrol, there o'er the pavilions flew," while milton again writes of "ten thousand thousand ensigns high advanced standards and gonfalons 'twixt van and rear stream in the air, and for distinction serve of hierarchies, orders, and degrees." we have seen that the pomp of funeral display led to the use of pictorial flags of religious type, and with these were associated others that dealt with the mundane rank and position of the { } deceased. thus we find edmonson, in his book on heraldry, writing as follows:--"the armorial ensigns, as fixed by the officers of arms, and through long and continued usage established as proper to be carried in funeral processions, are pennons, guidons, cornets, standards, banners, and banner-rolls, having thereon depicted the arms, quarterings, badges, crests, supporters, and devices of the defunct: together with all such other trophies of honour as in his lifetime he was entitled to display, carry, or wear in the field; banners charged with the armorial ensigns of such dignities, titles, offices, civil and military, as were possessed or enjoyed by the defunct at the time of his decease, and banner-rolls of his own matches and lineal descent both on the paternal and maternal side. in case the defunct was an archbishop, banner-rolls of the arms and insignia of the sees to which he had been elected and translated, and if he was a merchant or eminent trader pennons of the particular city, corporation, guild, fraternity, craft, or company whereof he had been a member." however true the beautiful stanza of gray-- "the boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, and all that beauty, all that wealth ere gave, await at last the inevitable hour, the paths of glory lead but to the grave"-- the survivors of the deceased most naturally and most justly bore to their rest those to whom honour was due with the full respect to which their career on earth entitled them. the names bestowed upon the different kinds of flags have varied from time to time, the various authorities of mediæval and modern days not being quite of one mind sometimes, so that while the more salient forms are easily identifiable, some little element of doubt creeps in when we would endeavour to bestow with absolute precision a name to a certain less common form before us, or a definite form to a name that we encounter in some old writer. whatever looseness of nomenclature, however, may be encountered on the fringe of our subject, the bestowal of the leading terms is sufficiently definite, and it is to these we now turn our attention, reflecting for our comfort that it is of far greater value to us to know all about a form that is of frequent recurrence, and to which abundant reference is made, than to be able to quite satisfactorily decide what special name some abnormal form should carry, or what special form is meant by a name that perhaps only occurs once or twice in the whole range of literature, and even that perhaps by some poet or romance writer who has thought more of the general effect of his description than of the technical accuracy of the terms in which he has clothed it. { } the banner first engages our attention. this was ordinarily, in the earlier days of chivalry, a square flag, though in later examples it may be found somewhat greater in length than in depth, and in some early examples it is considerably greater in depth than in its degree of projection outwards from the lance. in the technical language of the subject, the part of a flag nearest the pole is called the hoist, and the outer part the fly. fig. is a good illustration of this elongated form. it has been suggested that the shortness of the fly in such cases was in order that the greater fluttering in the wind that such a form as fig. would produce might be prevented, as this constant tugging at the lance-head would be disagreeable to the holder, while it might, in the rush of the charge, prevent that accuracy of aim that one would desire to give one's adversary the full benefit of at such a crisis in his career. pretty as this may be as a theory, there is probably not much in it, or the form in those warlike days of chivalry would have been more generally adopted. according to an ancient authority the banner of an emperor should be six feet square; of a king, five; of a prince or duke, four; and of an earl, marquis, viscount, or baron three feet square. when we consider that the great function of the banner was to bear upon its surface the coat-of-arms of its owner, and that this coat was emblazoned upon it and filled up its entire surface in just the same way that we find these charges represented upon his shield, it is evident that no form that departed far either in length or breadth from the square would be suitable for their display. though heraldically it is allowable to compress or extend any form from its normal proportions when the exigencies of space demand it,[ ] it is clearly better to escape this when possible.[ ] the arms depicted in fig. are certainly not the better for the elongation to which they have been subjected, while _per contra_ the bearings on any of the banners in figs. , , , , , , , , , , or , have had no despite done them, the square form being clearly well-adapted for their due display. the rolls of arms prepared on various occasions by the mediæval and later heralds form an admirable storehouse of examples. some of these have been reproduced in facsimile, and are, therefore, more or less readily accessible. we have before us as we write the roll of the arms of the sovereign and of the { } spiritual and temporal peers who sat in parliament in the year , and another excellent example that has been reproduced is the roll of karlaverok. this karlaverok was a fortress on the north side of solway frith, which it was necessary for edward i. to reduce on his invasion of scotland in the year , and this investiture and all the details of the siege are minutely described by a contemporary writer, who gives the arms and names of all the nobles there engaged. as soon as the castle fell into edward's hands he caused his banner and that of st. edmund (fig. ), and st. edward (fig. ), to be displayed upon its battlements. the roll is written in norman french, of which the following passage may be given as an example:-- "la ont meinte riche garnement brode sur cendeaus et samis meint beau penon en lance mis meint baniere desploie." that is to say, there were--in modern english wording--many rich devices embroidered on silk and satin, many a beautiful pennon fixed on lance, many a banner displayed. the writer says:--"first, i will tell you of the names and arms, especially of the banners, if you will listen how." of these numerous banners we give some few examples: fig. belongs to him "who with a light heart, doing good to all, bore a yellow banner and pennon with a black saltire engrailed, and is called john botetourte." fig. is the banner of sire ralph de monthermer; fig. the devices of touches, "a knight of good-fame"; while fig. , "the blue with crescents of brilliant gold," was the flag of william de ridre. "sire john de holderton, who at all times appears well and promptly in arms," bore no. , the fretted silver on the scarlet field; while fig. is the cognisance of "hugh bardolph, a man of good appearance, rich, valiant, and courteous." fig. is the well-known lion of the percys, and is here the banner of henri de percy; we meet with it again in fig. . fig. is "the banner of good hugh de courtenay," while fig. is that of the valiant aymer de valence. fig. bears the barbels of john de bar, while the last example we need give (fig. ) is the banner of sire william de grandison. of whom gallant, courteous englishmen as they were, we can now but say that "they are dust, their swords are rust," and deny them not the pious hope "their souls are with the saints, we trust." the well-known flag (fig. ), that everyone recognises as the royal standard, is nevertheless misnamed, as it should undoubtedly be called the royal banner, since it bears the arms of the sovereign in precisely the same way that any of our preceding { } examples bear the arms of the knights with whom they were associated. a standard, as we shall see presently, is an entirely different kind of flag; nevertheless, the term royal standard is so firmly established that it is hopeless now to think of altering it, and as it would be but pedantry to ignore it, and substitute in its place, whenever we have occasion to refer to it, its proper title--the royal banner--we must, having once made our protest, be content to let the matter stand. figs. , , , , , and are all royal or imperial banners, but popular usage insists that we shall call them royal or imperial "standards," so, henceforth, rightly or wrongly, through our pages standards they must be. the banners of the knights of the garter, richly emblazoned with their armorial bearings, are suspended over their stalls in st. george's chapel, windsor, while those of the knights of the bath are similarly displayed in the chapel of henry vii. in westminster abbey. the whole of the great mainsail of a mediæval ship was often emblazoned with arms, and formed one large banner. this usage may be very well seen in the illuminations, seals, etc., of that period. as early as the year we find otho, count of gueldres, represented as bearing on his seal a square banner charged with his arms, a lion rampant; and in a window in the cathedral of our lady, at chartres, is a figure of simon de montfort, earl of leicester from to . he is depicted as bearing in his right hand a banner of red and white, as shown in fig. . references in the old writers to the banner are very numerous. thus in the "story of thebes" we read of "the fell beastes," that were "wrought and bete upon their bannres displaied brode" when men went forth to war. lydgate, in the "battle of agincourt," writes:-- "by myn baner sleyn will y be or y will turne my backe or me yelde." the same writer declares that at the siege of harfleur by henry v., in september, , the king-- "mustred his meyne faire before the town, and many other lordes, i dar will say, with baners bryghte and many penoun." the trumpeters of the life guards and horse guards have the royal banner attached to their instruments, a survival that recalls the lines of chaucer:-- "on every trump hanging a brode bannere of fine tartarium, full richly bete." { } an interesting reference is found in a letter of queen katharine of arragon to thomas wolsey, dated richmond, august th, , while king henry viii. was in france. speaking of war with the scots, her majesty says: "my hert is veray good to it, and i am horrible besy with making standards, banners, and bagies."[ ] while the men are buckling on their armour for the coming strife, wives, sisters, sweethearts, daughters, with proud hearts, give their aid, and with busy fingers--despite the tear that will sometimes blur the vision of the gay embroidery--swiftly and deftly labour with loving care on the devices that will nerve the warriors to living steel in the shock of battle. the queen of england, so zealously busy in her task of love, is but a type and exemplar of thousands of her sex before and since. the raven standard of the danish invaders of northumbria was worked by the daughters of regnar lodbrok, and in the great rebellion in the west of england many a gentlewoman suffered sorely in the foul and bloody assize for her zealous share in providing the insurgents with the standards around which they rallied. the covenanters of scotland, the soldiers of garibaldi freeing italy from the bourbons, the levies of kossuth in hungary, the poles in the deadly grip of russia, the armies of the confederate states in america, the volunteers who would fain free greece from the yoke of the turk,[ ] all fought to the death beneath the banners that fair sympathisers with them, and with their cause, placed in their hands. when two great nations, such as france and germany, fall to blows, the whole armament, weapons, flags, and whatever else may be necessary, is supplied from the government stores according to regulation pattern, but in the case of insurgents against authority struggling--rightly or wrongly--to be free, the weapons may be scythe blades or whatever else comes first to hand, while the standards borne to the field will bear the most extraordinary devices upon them, devices that appeal powerfully at the time to those fighting beneath their folds, but which give a shudder to the purist in heraldic blazonry, as for instance, to quote but one example, the rattle-snake flag with its motto "beware how you tread on me," adopted by the north american colonists in their struggle against the troops of george iii. when a knight had performed on the field of battle some especially valiant or meritorious act, it was open to the sovereign to { } mark his sense of it by making him a knight-banneret. thus, in the reign of edward iii., john de copeland was made a banneret for his service in taking prisoner david bruce, the king of scotland, at the battle of durham; colonel john smith, having rescued the royal banner from the parliamentarians at edgehill, was in like manner made a knight-banneret by charles i. the title does not seem to have been in existence before the reign of edward i., and after this bestowal by charles i. we hear no more of it till , when the title was conferred upon several english officers by the king, george ii., upon the field of dettingen. it was an essential condition that the rank should be bestowed by the sovereign on the actual field of battle and beneath the royal banner. general sir william erskine was given this rank by george iii. on his return from the continent in , after the battle of emsdorff; but as the investiture took place beneath the standard of the th light dragoons and in hyde park, it was deemed hopelessly irregular, and, the royal will and action notwithstanding, his rank was not generally recognised. the ceremony of investiture was in the earlier days a very simple one. the flag of the ordinary knight was of the form known as the pennon--a small, swallow-tailed flag like that borne by our lancer regiments, of which fig. is an illustration. on being summoned to the royal presence, the king took from him his lance, and either cut or tore away the points of his flag, until he had reduced it roughly to banner form, and then returned it to him with such words of commendation as the occasion called for. what the ceremony employed at so late a period as dettingen was we have not been able to trace. as the officers there honoured were lanceless and pennonless, it is evident that the formula which served in the middle ages was quite inapplicable, but it is equally evident that in the thronging duties and responsibilities of the field of battle the ceremony must always have been a very short and simple one. the term standard is appropriately applied to any flag of noble size that answers in the main to the following conditions--that it should always have the cross of st. george placed next to the staff, that the rest of the flag should be divided horizontally into two or more stripes of colours, these being the prevailing colours in the arms of the bearers or their livery colours, the edge of the standard richly fringed or bordered, the motto and badges of the owner introduced, the length considerably in excess of the breadth, the ends split and rounded off. we find such standards in use chiefly during the fifteenth century, though some characteristic examples of both earlier and later dates may be encountered. figs. and are very good typical illustrations. the { } first of these (fig. ) is the percy standard. the blue lion, the crescent, and the fetterlock there seen are all badges of the family, while the silver key betokens matrimonial alliance with the poynings,[ ] the bugle-horn with the bryans,[ ] and the falchion with the family of fitzpayne. the ancient badge of the percys was the white lion statant. our readers will doubtless be familiar with the lines-- "who, in field or foray slack, saw the blanch lion e'er give back?" but henry percy, the fifth earl, to , turned it into a blue one. the silver crescent is the only badge of the family that has remained in active and continuous use, and we find frequent references to it in the old ballads--so full of interesting heraldic allusions--as, for instance, in "the rising of the north"-- "erle percy there his ancyent spred, the halfe-moon shining all soe faire," and in claxton's "lament"-- "now the percy's crescent is set in blood." the motto is ordinarily a very important part of the standard, though it is occasionally missing. its less or greater length or its possible repetition may cut up the surface of the flag into a varying number of spaces. the first space after the cross is always occupied by the most important badge, and in a few cases the spaces beyond are empty. the motto of the percys is of great historic interest. it is referred to by shakespeare, "now esperance! percy! and set on," and we find in drayton the line, "as still the people cried, a percy, esperance!" in the "mirror for magistrates" ( ) we read, "add therefore this to esperance, my word, who causeth bloodshed shall not 'scape the sword." it was originally the war-cry of the percys, but it has undergone several modifications, and these of a rather curious and interesting nature, since we see in the sequence a steady advance from blatant egotism to an admission of a higher power even than that of percy. the war-cry of the first earl was originally, "percy! percy!" but he later substituted for it, "esperance, percy." the second and third earls took merely "esperance," the fourth took "esperance, ma comfort," and, { } later on, "esperance en dieu ma comfort," and the fifth and succeeding earls took the "esperance en dieu."[ ] fig. is the standard of sir thomas de swynnerton. the swine is an example of the punning allusion to the bearer's name that is so often seen in the charges of mediæval heraldry. figs. and are typical standards, having the cross of st. george, the striping of colours, the oblique lines of motto, the elongated tapering form, and all the other features that we have already quoted as belonging to the ideal standard, though one or two of these may at times be absent. thus, though exceptions are rare, a standard is not necessarily particoloured for example, and, as we have seen, the motto in other examples may be missing. the harleian ms. no. , lays down the rule that "every standard or guydhome is to hang in the chiefe the crosse of st. george, to be slitte at the ende, and to conteyne the crest or supporter, with the poesy, worde, and devise of the owner." that the cross of st. george, the national badge, must always be present and in the most honourable position is full of significance, as it means that whatever else of rank or family the bearer might be, he was first and foremost an englishman. figs. and are interesting modern examples of the standard. they are from a series of sledge-flags used during the arctic expedition of - , the devices upon them being those of the officers in charge of each detachment. when in earlier days a man raised a regiment for national defence, he not only commanded it, but its flag often bore his arms or device. thus the standard of the dragoons raised by henry, lord cardross, in was of red silk, on which was represented the colonel's crest, a hand holding a dagger, and the motto "fortitudine," while in the upper corner next the staff was the thistle of scotland, surmounted by the crown. our readers should now have no difficulty in sketching out for themselves as an exercise the following: the standard of henry v., white and blue, a white antelope standing between four red roses; the motto "dieu et mon droit," and in the interspaces more red { } roses. the standard of richard ii., white and green, a white hart couchant between four golden suns, the motto "dieu et mon droit," in the next space two golden suns, and in the next, four. as further exercises, we may give the standard of sir john awdeley, of gold and scarlet, having a moor's head and three white butterflies, the motto "je le tiens," then two butterflies, then four; and the standard of frogmorton, of four stripes of red and white, having an elephant's head in black, surrounded by golden crescents. while no one, either monarch or noble, could have more than one banner, since this was composed of his heraldic arms, a thing fixed and unchangeable, the same individual might have two or three standards, since these were mainly made up of badges that he could multiply at discretion, and a motto or poesy that he might change every day if he chose. hence, for instance, the standards of henry vii. were mostly green and white, since these were the tudor livery colours; but in one was "a red firye dragon," and in another "was peinted a donne kowe," while yet another had a silver greyhound between red roses. stowe and other authorities tell us that the two first of these were borne at bosworth field, and that after his victory there over richard iii. these were borne by him in solemn state to st. paul's cathedral, and there deposited on his triumphal entry into the metropolis. the difference between the standard and the banner is very clearly seen in the description of the flags borne at the funeral obsequies of queen elizabeth--"the great embroidered banner of england" (fig. ), the banners of wales, ireland, chester, and cornwall, and the standards of the dragon, greyhound, and falcon. in like manner stowe tells us that when king henry vii. took the field in , he had with him the standard with the red dragon and the banner of the arms of england, and machyn tells that at the funeral of edward vi., "furst of all whent a grett company of chylderyn in ther surples and clarkes syngyng and then ij harolds, and then a standard with a dragon, and then a grett nombur of ye servants in blake, and then anoder standard with a whyt greyhound." later on in the procession came "ye grett baner of armes in brodery and with dyvers odere baners." standards varied in size according to the rank of the person entitled to them. a ms. of the time of henry vii. gives the following dimensions:--for that of the king, a length of eight yards; for a duke, seven; for an earl, six; a marquis, six and a half; a viscount, five and a half; a baron, five; a knight banneret, four and a half; and for a knight, four yards. in view of these figures one can easily realise the derivation of the word standard--a thing that is meant to stand; to be rather fastened in the ground as a rallying point than carried, like a banner, about the field of action. { } at the funeral of nelson we find his banner of arms and standard borne in the procession, while around his coffin are the bannerolls, square banner-like flags bearing the various arms of his family lineage. we see these latter again in an old print of the funeral procession of general monk, in , and in a still older print of the burial of sir philip sydney, four of his near kindred carrying by the coffin these indications of his descent. at the funeral of queen elizabeth we find six bannerolls of alliances on the paternal side and six on the maternal. the standard of nelson bears his motto, "_palmam qui meruit ferat_," but instead of the cross of st. george it has the union of the crosses of st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick, since in , the year of his funeral, the england of mediæval days had expanded into the kingdom of great britain and ireland. in the imposing funeral procession of the great duke of wellington we find again amongst the flags not only the national flag, regimental colours, and other insignia, but the ten bannerolls of the duke's pedigree and descent, and his personal banner and standard. richard, earl of salisbury, in the year , ordered that at his interment "there be banners, standards, and other accoutrements, according as was usual for a person of his degree" and what was then held fitting, remains, in the case of state funerals, equally so at the present day. the pennon is a small, narrow flag, forked or swallow-tailed at its extremity. this was carried on the lance. our readers will recall the knight in "marmion," who "on high his forky pennon bore, like swallow's tail in shape and hue." we read in the roll of karlaverok, as early as the year , of "many a beautiful pennon fixed to a lance, and many a banner displayed;" and of the knight in chaucer's "canterbury tales," we hear that "by hys bannere borne is hys pennon of golde full riche." the pennon bore the arms of the knight, and they were in the earlier days of chivalry so emblazoned upon it as to appear in their proper position not when the lance was held erect but when held horizontally for the charge. the earliest brass now extant, that of sir john daubernoun, at stoke d'abernon church, in surrey, represents the knight as bearing a lance with pennon. its date is , and the device is a golden chevron on a field of azure. in { } this example the pennon, instead of being forked, comes to a single point. the pennon was the ensign of those knights who were not bannerets, and the bearers of it were therefore sometimes called pennonciers; the term is derived from the latin word for a feather, _penna_, from the narrow, elongated form. the pennons of our lancer regiments (fig. ) give one a good idea of the form, size, and general effect of the ancient knightly pennon, though they do not bear distinctive charges upon them, and thus fail in one notable essential to recall to our minds the brilliant blazonry and variety of device that must have been so marked and effective a feature when the knights of old took the field. in a drawing of the year , of the royal horse artillery, we find the men armed with lances, and these with pennons of blue and white, as we see in fig. .[ ] of the thirty-seven pennons borne on lances by various knights represented in the bayeux tapestry, twenty-eight have triple points, while others have two, four, or five. the devices upon these pennons are very various and distinctive, though the date is before the period of the definite establishment of heraldry. examples of these may be seen in figs. , , , . the pennoncelle, or pencel, is a diminutive of the pennon, small as that itself is. such flags were often supplied in large quantities at any special time of rejoicing or of mourning. at the burial in the year of "the nobull duke of norffok," we note amongst other items "a dosen of banerolles of ys progene," a standard, a "baner of damaske, and xij dosen penselles." at the burial of sir william goring we find "ther was viij dosen of penselles," while at the lord mayor's procession in we read that there were "ij goodly pennes [state barges] deckt with flages and stremers and a m penselles." this "m," or thousand, we can perhaps scarcely take literally, though in another instance we find "the cordes were hanged with innumerable pencelles."[ ] the statement of the cost of the funeral of oliver cromwell is interesting, as we see therein the divers kinds of flags that graced the ceremony. the total cost of the affair was over £ , , and the unhappy undertaker, a mr. rolt, was paid very little, if any, of his bill. the items include "six gret banners wrought on rich taffaty in oil, and gilt with fine gold," at £ each. five large standards, similarly wrought, at a cost of £ each; six dozen { } pennons, a yard long, at a sovereign each; forty trumpet banners, at forty shillings apiece; thirty dozen of pennoncelles, a foot long, at twenty shillings a dozen; and twenty dozen ditto at twelve shillings the dozen. poor rolt! in "the accompte and reckonyng" for the lord mayor's show of we find "payde to jacob challoner, painter, for a greate square banner, the prince's armes, the somme of seven pounds." we also find, "more to him for the new payntyng and guyldyng of ten trumpet banners, for payntyng and guyldyng of two long pennons of the lord maior's armes on callicoe," and many other items that we need not set down, the total cost of the flag department being £ s. d., while for the lord mayor's show of the year we find that the charge for this item was the handsome sum of £ . the pennant, or pendant, is a long narrow flag with pointed end, and derives its name from the latin word signifying to hang. examples of it may be seen in figs. , , , , , , , , , and , and some of the flags employed in ship-signalling are also of pennant form. it was in tudor times called the streamer. though such a flag may at times be found pressed into the service of city pageantry, it is more especially adapted for use at sea, since the lofty mast, the open space far removed from telegraph-wires, chimney-pots, and such-like hindrances to its free course, and the crisp sea-breeze to boldly extend it to its full length, are all essential to its due display. when we once begin to extend in length, it is evident that almost anything is possible: the pendant of a modern man-of-war is some twenty yards long, while its breadth is barely six inches, and it is evident that such a flag as that would scarcely get a fair chance in the general "survival of the fittest" in cheapside. it is charged at the head with the cross of st. george. figs. , , are tudor examples of such pendants, while fig. is a portion at least of the pendant flown by colonial vessels on war service, while under the same necessarily abbreviated conditions may be seen in fig. the pendant of the united states navy, in that of chili, and in that of brazil. in mediæval days many devices were introduced, the streamer being made of sufficient width to allow of their display. thus dugdale gives an account of the fitting up of the ship in which beauchamp, fifth earl of warwick, during the reign of henry vi., went over to france. the original bill between this nobleman and william seburgh, "citizen and payntour of london," is still extant, and we see from it that amongst other things provided was "the grete stremour for the shippe xl yardes in length and viij yardes in brede." these noble dimensions gave ample room for { } display of the badge of the warwicks,[ ] so we find it at the head adorned with "a grete bere holding a ragged staffe," and the rest of its length "powdrid full of raggid staves," "a stately ship, with all her bravery on, and tackle trim, sails filled, and streamers waving." machyn tells us in his diary for august rd, , how "the queen came riding to london, and so on to the tower, makyng her entry at aldgate, and a grett nombur of stremars hanging about the sayd gate, and all the strett unto leydenhalle and unto the tower were layd with graffel, and all the crafts of london stood with their banars and stremars hangyd over their heds." in the picture by volpe in the collection at hampton court of the embarkation of henry viii. from dover in the year , to meet francis i. at the field of the cloth of gold, we find, very naturally, a great variety and display of flags of all kinds. figs. , , are streamers therein depicted, the portcullis, tudor rose, and fleur-de-lys being devices of the english king, while the particular ground upon which they are displayed is in each case made up of green and white, the tudor livery colours. we may see these again in fig. , where the national flag of the cross of st. george has its white field barred with the tudor green. in the year even the naval uniform of england was white and green, both for officers and mariners, and the city trained bands had white coats welted with green. queen elizabeth, though of the tudor race, took scarlet and black as her livery colours; the house of plantaganet white and red; of york, murrey and blue; of lancaster, white and blue; of stuart, red and yellow. the great nobles each also had their special liveries; thus in a grand review of troops on blackheath, on may th, , we find that "the yerle of pembroke and ys men of armes" had "cotes blake bordered with whyt," while the retainers of the lord chamberlain were in red and white, those of the earl of huntingdon in blue, and so forth. in the description of one of the city pageants in honour of henry vii. we find among the "baggs" (_i.e._, badges), "a rede rose and a wyght in his mydell, golde floures de luces, and portcullis also in golde," the "wallys" of the pavilion whereon these were displayed being "chekkyrs of whyte and grene." the only other flag form to which we need make any very definite reference is the guidon. the word is derived from the { } french _guide-homme_, but in the lax spelling of mediæval days it undergoes many perversions, such as guydhome, guydon, gytton, geton, and such-like more or less barbarous renderings. guidon is the regulation name now applied to the small standards borne by the squadrons of some of our cavalry regiments. the queen's guidon is borne by the first squadron; this is always of crimson silk; the others are the colour of the regimental facings. the modern cavalry guidon is square in form, and richly embroidered, fringed, and tasselled. a mediæval writer on the subject lays down the law that "a guydhome must be two and a half yardes or three yardes longe, and therein shall be no armes putt, but only the man's crest, cognizance, and device, and from that, from his standard or streamer a man may flee; but not from his banner or pennon bearinge his armes." the guidon is largely employed at state or ceremonious funeral processions; we see it borne, for instance, in the illustrations of the funeral of monk in , of nelson in , of wellington in . in all these cases it is rounded in form, as in fig. . like the standard, the guidon bears motto and device, but it is smaller, and has not the elongated form, nor does it bear the cross of st. george. in divers countries and periods very diverse forms may be encountered, and to these various names have been assigned, but it is needless to pursue their investigation at any length, as in some cases the forms are quite obsolete; in other cases, while its form is known to us its name is lost, while in yet other instances we have various old names of flags mentioned by the chroniclers and poets to which we are unable now to assign any very definite notion of their form. in some cases, again, the form we encounter may be of some eccentric individuality that no man ever saw before, or ever wants to see again, or, as in fig. , so slightly divergent from ordinary type as to scarcely need a distinctive name. one of the flags represented in the bayeux tapestry is semi-circular. fig. defies classification, unless we regard it as a pennon that, by snipping, has travelled three-quarters of the way towards being a banner. fig. , sketched from a ms. of the early part of the fourteenth century, in the british museum, is of somewhat curious and abnormal form. it is of religious type, and bears the agnus dei. the original is in a letter of philippe de mezières, pleading for peace and friendship between charles vi. of france and richard ii. of england. flags are nowadays ordinarily made of bunting, a woollen fabric which, from the nature of its texture and its great toughness and durability, is particularly fitted to stand wear and tear. it comes from the yorkshire mills in pieces of forty yards in length, while the width varies from four to thirty-six inches. flags are { } only printed when of small size, and when a sufficient number will be required to justify the expense of cutting the blocks. silk is also used, but only for special purposes. flag-devising is really a branch of heraldry, and should be in accordance with its laws, both in the forms and the colours introduced. yellow in blazonry is the equivalent of gold, and white of silver, and it is one of the requirements of heraldry that colour should not be placed upon colour, nor metal on metal. hence the red and blue in the french tricolour (fig. ) are separated by white; the black and red of belgium (fig. ) by yellow. such unfortunate combinations as the yellow, blue, red, of venezuela (fig. ); the yellow, red, green of bolivia (fig. ); the red and blue of hayti (fig. ); the white and yellow of guatemala (fig. ), are violations of the rule in countries far removed from the influence of heraldic law. this latter instance is a peculiarly interesting one; it is the flag of guatemala in , while in this was changed to that represented in fig. . in the first case the red and the blue are in contact, and the white and the yellow; while in the second the same colours are introduced, but with due regard to heraldic law, and certainly with far more pleasing effect. one sees the same obedience to this rule in the special flags used for signalling, where great clearness of definition at considerable distances is an essential. such combinations as blue and black, red and blue, yellow and white, carry their own condemnation with them, as anyone may test by actual experiment; stripes of red and blue, for instance, at a little distance blending into purple, while white and yellow are too much alike in strength, and when the yellow has become a little faded and the white a little dingy they appear almost identical. we have this latter combination in fig. , the flag of the now vanished papal states. it is a very uncommon juxtaposition, and only occurs in this case from a special religious symbolism into which we need not here enter. the alternate red and green stripes in fig. are another violation of the rule, and have a very confusing effect.[ ] the colours of by far the greatest frequency of occurrence are red, white, and blue; yellow also is not uncommon; orange is only found once, in fig. , where it has a special significance, since this is the flag of the orange free state. green occurs sparingly. italy (fig. ) is perhaps the best known example. we also find it in the brazilian flag (fig. ), the mexican (fig. ), in the hungarian tricolor (fig. ), and in figs. , , , the flags { } of smaller german states, but it is more especially associated with mohammedan states, as in figs. , , , . black is found but seldom, but as heraldic requirements necessitate that it should be combined either with white or yellow, it is, when seen, exceptionally brilliant and effective. we see it, for example, in the royal standard of spain, (fig. ), in figs. and , flags of the german empire, in fig. , the imperial standard of russia, and in fig. , the brilliant tricolor of the belgians.[ ] in orthodox flags anything of the nature of an inscription is very seldom seen. we find a reference to order and progress on the brazilian flag (fig. ), while the turkish imperial standard (fig. ) bears on its scarlet folds the monogram of the sultan; but these exceptions are rare.[ ] we have seen that, on the contrary, on the flags of insurgents and malcontents the inscription often counts for much. on the alteration of the style in the year this necessary change was made the subject of much ignorant reproach of the government of the day, and was used as a weapon of party warfare. an amusing instance of this feeling occurs in the first plate of hogarth's election series, where a malcontent, or perhaps only a man anxious to earn a shilling, carries a big flag inscribed, "give us back our eleven days." the flags of the covenanters often bore mottoes or texts. fig. is a curious example: the flag hoisted by the crew of h.m.s. _niger_ when they opposed the mutineers in at sheerness. it is preserved in the royal united service museum. it is, as we have seen, ordinarily the insubordinate and rebellious who break out into inscriptions of more or less piety or pungency, but we may conclude that the loyal sailors fighting under the royal flag adopted this device in addition as one means the more of fighting the rebels with their own weapons. during the civil war between the royalists and parliamentarians, we find a great use made of flags inscribed with mottoes. thus, on one we see five hands stretching at a crown defended by an armed hand issuing from a cloud, and the motto, "reddite cæsari." in another we see an angel with a flaming sword treading a dragon underfoot, and the motto, "quis ut deus," while yet another is inscribed, "courage pour la cause." on a fourth we find an ermine, and the motto, "malo mori quam foedari"--"it is better to die than { } to be sullied," in allusion to the old belief that the ermine would die rather than soil its fur. hence it is the emblem of purity and stainless honour. the blood-red flag is the symbol of mutiny and of revolution. as a sign of disaffection it was twice, at the end of last century, displayed in the royal navy. a mutiny broke out at portsmouth in april, , for an advance of pay; an act of parliament was passed to sanction the increase of expenditure, and all who were concerned in it received the royal pardon, but in june of the same year, at sheerness, the spirit of disaffection broke out afresh, and on its suppression the ringleaders were executed. it is characteristic that, aggrieved as these seamen were against the authorities, when the king's birthday came round, on june th, though the mutiny was then at its height, the red flags were lowered, the vessels gaily dressed in the regulation bunting, and a royal salute was fired. having thus demonstrated their real loyalty to their sovereign, the red flags were re-hoisted, and the dispute with the admiralty resumed in all its bitterness. the white flag is the symbol of amity and of good will; of truce amidst strife, and of surrender when the cause is lost. the yellow flag betokens infectious illness, and is displayed when there is cholera, yellow fever, or such like dangerous malady on board ship, and it is also hoisted on quarantine stations. the black flag signifies mourning and death; one of its best known uses in these later days is to serve as an indication after an execution that the requirements of the law have been duly carried out. honour and respect are expressed by "dipping" the flag. at any parade of troops before the sovereign the regimental flags are lowered as they pass the saluting point, and at sea the colours are dipped by hauling them smartly down from the mast-head and then promptly replacing them. they must not be suffered to remain at all stationary when lowered, as a flag flying half-mast high is a sign of mourning for death, for defeat, or for some other national loss, and it is scarcely a mark of honour or respect to imply that the arrival of the distinguished person is a cause of grief or matter for regret. in time of peace it is an insult to hoist the flag of one friendly nation above another, so that each flag must be flown from its own staff. even as early as the reign of alfred england claimed the sovereignty of the seas. edward iii. is more identified with our early naval glories than any other english king; he was styled "king of the seas," a name of which he appears to have been very proud, and in his coinage of gold nobles he represented himself with shield and sword, and standing in a ship "full royally { } apparelled." he fought on the seas under many disadvantages of numbers and ships: in one instance until his ship sank under him, and at all times as a gallant englishman. if any commander of an english vessel met the ship of a foreigner, and the latter refused to salute the english flag, it was enacted that such ship, if taken, was the lawful prize of the captain. a very notable example of this punctilious insistance on the respect to the flag arose in may, , when a spanish fleet of one hundred and sixty sail, escorting the king on his way to england to his marriage with queen mary, fell in with the english fleet under the command of lord howard, lord high admiral. philip would have passed the english fleet without paying the customary honours, but the signal was at once made by howard for his twenty-eight ships to prepare for action, and a round shot crashed into the side of the vessel of the spanish admiral. the hint was promptly taken, and the whole spanish fleet struck their colours as homage to the english flag. in the year the combined fleets of france and holland determined to dispute this claim of great britain, but on announcing their intention of doing so an english fleet was at once dispatched, whereupon they returned to their ports and decided that discretion was preferable even to valour. in , on the conclusion of peace between england and holland, the dutch consented to acknowledge the english supremacy of the seas, the article in the treaty declaring that "the ships of the dutch--as well ships of war as others--meeting any of the ships of war of the english, in the british seas, shall strike their flags and lower their topsails in such manner as hath ever been at any time heretofore practised." after another period of conflict it was again formally yielded by the dutch in . political changes are responsible for many variations in flags, and the wear and tear of time soon renders many of the devices obsolete. on turning, for instance, to nories' "maritime flags of all nations," a little book published in , many of the flags are at once seen to be now out of date. the particular year was one of exceptional political agitation, and the author evidently felt that his work was almost old-fashioned even on its issue. "the accompanying illustrations," he says, "having been completed prior to the recent revolutionary movements on the continent of europe, it has been deemed expedient to issue the plate in its present state, rather than adopt the various tri-coloured flags, which cannot be regarded as permanently established in the present unsettled state of political affairs." the russian american company's flag, fig. , that of the states of the church, of the kingdom of sardinia, the turkish imperial standard, fig. , and many others { } that he gives, are all now superseded. for venice he gives two flags, that for war and that for the merchant service. in each case the flag is scarlet, having a broad band of blue, which we may take to typify the sea, near its lower edge. from this rises in gold the winged lion of st. mark, having in the war ensign a sword in his right paw, and in the peaceful colours of commerce a cross. of thirty-five "flags of all nations," given as a supplement to the _illustrated london news_ in , we note that eleven are now obsolete: the east india company, for instance, being now extinct, the ionian islands ceded to greece, tuscany and naples absorbed into italy, and so forth. in figs. and we have examples of early spanish flags, and in and of portuguese, each and all being taken from a very quaint map of the year . this map may be said to be practically the countries lying round the atlantic ocean, giving a good slice of africa, a portion of the mediterranean basin, the british isles, most of south america, a little of north america, the west indies,[ ] etc., the object of the map being to show the division that pope alexander vi. kindly made between those faithful daughters of the church--spain and portugal--of all the unclaimed portions of the world. figs. and are types of flags flying on various spanish possessions, while figs. and are placed at different points on the map where portugal held sway. on one place in africa we see that no. is surmounted by a white flag bearing the cross of st. george, so we may conclude that--pope alexander notwithstanding--england captured it from the portuguese. at one african town we see the black men dancing round the portuguese flag, while a little way off three of their brethren are hanging on a gallows, showing that civilization had set in with considerable severity there. the next illustration on this plate (fig. ) is taken from a sheet of flags published in ; it represents the "guiny company's ensign," a trading company, like the east india, fig. , now no longer in existence. fig. is the flag of savoy, an ancient sovereignty that, within the memory of many of our readers, has expanded into the kingdom of italy. the break up of the napoleonic _régime_ in france, the crushing out of the confederate states in north america, the dismissal from the throne of the emperor of brazil, have all, within comparatively recent years, led to the superannuation and disestablishment of a goodly number of flags and their final disappearance. we propose now to deal with the flags of the various nationalities, commencing, naturally, with those of our own country. { } we were told by a government official that the universal code of signals issued by england had led to a good deal of heartburning, as it is prefaced by a plate of the various national flags, the union flag of great britain and ireland being placed first. but until some means can be devised by which each nationality can head the list, some sort of precedence seems inevitable. at first sight it seems as though susceptibilities might be saved by adopting an alphabetical arrangement, but this is soon found to be a mistake, as it places such powerful states as russia and the united states nearly at the bottom of the list. a writer, von rosenfeld, who published a book on flags in vienna in , very naturally adopted this arrangement, but the calls of patriotism would not even then allow him to be quite consistent, since he places his material as follows:--austria, annam, argentine, belgium, bolivia, and so forth, where it is evident annam should lead the world and austria be content to come in third. apart from the difficulty of asking spain, for instance, to admit that bulgaria was so much in front of her, or to expect japan to allow china so great a precedence as the alphabetical arrangement favours, a second obstacle is found in the fact that the names of these various states as we englishmen know them are not in many cases those by which they know themselves or are known by others. thus a frenchman would be quite content with the alphabetical arrangement that in english places his beloved country before germany, but the teuton would at once claim precedence, declaring that deutschland must come before "la belle france," and the espagnol would not see why he should be banished to the back row just because we choose to call him a spaniard. in the meantime, pending the millenium, the flag that more than three hundred millions of people, the wide world over, look up to as the symbol of justice and liberty, will serve very well as a starting point, and then the great daughter across the western ocean, that sprung from the old home, shall claim a worthy place next in our regard. the continent of europe must clearly come next, and such american nationalities as lie outside the united states, together with asia and africa, will bring up the rear. * * * * * { } chapter ii. the royal standard--the three lions of england--the lion rampant of scotland--scottish sensitiveness as to precedence--the scottish tressure--the harp of ireland--early irish flags--brian boru--the royal standards from richard i. to victoria--claim to the fleurs-de-lys of france--quartering hanover--the union flag--st. george for england--war cry--observance of st. george's day--the cross of st. george--early naval flags--the london trained bands--the cross of st. andrew--the "blue blanket"--flags of the covenanters--relics of st. andrew--union of england and scotland--the first union flag--importance of accuracy in representations of it--the union jack--flags of the commonwealth and protectorate--union of great britain and ireland--the cross of st. patrick--labours of st. patrick in ireland--proclamation of george iii. as to flags, etc.--the second union flag--heraldic difficulties in its construction--suggestions by critics--regulations as to fortress flags--the white ensign of the royal navy--saluting the flag--the navy the safeguard of britain--the blue ensign--the royal naval reserve--the red ensign of the mercantile marine--value of flag-lore. foremost amongst the flags of the british empire the royal standard takes its position as the symbol of the tie that unites all into one great state. its glowing blazonry of blue and scarlet and gold is brought before us in fig. . the three golden lions on the scarlet ground are the device of england, the golden harp on the azure field is the device of ireland, while the ruddy lion rampant on the field of gold[ ] stands for scotland. it may perhaps appear to some of our readers that the standard of the empire should not be confined to such narrow limits; that the great dominion of canada, india, australia, the ever-growing south africa, might justly claim a place. precedent, too, might be urged, since in previous reigns, nassau, hanover, and other states have found a resting-place in its folds, and there is much to be said in favour of a wider representation of the greater component parts of our world-wide empire; but two great practical difficulties arise: the first is that the grand simplicity of the flag would be lost if eight or ten different devices were substituted for the three; and secondly, it would very possibly give rise to a good deal of jealousy and ill-feeling, since it would be impossible to introduce all. as it at present stands, it represents the central home of the empire, the little historic seed-plot from whence all else has sprung, and to which all turn their eyes as the { } centre of the national life. all equally agree to venerate the dear mother land, but it is perhaps a little too much to expect that the people of jamaica or hong kong would feel the same veneration for the beaver and maple-leaves of canada, the golden sun of india, or the southern cross of australasia. as it must clearly be all or none, it seems that only one solution of the problem, the present one, is possible. in the same way the union flag (fig. ) is literally but the symbol of england, scotland, and ireland, but far and away outside its primary significance, it floats on every sea the emblem of that greater britain in which all its sons have equal pride, and where all share equal honour as brethren of one family. the earliest royal standard bore but the three lions of england, and we shall see presently that in different reigns various modifications of its blazonry arose, either the result of conquest or of dynastic possessions. thus figs. and , though they bear a superficial likeness, tell a very different story; the first of these, that of george iii., laying claim in its fourth quartering to lordship over hanover and other german states, and in its second quarter to the entirely shadowy and obsolete claim over france, as typified by the golden fleurs-de-lys on the field of azure. how the three lions of england arose is by no means clear. two lions were assigned as the arms of william the conqueror, but there is no real evidence that he bore them. heraldry had not then become a definite science, and when it did a custom sprang up of assigning to those who lived and died before its birth certain arms, the kindly theory being that such persons, had they been then living, would undoubtedly have borne arms, and that it was hard, therefore, that the mere accident of being born a hundred years too soon should debar them from possessing such recognition of their rank. even so late as henry ii. the bearing is still traditional, and it is said that on his marriage with alianore, eldest daughter of william, duke of aquitaine and guienne, he incorporated with his own two lions the single lion that (it is asserted) was the device of his father-in-law. all this, however, is theory and surmise, and we do not really find ourselves on the solid ground of fact until we come to the reign of richard coeur-de-lion. upon his second great seal we have the three lions just as they are represented in figs. , , , and as they have been borne for centuries by successive sovereigns on their arms, standards, and coinage, and as our readers may see them this day on the royal standard and on much of the money they may take out of their pockets. the date of this great seal of king richard is a.d., so we have, at all events, a period of over seven hundred years, waiving a break during the commonwealth, in which the three golden lions on their scarlet field have typified the might of england. { } the rampant lion within the tressure, the device of scotland--seen in the second quarter of our royal standard, fig. --is first seen on the great seal of king alexander ii., about a.d. , and the same device, without any modification of colour or form[ ] was borne by all the sovereigns of scotland, and on the accession of james to the throne of the united kingdom, in the year , the ruddy lion ramping on the field of gold became an integral part of the standard. the scotch took considerable umbrage at their lion being placed in the second place, while the lions of england were placed first, as they asserted that scotland was a more ancient kingdom than england, and that in any case, on the death of queen elizabeth of england, the scottish monarch virtually annexed the southern kingdom to his own, and kindly undertook to get the southerners out of a dynastic difficulty by looking after the interests of england as well as ruling scotland. this feeling of jealousy was so bitter and so potent that for many years after the union, on all seals peculiar to scottish business and on the flags displayed north of the tweed, the arms of scotland were placed in the first quarter. it was also made a subject of complaint that in the union flag the cross of st. george is placed over that of st. andrew (see figs. , , ), and that the lion of england acted as the dexter support of the royal shield instead of giving place to the scottish unicorn. one can only be thankful that irish patriots have been too sensible or too indifferent to insist upon yet another modification, requiring that whensoever and wheresoever the royal standard be hoisted in the emerald isle the irish harp should be placed in the first quarter. while it is clearly impossible to place the device of each nationality first, it is very desirable and, in fact, essential, that the national arms and the royal standard should be identical in arrangement in all parts of the kingdom. the notion of unity would be very inadequately carried out if we had a london version for buckingham palace, an edinburgh version for holyrood, and presently found the isle of saints and "gallant little wales" insisting on two other variants, and the isle of man in insurrection because it was not allowed precedence of all four. even so lately as the year , on the issue of the florin, the old jealousy blazed up again. a statement was drawn up and presented to lord lyon, king of arms, setting forth anew the old grievances of the lions in the standard and the crosses in the flag of the union, and adding that "the new two-shilling { } piece, called a florin, which has lately been issued, bears upon the reverse four crowned shields, the first or uppermost being the three lions passant of england; the second, or right hand proper, the harp of ireland; the third, or left hand proper, the lion rampant of scotland; the fourth, or lower, the three lions of england repeated. your petitioners beg to direct your lordship's attention to the position occupied by the arms of scotland upon this coin, which are placed in the third shield instead of the second, a preference being given to the arms of ireland over those of this kingdom." it is curious that this document tacitly drops claim to the first place. probably most of our readers--scotch, irish, or english--feel but little sense of grievance in the matter, and are quite willing, if the coin be an insult, to pocket it. the border surrounding the lion is heraldically known as the tressure. the date and the cause of its introduction are lost in antiquity. the mythical story is that it was added by achaius, king of scotland, in the year , in token of alliance with charlemagne, but in all probability these princes scarcely knew of the existence of each other. the french and the scotch have often been in alliance, and there can be little doubt but that the fleurs-de-lys that adorn the tressure point to some such early association of the two peoples; an ancient writer, nisbet, takes the same view, as he affirms that "the tressure fleurie encompasses the lyon of scotland to show that he should defend the flower-de-luses, and these to continue a defence to the lyon." the first authentic illustration of the tressure in the arms of scotland dates from the year . in the reign of james iii., in the year it was "ordaint that in tyme to cum thar suld be na double tresor about his armys, but that he suld ber armys of the lyoun, without ony mur." if this ever took effect it must have been for a very short time. we have seen no example of it. ireland joined england and scotland in political union on january st, , but its device--the harp--was placed on the standard centuries before by right of conquest. the first known suggestion for a real union on equal terms was made in the year in a pamphlet entitled "the generall junto, or the councell of union; chosen equally out of england, scotland, and ireland for the better compacting of these nations into one monarchy. by h. p." this h. p. was one henry parker. fifty copies only of this tract were issued, and those entirely for private circulation. "to persuade to union and commend the benefit of it"--says the author--"will be unnecessary. _divide et impera_ (divide and rule) is a fit saying for one who aims at the dissipation and perdition of his country. honest counsellors have ever given contrary advice. england and ireland are inseparably knit; no severance is possible { } but such as shall be violent and injurious. ireland is an integral member of the kingdom of england: both kingdoms are coinvested and connexed, not more undivided than wales or cornwall." the conquest of ireland was entered upon in the year , in the reign of henry ii., but was scarcely completed until the surrender of limerick in . until it was styled not the kingdom but the lordship of ireland. an early standard of ireland has three golden crowns on a blue field, and arranged over each other as we see the english lions placed; and a commission appointed in the reign of edward iv., to enquire what really were the arms of ireland, reported in favour of the three crowns. the early irish coinage bears these three crowns upon it, as on the coins of henry v. and his successors. henry viii. substituted the harp on the coins, but neither crowns nor harps nor any other device for ireland appear in the royal standard until the year , after which date the harp has remained in continuous use till the present day. in the harleian ms., no. in the british museum, we find the statement that "the armes of irland is gules iij old harpes gold, stringed argent" (as in fig. ), and on the silver coinage for ireland of queen elizabeth the shield bears these three harps. at her funeral ireland was represented by a blue flag having a crowned harp of gold upon it, and james i. adopted this, but without the crown, as a quartering in his standard: its first appearance on the royal standard of england. why henry viii. substituted the harp for the three crowns is not really known. some would have us believe that the king was apprehensive that the three crowns might be taken as symbolising the triple crown of the pope; while others suggest that henry, being presented by the pope with the supposed harp of brian boru, was induced to change the arms of ireland by placing on her coins the representation of this relic of her most celebrated native king. the earl of northampton, writing in the reign of james i., suggests yet a third explanation. "the best reason," saith he, "that i can observe for the bearing thereof is, it resembles that country in being such an instrument that it requires more cost to keep it in tune than it is worth."[ ] { } the royal standard should only be hoisted when the sovereign or some member of the royal family is actually within the palace or castle, or at the saluting point, or on board the vessel where we see it flying, though this rule is by no means observed in practice. the only exception really permitted to this is that on certain royal anniversaries it is hoisted at some few fortresses at home and abroad that are specified in the queen's regulations. the royal standard of england was, we have seen, in its earliest form a scarlet flag, having three golden lions upon it, and it was so borne by richard i., john, henry iii., edward i., and edward ii. edward iii. also bore it for the first thirteen years of his reign, so that this simple but beautiful flag was the royal banner for over one hundred and fifty years. edward iii., on his claim in the year to be king of france as well as of england, quartered the golden fleurs-de-lys of that kingdom with the lions of england.[ ] this remained the royal standard throughout the rest of his long reign. throughout the reign of richard ii. ( to ) the royal banner was divided in half by an upright line, all on the outer half being like that of edward iii., while the half next the staff was the golden cross and martlets on the blue ground, assigned to edward the confessor, his patron saint, as shown in fig. . on the accession of henry iv. to the throne, the cross and martlets disappeared, and he reverted to the simple quartering of france and england. originally the fleurs-de-lys were scattered freely over the field, _semée_ or sown, as it is termed heraldically, so that besides several in the centre that showed their complete form, others at the margin were more or less imperfect. on turning to fig. , an early french flag, we see this disposition of them very clearly. charles v. of france in the year reduced the number to three, as in fig. , whereupon henry iv. of england followed suit; his royal standard is shown in fig. . this remained the royal standard throughout the reigns of henry v., henry vi., edward iv., edward v., richard iii., henry vii., henry viii., edward vi., mary and elizabeth--a period of two hundred years. on the accession of the house of stuart, the flag was rearranged. its first and fourth quarters were themselves quartered again, these small quarterings being the french fleur-de-lys and the english lions; while the second quarter was the lion of scotland, and the third the irish harp; the first appearance of either of these latter kingdoms in the royal standard. this form remained in use throughout the reigns of james i., charles i., charles ii., and james ii. the last semblance of dominion in france had long { } since passed away, but it will be seen that alike on coinage, arms, and standard the fiction was preserved, and londoners may see at whitehall the statue still standing of james ii., bearing on its pedestal the inscription--"_jacobus secundus dei gratia angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ et hiberniæ rex_." during the protectorate, both the union flag and the standard underwent several modifications, but the form that the personal standard of cromwell finally assumed may be seen in fig. , where the cross of st. george for england, st. andrew for scotland, and the harp for ireland, symbolise the three kingdoms, while over all, on a shield, are placed the personal arms of the protector--a silver lion rampant on a sable field. william iii., on his landing in england, displayed a standard which varied in many respects from those of his royal predecessors, since it contained not only the arms themselves, but these were represented as displayed on an escutcheon, surmounted by the crown, and supported on either side by the lion and unicorn. above all this was the inscription "for the protestant religion and the liberties of england,"[ ] while beneath it was "je maintiendray." the arms on the shield are too complex for adequate description without the aid of a diagram; suffice it to say that in addition to the insignia of england, scotland, ireland, and france, were eight others dealing with the devices of smaller continental possessions appertaining to the new monarch. when matters had settled down and his throne was assured, the aggressive inscription, etc., disappeared, and the royal standard of william and his consort mary, the daughter of king james, reverted to the form used by the stuart sovereigns, plus in the centre a small escutcheon bearing the arms of nassau, these being a golden lion rampant, surrounded by golden billets, upon a shield of azure. the royal standard of queen anne bore the devices of england, scotland, ireland, and france. on the accession of george i. the arms of hanover were added, and from to the flag was as shown in fig. . the flag of anne was very similar to this, only instead of hanover in the fourth quarter, the arms of england and scotland, as we see them in the first quarter, were simply repeated in the fourth. the hanoverian quarter, fig. , was made up as follows:--the two lions on the red field are the device of brunswick; the blue lion rampant, surrounded by the red hearts, is the device of lunenburg; the galloping white horse is for saxony; and over all is the golden crown of charlemagne as an indication of the claim set up of being the successor of that potent sovereign. the horse { } of saxony is said to have been borne sable by the early kings, previous to the conversion to christianity of witekind, a.d. . verstigan, however, tells us that the ensign of hengist at the time of the invasion of england by the saxons was a leaping white horse on a red ground. the white horse is still the county badge for kent. the flag, as we see it in fig. , was that of george i. and george ii., and remained in use until the forty-second year of the reign of george iii. on january nd, , the fleurs-de-lys of france were at length removed, and the flag had its four quarters as follows:--first and fourth england, second scotland, and third ireland; the arms of hanover being placed on a shield in the centre of the flag. this remained the royal standard during the rest of the reign of george iii., and throughout the reigns of george iv. and william iv. on the accession of victoria the operation of the salique law severed the connexion of hanover with england, and the present royal standard is as shown in fig. , being in its arrangement similar to that of george iv. and william iv., except that the small central shield, bearing the arms of hanover, is now removed.[ ] we turn now to the national flag. as the feudal constitution of the fighting force passed away, the use of private banners disappeared, and men, instead of coming to the field as the retainers of some great nobleman and fighting under his leadership and beneath his flag, were welded into a national army under the direct command of the king and such leaders as he might appoint. the days when a great noble could change the fortunes of the day by withdrawing his vassals or transferring himself and them, on the eve of the fight, to the opposing party, were over, and men fought no longer in the interests of warwick or of percy, but in the cause of england and beneath the banner of st. george, the national patron saint. "thou, amongst those saints whom thou dost see, shall be a saint, and thine own nation's frend and patron: thou saint george shalt called bee, saint george of mery england, the sign of victoree."[ ] { } at the siege of antioch, according to robertus monachus, a benedictine of rheims who flourished about the year , and wrote a history of the crusade, "our souldiers being wearied with the long continuance of the battaile, and seeing that the number of enemies decreased not, began to faint; when suddenly an infinite number of heavenly souldiers all in white descended from the mountains, the standard-bearer and leaders of them being saint george, saint maurice, and saint demetrius, which when the bishop of le puy first beheld he cryed aloud unto his troopes, 'there are they (saith he) the succours which in the name of god i promised to you.' the issue of the miracle was this, that presently the enemies did turne their backs and lost the field: these being slaine, , horse, beside foot innumerable, and in their trenches such infinite store of victuals and munition found that served not only to refresh the wearied christians, but to confound the enemy." this great victory at antioch led to the recovery of jerusalem. at the crusades england, arragon, and portugal all assumed st. george as their patron saint. throughout the middle ages the war-cry of the english was the name of this patron saint. "the blyssed and holy martyr saynt george is patron of this realme of englande, and the crye of men of warre," we read in the "golden legend," and readers of shakespeare will readily recall illustrations. thus in "king richard ii." we read:-- "sound drums and trumpets, boldly and cheerfully, god and st. george! richard and victory." or again in "king henry v." where the king at the siege of harfleur cries, "the game's afoot, follow your spirit, and upon this charge cry, god for harry, england, and st. george!" while in "king henry vi." we find the line, "then strike up, drums--god and st. george for us!"[ ] at the battle of poitiers, september th, , upon the advance of the english, the constable of france threw himself, lingard tells us, across their path with the battle shout, "mountjoy, st. denis," which was at once answered by "st. george, st. george," and in the onrush of the english the duke and the greater part of his { } followers were swept away, and in a few minutes slain. in an interesting old poem on the siege of rouen in , written by an eye-witness, we read that on the surrender of the city, "whanne the gate was openyd there and thay weren ready in to fare, trumpis blew ther bemys of bras, pipis and clarionys forsoothe ther was. and as they entrid thay gaf a schowte with ther voyce that was full stowte, seint george! seint george! thay criden on height and seide, welcome oure kynges righte!" we have before us, as we write, "the story of that most blessed saint and souldier of christ jesus, st. george of cappadocia," as detailed by peter heylyn, and published in , and the temptation to quote at length from it is great, as it is full of most interesting matter, but into the history of st. george space forbids us to go at any length. the author of the "seven champions of christendom" makes st. george to be born of english parentage at coventry, but for this there is no authority whatever, and all other writers make cappadocia his birthplace. the history of st. george is more obscure than that of any name of equal eminence in the calendar. according to the "acta sanctorum" he was the son of noble parents, became famous as a soldier, and, embracing christianity, was tortured to death at nicomedia in the year . "the hero won his well-earned place, amid the saints, in death's dread hour; and still the peasant seeks his grave, and, next to god, reveres his power. in many a church his form is seen, with sword, and shield, and helmet sheen; ye know him by his shield of pride, and by the dragon at his side." as patron saint, the dragon vanquisher is still seen on our crowns and sovereigns, and reference to such a book as ruding's history of our coinage will show that it has for centuries been a popular device. in , on st. george's day, frederic of austria instituted an order of knighthood and placed it under the guardianship of the soldier-saint, and its white banner, bearing the ruddy cross, floated in battle alongside that of the empire. in like manner on st. george's day, in the year , edward iii. of england instituted the order of the garter with great solemnity. { } st. george's day, april rd, has too long been suffered to pass almost unregarded. the annual festivals of st. andrew, st. patrick, and st. david are never overlooked by the members of the various nationalities, and it seems distinctly a thing to be regretted that the englishman should allow the name day of his patron saint to pass unnoticed.[ ] whatever conduces to the recognition of national life is valuable, and anything that reminds englishmen of their common ties and common duties--and reminds them, too, of their glorious heritage in the past--should scarcely be allowed to fall into disuse. butler, in his "lives of the fathers and martyrs," tell us that at the great national council, held at oxford in , it was commanded that the feast of st. george should be kept. in the year , by the constitutions of archbishop chichely, st. george's day was made one of the greater feasts and ordered to be observed the same as christmas day. in a special collect, epistle, and gospel were prepared, and at the reformation, when many of the saints' days were swept away, this was preserved with all honour, and it was not till the sixth year of the reign of edward vi., when another revision was made, that in "the catalogue of such festivals as are to be observed" st. george's day was omitted. the cross of st. george was worn as a badge,[ ] over the armour, by every english soldier in the fourteenth and subsequent centuries, even if the custom did not prevail at a much earlier period. the following extract from the ordinances made for the government of the army with which richard ii. invaded scotland in , is a good illustration of this, wherein it is ordered "that everi man of what estate, condicion, or nation thei be of, so that he be of owre partie, here a signe of the armes of saint george, large, bothe before and behynde, upon parell that yf he be slayne or wounded to deth, he that hath so doon to hym shall not be putte to deth for defaulte of the cross that he lacketh. and that non enemy do bere the same token or crosse of saint george, notwithstandyng if he be prisoner, upon payne of deth." it was the flag of battle, and we see it represented in the old prints and illuminations that deal with military operations both on land and sea. ordinarily it is the cross of st. george, pure and simple, as shown in fig. , while at { } other times, as in figs. , , , it forms a portion only of the flag. the red cross on the white field was the flag under which the great seamen of elizabeth's reign traded, explored, or fought; the flag that drake bore round the world--that frobisher unfolded amidst the arctic solitudes--that gallant englishmen, the wide world over, bore at the call of duty and died beneath, if need be, for the honour of the old home land; and to this day the flag of the english admiral is the same simple and beautiful device, and the white ensign of the british navy, fig. , is similar, except that it bears, in addition, the union; while the union flag itself, fig. , bears conspicuously the ruddy cross of the warrior saint. figs. , , and are all sea-pennants bearing the cross of st. george. the first of these is from a painting of h.m.s. _tiger_, painted by van de velde, while fig. is flying from one of the ships represented in the picture by volpe of the embarkation of henry viii. from dover on his way to the field of the cloth of gold. fig. is from a picture of h.m.s. _lion_, engaging the french ship _elisabethe_, on july th, , the latter being fitted out to escort the young pretender to scotland. though the red, white, and blue stripes suggest the french tricolor, their employment in the pennant has, of course, no reference to france. the _lion_ had at the foremast the plain red streamer seen at fig. . fig. is the pennant flown at the present day by all colonial armed vessels, while the pennant of the royal navy is purely white, with the exception of the cross of st. george. in a picture by van de velde, the property of the queen, representing a sea fight on august th, , between the english, french, and dutch, we see some of the vessels with streamers similar to fig. , thus ante-dating the colonial flag by over two hundred years. as we have at the present time the white ensign, fig. , the special flag of the royal navy; the blue ensign, fig. , the distinguishing flag of the royal naval reserve; and the red ensign, fig. , the flag of the merchant service, each with the union in the upper corner next the mast, so in earlier days we find the white flag, fig. , the red flag, fig. , and the blue, each having in the upper corner the cross of st. george. fig. becomes, by the addition of the blue, a curious modification of fig. . it is from a sea piece of the sixteenth century. it was displayed at the poop of a vessel, while fig. is the jack on the bowsprit. a hundred years ago or so, we may see that there was a considerable variety in the flags borne by our men-o'-war. such galleries as those at hampton court or greenwich afford many examples of this in the pictures there displayed. in a picture of a battle off dominica, on april th, , we find, one of the english { } ships has two great square flags on the foremast, the upper one being plain red, and the lower one half blue and half white in horizontal stripes, while the main mast is surmounted by the cross of st. george, and below it a tricolor of red, white, and blue in horizontal stripes. other ships show equally curious variations, though we need not stop to detail them, except that in one case both fore and mizen masts are surmounted by plain red flags. in a picture of rodney's action off cape st. vincent, on january th, , we meet with all these flags again. in the representation of an action between an english and french fleet on may rd, , off cape finisterre, we notice that the english ships have a blue ensign at the poop, and one of them has a great plain blue flag at the foremast, and a great plain red flag at the main-mast head. in a picture of the taking of portobello, november st, , we notice the same thing again. these plain surfaces of blue or red are very curious. it will naturally occur to the reader that these are signal flags, but anyone seeing the pictures would scarcely continue to hold that view, as their large size precludes the idea. in the picture of h.m.s. _tiger_ that we have already referred to, the flag with five red stripes that we have represented in fig. is at the poop, while from the bow is hoisted a flag of four stripes, and from the three mastheads are flags, having three red stripes. these striped red and white flags may often be seen. perhaps the most extraordinary grouping of flags may be seen in a picture of a naval review in the reign of george i. it was on exhibition at the great naval exhibition at chelsea, and is in private ownership. all the vessels are dressed in immense flags, and these are of the most varied description. it must be borne in mind that these are government bunting, not the irresponsible vagaries of private eccentricity. besides the reasonable and orthodox flags, such as those represented in figs. , , and others of equal propriety, we find one striped all over in red, white, blue, red, white, blue, in six horizontal stripes. another, with a yellow cross on a white ground; a third, a white eagle on a blue field; another, a red flag inscribed--"for the protestant religion and the liberty of england"; while another is like fig. , only instead of having a red cross on white, it has a blue one instead. an altogether strange assortment. figs. , , , and are flags of the london trained bands of the year . the different regiments were known by the colour of their flags, thus fig. is the flag of the blue regiment, fig. of the yellow, fig. of the green, and fig. of the yellow regiment auxiliaries. other flags were as follows:--white, with red lozenges; green, with golden wavy rays; orange, with white trefoils; in each case the cross of st. george being in the canton. { } in a list before us of the edinburgh trained bands for we find that the different bodies are similarly distinguished by colours.[ ] on the union of the two crowns at the accession of james vi. of scotland and i. of england to the english throne, the cross of st. andrew, fig. , was combined with that of st. george. the cross of st. andrew has been held in the same high esteem north of the tweed that the southrons have bestowed on the ensign of st. george. it will be seen that it is shaped like the letter x. tradition hath it that the saint, deeming it far too great an honour to be crucified as was his lord, gained from his persecutors the concession of this variation. it is legendarily asserted that this form of cross appeared in the sky to achaius, king of the scots, the night before a great battle with athelstane, and, being victorious, he went barefoot to the church of st. andrew, and vowed to adopt his cross as the national device. the sacred monogram that replaced the roman eagles under constantine, the cross on the flag of denmark, the visions of joan of arc, and many other suchlike illustrations, readily occur to one's mind as indicative of the natural desire to see the potent aid of heaven visibly manifested in justification of earthly ambitions, or a celestial support and encouragement in time of national discomfiture. figs. and are examples of the scottish red and blue ensigns. the first of these is from a picture at hampton court, where a large scottish warship is represented as having a flag of this character at the main, and smaller but similar colours at the other mastheads and on the bowsprit. the famous banner, the historic "blue blanket," borne by the scots in the crusades, was on its return deposited over the altar of st. eloi in st. giles' church, edinburgh, and the queen of james ii., we read, painted on its field of azure the white cross of st. andrew, the crown, and the thistle. st. eloi was the patron saint of blacksmiths, and this craft was made the guardian of the flag, and it became the symbol of the associated trades of ancient edinburgh. king james vi., when venting his indignation against his too independent subjects, exclaimed, "the craftsmen think we should be contented with their work, and if in anything they be controlled, then up goes the blue blanket." the craftsmen were as independent and difficult to manage as the london trained bands often proved, but king james vi. found it expedient to confirm them in { } all their privileges, and ordered that the flag should at all times be known as the standard of the crafts, and later sovereigns found it impossible to take away these privileges when they had once been granted. this flag was borne at flodden field. beside the cross, crown, and thistle it bore on a scroll on the upper part of the flag the inscription, "fear god and honor the king with a long lyffe and prosperous reigne," and on the lower portion the words, "and we that is trades shall ever pray to be faithfull for the defence of his sacred majesties' persone till deathe," an inscription that scarcely seems to harmonise with the turbulent spirit that scandalised this sovereign so greatly. the flags borne by the covenanters in their struggle for liberty varied much in their details, but in the great majority of cases bore upon them the cross of st. andrew, often accompanied by the thistle, and in most cases by some form of inscription. several of these are still extant. in one that was borne at bothwell brig, and now preserved in the museum of the society of antiquaries, edinburgh, the four blue triangles (see fig. for these) are filled with the words, "for religion----couenants----king----and kingdomes." the avondale flag was a white one, having the cross, white on blue, as in fig. , in the corner. on the field of the flag was the inscription, "avondale for religion, covenant, and king,"[ ] and beneath this a thistle worked in the national green and crimson. a very interesting exhibition of scottish national memorials was held at glasgow in , and many of these old covenant flags were there displayed. at the great heraldic exhibition held in edinburgh in , one of the most interesting things shown was the cavers standard. this is of sage green silk, twelve feet by three. it bears the cross of st. andrew next the staff, and divers other devices are scattered over the rest of the flag. it is in excellent preservation, and its special interest lies in the fact that it is said to have been the standard of james, second earl of douglas and mar, and borne by his son at the battle of otterburn in the year . if this be so it is one of the oldest flags in existence. on the signet-ring of mary queen of scots the white cross of st. andrew is not shown on its usual blue ground, but on a ground striped blue and yellow, the royal colours; in the same way that the st. george's cross is shown in fig. , not on a { } white ground, but on a ground striped white and green, the tudor colours. why st. andrew was selected to be the patron saint of scotland has never been satisfactorily settled.[ ] some uncharitable enquirer has hazarded the explanation that it was because it was this apostle who discovered the lad who had the loaves and fishes. others tell us that one hungus, a pictish prince, dreamt that the saint was to be his champion in a fight just then pending with the men of northumbria, and that a cross--the symbol of the crucifixion of this apostle--appeared in the sky, the celestial omen strengthening the hearts and arms of the men of hungus to such effect that the northumbrians were completely routed. should neither of these explanations appear sufficiently explanatory, we can offer yet a third. on the martyrdom of st. andrew, in the year , at patræ, in achaia, his remains were carefully preserved as relics, but in the year , regulus, one of the greek monks who had them in their keeping, was warned in a vision that the emperor constantine was proposing to translate these remains to constantinople, and that he must at once visit the shrine and remove thence an arm bone, three fingers of the right hand, and a tooth, and carry them away over sea to the west. regulus was much troubled at the vision, but hastened to obey it, so putting the relics into a chest he set sail with some half-dozen other ecclesiastics, to whom he confided the celestial instructions that he had received. after a stormy voyage the vessel was at last dashed upon a rock, and regulus and his companions landed on an unknown shore, and found themselves in a dense and gloomy forest. here they were presently discovered by the aborigines, whose leader listened to their story and gave them land on which to build a church for the glory of god and the enshrining of the relics. this inhospitable shore proved to be that of "caledonia, stern and wild," and the little forest church and hamlet that sprang up around it were the nucleus that thence and to the present day have been known as st. andrews, a thriving, busy town in fife, and for centuries the seat of a bishopric. on july th, , robert the bruce repaired hither and testified his gratitude to god for the victory vouchsafed to the scots at bannockburn by the intercession of st. andrew, guardian of the realm, when thirty thousand scots defeated one hundred thousand englishmen. what st. george could have been doing to allow this, seems a very legitimate question, but we can scarcely wonder that the scots should very gladly appoint so potent a protector their patron, and look to him for succour in all their national difficulties. on the blending of the two kingdoms into one under the { } sovereignty of king james,[ ] it became necessary to devise a new flag that should typify this union and blend together the emblems of the puissant st. george and the no less honoured st. andrew, and the flag represented in fig. was the result--the flag of the united kingdoms of england and scotland, henceforth to be known as great britain. the royal ordinance[ ] ran as follows:--"whereas some difference hath arisen between our subjects of south and north britain, travelling by seas, about the bearing of their flags,--for the avoiding of all such contentions hereafter we have, with the advice of our council, ordered that from henceforth all our subjects of this isle and kingdom of greater britain, and the members thereof, shall bear in their maintop the red cross, commonly called st. george's cross, and the white cross, commonly called st. andrew's cross, joined together, according to a form made by our heralds, and sent by us to our admiral to be published to our said subjects: and in their fore-top our subjects of south britain shall wear the red cross only, as they were wont, and our subjects of north britain in their fore-top the white cross only, as they were accustomed. wherefore we will and command all our subjects to be comparable and obedient to this our order, and that from henceforth they do not use or bear their flags in any other sort, as they will answer the contrary at their peril." such a proclamation was sorely needed, as there was much ill-will and jealousy between the sailors and others of the two nationalities, and the union flag itself, when "our heralds" produced it, did not by any means please the north, and the right to carry in fore-top the st. andrew's cross pure and simple was a concession that failed to conciliate them. the great grievance was that, as we see in fig. , the cross of st. george was placed in front of that of st. andrew, and the scottish privy council, in a letter dated edinburgh, august th, , thus poured forth their feelings:--"most sacred soverayne, a greate nomber of the maisteris of the schippis of this your majesties kingdome hes verie havelie complenit to your majesties counsell, that the forme and patrone of the flagges of schippis sent down heir and command it to be ressavit and used be the subjectis of both kingdomes is verie prejudiciall to the fredome and dignitie of this estate, and wil gif occasioun of reprotche to this natioun quhairevir the said flage sal happin to be worne beyond sea, { } becaus, as your sacred majestie may persave, the scottis croce, callit sanctandrois croce, is twyse divydit, and the inglishe croce, callit sanct george, drawne through the scottis croce, which is thereby obscurit, and no token nor mark to be seene of the scottis armes. this will breid some heit and miscontentment betwix your majesties subjectis, and it is to be feirit that some inconvenientis sall fall oute betwix thame, for our seyfaring men cannot be inducit to resave that flage as it is set down. they have drawne two new drauchtis and patrones as most indifferent for both kingdomes, whiche they presentid to the counsell, and craved our approbation of the same, but we haif reserved that to your majestie's princelie determinatioun, as moir particularlie the erll of mar, who was present, and herd their complaynt, and to whom we haif remittit the discourse and delyverie of that mater, will informe your majestie and let your heynes see the errour of the first patrone and the indifferencie of the two newe drauchties." these draughts are not to be found, nor does it appear that any notice was taken of the complaint. the scottish union flag, as carefully depicted in a scarce little work published in , and entitled "the ensigns, colours, and flags of the ships at sea, belonging to the several princes and states in the world," may be seen in fig. . in it will be noted that the cross of st. andrew is placed in front of that of st. george--anyone comparing figs. and will readily see wherein they differ. though its appearance in a book of sea-flags would seem to imply that such a flag had been made, we know of no other instance of it. fig. was also suggested as a solution of the problem, but here we get false heraldry, the blue in contact with the red, and in any case a rather weak-looking arrangement. the painful truth is that when two persons ride the same animal they cannot both be in front, and no amount of heraldic ingenuity will make two devices on a flag to be of equal value. the position next the staff is accounted more honourable than that remote from it, and the upper portion of the flag is more honourable than the lower.[ ] at first sight it might appear that matters are impartially dealt out in fig. , but the position next the staff is given to st. george, and in the quartered arrangement, fig. , the same holds true. both these were suggestions made at the time the difficulty was felt, but both were discarded in favour of the arrangement shown in fig. . this union flag is not very often met with. it occurrs on one of the great seals of charles ii., and is seen also as a jack on the { } bowsprits of ships in paintings of early naval battles. it may, by good fortune, be seen also on the two colours of the nd regiment that in the year were suspended in st. giles', edinburgh, and a very good illustration of it may be seen in the national gallery, where, in a battle scene by copley, representing the death of major peirson, at st. helier, jersey, on january th, , this union flag is conspicuous in the centre of the picture. we have it again in fig , the original flag of the east india company; the difference between this and the second union flag, made on the admission of ireland's cross of st. patrick, may be very well seen on a comparison of figs. and . we have it again in figs. and , flags of the revolting american colonists before they had thrown off all allegiance to the old country. a knowledge of the history of the flag has not only interest, but is of some little importance. we remember seeing a picture of the sailing of the _mayflower_, in which, by a curious lack of a little technical knowledge, the flag depicted was the union flag of to-day, which did not come into existence until the first year of the present century, whereas the historic event represented in the picture took place in the year . in a fresco in the house of lords, representing charles ii. landing in england,[ ] the artist has introduced a boat bearing the present union flag. in each of these cases it is evident that it should have been the first union--that of england and scotland--that the flag should have testified to. charles i. issued a proclamation on may th, , forbidding any but the royal ships to carry the union flag; all merchantmen, according to their nationality, being required to show either the cross of st. george or that of st. andrew. queen anne, on july th, , required that merchant vessels should fly a red flag "with a union jack described in a canton at the upper corner thereof, next the staff," while the union flag, as before, was reserved for the royal navy. this merchant flag, if we cut out the inscription there shown, would be similar to fig. . this is interesting, because, after many changes, so lately as october th, , it was ordered that the red ensign once again should be the distinguishing flag of the commercial marine; the present flag is given in fig. . it is further interesting because this proclamation of queen anne's is the first time that the term union jack, so far as we are aware, is officially used. technically, our national banner should be called the union flag, though in ordinary parlance it is always called the union jack. { } the latter flag is a diminutive of the former, and the term ought in strictness to be confined to the small union flag flown from the jack-staff on the bowsprit of a ship. the union flag is, besides this, only used as the special distinguishing flag of an admiral of the fleet, when it is hoisted at the main top-gallant mast-head, and when the sovereign is on board a vessel, in which case the royal standard is flown at the main and the union at the mizen. with a white border round it, as in fig. , it is the signal for a pilot: hence this is called the pilot jack. the sea flags now in use are the white, red, and blue ensigns, figs. , , , to be hereafter described, while the union flag is devoted especially to land service, being hoisted on fortresses and government offices, and borne by the troops. why the flag should be called "jack" at all has been the subject of much controversy. it is ordinarily suggested that the derivation is from jacques, the french word for james, the union jack springing into existence under his auspices. why it should be given this french name does not seem very clear, except that many of the terms used in blazonry are french in their origin. it never seems to have been suggested that, granting the reference to king james, the latin jacobus would be a more appropriate explanation, as the latin names of our kings have for centuries supplanted the earlier norman-french on their coins, seals, and documents. several other theories have been broached, of varying degrees of improbability; one of these deriving it from the word "jaque"[ ] (hence our modern jacket), the surcoat worn over the armour in mediæval days. this, we have seen, had the cross of st. george always represented on it; but there is no proof that the jaque was ever worn with the union of the two crosses upon it, so that the derivation breaks down just at the critical point. the present flag came into existence in the reign of king george, but no one ever dreams on this account, or any other, of calling it the union george. on the death of charles i., the partnership between england and scotland was dissolved, and the union flag, fig. , therefore, was disestablished, and was only restored in the general restoration, when the commonwealth and protectorate had run their course, and charles ii. ascended the throne of his forefathers. the earliest commonwealth flag was a simple reversion to the cross of st. george, fig. . at a meeting of the council of state, held on february nd, - , it was "ordered that the ships at sea in service of the state shall onely beare the red crosse { } in a white flag. that the engravings upon the sterne of ye ships shall be the armes of england and ireland in two scutcheons, as is used in the seals, and that a warrant be issued to ye commissioners of ye navy to see it put in execution with all speed." the communication thus ordered to be made to the commissioners was in form a letter from the president of the council as follows:--"to ye commissioners of ye navy.--gentlemen,--there hath beene a report made to the councell by sir henry mildmay of your desire to be informed what is to be borne in the flaggs of those ships that are in the service of the state, and what to be upon the sterne in lieu of the armes formerly thus engraven. upon the consideration of the councell whereof, the councell have resolved that they shall beare the red crosse only in a white flagg, quite through the flagg. and that upon the sterne of the shipps there shall be the red crosse in one escotcheon, and the harpe in one other, being the armes of england and ireland, both escotcheons joyned according to the pattern herewith sent unto you. and you are to take care that these flaggs may be provided with all expedition for the shipps for the summer guard, and that these engraveings may also be altered according to this direction with all possible expedition.--signed in ye name and by order of ye councell of state appointed by authority of parliament.--ol. cromwell, derby house, february rd, ." in a council meeting held on march th, considerably within a month of the one we have just referred to, it is "ordered that the flagg that is to be borne by the admiral, vice-admiral, and rere-admiral be that now presented, viz., the armes of england and ireland in two severall escotcheons in a red flagg, within a compartment."[ ] this arrangement may be seen in fig. . a commonwealth flag that is still preserved at the dockyard, chatham, differs slightly from this. the ground of the flag is red, but the shields are placed directly upon it without any intervening gold border, and around them is placed a large wreath of palm and laurel in dark green colour. in the year an interesting book called the "respublica" was published; the author, sir john prestwich, deriving much of his material from mss. left by an ancestor of his who lived during the interregnum. in this the reader may find full descriptions of many of the flags of the parliamentarians. one of these is much like the chatham example already referred to, except that the ground of the flag is blue, and that outside the shields, but within the wreath, is found the inscription--"_floreat respublica._" { } the flag of the commonwealth was borne to victory at dunbar, worcester, and many another hard-fought field, and under its folds blake, monk, and other gallant leaders gained glorious victories over the dutch and spaniards, and made the english name feared in every sea. "of wind's and water's rage they fearful be, but much more fearful are your flags to see. day, that to those who sail upon the deep, more wish'd for and more welcome is than sleep, they dreaded to behold, lest the sun's light with english streamers should salute their sight."[ ] it was not until the year that scotland was brought under the sway of the commonwealth, and the ordinance for its full union with england and ireland was not promulgated until april th, . somewhat later an order of council recognised the new necessities of the case, and decreed that the standard for the protectorate be as shown in fig. . england and scotland are here represented by their respective crosses, while ireland, instead of having the cross of st. patrick, is represented by the harp. in fig. all three crosses are introduced, but there seems somewhat too much white in this latter flag for an altogether successful effect, and the blue of the irish quarter, balancing the blue of the scottish, is more pleasing. the union flag underwent yet another modification, and instead of being like figs. or , the union flag of james i., fig. , was reverted to, and in the centre of the flag was placed a golden harp--"the armes of england and scotland united, according to the anncient form, with the addicion of the harpe." on the restoration of charles ii. this harp was removed, and ireland does not appear again in the union flag, fig. , until january st, . a pattern farthing of this period--preserved in the magnificent numismatic collection in the british museum--shows on its reverse a three-masted ship: at the stern is a large flag divided vertically, like fig. , into two compartments, the cross of st. george in one and the harp in the other; the main and mizen masts are shown with flags containing st. george's cross only, as in fig. , while the foremast bears a flag with st. andrew's cross upon it, a flag similar to fig. . for nearly fifty years before its rise, and for nearly one hundred and fifty years after the downfall of the protectorate, that is to say from to and from to , the union flag was as shown in fig. , but in the legislative union of ireland with great britain was effected, and a new union flag, the one now in { } use, was devised. this may be seen in fig. , the noblest flag that flies under heaven. though the national flag is primarily just so much silk or bunting, its design and colouring are full of meaning: and though its prime cost may be but a few shillings, its value is priceless, for the national honour is enwrapped in its folds, and the history of centuries is figured in the symbolism of its devices. it represents to us all that patriotism means. it is the flag of freedom and of the greatest empire that the world has ever known. over three hundred millions of people--in quiet english shires, amid canadian snows, on the torrid plains of hindustan, amidst the busy energy of the great australian group of colonies, or the tropical luxuriance of our west indian possessions--are to-day enjoying liberty and peace beneath its shelter. countless thousands have freely given their lives to preserve its blazonry unstained from dishonour and defeat, and it rests with us now to keep the glorious record as unsullied as of old; never to unfurl our union flag in needless strife, but, when once given to the breeze, to emulate the deeds of our forefathers, and to inscribe on its folds fresh records of duty nobly done. how the form known as st. patrick's cross, fig. , became associated with that worthy is not by any means clear. it is not found amongst the emblems of saints, and its use is in defiance of all ecclesiastical tradition and custom, as st. patrick never in the martyrological sense had a cross at all, for though he endured much persecution he was not actually called upon to lay down his life for the faith. it has been suggested, and with much appearance of probability, that the x-like form of cross, both of the irish and of the scotch, is derived from the sacred monogram on the labarum of constantine, where the x is the first letter of the greek word for christ. this symbolic meaning of the form might readily be adopted in the early irish church, and thence be carried by missionaries to scotland. a life of st. patrick was written by probus, who lived in the seventh century, and another by jocelin, a cistercian monk of the twelfth century, and this latter quotes freely from four other lives of the saint that were written by his disciples. st. patrick was born in scotland, near where glasgow now stands. the date of his birth was somewhere near the close of the fourth century, but as to the year authorities differ widely-- , , , and being all given by various biographers.[ ] his father was of good family, and, while the future saint was still under the paternal roof, god manifested to him by divers visions that he was { } destined for the great work of the conversion of ireland, at that time plunged in idolatry. hence he resigned his birthright and social position, and devoted himself entirely to the salvation of these barbarians, suffering at their hands and for their sakes much persecution. he was ordained deacon and priest, and was ultimately made a bishop. he travelled over the whole of ireland founding monasteries and filling the country with churches and schools of piety and learning. animated by a spirit of perfect charity and humility, he demonstrated not only the faith but the spirit of his master, and the result of his forty years of labour was to change ireland from a land of barbarism into a seat of learning and piety, so that it received the title of the island of saints, and was for centuries a land of mental and spiritual light. on the union of the kingdom of great britain with ireland in the year , the following notice was issued by royal authority:--"proclamation, george r.--whereas by the first article of the articles of great britain and ireland it was declared: that the said kingdoms of great britain and ireland should upon this day, being the first day of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and one, for ever after be united into one kingdom, by the name of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland: and that the royal style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of the said united kingdom and its dependencies, and also the ensigns armorial, flags, and banners thereof, should be such as we, by our royal proclamation under the great seal of the said united kingdom should appoint: we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our privy council, to appoint and declare that our royal style and titles shall henceforth be accepted, taken, and used as the same set forth in manner and form following: georgius tertius, dei gratia, britannarium rex, fidei defensor; and in the english tongue by these words: george the third, by the grace of god of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland king, defender of the faith; and that the arms or ensigns armorial of the said united kingdom shall be quarterly: first and fourth, england: second, scotland: third, ireland: and it is our will and pleasure that there shall be borne thereon on an escutcheon of pretence, the arms of our domains in germany, ensigned with the electoral bonnet:[ ] and that the union flag shall be azure, the crosses saltire of st. andrew and st. patrick quarterly, per saltire counterchanged argent and gules: the latter fimbriated of the second, surmounted by the cross of st. george of the third, fimbriated as the saltire." { } the heralds who devised the new flag of the extended union, fig. , have been subjected to a very considerable amount of adverse criticism,[ ] but no one has really been able to suggest a better plan than theirs. it will be noted in the illustration and in every union flag that is made, that the red cross of st. patrick, fig. , is not in the centre of the white cross, fig. , of st. andrew. the scarlet cross of st. george is equally fringed on either side by the white border or fimbriation that represents the original white field, fig. , on which it was placed, and on the addition of the white cross or saltire of st. andrew on its field of blue, fig. , it fitted in very happily. when, however, another x-like cross had to be provided for, on the admission of ireland to the union, a difficulty at once arose. as the irish cross would, according to all rule and fairness, be of the same width on the joint flag as that of st. andrew, the result of placing the second or red x over the first white one would be to entirely obliterate the latter. even then the irish cross would not be rightly rendered, as it should be on a white ground, and by this method it would be on a blue one, while if we placed the irish cross on that of st. andrew, but left a thin line of white on either side, st. andrew's cross would still be obliterated, as the thin fimbriation of white would be the just due of st. patrick, and would not stand for st. andrew at all. besides, scottish indignation would not unjustly be aroused at the idea that their noble white cross should become a mere edging to the symbol of st. patrick. hence the somewhat awkward-looking compromise that breaks the continuity of direction of the arms of the red cross of ireland by its portions being thrown out of the centre of the white oblique bands, so that in each portion the crosses of ireland and scotland are clearly distinguished from each other. this compromise notwithstanding, no more effective or beautiful flag unfolds itself the round world over than the union flag of great britain and ireland. the crosses might have been quartered as we see them in fig. , but it is clearly better to preserve the idea of the unity and blend all three crosses into one composition. no criticism or objection has ever come from ireland as to the union flag, but even so lately as the scotch renewed their grievance against the cross of st. andrew being placed behind that of st. george, "and having a red stripe run through the arms thereof, for which there is no precedent in law or heraldry." if ever an irishman cared to hunt up a grievance, surely here is one at last--the cross of his patron saint "a red stripe"! { } when the union flag is flown, it should always be as we have drawn it in fig. , with the broad white stripe nearest to the head of the flagstaff. it would be quite possible, our readers will see, on a little study of the matter, to turn it with the red stripe uppermost; but this, as we have indicated, is incorrect; and, trivial as the matter may appear, there is a right and a wrong in it, and the point must not be overlooked. many suggestions at the time of the union were made by divers writers in the public prints, such as the _gentleman's magazine_, and the like. one version preserved the flag of the first union, fig. , but placed in the centre a large green circle having within it the golden harp of the emerald isle; but this is objectionable, as it brings green on red, which is heraldically false, and as ireland has a cross as well as england and scotland, it seems more reasonable to keep the whole arrangement in harmony. another version, and by no means a bad one, is shown in fig. , where each cross is distinct from the two others. this appeared in the _gentleman's magazine_ for march th, , and, like all the other suggestions, good, bad, and indifferent, suffered from the fatal objection that it saw the light when the whole matter was already settled and any alteration scarcely possible. in view of the changes from the simple cross of st. george to its union later on with that of st. andrew, and later on still the union of both with that of st. patrick, it is sufficiently evident that campbell's stirring appeal to the mariners of england to defend the flag that for a thousand years has braved the battle and the breeze, however excellent in spirit, does not fit in with the literal facts, though we would not willingly change it for such a version as ye mariners of england, that guard our native seas: whose flag has braved since eighteen-one, the battle and the breeze. the "queen's regulations" are very precise as to the hoisting of the flag at the various home and foreign stations and fortresses. some few of these have the royal standard for use on royal anniversaries and state occasions only, and these flags are issued in two sizes--either twenty-four by twelve feet, or twelve by six feet--according to the importance of the position; thus dover, plymouth, and the tower of london, for example, have the larger size. in like manner the union flag is of two sizes: twelve by six feet, or six by three feet. these flags at the various stations are either hoisted on anniversaries only, or on sundays in addition, or else daily; thus dover, besides its standard, has a union flag, twelve by six, for special occasions, and another, six by three, { } which is hoisted daily. our foreign stations, bermuda, cape of good hope, cyprus, gibraltar, hong kong, halifax, st. helena, and so forth, are all equally rigidly provided for in regulations. there is no option anywhere in the matter. a particular fortress has to fly a particular flag of a particular size on a particular day. the white ensign, fig. , is the distinguishing flag of the royal navy. it is hoisted at the peak of all vessels in commission, or in such other conspicuous position of honour as their rig or (as in the case of some ironclads) absence of rig will permit. it is a large white flag, having upon it the cross of st. george, the portion of the flag nearest the mast-head being occupied by the union.[ ] until the royal navy was divided into the white, the blue, and the red squadrons, distinguished by the flags shown in figs. , , and , but this arrangement, though it had lasted for over two hundred years,[ ] was found to have many inconveniences. it was very puzzling to foreigners, and it was necessary that each vessel should have three sets of colours, so as to be able to hoist the orthodox flag for the squadron in which, for the time being, it might be placed. it was also a difficulty that peaceful merchantmen were carrying a red ensign, fig. , exactly similar to the war flag of the vessels of the red squadron. it was inconvenient in action, too; hence, nelson at trafalgar ordered the whole of his fleet to hoist the white ensign. an order of council, dated october th, , put an end to this use of differing flags, declaring that henceforth the white ensign alone should be the flag of the royal navy. in the old days the red was the highest, the white the intermediate, and the blue the third in rank and dignity. her majesty's ships, when at anchor in home ports and roads, hoist their colours at o'clock in the morning from march th to september th, and the rest of the year an hour later; and on foreign stations, at either of these hours as the commanding officer shall direct; and either abroad or at home they remain flying throughout the day until sunset.[ ] when at sea, on passing, meeting, { } joining or parting from any other of her majesty's ships or on falling in with any other ship the flag is hoisted, and also when in sight of land, and especially when passing any fort, battery, lighthouse, or town. when salutes are fired on the occasion of a foreign national festival, such as the birthday of the sovereign, the flag of the nation in question is hoisted at the main during the salute and for such further time as the war ships of such nation are be-flagged, but if none are present, then their flag remains up till sunset. should a british war vessel arrive at any foreign fortified port, the flag of the foreign nation is hoisted at the main during the exchange of salutes. it is a rank offence for any vessel to fly any ensign or pendant similar to those used in the royal navy. it will at once be boarded by any officer of her majesty's service, the offending colours seized, and the vessel reported. the penalty for the offence is a very heavy one. the admiral has as a flag the white flag with the cross of st. george thereon, fig. , and this must be displayed at the main top-gallant mast-head, since both the vice and rear-admirals are entitled to fly a similar flag, but the former of these displays his from the fore, and the latter from the mizen top-gallant mast-head; it being not the flag alone but the position of it that is distinctive of rank. the commodore's broad pendant is a very similar flag, but it tapers slightly, and is swallow-tailed. the "naval discipline act," better known as "the articles of war," commences with the true and noble words--"it is on the navy, under the good providence of god, that our wealth, prosperity, and peace depend," and we may trust that the glorious traditions of this great service may be maintained to the full as effectually under the white ensign as in any former period for the defence of "this royal throne of kings, this scepter'd isle, this earth of majesty, this seat of mars, this other eden, demi-paradise; this fortress built by nature for herself, against infection, and the hand of war; this happy breed of men, this little world; this precious stone set in the silver sea, which serves it in the office of a wall, or as a moat defensive to a house, against the envy of less happier lands; this blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this england." the blue ensign, fig. , is the flag of the royal naval reserve, and may be flown by any merchant vessels that comply with the { } admiralty conditions respecting that service. such vessels must be commanded by officers of the reserve, and at least one-third of their crew must belong to it: they then, the structural conditions being satisfactory, receive a government subvention and an admiralty warrant to fly the blue ensign. officers commanding her majesty's ships, meeting with ships carrying the blue ensign, are authorised to go on board them at any convenient opportunity and see that these conditions are strictly carried out, provided that they are of superior rank to the officers of the royal naval reserve. the men of the reserve receive an annual retainer and drill pay. the number of men in the reserve, at the time we write these lines, is , in the first class and , in the second. the first class reserve is composed of the men on the long voyage ships, the second being the fishermen and coasting crews. in addition to this there are some , engineers and stokers, and some , or so of officers, all equally prepared to rally to the pennant and to take their place in the national defence. this utilisation of the faster vessels of the mercantile marine as cruisers in war time has seriously engaged the attention of the admiralty. the government gives an annual subsidy, and then claims the right to the vessel at a fixed charge in case of emergency. such vessels would be of immense service in time of war in many ways: for scouting, for transporting troops, and for engaging such of the enemy as she felt fairly a match for. when, some few years ago, it seemed as though war with russia was imminent, the _massilia_ and the _rosetta_ of the peninsula and oriental company's fleet were put in commission by telegraph at sydney and hong kong respectively. these vessels were provided at once with warlike stores, and were at gun practice off the ports referred to a few hours after the receipt of instructions, and ready to go anywhere. this company, during the crimean war, carried over sixty thousand men to the scene of operations, and during the indian mutiny, the war in the soudan, and all other possible occasions, has rendered the greatest aid to the state. the _teutonic_ and the _majestic_, of the white star line, each carry twelve armstrong guns, and could either of them land two thousand infantry at halifax in five days, or at bombay in fourteen days, or at hong kong in twenty-one; and many other armed cruisers of the mercantile marine, that we need not stay to particularise, could do as much, and as effectively, flying the blue ensign as worthily as those we have named. "little england! great in story! mother of immortal men! great in courage! great in glory! dear to freedom's tongue and pen! { } if the world combine to brave thee, english hearts will dare the fight, english hands will glow to save thee, strong for england and the right!"[ ] the red ensign, represented in fig. , is the special flag of the ordinary merchantman. "the red ensign"--lays down the "merchant shipping (colours) act"--"usually worn by merchant ships, without any defacement or modification whatsoever, is hereby declared to be the proper national colour of all ships and boats belonging to any subject of her majesty, except in the case of her majesty's ships or boats, or in the case of any other ship or boat for the time being allowed to wear any other national colours, in pursuant of a warrant from her majesty or from the admiralty." this act goes on to say that any ship belonging to any subject of the queen shall, on a signal being made to her by one of her majesty's ships, or on entering or leaving any foreign port, hoist the red ensign, and if of fifty tons gross tonnage or upwards, on entering or leaving any british port also, or incur a penalty not exceeding one hundred pounds. a merchantman may also fly the union jack from the bowsprit, but if so the flag, as in fig. , must have a broad white border. the earliest form of red ensign is seen in fig. . in a picture at hampton court, representing the embarkation of william of orange for england, in the year , his ship is shown as wearing two flags, one a red one with st. george's cross in the canton, as in fig. , while the other, also red, has the union flag in the canton. we get, therefore, a regular sequence of red ensigns: that with st. george's cross alone in the corner next the masthead; that with the union of st. george and st. andrew--this picture at hampton court being the earliest example known of its use; and, thirdly, that of to-day with the crosses of st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick. some little degree of flag-lore is valuable not only to the soldier, the seaman, or the traveller, but to everyone. for want of this knowledge, ludicrous and serious mistakes are often made. discussing these matters with a man of good general knowledge, we found that he had a notion that there were two kinds of "union jack," one, that had most red in it, being the army flag; while the other, in which blue preponderated, was the flag of the navy! outside a large provincial theatre we saw a conspicuous notice indicating that the piece then running was entitled "the old flag." to emphasise this was a picture of a square of british linesmen surrounded by { } zulus, while in the centre of the square rose the royal standard! as a set-off to this we saw, not far off, a public house called the "royal standard," flying from its roof the white ensign! a friend of ours brought home for his son a really capital toy model of an ironclad, with turrets, ram, fighting tops, etc., and yet flying the red ensign of the harmless merchantman! at a church we occasionally pass, the living being in the gift of the queen, the royal standard is hoisted on such church festivals as christmas day, while at other times, for no apparent reason, the white ensign is substituted--the special flag of the war navy. anyone venturing to point out to the authorities thereof that, as the old church could scarcely take up its position as a unit in our fighting fleet--having, in fact, quite another mission in the world--the special flag of the royal navy was not the most appropriate, would probably derive from the interview the impression that, after all, to the churchwardens a flag was a flag, and that it was quite possible to make a mountain out of a molehill. to one who knows anything about it, the eruption of silk bunting, and baser fabrics innumerable that comes to the fore on any occasion of national rejoicing, is a thing of horror, not merely in the festal disfigurements of the patchwork counterpane or cotton pockethandkerchief type, seeing that to some people any coloured piece of stuff that will blow out in the wind is a valid decoration, but in the painful ignorance shown in the treatment of recognised ensigns. some little time ago, for instance, we found ourselves in a town gaily beflagged and radiant in bunting on the occasion of a great popular rejoicing. the royal standard, betokening the presence in the house of some member of the royal family, was flying with a profusion that made it impossible to believe that all the people displaying it could be entertaining such distinguished guests. as a set-off, others were decking their houses with red flags, the symbols of revolution and bloodshed, or with yellow ones, leaving us to infer that such houses were to be avoided as nests of yellow fever or such-like deadly infection. the stars and stripes of the united states were, in almost every case, upside down, as indeed were many others; a thing that, except for the ignorance that was its excuse, might be considered as an insult to the various foreign powers, while the repeated reversal of the red ensign implied a signal of distress. the good folks really meant no harm to anybody, and they were quite happy to believe, as they strolled in their thousands up the leading streets of the town, that their decorations were a great success. at the same time, a little more knowledge would have done them no harm. as it is an insult to hoist one national flag below another, it is a rigid law that in all official decorations national flags may not be so placed, but { } enthusiastic and irresponsible burgesses, in the depth of their ignorance, ignore all such considerations of international courtesy, and in the length of a short street commit sufficient indiscretion to give umbrage to all mankind. it may be said that "happiness too swiftly flies, thought would destroy their paradise"-- that "he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow," that "from ignorance our comfort flows, the only wretched are the wise"-- but despite all this philosophy, that "where ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be wise," no one is the worse for knowing something about the matter with which he is dealing; and if proverbial philosophy is to count for anything in the matter, a not inappropriate moral may be quoted as to the rushing in of fools where their betters feel a judicious modesty. the confidence of knowledge is better than the confidence of ignorance, and would certainly, in street flagging, produce a more satisfactory result. we have in plate vi. some few examples of these vagaries from sketches that we made at the time. fig. , if it had not got the union in the canton, would nearly be the danish flag, fig. , but the addition of the canton makes it sheer foolishness. fig. is a good example of the notion that anything will do if it be only bright enough: it is a mere piece of patchwork, not by any means the only one in evidence. figs. and explain themselves; it is evident that in one case the decorator started with a white ensign and in the other with a blue one, and then, feeling that they were a little small and insignificant looking, tacked on a goodly amount of red material to bring them up to their notion of what would be sufficiently conspicuous in size. fig. is very quaint: there is a notion of the white ensign hovering about it, but the royal standard employed as a canton in one quarter is outside all the proprieties, and in any case all the arm of the cross that one would expect to see below the canton is absorbed by it. the addition of the two red tails to the royal standard in fig. is not by any means legitimate, while in fig. the royal standard is made the canton of a red ensign, and, as if this were not bad enough in itself, the whole thing is flown upside down. many of the so-called flags had no semblance to anything, some were strange and abnormal tricolors; others, chequers: one, we remember, was deep crimson, with a broad bordering round three of its edges of light blue. whatever opportunity of going wrong seemed to be at all feasible appeared to be eagerly seized by some well-meaning burgess, so that the result was a perfect museum of examples of how not to do it, and therefore of immense interest. * * * * * { } chapter iii. army flags--the queen's colour--the regimental colour--the honours and devices--the flag of the th regiment--facings--flag of the king's own borderers--what the flag symbolises--colours of the guards--the assaye flag--cavalry flags--presentation of colours--chelsea college chapel--flags of the buffs in canterbury cathedral--flags of the scottish regiments in st. giles's cathedral--burning of rebel flags by the hangman--special flags for various official personages--special flags for different government departments--the lord high admiral--the mail flag--white ensign of the royal yacht squadron--yacht ensigns and burgees--house or company flags--how to express colours with lines--the allan tricolor--port flags--the british empire--the colonial blue ensign and pendant--the colonial defence act--colonial mercantile flag--admiralty warrant--flag of the governor of a colony--the green garland--the arms of the dominion of canada--badges of the various colonies--daniel webster on the might of england--bacon on the command of the ocean. having now dealt with the union flag and the red and blue ensigns, we proceed to see how these are modified by the addition of various devices upon them. the flags of the army claim the first place in our regard. each infantry regiment has two "colours," one being called the "queen's colour," and the other the "regimental colour." on turning to barret's "theorike and practike of modern warres," a book published in the year , we find the following passage:--"we englishmen do call them of late colours, by reason of the variety of colours they be made of, whereby they be the better noted and known." this we may doubtless accept as a sufficient explanation of the word, and the passage is interesting, too, as approximately fixing a date for the introduction of the term, and showing that it has been in use for at least three hundred years. the queen's colour in every regiment of the line is the flag of the union, fig. , bearing in its centre the imperial crown and the number of the regiment beneath it in roman figures worked in gold, and its territorial designation. the regimental colour is of the colour of the facings of the regiment, except when these are white, in which case the body of the flag is not plain white all over, but bears upon it the cross of st. george. whatever the colour, it bears in its upper corner the union, and in the centre of the flag the crown and title of { } the regiment, and around it whatever devices, or badges, or other distinctions have been specially conferred upon it, together with the names of the actions in which the regiment has taken part, the records of its gallant service in many a hard-fought struggle in the peninsula, on the sultry plains of india, beneath the burning sun of africa, or wherever else the call of honour and of duty has added to its laurels. thus the regimental flag of the st regiment of the line bears the proud record--st. lucia, egmont-op-zee, egypt, corunna, busaco, salamanca, vittoria, st. sebastian, nive, peninsula, niagara, waterloo, nagpore, maheidpore, ava, alma, inkermann, sebastopol, and several other records of struggles in which they bore gallant share; and many another regiment could show as fine a record of service. in fig. we have a representation of the regimental colour of the th regiment. as the facings of this distinguished corps are green,[ ] the body of the flag is of that colour. beneath its territorial designation will be seen its special badge, the sphinx, bestowed upon it for distinguished service in egypt, and around are grouped the names of famous victories which it contributed to win. the th regiment, now in the territorial arrangement in vogue known as the nd warwickshire, was first formed in the year . in it embarked for canada and greatly distinguished itself in the american struggle. in we find it in egypt, where by its gallantry it won the right to bear the sphinx.[ ] from to it was fighting its way along at the cape of good hope, and then went on to india. in we find it sent off to canada again to suppress rebellion, and it did not return to england till . in we see it in the thick of the punjaub struggle, taking its part right well in the brilliant engagements of chillianwallah and goojerat, and in it is in the thick of the sanguinary mutiny in india; and, after fifteen years in india, lands in in england once more. in we find it again at the cape of good hope, and in - engaged in the kaffir war, and in all times and in all places taking a gallant share in upholding the national cause. in a second battalion was added to the regiment. this only existed ten years, but in that time it earned by its distinguished { } bravery the names of the peninsula battles for the flag,[ ] and at the conclusion of the struggle it was so weak in numbers that it was disembodied. in a new second battalion was formed, and did good service in burmah, south africa, etc. both battalions were in zululand in , and with the exception of one hundred men detailed for special duty, the regiment, save nine men, was wiped out of existence in the fatal field of isandhlwana. lieutenants melville and coghill tore the colours from their staffs and wrapped them around their bodies, and after the fight was over and the enemy had retired they were recovered. on the arrival of the colours in england they were taken by royal command to osborne, where the queen fastened to each a wreath of immortelles, and bestowed on the two dead heroes the victoria cross as the highest acknowledgment then possible to her of her deep appreciation of the sacrifice that these young gallant officers had made for her, for england, and for the honour of the flag. the colours, therefore, that we have represented in fig. , in all their broad blazon of gallant service, even in the hour of defeat never fell into the hands of the enemy, to be hung in triumph in some zulu kraal, but were brought back in honour and proud rejoicing, since defeat so valiantly met was no disgrace, and the honour of the flag and of the gallant th was without stain. as one more illustration of regimental colours we may instance those of the th regiment, the king's own borderers. here the groundwork of the flag is blue, with, of course, the union in the upper corner next the staff. in the centre of the flag is a representation of edinburgh castle, and within a band the words, "king's own borderers." outside this we have a wreath of rose, shamrock, and thistle, surmounted by the crown. below this is a sphinx for service in egypt, and below this again the word "martinique." on either side is inscribed "minden" and "egmont op zee," and above all, "afghanistan." in the upper outer angle of the flag is the lion on the crown and the motto "_in veritate religionis confido_," and in the lower outer angle the white horse of hanover and the motto "_nec aspera terrent_."[ ] this was originally known as the edinburgh regiment, as it was raised in four hours in to defend that city; but george iii., for some reason more or less { } satisfactory to himself, changed the name to the one it has ever since borne--the king's own borderers. in the year the prince regent, on behalf of the king, issued an order to regulate the colours of the army, and, amongst other things, sanctioned the custom that had sprung up of inscribing the names of victories on the flags. the custom of inscribing these honours, the names of the actions fought, did not begin till the battle of minden, so that the victories of marlborough and all other glorious achievements prior to the year would have gone unrecorded; but in july, , sanction was given for the grenadiers and the st, rd, th, th, th, th, th, st, rd, th, th, and th regiments of the line to add blenheim and ramilies to their colours. oudenarde, malplaquet, and dettingen[ ] were also added to the colours of those regiments that were there engaged. by the "queen's regulations" these colours are required to be of silk, and to be three feet nine inches in length and three feet in breadth; the cords and tassels are to be of mixed crimson and gold; the staff is to be eight feet seven inches long, and surmounted by a golden crown on which stands a lion. they are to be carried on parade by the two junior lieutenants, and guarded by two sergeants and two privates. these form what is called "the colour party." the distinguishing badge of the colour-sergeant consists of crossed colours, embroidered on the sleeve above the chevrons of his rank. it has taken something like a thousand years of time to build up the british empire, while the lavish outlay of toil and forethought of statesmen, the ceaseless spending of blood and treasure, the brilliant strategy by land and sea of a long line of distinguished commanders have all contributed to its birth and proud maintenance; and of all this devotion in the past and the determination to uphold it in the future, the flag is the living concrete symbol. it is the flag beneath whose folds nelson and wellington and countless heroes more were carried to their rest; it waved in triumph on the heights of abraham, and its honour was safe with elliot at gibraltar; it was unfurled on many a battlefield in the peninsula, and nerved the arms of those who scaled the heights of the alma and stood unconquerable in the stubborn fight of inkerman; and it waved triumphant in the breeze at sebastopol. the sight of it was strength, comfort, and hope in the dark days of lucknow and cawnpore. it floated, a symbol of duty, over the heroes of the burning _birkenhead_, and to ross, parry, franklin and mcclure, in the icy wastes of the far north it was an incentive to renewed { } effort and a symbol of home. it was the flag of speke and livingstone in savage africa, of burke and wills in their explorations in australia; and for the honour of england that it symbolises men have thought no sacrifice too great. the queen's colour is a pledge of loyalty to the sovereign, an emblem of the unity of all, while the second colour deals with the honour that specially appertains to each regiment--a subject of legitimate pride in the past and an incentive to prove not unworthy in the future of those who gained it such distinction. for some recondite reason the guards reverse the arrangement that holds in the line regiments, as with them the queen's colour is crimson and bears the regimental devices and honours, while the union flag is the regimental colour. william iv., in , gave the grenadier guards a special flag of crimson silk, bearing in its centre the royal cypher w.r., interlaced in gold, and having grouped together in the four corners the rose, thistle, and shamrock. the governor-general in india issued in the year a general order that all the regiments engaged in wellington's greatest indian victory--assaye--should be entitled to the special distinction of a third flag, and the royal authority confirmed the honour. this flag, borne by the th highlanders, the th or ross-shire buffs, and other distinguished regiments, was of white silk, having in its centre an elephant, beneath this the regimental number, and around it a wreath. on blue bands above and below were inscribed in gold the words assaye and seringapatam. in the year the general use on parade of these flags was discontinued by order, and they were reserved for very special occasions. the number of colours borne by the different regiments was formerly very irregular: sometimes it was one to a company, sometimes only one to a whole regiment, now it is two to each battalion. during the eighteenth century several regiments carried three colours, and the th, or northumberland fusiliers, continued to do so until . by an unfortunate accident these were then all burnt, and when the question of granting new colours came forward, the right to carry the third was objected to, and the claim had to be surrendered. king charles's royal regiment of foot guards lost eleven out of thirteen colours at edgehill. the standards carried by the life guards, horse guards, and dragoon guards are of crimson silk, thirty inches by twenty-seven; and the guidons of the dragoon regiments are forty-one inches by twenty-seven, are slit in the fly and have the outer corners rounded off. the tassels and cords are of crimson silk and gold, and each flag bears the royal or other title of the regiment in letters of gold in a circle, and beneath it the number of the regiment, all being surmounted by the crown, surrounded by a { } wreath of rose, shamrock, and thistle, and the honours. where a regiment has a particular badge, such device will be placed in the centre, and the territorial and numerical position placed outside; thus the scots greys (the nd royal dragoons) bear as their badge the imperial eagle of france, because at waterloo this distinguished regiment captured the eagle of the french th regiment, on which were inscribed the words jena, austerlitz, wagram, eylau, and friedland.[ ] the rd dragoons have as their badge the white horse of hanover, and, as record of good service, salamanca, vittoria, toulouse, peninsula, cabool, moodkee, sobraon, ferozeshah, punjaub, chillianwallah, goojerat. the lancers and hussars, like the royal engineers, the royal artillery, and the rifle brigade, have no colours, and therefore bear their badges, devices, etc., on their appointments. thus, for instance, king george ii. ordered the th light dragoons (now the th lancers) to wear the device of the skull and cross-bones, and beneath it the words "or glory" on the front of their caps and on the left breast. this device the "death or glory boys" still retain, like the famous pomeranian horse and the black brunswickers, continental corps from whom the anglo-hanoverian monarch doubtless derived the idea.[ ] the presentation of colours to a regiment is always an imposing ceremony, as with prayer of consecration, martial music, and stirring address they are delivered into its custody, but the bestowal of the old colours in some honoured place of safe keeping is yet more impressive. in the one case there are the hopes and dangers of the future, while in the other the hopes have all been abundantly realised, the dangers triumphantly passed, as the tattered colours--storm tossed, torn by shot and shell--are borne in honour to their last resting place, where, strife for ever over, they rest in peace in the sanctuary of god, a memorial to all men, until their last shreds fall to decay, of duty nobly and fully done. visitors to canterbury cathedral will scarcely fail to have noticed the flags therein suspended. the colours of the st battalion of the buffs (the east kent regiment) there find fitting resting place, and the last of these were added so lately as october, .[ ] on their entrance, with imposing military ceremony, into the { } cathedral, they were met by the clergy and choir, and a hymn of thanksgiving for victory and of safe return from war was sung, commencing-- "grateful, we bring from lands afar, torn, shattered, but unstained, banners that thy servant blessed ere the stern conflict came; lord, let their fragments ever rest where dwells thy holy name." after a short service of prayer and praise the dean of canterbury addressed the great congregation. it might be asked, he said, why they, who were the ministers of the prince of peace, should take such interest in these military proceedings. it was because they recognised in them the greatest force for peace that there was in our land, for it was through them that this country of ours had not been trampled for centuries under the feet of any foreign foe, it was through them that the _pax britannica_ prevailed, and that everywhere where the british flag was present it carried with it peace, and tranquillity, and justice. it was through the help of the army that the peaceful people of this country could carry on their avocations and serve god and do his work in peace; and therefore the clergy gratefully acknowledged their services, and hoped and prayed that everywhere the colours of each regiment might still be not only unstained, but covered with laurels in struggling for right and for justice. colonel hobson then addressed the vast audience, reminding the younger soldiers present that the regiment to which they had the honour to belong was formed more than three hundred years ago, and was, therefore, the oldest in the army. it had won honour and renown in every part of the world, and the colours which they were that day appropriately laying to rest in the warriors' chapel of canterbury cathedral represented as glorious a record as that of any regiment in the british army. the earliest existence of the regiment dated from the movement set on foot in this country in the latter half of the sixteenth century, to assist the cause of civil and religious liberty in the netherlands. the dragon, which is on the colours, was the crest of the city of london, from whose trained bands the regiment was formed in ; and the regimental march, so familiar to them all, was given them by queen elizabeth. after enumerating some few of the services that the regiment had rendered, he concluded by saying:--"the few words i have still to say i want you young soldiers especially to listen to and to take to heart. the colours of a regiment are symbolical of what ought to be the watchword of an army--duty; the queen's colours--duty to { } your sovereign and to your country; the regimental colours--duty towards the regiment. in these days the material side of the profession of arms is much insisted upon, but i tell you that an army without something higher than that, however well cared for in other respects, is a bad army, and that when thoughtfulness and care for the good name of a regiment is sacrificed for selfish, individual advancement, the regiment, as a whole, will suffer. the spirit which animated the regiments of the british army--who placed those names, of which we are so proud to-day, on those colours--was, duty first, self afterwards; and it will be a bad day for the british army if that spirit is ever allowed to depart from it. there was no position in the army, however humble, in which men could not sustain the credit and honour of their regiment and thus contribute to their country's welfare." the dean thereupon solemnly accepted the care of the colours and pronounced the benediction, and the whole audience then joined heart and voice, with thrilling effect, in singing the national anthem. it seems so natural to write of england and of englishmen, so stilted to put great britain and ireland, that one may possibly forget that, comprehensive as we intend the terms to be, we may, perhaps, wound the susceptibilities of our fellow subjects and brother britons across the tweed. let us then turn to a companion picture, and see how, with equal honour and devotion, the flags of our gallant highlanders are borne to their rest. a movement was, some time ago, set on foot to gather in the old flags from the various scottish regiments and to place them all in the cathedral church of edinburgh. this was effected, and the perspective effect of these, as they line the nave on either side, is very fine. the oldest colours there are those of the nd, the duke of hamilton's regiment, presented in the year , and still in excellent preservation. when on november th, , the old colours borne by the various scottish regiments were deposited in st. giles' cathedral, they were escorted in all honour and military pomp from the castle; and says one who was there: "when the colours came in sight, the multitude raised a shout and cheered, but the impulse was but momentary, for at sight of the array of shattered rags the noise of the tumult died away, and a half-suppressed sound was heard as through the hearts of the people there flashed a thrill of mingled pride and pain. those who saw it will never forget the scene. in the centre the tattered silk of the colours, and on the fringe and in the background a wonder-stricken crowd, as past uncovered heads, past dimmed eyes and quivering lips, the old flags were carried." when the flags had been received with service of prayer and { } praise, the meaning of it all was summed up in burning words of love, devotion, and pride. "we have gathered to-day," said the speaker, "for a noble purpose--to receive with all honour into this national church these flags, which have been borne by our soldiers through many a hard fight and in many a distant land. 'in the name of the lord,' said the inspired psalmist long ago, 'we will set up our banners.' in the spirit in which he spoke, these banners were first unfurled; and in that great name they were blessed by god's ministers ere they were committed to those who were to carry them, as a testimony that, as a nation, we believe in god, and desire that he should guide our destinies alike in war and in peace; and now, after the lapse of years, they are brought back to rest in god's house as a testimony to the same truth, that we acknowledge him as the supreme source of all our national success and greatness. 'thine, o lord, is the greatness and the power, and the victory, and the majesty! both riches and honour come of thee, and in thine hand it is to make great and to give strength unto all.' it is in this spirit that we place these emblems in scotland's great historic church. the associations that gather around these faded banners are of the tenderest and most touching kind. they are such as cause the heart to swell and the tear to come to the eye. few, i feel sure, in this vast assemblage have not felt in some degree their power. there are soldiers here whom they carry back to old days, and to comrades with whom they stood shoulder to shoulder in many a perilous hour. the old flag has for the british soldier a meaning so deep and powerful that it is impossible to put it into words. it is but a piece of silk, often faded and tattered, and rent with shot: but it is a symbol, and symbols are amongst the most sacred things on earth. it means for the soldier his queen and his country, and all the honour, loyalty, truth, and heroism they demand of him. therefore it is that men will follow their colours down into the dreadful pit, and would be willing to die twice for them rather than let them be taken by an enemy; and in the hour of defeat, like the heroes of isandlwhana, will fall pierced through with wounds, but with these precious symbols, still untarnished, wrapped around them. and though to the peaceful citizen these emblems can never mean all they stand for to those who have served under them, even to him, as they hang here, they may speak of things that it is good for him to remember. they may well tell him of the history of his country, and the wonderful way by which god has led her, and of the brave men he has raised up to fight for her. nor can we help specially remembering that these are the colours of our scottish regiments. scotland is a poor country compared to the great neighbour with whom it is happily united, but it possesses a distinct national life { } of its own which all true scotchmen would not willingly let die. we are proud of our scotch regiments. we feel that they, of the whole army, belong especially to ourselves; and they too, as they have swept on to battle with the cry, 'scotland for ever!' feel, we believe, that they belong specially to us. providence, said napoleon sneeringly, is generally on the side of the strongest battalions. be it so; but will anyone deny that the character of the soldier has much to do with the strength of the battalion they form? and was it not the character of our soldiers--a character fostered by the traditions of their native land, fostered still more, perhaps, by the religious teaching of their native church and parish school--that made them strong on many a memorable day, and never more than on that memorable day at waterloo, when the great commander i have named generously exclaimed, as he saw his own ranks yielding before the onslaught, 'les braves ecossais!' may the sight of these banners inspire every soldier who looks on them, whether lowland or highland, to echo the desire to hand down the name they bear without a blemish! and should the day ever come when we as a people are tempted to succumb to sloth and luxury, first to undervalue, and finally to give up, national power and privileges which are an heritage from god, and have been dearly purchased by those who went before us--may these emblems, and the stirring memories that cling to them, help us in some degree to wake up the last drop of blood left in our hearts, and nerve us to bear ourselves like the children of our sires. 'we have heard with our ears, o god, and our fathers have told us, what thou didst in their days in the times of old. for they got not the land in possession by their own sword, neither did their own arm save them, but thy right hand and thine arm, and the light of thy countenance, because thou hadst a favour unto them. through thee will we push down our enemies; through thy name will we tread them under that rise up against us.'" this impressive and imposing ceremony closed with the magnificent "hallelujah chorus" of handel, and the final benediction. that colours do not always perish in honour may be seen by the following extract from the _scots' magazine_ of june, , where the citizens of edinburgh assisted at a very different function to the one we have just described. "fourteen rebel colours," says the ancient newsman, "taken at culloden, were brought into edinburgh on the st may, and lodged in the castle. on wednesday, the th of june, at noon, they were brought down to the cross, the pretender's own standard carried by the hangman, and the rest by chimney sweepers. the sheriffs, accompanied by the heralds, pursuivants, trumpeters, city constables, etc., and escorted by the city guard, walked to the cross, where a proclamation was { } made that the colours belonging to the rebels were ordered by the duke of cumberland to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. the pretender's standard was then put on a fire that had been prepared, and afterwards all the rest one by one--a herald always proclaiming to whom each belonged, the trumpets sounding, and the populace, of which there was a great number assembled, huzzaing." various government officials have their special flags. the flag of the union having been established by "queen's regulations" for the naval service, as the distinguishing flag to be borne by the admiral of the fleet, great inconvenience arose from the use of the same flag when military authorities, diplomatic and consular agents were embarking in boats or other vessels; so it became necessary to make some modification in the flag. it is therefore now ordered that a general or other officer commanding a military station shall have, in the centre of the union, a blue shield bearing the royal initials, surmounted by a crown and surrounded by a garland; those in the diplomatic service shall have, in the centre of the union, a white shield bearing the royal arms, and surrounded by a garland; while consuls-general, consuls, or consular agents have the blue ensign as their distinguishing flag, and in the centre thereof the royal arms. the flag of the lord-lieutenant of ireland is the union, and in its centre, as we may see in fig. , a blue shield bearing the golden harp. different government departments have their special flags also. thus the transport service has the blue ensign with a golden anchor, placed horizontally, in the fly, while the victualling department has the blue ensign again, but this time as shown in fig. , with two crossed anchors. on the blue ensign of the board of trade is found in the fly a white circle, and within this a ship in full sail (see fig. ). the ordnance department flag, represented in fig. , bears a shield with cannons and cannon balls upon it, while vessels and boats employed on submarine mining service are authorized to carry the blue ensign with--as its special badge--a hand issuing from a mural crown, and grasping a thunderbolt. the telegraph branch of the post-office has a very striking device: a representation of father time with his hour glass smashed by lightning. the red ensign is employed by the custom house and the excise, in the first case having, as we see in fig. , a golden crown in the fly, and, in the second, a crown and star. the flag of the admiralty is a very striking one (fig. ). this association of the anchor with the admiralty is a very natural one; we see it not only in our english flag, but in those of france, italy, germany, russia, etc. our admiralty flag is hoisted on any ship when the commissioners { } of the admiralty are on board,[ ] and it is also hoisted at the fore top-gallant mast of every ship on which the queen may be on board. vessels carrying her majesty's mail fly on the fore-mast a white burgee, having in its centre a crown, and on one side of it the word "royal" and on the other "mail"; the words royal mail and the crown being in red on the white field of the flag. the white ensign, fig. , the special flag of her majesty's navy, is, by very exceptional privilege, allowed to be flown by the royal yacht squadron. this distinction was conferred on that club in the year , the club itself being established in .[ ] in the old days, when the royal navy used the red, white, and blue ensigns, the red ensign was of the highest dignity; and it was this from to that the royal yacht squadron flew, but, as the red ensign was also used by merchant vessels, they adopted in the white ensign as being more distinctive. in the admiralty drew up a minute that no warrant should be issued to any other yacht club to fly the white ensign, and that those privileged clubs that already had it must henceforth forego it. copies of the minute were accordingly sent to the royal western of england, royal thames, royal southern, and some two or three other clubs, but, by some oversight, the royal western of ireland was overlooked, and that club continued to use the white ensign until the mistake was discovered by the admiralty in the year . since that date the royal yacht squadron, which has always been under the special patronage of royalty, has been alone in its use. its value is purely sentimental; it carries no substantial privilege. a rather marked case arose, in fact, to the contrary in , when lord annesley's yacht, the _seabird_, was detained by the turkish authorities at the dardanelles in consequence of her bearing the white ensign. no foreign man-of-war is allowed to pass the dardanelles without special permission; and the white { } ensign of the royal navy brought her within that category. on account of this, all yacht owners were warned that should they wish to pass the dardanelles under the white or blue ensign, the latter being also the flag of the royal naval reserve, they must first obtain an imperial iradé, otherwise they were recommended to display the red ensign. austria-hungary, spain, denmark, italy, sweden, norway, and france have each, in like manner, given to the leading club of the country the privilege of flying the naval flag. in america and russia a special ensign has been accorded to all yacht clubs, and all take equal rank. some years ago the royal cork yacht club wished to adopt a green ensign, but the admiralty refused to sanction a new colour. the blue ensign is conferred on certain yacht clubs by special admiralty warrant. the royal eastern, royal barrow, royal clyde, royal highland, royal northern, royal western of england, royal cinque ports, royal albert, royal dorset, etc., fly the blue ensign pure and simple; others have a distinguishing badge on the fly, thus the royal irish has a golden harp and crown, the royal ulster a white shield with the red hand, the royal cornwall the prince of wales' feathers, the royal harwich a golden rampant lion, and so forth. the clubs flying the red ensign change it slightly from that flown by the merchant service; thus the royal st. george, royal victoria, and royal portsmouth have a golden crown in the centre of the union canton, while the royal yorkshire has a white rose and gold crown on the fly, and the royal dart a golden dart and crown. each club has also its distinguishing burgee, and ordinarily of the same colour as its ensign; thus, though the royal clyde and the royal highland both fly the plain blue ensign, the royal clyde burgee has on it the yellow shield and red lion rampant, while the royal highland has the white cross of st. andrew. fig. is the burgee of the ranelagh club, fig. of the yare, fig. of the royal thames, fig. of the dublin bay club. besides these club ensigns and burgees, each yacht bears its owner's individual device, that is supposed to distinguish it from all others, though one finds, in looking through a series of such flags, that some of the simpler devices are borne by more than one yacht. every yacht club has its special burgee, which is flown by each yacht in the club at her truck, but when the vessel is racing the individual flag takes its place. many of these flags, though simple in character, are very effective and striking. the lower flags on plate xii. are good typical examples. fig. is the yacht flag of his royal highness the prince of wales--the flag of the well-known _britannia_; and figs. and are those respectively of the equally-famed _ailsa_ and _valkyrie_. { } merchant vessels are permitted to adopt any house or company flag on condition that it does not resemble any national flag. its great use is that it should be clearly distinctive; and many of the flags employed are of strict heraldic propriety, and very attractive, while others are about as unsatisfactory and bald as they well could be. it would clearly be a painful and invidious thing to pick out any of these latter, so we can only suggest that any of our readers who have an opportunity of visiting busy ports, such as london, southampton, bristol, liverpool, should collect their own awful examples and paint them in the margin of this page. we may point out, by the way, that anyone sketching flags would be greatly assisted by knowing the symbols for the various colours, as it may well be that anyone might have only a pencil in his pocket when desiring to make such a memorandum. white is expressed by simply leaving the paper plain, yellow by dotting the surface over, red by a series of upright lines, blue by horizontal lines, green by sloping lines, and black by a series of upright lines crossed by others at right angles to them. these are the colours used in books on heraldry, and they are very easily remembered. on some of our coins the colours of the arms in the shield are thus expressed, and on heraldic book-plates and the like they may be also seen--wherever, in fact, colour has to be expressed or notified without the actual use of it. our readers will find that if they will sketch out in black and white some few of our examples they will soon gain a useful facility that may stand them in good stead whenever for this or any other purpose they want to make a colour memorandum, and have only a pencil or pen and ink to make it with. in the upper portion of plate xii. we have several illustrations of company flags. fig. is the well-known ensign of green's blackwall line, while fig. is that of the cunard. the peninsular and oriental flag (fig. ) is divided by lines from corner to corner into four triangles, the upper one white, the lower yellow, the hoist blue, and the fly red. this division into triangles is a rather favourite one; we see it again in fig. , the flag of the australasian steam navigation company. in the flag of the demerara and berbice steamship company the upper and lower portions are white, and the two side portions red; in the flag of the vessels belonging to galbraith, pembroke and co., the upper is red, the lower blue, and the two sides white. in another company, that of wesencraft of newcastle, the colours are the same as the p. and o. flag, though differently placed, the blue being at the top, the red at the bottom, the yellow at the hoist, and the white at the fly. fig. is the flag of the fleet of devitt and moore, an australian line. fig. betokens the vessels of the { } canadian pacific company, and fig. the ships of the castle line to south africa. fig. is the company flag of the union steamship company, of southampton, while fig. is the device of the mediterranean and new york steamship company. our remaining illustrations are; fig. , the flag adopted by messrs. houlden brothers; fig. , that of the popular white star line; and fig. , that of the new zealand shipping company. the well-known allan line has as its house flag the three upright strips of blue, white, and red that we see in the french tricolor, fig. , plus a plain red burgee that is always hoisted immediately above it. the allan is the largest private ship-owning company in the world; in the course of the year there are some two hundred arrivals and departures of their vessels at or from glasgow, and some fifty thousand people are carried annually to or from america. during the crimean war many of the steamers of this line were chartered by the french government for the transport of their troops, and it is in memory of this that the vessels of the allan fleet adopt the tricolor as their house flag. that we have by no means exhausted this portion of our subject is patent from the fact that in a book before us that is specially devoted to these house flags seven hundred and eighty-two examples are given, wherein we find not only stripes, crosses, and such-like simple arrangements, but crescents, stars, anchors, lions, stags, thistles, castles, bells, keys, crowns, tridents, and many other forms. in earlier days merchant ships flew rather the flag of their port than of their nation, so that a vessel was known to be of plymouth, marseilles, dantzic, or bremen by the colours displayed. thus the flag of marseilles was blue with a white cross upon it; texel, a flag divided horizontally into two equal strips, the upper being green and the lower black; rotterdam was indicated by a flag having six horizontal green stripes upon it, the interspaces being white; cherbourg, blue, white, blue, white, horizontally arranged; riga, a yellow cross on a blue ground. the british empire--the greater britain across the seas, some eighty times larger in area than the home islands of its birth--must now engage our attention. its material greatness is amazing, far exceeding that of any other empire the world has ever seen, and its moral greatness is equal to its material. wherever the flag of britain flies, there is settled law, property is protected, religion is free; it is no mere symbol of violence or rapine, or even of conquest. it is what it is because it represents everywhere peace, and civilization, and commerce. protected by the _pax britannica_ dwell four hundred millions out of every race under heaven, the { } mother of nations extending to jew, parsee, arab, chinese, blackfoot, maori, the liberties that were won at runnymead and in many another stern fight for life and freedom. in every school-room in the united states hangs the flag of their union, the stars and stripes; and devotion to all that it symbolises is an essential part of the teaching. we in turn might well in our systems of education give a larger space to the history, laws, and literature of our great empire, taking a more comprehensive view than is now ordinarily the case, studying the growth of the mighty states that have sprung into existence through british energy, and attaching at least as much importance to the lives of the men who have built up this goodly heritage as to the culinary shortcomings of alfred or the schemes of perkin warbeck. as regards the value of our colonies to the empire, the following extract from a speech made by the prince of wales at the royal colonial institute may very aptly be quoted:-- "we regard the colonies as integral parts of the empire, and our warmest sympathies are with our brethren beyond the seas, who are no less dear to us than if they dwelt in surrey or kent. mutual interests, as well as ties of affection, unite us as one people, and so long as we hold together we are unassailable from without. from a commercial point of view, the colonies and india are among the best customers for home manufacturers, it being computed that no less than one-third of the total exports are absorbed by them. they offer happy and prosperous homes to thousands who are unable to gain a livelihood within the narrow limits of these islands, owing to the pressure of over-population and consequent over-competition. in transplanting themselves to our own colonies, instead of to foreign lands, they retain their privileges as citizens of this great empire, and live under the same flag as subjects of the same sovereign. as professor seeley remarks in his very interesting work, 'the expansion of england,' 'englishmen in all parts of the world remember that they are of one blood and one religion; that they have one history, and one language and literature.' we are, in fact, a vast english nation, and we should take great care not to allow the emigrants who have gone forth from among us to imagine that they have in the slightest degree ceased to belong to the same community as ourselves." our statesmen and thinkers have never failed to recognise the brotherhood of greater britain. of this fact it would be easy enough to reproduce illustrations by the score. we need, however, here but refer to the sentiments of the earl of rosebery on the expansion of the empire, where we find him declaring-- { } "since the empire has been growing by leaps and bounds. that is, perhaps, not a process which everybody witnesses with unmixed satisfaction. it is not always viewed with unmixed satisfaction in circles outside these islands. there are two schools who view with some apprehension the growth of our empire. the first is composed of those nations who, coming somewhat late into the field, find that great britain has some of the best plots already marked out. to those nations i will say that they must remember that our colonies were taken--to use a well-known expression--at prairie value, and that we have made them what they are. we may claim that whatever lands other nations may have touched and rejected, and we have cultivated and improved, are fairly parts of our empire, which we may claim to possess by an indisputable title. but there is another ground on which the extension of our empire is greatly attacked, and the attack comes from a quarter nearer home. it is said that our empire is already large enough, and does not need extension. that would be true enough if the world were elastic, but, unfortunately, it is not elastic, and we are engaged at the present moment, in the language of mining, in 'pegging out claims for the future.' we have to consider not what we want now, but what we shall want in the future. we have to consider what countries must be developed, either by ourselves or some other nation, and we have to remember that it is part of our responsibility and heritage to take care that the world, as far as it can be moulded by us, shall receive an 'english-speaking' complexion, and not that of another nation. we have to look forward beyond the chatter of platforms, and the passions of party, to the future of the race of which we are at present the trustees, and we should, in my opinion, grossly fail in the task that has been laid upon us did we shrink from responsibilities, and decline to take our share in a partition of the world which we have not forced on, but which has been forced upon us." statistics of area of square miles, population, and so forth, can be readily found by those who care to seek for them, and we need give them no place here; but let us at least try and realise just by bare enumeration something of what this greater britain is. in europe it includes, besides the home islands, gibraltar, malta, cyprus. in asia--the great indian empire, ceylon, aden, hong-kong, north borneo, the straits settlements, perim, socotra, labuan. in america--the dominion of canada, newfoundland, trinidad, guiana, honduras, jamaica, the bahamas, bermudas, barbadoes, falkland isles, the leeward and windward isles. in australasia--new south wales, victoria, western australia, tasmania, queensland, new zealand, fiji, new guinea. in africa--the cape colony, basutoland, bechuanaland, zululand, natal, { } gold coast, lagos, sierra leone, gambia, mauritius, seychelles, ascension, st. helena. our list is by no means a complete one. newfoundland was the earliest british colony, the settlement being made about the year . many of our colonies have been thus created by peaceful settlement, while others have fallen to us in victorious fights with france, holland, spain, and other powers, or have been ceded by treaty. the flags of our colonies are those of the empire, with, in some cases, special modifications. in all our colonies, for instance, the royal standard, as we see it in england, is displayed on the fortresses on the anniversaries of the birth and coronation of the sovereign. the blue ensign is the flag borne by any vessel maintained by any colony under the clauses of the colonial defence act, vic., cap. . the "queen's regulations" state that "any vessel provided and used, under the third section of the said act, shall wear the blue ensign, with the seal or badge of the colony in the fly thereof, and a blue pendant. all vessels belonging to, or permanently in the service of, the colony, but not commissioned as vessels of war under the act referred to, shall wear a similar blue ensign, but not the pendant." in figs. , , , and we have the government ensigns of four of our great colonies--cape colony, queensland, canada, and victoria--while in fig. we have the blue pendant. this colonial defence act of is so important in its bearings on the possibilities of naval defence that it seems well to quote from it some of its provisions. its object is to enable the several colonial possessions of her majesty to make better provision for naval defence, and, to that end, to provide and man vessels of war; and also to raise a volunteer force to form part of the royal naval reserve, to be available for the general defence of the colony in case of need. this act declares that "in any colony it shall be lawful for the proper legislative authority, with the approval of her majesty in council, from time to time to make provision for effecting at the expense of the colony all or any of the purposes following: "for providing, maintaining, and using a vessel or vessels of war, subject to such conditions and for such purposes as her majesty in council from time to time approves. "for raising and maintaining seamen and others entered on the terms of being bound to serve as ordered in any such vessel. { } "for raising and maintaining a body of volunteers entered on the terms of being bound to general service in the royal navy in emergency, and, if in any case the proper legislative authority so directs, on the further terms of being bound to serve as ordered in any such vessel as aforesaid: "for appointing commissioned, warrant, and other officers to train and command or serve as officers with any such men ashore or afloat, on such terms and subject to such regulations as her majesty in council from time to time approves: "for obtaining from the admiralty the services of commissioned, warrant, and other officers and of men of the royal navy for the last-mentioned purposes: "for enforcing good order and discipline among the men and officers aforesaid while ashore or afloat within the limits of the colony: "for making the men and officers aforesaid, while ashore or afloat within the limits of the colony or elsewhere, subject to all enactments and regulations for the time being in force for the discipline of the royal navy. "volunteers raised as aforesaid in any colony shall form part of the royal naval reserve, in addition to the volunteers who may be raised under the act of , but, except as in this act expressly provided, shall be subject exclusively to the provisions made as aforesaid by the proper legislative authority of the colony. "it shall be lawful for her majesty in council from time to time as occasion requires, and on such conditions as seem fit, to authorize the admiralty to issue to any officer of the royal navy volunteering for the purpose a special commission for service in accordance with the provisions of this act. "it shall be lawful for her majesty in council from time to time as occasion requires, and on such conditions as seem fit, to authorize the admiralty to accept any offer for the time being made or to be made by the government of a colony, to place at her majesty's disposal any vessel of war provided by that government and the men and officers from time to time serving therein; and while any vessel accepted by the admiralty under such authority is at the disposal of her majesty, such vessel shall be deemed to all intents a vessel of war of the royal navy, and { } the men and officers from time to time serving in such vessels shall be deemed to all intents men and officers of the royal navy, and shall accordingly be subject to all enactments and regulations for the time being in force for the discipline of the royal navy. "it shall be lawful for her majesty in council from time to time as occasion requires, and on such conditions as seem fit, to authorize the admiralty to accept any offer for the time being made or to be made by the government of a colony, to place at her majesty's disposal for general service in the royal navy the whole or any part of the body of volunteers with all or any of the officers raised and appointed by that government in accordance with the provisions of this act; and when any such offer is accepted such of the provisions of the act of as relate to men of the royal naval reserve raised in the united kingdom when in actual service shall extend and apply to the volunteers whose services are so accepted." as the act winds up by saying that "nothing in this act shall take away or abridge any power vested in or exerciseable by the legislature or government of any colony," it is evident that the whole arrangement is a purely voluntary one. the vessels of the mercantile marine registered as belonging to any of the colonies, fly the red ensign without any distinguishing badge, so that a victorian or canadian merchantman coming up the thames or mersey would probably fly a flag in all respects similar (fig. ) to that of a merchant vessel owned in the united kingdom. there is, however, no objection to colonial merchant vessels carrying distinctive flags with the badge of the colony thereon, in addition to the red ensign, provided that the lords commissioners of the admiralty give their warrant of authorization. the red ensign differenced may be seen in fig. , the merchant flag of canada,[ ] and in fig. that of victoria, the device on this latter bearing the five stars, representing the constellation of the southern cross--a simple, appropriate, and beautiful device. { } "governors of her majesty's dominions in foreign parts, and governors of all ranks and denominations administering the governments of british colonies and dependencies shall"--as set forth in "queen's regulations"--"fly the union jack with the arms or badge of the colony emblazoned in the centre thereof." figs. and are illustrations, the first being the special flag of the viceroy of india, and the second that of the governor of western australia. the governor-general of canada has in the centre of his flag the arms of the dominion, while the lieutenant-governors of quebec, ontario, nova scotia, new brunswick, manitoba, british columbia, and prince edward's island have in the centre of their flags the arms of their province alone. these arms in each case are placed on a shield within a white circle, and surrounded by a wreath. the admiralty requirements are that the colonial badge on the governor's flag should be placed within a "green garland," and this is understood to be of laurel; but in canada received the imperial sanction to substitute the leaves of the maple.[ ] though the provinces that together make the dominion of canada are seven in number, the canadian shield only shows the arms of four--ontario, quebec, nova scotia, and new brunswick--an arrangement that can be scarcely palatable to the other three. the queen's warrant, published in the _canadian gazette_ of november th, , is as follows:-- "victoria, by the grace of god, of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, queen, defender of the faith, &c. "to our right trusty and well-beloved councillor, edward george fitzalan howard (commonly called lord edward george fitzalan howard), deputy to our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, henry duke of norfolk, earl marshal and our hereditary marshal of england--greeting:-- "whereas, by virtue of, and under the authority of an act of parliament, passed in the twenty-ninth year of our reign, entitled 'an act for the union of canada, nova scotia, and new brunswick, and the government thereof," we were empowered to declare after a certain day therein appointed, that the said provinces of canada, nova scotia and new brunswick should { } form one dominion under the name of canada. and it was provided that on and after the day so appointed, canada should be divided into four provinces, named, ontario, quebec, nova scotia and new brunswick; that the part of the then province of canada, which formerly constituted the province of upper canada, should constitute the province of ontario; and the part which formerly constituted the province of lower canada, should constitute the province of quebec; and that the provinces of nova scotia and new brunswick should have the same limits as at the passing of the said act. and whereas we did by our royal proclamation, bearing date the twenty-second day of may last, declare, ordain, and command that, on and after the first day of july, , the said provinces should form and be one dominion under the name of canada accordingly. "and forasmuch as it is our royal will and pleasure that, for the greater honour and distinction of the said provinces, certain armorial ensigns should be assigned to them, "know ye, therefore, that we, of our princely grace and special favour, have granted and assigned, and by these presents do grant and assign the armorial ensigns following, that is to say:-- "for the province of ontario: "vert, a sprig of three leaves of maple slipped, or, on a chief argent the cross of st. george. "for the province of quebec: "or, on a fess gules between two fleurs de lis in chief azure, and a sprig of three leaves of maple slipped vert in base, a lion passant guardant or. "for the province of nova scotia: "or, on a fess wavy azure between three thistles proper, a salmon naiant argent. "for the province of new brunswick: or, on waves a lymphad, or ancient galley, with oars in action, proper, on a chief gules a lion passant guardant or, as the same are severally depicted in the margin hereof, to be borne for the said respective provinces on seals, shields, banners, flags, or otherwise according to the laws of arms. "and we are further pleased to declare that the said united provinces of canada, being one dominion under the name of { } canada, shall, upon all occasions that may be required, use a common seal, to be called the 'great seal of canada,' which said seal shall be composed of the arms of the said four provinces quarterly, all which armorial bearings are set forth in this our royal warrant." this latter point is a somewhat important one, as owing to the semi-official endorsement given in many colonial publications, it appears to be a popular misconception that as many different arms as possible are to be crowded in. in one example before us five are represented, the additional one being manitoba. in a handbook on the history, production, and natural resources of canada, prepared by the minister of agriculture for the colonial exhibition, held in london in , the arms of the seven provinces are given separately, grouped around a central shield that includes them all. the whole arrangement is styled "arms of the dominion and of the provinces of canada." when the queen's warrant was issued in , ontario, quebec, nova scotia, and new brunswick were the only members of the confederation. manitoba entered it in , british columbia in , and prince edward island in . the royal canadian yacht club, the royal nova scotia yacht squadron, and the royal hamilton yacht club have the privilege of flying the blue ensign. canada, unlike australia, supplies no contingent towards the imperial navy, but she has spent on public works over forty million pounds sterling. by her great trans-continental railway a valuable alternative route to the east is furnished; she provides graving docks at quebec, halifax, and victoria; trains an annual contingent of forty thousand volunteers, supports a military college at kingston, of whose cadets between eighty and ninety are now officers in the british army; and in many other ways contributes to the well-being of the empire, that greater britain, which has been not unaptly termed "a world-venice, with the sea for streets." the badges of the various colonies of the empire, as shown in the official flag-book of the admiralty, are very diverse in appearance; some pleasing and others less charming, perhaps, than fantastic. it is needless to particularise them all. some, like those of mauritius, jamaica, and of cape colony (fig. ) are heraldic in character, while others--as barbadoes, where britannia rides the waves in a chariot drawn by sea-horses, or south australia, where britannia lands on a rocky shore on which a black man is seated--are symbolical. queensland has the simple and pleasing device we see in fig. , the maltese cross, having a crown at its centre. newfoundland has a crown on a white disc and the { } latinised name _terra nova_ beneath, and fiji (fig. ) adopts a like simple device, the crown and the word fiji, while new guinea does not get even so far as this, but has the crown, and beneath it the letters n. g. the gnu appears as the device of natal; the black swan (fig. ) as the emblem of west australia. an elephant and palm-tree on a yellow ground stand for west africa, and an elephant and temple for ceylon. british north borneo (fig. ), on a yellow disc has a red lion, and tasmania (fig. ), on a white ground has the same, though it will be noted that the action of the two royal beasts is not quite the same. the straits settlements have the curious device seen in fig. . new zealand (fig. ) has a cross of stars on a blue field. victoria we have already seen in figs. and , while new south wales has upon the white field the cross of st. george, having in the centre one of the lions of england, and on each arm a star--an arrangement shown in fig. . british east africa has the crown, and beneath it the golden sun shooting forth its rays, one of the simplest, most appropriate, and most pleasing of all the colonial devices; when placed in the centre of the governor's flag it is upon a white disc, and the sun has eight principal rays. when for use on the red or blue ensigns, the sun has twelve principal rays, and both golden sun and crown are placed directly upon the field of the flag. st. helena, trinidad, bermuda, british guiana, leeward isles, labuan, bahamas, and hong kong all have devices in which ships are a leading feature--in the bermuda device associated with the great floating dock, in the hong kong with junks, and in the other cases variously differentiated from each other, so that all are quite distinct in character. in the device of the leeward isles, designed by sir benjamin pine, a large pine-apple is growing in the foreground, and three smaller ones away to the right. it is jocularly assumed that the centre one was sir benjamin himself, and the three subordinate ones his family. with great britain the command of the ocean is all-important. by our sea-power our great empire has been built up, and by it alone can it endure. "a power to which rome in the height of her glory is not to be compared--a power which has dotted over the surface of the whole globe her possessions and military posts, whose morning drum-beat, following the sun, and keeping company with the hours, circles the earth with one continuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of england." so spoke daniel webster in , and our ever-growing responsibilities have greatly increased since the more than sixty years when those words were uttered. let us in conclusion turn to the "true greatness of kingdoms and estates," written by bacon, a great and patriotic englishman, where we may read the warning words:-- { } "we see the great effects of battles by sea; the battle of actium decided the empire of the world; the battle of lepanto arrested the greatness of the turk. "there be many examples where sea-fights have been final to the war; but this is when princes or states have set up their rest upon the battles; but this much is certain, that he who commands the sea is at great liberty, and may take as much and as little of the war as he will, whereas those that be strongest by land are many times, nevertheless, in great straits. "surely at this day, with us of europe, the vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the dowries of this kingdom of great britain) is great; both because most of the kingdoms of europe are not merely inland, but girt with the sea most part of their compass, and because the wealth of both indies seems, in great part, but an accessory to the command of the seas." we are the sons of the men who won us this goodly heritage, and it behoves us in turn to hand it on to our descendants in undiminished dignity, a world-wide domain beneath the glorious union flag that binds all in one great brotherhood. * * * * * { } chapter iv. the flag of columbus--early settlements in north america--the birth of the united states--early revolutionary and state flags--the pine-tree flag--the rattle-snake flag--the stars and stripes--early variations of it--the arms of washington--entry of new states into the union--the eagle--the flag of the president--secession of the southern states--state flags again--the stars and bars--the southern cross--the birth of the german empire--the influence of war songs--flags of the empire--flags of the smaller german states--the austro-hungary monarchy--the flags of russia--the crosses of st. andrew and st. george again--the flags of france--st. martin--the oriflamme--the fleurs-de-lys--their origin--the white cross--the white flag of the bourbons--the tricolor--the red flag--the flags of spain--of portugal--the consummation of italian unity--the arms of savoy--the flags of italy--of the temporal power of the papacy--the flag of denmark--its celestial origin--the flags of norway and sweden--of switzerland--cantonal colours--the geneva convention--the flags of holland--of belgium--of greece--the crescent of turkey--the tughra--the flags of roumania, servia, and bulgaria--flags of mexico and of the states of southern and central america--of japan--the rising sun--the chrysanthemum--the flags of china, siam, and corea--of sarawak--of the orange free state, liberia, congo state, and the transvaal republic. the well-known ensign (fig. ) of the united states of america is the outcome of many changes; the last of a long series of national, state, and local devices. the first flag planted on american ground was borne thither by christopher columbus, in the year , and bore on its folds the arms of leon and castile, a flag divided into four and having upon it, each twice repeated, the lion of leon and the castle of castile: the first red on white, the second white on red. these arms form a portion of the present spanish standard, and may be seen in the upper staff corner in fig. . in this same year-- --newfoundland was discovered, but the first english settlement on the mainland was not made until sir walter raleigh took possession of a tract of country in , naming it virginia, after elizabeth, the virgin-queen he served, and hoisting the standard of her majesty, bearing in its rich blazonry (fig. ) the ruddy lions of england quartered with the golden lilies of france. the dutch established themselves, in the year , in what is now the state of new york; the french, having already founded a colony in canada in , took possession of louisiana, so called after their king louis, in , while florida, at first french, became spanish, and in was ceded to england. { } three ships, bearing the earliest pilgrim fathers from england to america, had already sailed from england in the year , and these were followed by the historic _mayflower_ and the _plymouth rock_, in . while these exiles for conscience sake established for themselves a new england in the west, a colony of scotchmen in the year took possession of a tract of land which they named nova scotia. maryland, rhode island, connecticut, new jersey, carolina, pennsylvania, and other colonies were successively formed by parties of englishmen--the final outcome of peaceful settlement, or the arbitrament of the sword, being that the greater part of the eastern seaboard, and the country beyond it, came under the sway of the english crown, until injudicious taxation and ill-advised repression led at length to open discontent and disloyalty, and finally to revolution and the birth of the great republic of the west. so long as the colonists owed allegiance to the british crown, one would naturally have taken for granted that they would have been found beneath the national flag, but this was not altogether the case. in the early days of new england the puritans strongly objected to the red cross on the flag: not from any disloyalty to the old country, but from a conscientious objection to the use of a symbol which they deemed idolatrous. by the year , though the cross of st. george was still the leading device, the different colonies began to employ special devices to distinguish their vessels from those of england and of each other.[ ] this, though it indicated a certain jealousy and independence amongst the colonies themselves, was no proof of any desire for separation from the old country, and even when, later on, the dispute between king and colonists became acute, we find them parting from the old flag with great reluctance. fig. is a very good illustration of this; its date is . in the early stages of the revolution each section adopted a flag of its own, and it was only later on, when the desirability of union and uniformity became evident, that the necessity for one common flag was felt. thus, the people of massachusetts ranged themselves beneath banners bearing pine trees; the men of south carolina went in for rattle-snakes; the new yorkers adopted a white flag with a black beaver thereon; the rhode islanders had a white flag with a blue anchor upon it; and, in like manner, each contingent adopted its special device. in fig. , one of the flags of the insurgents at bunker's hill, { } june th, , we see that the cross of st. george is still preserved, and it might well fly in company with fig. , a flag of the london trained bands, except that in the corner we see the pine tree. in fig. the english emblem has dropped out and the pine tree has become much more conspicuous, and in figs. and all suggestion of st. george or of the red or blue ensigns has disappeared. this arboreal device was not by any means a new one to the men of massachusetts. we find a mint established at boston as early as , busily engaged in coining the silver captured from the spaniards by the buccaneers. on one side was the date and value of the coin, and, on the reverse, a tree in the centre and "in massachusetts" around it. it must be remembered that at the time there was no king to resent this encroachment on the royal prerogative, and no notice was taken of it by the parliament or by cromwell. there was a tacit allowance of it afterwards, even by charles ii., for more than twenty years. it will be remembered that on his enquiry into the matter he was told by some courtier that the device was intended for the royal oak, and the question was allowed to drop. south carolina adopted the rattle-snake flag at the suggestion of one gadsden, a delegate to the general congress of the south carolina convention in . on a yellow ground was placed a rattlesnake, having thirteen rattles; the reptile was coiled ready to strike, and beneath was the warning motto, "don't tread on me." the number thirteen had reference to the thirteen revolted states, as it was originally proposed that this flag should be the navy flag for all the states. as an accessory to a portrait of commodore hopkins, "commander-in-chief of the american fleet," we see a flag of thirteen alternate red and white stripes. it has no canton, but undulating diagonally across the stripes is a rattlesnake. the idea was not altogether a new one, as we find the _pennsylvania gazette_, in commenting twenty-five years previously on the iniquity of the british government in sending its convicts to america, suggesting as a set off that "a cargo of rattlesnakes should be distributed in st. james's park, spring gardens, and other places of pleasure." at the commencement of any great struggle by a revolting people there is often a great variety of device, and it is only after a while that such a multiplicity is found to be a danger. hence we find that prior to the yellow rattlesnake flag, south carolina had, with equal enthusiasm, adopted the blue flag with the crescent moon that we have figured in no. .[ ] { } in the year a committee was appointed to consider the question of a single flag for the thirteen states. this ensign, though it went far towards moulding these different sections into the united states, was a curious illustration of that reluctance that we have already referred to, to sever themselves finally from the old country, as the committee recommended the retention of the union in the upper corner next the staff, but substituted for the broad red field of the rest of the flag thirteen horizontally disposed stripes, alternately red and white, the emblems of the union into one of the thirteen colonies in their struggle against oppression. we have this represented in fig. . it was also the flag of the east india company. on the final declaration of independence, when the severance from the old country was irrevocable, and the colonists became a nation, the question of a national flag was one of the points awaiting solution; but it was not till about a year afterwards that a decision was come to. the vessels commissioned by washington flew the flag we have figured in no. ; this was approved in april, , and remained in use some little time, as did also the one represented in fig. . sometimes we find the cross and pine-tree removed and the whole flag nothing but the red and white stripes. this flag composed of stripes alone was not peculiar to the american navy, as a flag of similar design was for a long time a well-known signal in the british fleet, being that used for the red division to form up into line of battle. anyone looking over a collection of the common pottery made from about a hundred and fifty years ago up to comparatively recent times will find that stirring contemporary events are very freely introduced--sea-fights, portraits of leading statesmen, generals, and so forth. these are often caricatures, as, for example, the hundreds that may be seen in our various museums and private collections derisive of "boney," while others are as historically correct as the potter's knowledge and skill could compass. anyone visiting the corporation museum at brighton will find a jug bearing the head of zebulon m. pike, an american general; trophies of flags are grouped around this, but the only flag with any device upon it is a plain striped one. another that bears the head of commodore decatur, u.s.n., has below it a cannon, on the left a trophy of flags and weapons, and on the right a ship; and a very similar jug may be seen in honour of commodore parry. in each of these cases the flags in the trophies and on the ships are simply striped. on august th, , congress resolved "that the flag of the united states be thirteen stripes, alternately red and white, and that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing { } a new constellation."[ ] this was the birth of the national flag, "the stars and stripes," and it would appear at first sight to be a final settlement of the device, though in practice the result did not work out at all uniformly, the number of stripes being unequal. if we commence at the top with a white one, we shall have seven white and six red, whereas if we begin with a red stripe we shall get seven red and six white. each of these renderings was for some years in use, until it was authoritatively laid down that the latter was the arrangement to be adopted. it seems a minor point, but any of our readers who will re-draw fig. and transpose the colours of the stripes, so that the upper and lower edges of the flag are white instead of red, will be surprised to note how so apparently trivial a change will affect the appearance of the flag.[ ] in like manner the stars were sometimes made with six points, and at others with five. even so late as , we find such a striking variation as a flag bearing stars with eight points, and its stripes alternately red, blue, and white. the coins issued during the presidency of washington had five-pointed stars on them, but later on they had six points. nobody seems now to know why this change was made. as nothing was said in this resolution of congress as to the arrangement of the stars on the blue field, a further opening for variety of treatment was found. in some of the early flags they were arranged to represent the letters u.s., in others they were all placed in a circle, in others again they were dispersed irregularly, so as the better to suggest a constellation; and it was finally ordered that they should be placed in parallel horizontal rows, as we now see them. though the stars did not appear in the american flag until , we find in a poem in the _massachusetts spy_ of march th, , on the outbreak of the rebellion, the lines-- "the american ensign now sparkles a star which shall shortly flame wide through the skies." { } this poetic and prophetic flight is the earliest suggestion of the stars in the national flag of the united states. it has been held that the american eagle and the stars and stripes of the national flag were suggested by the crest and arms of the washington family. this statement has been often made; hence we find an american patriot writing:--"it is not a little curious that the poor, worn-out rag of feudalism, as many would count it, should have expanded into the bright and ample banner that now waves on every sea." but that it should be so seems by no means an established fact. no reference is made to it in washington's correspondence, or in that of any of his contemporaries. the arms of the washington family are a white shield having two horizontal red bars, and above these a row of three red stars; and this certainly bears some little resemblance to the american flag, but how much is mere coincidence, and how much is adaptation it is impossible to say. these arms may be seen on a brass in solgrave church, huntingdonshire, on the tomb of laurence washington, the last lineal ancestor who was buried in england. he was twice mayor of northampton, in and in , and the first president of the united states was his great-great-grandson. he was a man of considerable influence, and on the dissolution of the monasteries henry gave him the priory of st. andrews, northampton. in the troublous times that succeeded, his son john went to america, and lived for some twenty years on the banks of the potomac. another theory that has been advanced is that the blue quarter was taken from the blue banner of the scotch covenanters, and was therefore significant of the solemn league and covenant of the united colonies against oppression, while the stripes were a blending of the red colours used in the army with the white flags used in the navy. we give the theory for what it is worth, which we venture to say is not very much; but as it was advanced by an american writer, we give it place. should our readers care to consider yet another theory, they may learn that the genesis of the star-spangled banner was very much less prosaic. prose has it that a committee of council, accompanied by general washington, called on mrs. ross, an upholstress of arch street, philadelphia, and engaged her to make a flag from a rough sketch that they brought with them, that she in turn suggested one or two practical modifications, and that at her wish washington re-drew it there and then, that she at once set to work on it, and in a few hours the first star-spangled flag was floating in the breeze; but the poet ignores the services of mrs. ross altogether, and declares that { } "when freedom from her mountain height unfurled her standard to the air, she tore the azure robe of night and set the stars of glory there. she mingled with its gorgeous dyes the milky baldric of the skies, and striped its pure celestial white with streakings of the morning light: then from his mansion in the sun she called her eagle-bearer down and gave into his mighty hand the symbol of her chosen land." this view was expressed by another great american in the words:--"as at the early dawn the stars shine forth even while it grows light, and then, as the sun advances, that light breaks out into banks and streaming lines of colour, the glowing red and intense light striving together and ribbing the horizon with bars effulgent, so on the american flag stars and beams of light shine out together. where this flag comes, and men behold it, they see in its sacred emblazoning no ramping lions, and no fierce eagle, no embattled castles, or insignia of imperial authority: they see the symbols of light: it is the banner of dawn; it means liberty!" we have clearly now got a long way from the establishment in arch street. this flag, which, after such glowing passages as the foregoing, we should almost expect to find too sacred a thing for change or criticism, has undergone some few modifications in its details, though the original broad idea has remained untouched. as the first conception was that each of the original thirteen states was represented in the national flag by a star and a stripe, other states, as they came into the union, naturally expected the same consideration: hence on the admission of vermont in , and kentucky in , an act was passed which increased the number of stars and stripes from thirteen to fifteen. later on came tennessee, ohio, louisiana, and so forth, and the flag was presently made to consist of twenty stars and stripes, but it was found to be so objectionable to be thus continually altering it that it was settled in the year to go back to the original thirteen stripes, but to add a star for each new state. hence the stripes show always the original number of the states at the birth of the nation, while the stars show the present number in the union. it is interesting to trace the growth of the country, illinois being enrolled in the union in , alabama in , maine in , missouri in , arkansas in , michigan in , and so on; but suffice it now to say that by the original thirteen had { } grown to forty-four, and it was announced that on and after the th of july of that year the national flag should bear this latter number of stars. as there are still several territories awaiting promotion to the rank of states, the constellation is even yet incomplete. "a song for our banner! the watchword recall which gave the republic her station; united we stand, divided we fall, it made, and preserves us, a nation! the union of lakes, the union of lands, the union of states none can sever; the union of hearts, the union of hands, and the flag of our union for ever." the most striking modification of the flag is seen in the revenue service. we have still the silver stars on the azure field and the stripes of alternate red and white, but in this special case the stripes, instead of being disposed horizontally, are placed vertically, a slight enough difference apparently, but one which makes a striking alteration in the appearance of the flag. the pendant of the united states navy is shown in fig. ; the stars in it, it will be seen, are reduced to the original thirteen, while the narrowness of the flag permits but two of the stripes. the american jack is simply the blue and white portion of the national flag, fig. , made into a separate flag. the commodore's broad pendant is a swallow-tailed blue flag, with one white star in the centre. the admiral's flag, hoisted at the main, is shown in fig. ; the vice-admiral's flag, hoisted at the fore, has three white stars on the blue field; and the rear-admiral's flag, hoisted at mizen, has two arranged vertically over each other. while in some nationalities the flag of the war navy differs from that of the mercantile marine--as in the case of great britain, germany, and spain--in others the same flag is used. this is so in the united states, france, etc. the chief of the state, whether he be called emperor, king, president, or sultan, has his own flag--his personal standard--and this special and personal flag, in the case of the president of the united states, has on its blue field an eagle, bearing on its breast a shield with the stars and stripes, and beneath it the national motto, "_e pluribus unum_." as it has been suggested that the employment of the eagle as a symbol of the state was derived from the crest of washington, it may not be inopportune to state that the crest in question was not an eagle at all, but a raven. the idea of the eagle, together with the word "senate," and many such similar { } things, no doubt arose from their use in ancient rome, and afforded an illustration the more of the pseudo-classicalism that was raging in the eighteenth century in france and elsewhere. the eagle appears on many of the early flags of america. fig. is a curious example of its use. in an old engraving we see a figure of liberty defended by washington, and above them this flag. in another old print before us we see washington leaning on a cannon, and behind him a flag bearing the stars and stripes, plus an eagle, that with outstretched wings fills up much of the field, having in his beak a label with the "_e pluribus unum_" upon it, with one foot grasping the thunderbolts of war, and the other the olive-branch of peace. both these eagle-bearing flags, it will be seen, are associated with the president; but in many of these early examples there seems no necessary connection. thus in one instance we see a busy ship-building scene, and while the ship in the foreground has at stern the stars and stripes, at the bowsprit it bears a jack that is identical with the blue and white portion of fig. . in a presidential standard proposed in the flag is quartered. in the first quarter are twenty white stars on a blue field; in the second quarter is the eagle and thunderbolt; in the third a sitting figure emblematic of liberty; in the fourth, seven red horizontal stripes alternating with six white ones. we found the flag figured in an old american book, but are unable to say whether such a flag was ever actually made, proposition and adoption not being altogether the same thing. history repeated itself on the secession from the union, in the year , of north and south carolina, florida, mississippi, alabama, georgia, louisiana, virginia, texas, arkansas, and tennessee. there was the same desire at first for individuality in the different flags adopted by the seceding states, the same unwillingness to break wholly away from the old flag, that we have seen as features in the first revolt. louisiana adopted the flag shown in fig. ; this was emblematic of the origin and history of the state, louisiana having been settled by louis quatorze in , ceded to spain at the peace of , restored to france in , sold by france to america in , and admitted as a state of the union in . the spanish flag, fig. , is red and yellow, hence the golden star on the ruddy field, while the stripes of red, white and blue are the colours found in the flags of france and america. on the election of president lincoln in november, , south carolina, by vote of convention, proclaimed her resumption of independence as a sovereign state, and on the th of the month the new state flag, having a green palmetto palm in the centre of a { } field of white, was hoisted in charleston amidst the ringing of bells, a salute of one hundred guns, and every possible sign of public rejoicing. in january, , the flag shown in fig. was substituted, the old crescent moon of the first rebellion, , reappearing, but in the _charleston mercury_, of january th, , we read that "the legislature last night again altered the design of the state flag. it now consists of a blue field with a white palmetto palm tree in the middle. the white crescent in the upper flagstaff corner remains as before, but the horns pointing upwards. this may be regarded as final." this flag is shown in fig. . fig. is the flag of texas--"the lone star" state. "hurrah for the lone star! up, up to the mast with the honoured old bunting, and nail it there fast. the ship is in danger, and texans will fight 'neath the flag of the lone star for god and their right." when it became necessary, as it almost immediately did, to adopt one flag as the common ensign of all the confederate states, a special committee was appointed to consider the matter, and to study the numerous designs submitted to them. on presenting their report the chairman said--"a flag should be simple, readily made, and capable of being made up in bunting; it should be different from the flag of any other country, place, or people: it should be significant: it should be readily distinguishable at a distance: the colours should be well contrasted and durable: and lastly, and not the least important point, it should be effective and handsome. the committee humbly think that the flag which they submit combines these requirements. it is very easy to make; it is entirely different from any other national flag. the three colours of which it is composed--red, white, and blue--are the true republican colours; they are emblematic of the three great virtues--valour, purity, and truth. naval men assure us that it can be recognised at a great distance. the colours contrast admirably, and are lasting. in effect and appearance it must speak for itself." the flag, thus highly and justly commended, was first hoisted on march th, , at montgomery. it is represented in fig. , and was quickly known as the "stars and bars."[ ] even the _new york herald_ admitted that "the design of this flag is striking, and it has { } the merit of originality as well as of durability." the circle of white stars was intended to correspond in number with the states in the confederacy, but no great attention seems to have been paid to this. the flag may be seen engraved on the paper money of the different southern states, and on other government papers. in one example before us the stars are seven in number, and in another nine are shown, the number of seceding states being eleven. while the "stars and bars," fig. , was quite a different flag from fig. , the "stars and stripes," it was found that, nevertheless, in the stress of battle confusion arose; so the battle flag, fig. , known as the "southern cross," became largely adopted, though its use was never actually legalised. here, again, we find that though eleven should be the proper number of the stars, they are in our illustration thirteen, while in one example we have found seventeen. it would be found in practice very difficult to make a pleasing arrangement of eleven stars; given a central one, and two on either side of it in the arms of the cross, and we get nine as a result, with three on either side it will total to thirteen, and with four it must take seventeen. in a few instances it may be seen without the red portions--a white flag with the blue cross and white stars. one great objection to the southern cross was that it was not adapted for sea service, since being alike in whatever way it was looked at, it could not be reversed in case of distress. to obviate this difficulty, at a congress in richmond in the form seen in fig. was adopted--a plain white flag having the southern cross as its union; but this, in turn, was objected to as being too much like a flag of truce, so to meet this, in the following year, it was ordered that the space between the union and the outer edge of the flag should be divided vertically in half, and that the outer half should be red: an alteration that may have been necessary, but which greatly spoiled the appearance of what was, before this, a handsome and striking flag. as the struggle came to an end in the following year, the "stars and bars" and the "southern cross" perished in the general downfall of the southern cause--the victories of fredericksburg, chancellorsville, shenandoah valley, chattanooga, and many another hard-fought field, and the brilliant strategy of lee, beauregard, longstreet, jackson, early, hood, and many another gallant commander, being all in vain against the unlimited resources of the north. over six hundred and fifty thousand human lives, over seven hundred millions of pounds sterling, were spent in what an american writer delicately calls "the late unpleasantness." the americans, jealous of the honour of their flag, have sometimes, to our insular notions, a rather odd way of showing it. some { } of our readers will remember how an american, some time ago, undertook to carry the flag of his country through england. whatever visions he or his compatriots may have had of his defending it gallantly against hostile attack were soon proved to be baseless. englishmen, _cela va sans dire_, have no hostility to the americans, and the populace--urban, suburban, and rural--everywhere entered into the humour of the thing, and cheered the gallant sergeant and his bunting wherever he appeared. all the risk and terror of the exploit melted away in general acclamation and hearty welcome. an englishman told us that in descending a mountain in norway he met an american carrying something rolled up; he unfolded it, and displayed the stars and stripes, and said that he had brought it to plant on the summit of the mountain. why he should do so is by no means apparent: but still, as it pleased him and hurt no one else, it would be churlish, indeed, to demur to so innocent a pastime. our friend courteously raised his hat to the symbol of the great daughter nation over the ocean, whereupon the american heartily reciprocated, saying, "thanks, stranger; and here's to the union jack."[ ] when the french declared war against prussia, on july th, , they were entirely unprepared for the enthusiasm and unity with which the various german states rallied together against the common opponent. it was thought that the southern and catholic states would, at least, be neutral, if they did not side with france against a power that, during previous conflict with austria, had laid heavy hand on those that had then taken sides against her. but this, after all, had been but a quarrel amongst themselves; and the attempt of france to violate german soil was at once the signal for germans to stand shoulder to shoulder in one brotherhood against the common foe. the separate interests and grievances of bavarians, saxons, hessians, badeners, brunswickers, wurtemburgers, hanoverians, were at once put aside, and united germany, in solid phalanx, rose in irresistible might. in the great historic palace of versailles, in the hall dedicated "to all the glories of france," the confederate princes of germany, headed by the king of bavaria, { } conferred on the king of prussia the title of emperor of germany, bestowing on him the duty of representing all the german states in international questions, and appointing him and his successors the commander-in-chief of the german forces. thus, on january th, , amid the acclamation of the allied sovereigns and the deep bass of the cannon in the trenches surrounding the beleagured capital of the common enemy, the principle of german unity received its seal and consummation. the war ensign of the empire is represented in fig. . the colours of prussia, black and white, and the prussian eagle enter largely into it, and perhaps it may at first sight appear that these symbols of the prussian state are even a little too conspicuous, but it must be borne in mind that it is to the sovereign of this state the headship of all is given, and that the vital interests of prussia in the matter may be further illustrated by the fact that while she has a population, in round numbers, of thirty millions, bavaria has but five, and saxony three, while the wurtemburgers and badeners between them make up about another three millions, and no other state in the empire comes at all near these figures. prussia has over , square miles of territory to fight for, while bavaria has but , , and the next largest, wurtemburg, has only an area of , ; in every way, political, commercial, or what not, the interests of prussia are overwhelmingly predominant. the flag of west prussia is the black, white, black, shewn in fig. , while the east prussian flag is made up of but two horizontal strips, the upper black and the lower white. hence the well-known war song, "ich bin ein preussen,"[ ] commences, "i am a prussian! know ye not my banner? before me floats my flag of black and white! my fathers died for freedom, 'twas their manner, so say those colours floating in your sight." { } the black, white, and red canton in the staff-head corner of the flag is also made into an independent flag, as at fig. , and used as a "jack" in the imperial navy, while this same flag, fig. , minus the cross, is the flag of the mercantile marine. on the th of october, , on the establishment of the north german confederacy, at the conclusion of the austro-prussian campaign, the king of prussia sanctioned a proposal for a flag common to all. we find in this decree that "the confederate flag henceforth solely to bear the qualification of the national flag, and as such to be exclusively on board the merchantmen of the confederacy, shall be composed of three equilateral stripes horizontally arranged: the colour of the top one being black, the middle stripe white, and that of the bottom stripe red." on the inclusion of the south german states on the formation of the german empire, the latter still more potent and august body retained the confederacy flag for its mercantile marine. up to the year no german national flag had ever flown on the ocean, as the various states and free cities had their special colours of merely local value. the responsible minister of the crown, in a speech delivered in the diet in , stated to the members that the combination of colours was emblematic of a junction of the black-white prussian flag with the red-white ensign of the hanseatic league. this league of the sea-ports of germany was organised in for their mutual defence and for the interchange of commercial advantages. as its strength and reputation increased, many other cities sought to be admitted, but international jealousies disintegrated the league, and by the year it was reduced from sixty-six cities to three--lubeck, hamburg, and bremen. these three hanse towns still retain special privileges. the red and the white in the german flag represents the commercial prosperity of the nation, while the black and white symbolises the strong arm of the state prepared to protect and foster it. the flags of these three cities still retain the old colours, lubeck being half white and half red, bremen red and white stripes, and hamburg a white castle on a red field. the arms of the hohenzollerns are quarterly arranged. the first and fourth quarters are themselves quartered, black and white for zollern, while the second and third quarters are azure with a golden stag for sigmaringen. friedrich vi., the first of the hohenzollerns, the burggraf of nürnberg, became friedrich i., elector of brandenburg, in . there were twelve in all, of these hohenzollern electors, and friedrich iii., the last of these, became in the first king of prussia. all the succeeding sovereigns have been of the same house, so that the black and { } white in the flag of to-day is the black and white that for over five hundred years has been emblazoned in the arms of the hohenzollerns. the cross on the flag (figs. and )--the "iron cross" so highly prized as the reward of fine service--is the cross of the teutonic order, and dates from the close of the th century. the history of the teutonic order, in its connexion with prussia, is dealt with very fully in the first volume of carlyle's "frederick the great." the imperial standard of germany has the iron cross, black with white border, on a yellow field, in the centre of all being a shield bearing the arms of prussia, surmounted by a crown and surrounded by the collar of the order of the black eagle. the yellow groundwork of the flag is diapered over in each quarter with three black eagles and a crown. the arms of the cross stretch out to the four edges of the flag. the admiral's flag in the imperial german navy is square, and consists of the black cross on a white ground--the cross, as in the standard, extending to the edges of the flag. the vice-admiral's flag is similar, but has in the upper staff-space a black ball in addition, while the rear-admiral has the same flag again, but with the addition of a black ball in each of the quarters nearest the mast. the chief of the admiralty has a white flag again with the cross in the centre, but in this case there is a considerable margin of white all round, and four red anchors are placed so that they extend in a sloping direction from the corners of the flag towards the inner angles of the cross. we get the characteristic black and white again in the burgee of the imperial yacht club, which is thus quartered, an upright line meeting a horizontal one in the centre of the burgee, and thus giving a first and fourth black quarter and a second and third white one. the signal for a pilot again is a white flag with a broad border of black; if our readers will take a mourning envelope with a good deep margin of black to it, they will see the effect exactly. german vessels engaged in trade on the east african coast fly the black, white, red, but in the centre of the white stripe is a blue anchor placed erect, while the imperial governor in east africa substitutes for the anchor the black eagle. the german east africa company's flag is white cut into quarters by a narrow and parallel-edged cross and a red canton with five white stars on it in the quarter nearest the masthead. while we find amongst the minor states of germany oldenburg, fig. , with a cross-bearing flag, the greater number are made up of stripes disposed horizontally, and either two or three in number. thus fig. is the white-green of saxony, fig. { } the black-red-yellow of waldeck, fig. the blue-white of pomerania, fig. the black-red of wurtemburg, fig. the red-yellow-blue of mecklenburg-strelitz, fig. the blue-yellow of brunswick, fig. the green-white of saxe-coburg gotha, fig. the blue-red-white of schomberg lippe, fig. the red-white of hesse. others that we have not figured are the red-yellow of baden, the white-blue of bavaria, the yellow-white of hanover, the yellow-red of elsass, the red-yellow of lothringen.[ ] to these, others might be added: sleswig-holstein, brandenburg, posen, silesia, etc., all agreeing in the same general character. the imperial standard of the austro-hungarian monarchy is yellow, and has in its centre the black double-headed eagle and a bordering all round composed of equal-sided triangles turning alternately their apices inwards and outwards; the first of these are alternately yellow and white, the second alternately scarlet and black. on the displayed wings of the eagle are the arms of the eleven provinces of the empire. the war-ensign of the monarchy in represented in fig. ; it is composed of three equal horizontal bands of red, white, red, and bears in its centre beneath the imperial crown a shield similarly divided. this flag originated in , when the emperor joseph ii. decreed its introduction. this shield was the heraldic device of the ancient dukes of austria, and is known to have been in existence in the year , as duke leopold heldenthum bore these arms at that date during the crusades. the "oesterreich-ungarische monarchie," to give it its official title, is under the command of one sovereign, who is both emperor of austria and king of hungary, but each of these great states has its own parliament, ministry, and administration. austria had long held the hungarians in most unwilling subjection, and the disastrous outcome for austria of the war with prussia made it absolutely essential to make peace with hungary, the magyars seeing in the humiliation of austria the opportunity that they had long been awaiting of becoming once again an independent state. a compromise was effected in february, , by which the hungarians were willing to remain under the rule of the emperor of austria, but only on condition that he submitted to be crowned king of hungary, and that in the dual monarchy thus { } created they should have absolutely the same rights and freedom as the austrians. the austrian flag, as we have seen, is red-white-red, while the hungarian is red-white-green, and a commission being appointed to consider how these two flags could be blended into one, introduced on march th, , as the result of its deliberations, the austro-hungarian national flag that we have represented in fig. . the austrian provinces have chiefly bi- or tri-color flags, the stripes being arranged horizontally. thus bohemia is red-white; tyrol is white-red; dalmatia is blue-yellow; galicia is blue-red; croatia is red-white-blue; istria yellow-red-blue. we are so used in england to the idea that cheering is a spontaneous product that it seems strange to find that the official welcome by the austrian fleet to their emperor is a salute of twenty-one guns, followed by fifteen hurrahs. each rank has its special limit of honour; thus a minister of state or field-marshal is saluted by nineteen guns and eleven hurrahs; a general by thirteen and seven, while a commodore drops to eleven and three; ambassadors, archbishops, consuls, all have their definite share of gunpowder and such specified amount of shouting as is held to be befitting to their position. the imperial standard of the czar of all the russias is the brilliant yellow and black flag represented in fig. . the introduction of the black two-headed eagle dates back from the year , when ivan the great married sophia, a niece of constantine palæolagus, and thence assumed the arms of the greek empire. on the breast of the eagle is an escutcheon bearing on its red field in silver the figure of st. george slaying the dragon, the whole being surrounded by the collar of the order of st. andrew. on the displayed wings of the eagle are other shields, too small for representation in our figure, bearing the arms of kiow, a silver angel on an azure field; of novgorod, two black bears on a golden shield; of voldermirz, a golden lion rampant on a red shield; of kasan, a black wyvern on a silver ground, and so forth. the flag of the czarina is similar, except that it has a broad blue bordering to it. a new standard is made for each czar. it was originally borne before him in battle, but this custom has fallen into disuse, and it is now deposited with the rest of the regalia. on the heavy gold brocade is embroidered the black eagle, and around this the arms of the provinces of the empire. from the eagle that surmounts the staff are pendant the blue ribbons of the order of st. andrew, embroidered in gold, with the dates of the foundation of the russian state in , the baptism by st. vladimir in , the union of all russian possessions under the sceptre of john iii. in , and the { } proclamation of the empire by peter the great. its dedication is a great religious function, and its sacred character and its appeal to a lofty patriotism duly enforced. thus we find the imperial chaplain addressing the present czar before the consecration of the standard as follows:-- "divine providence has resolved, by the right of succession to the throne, to entrust to thee, as supreme head and autocrat of the peoples of the empire of all the russias, this sacred banner, an emblem of its unity and power. "we pray the heavenly father for the union of all thy subjects in loyalty and devotion to their throne and country, and in the unselfish fulfilment of their patriotic duties. "may this banner inspire thy enemies with dread, may it be a sign to thee of divine assistance, and in the name of god, of the orthodox faith, of right and of justice; may it help thee, in spite of all obstacles, to lead thy people to prosperity, greatness, and glory." after the benediction, holy water was sprinkled upon the standard, and the czar, as the embodiment of the nation, was again addressed:-- "the almighty has been pleased, in the course of the law of inheritance, to enthrone you as the sovereign ruler of all the peoples of the russian nation; this sacred standard is a token of unity and power. we pray it may unite all thy subjects in unquestioning loyalty to the throne and country, and in unselfish fulfilment of each duty of a subject. may it be to thee a sign, terrible to the foes of russia, of the help given by the lord god to the glory of his holy name, that, through orthodox faith, notwithstanding all limitations, thy people may be led to prosperity, greatness, and glory; so shall all nations know that god is on our side." the russians venerate st. andrew as their patron saint, believing that it was he who carried the doctrines of christianity into their midst. origen asserts that he preached in scythia. peter the great instituted under his name and protection, in the year , the first and most noble order of knighthood of the russian empire as a reward for the valour of his officers in the war against the ottomans. the badge is the x-like cross of st. andrew displayed upon the imperial eagle and pendant from a broad blue ribbon. we have already seen that st. andrew is the patron saint of scotland also, but in scotland the cross, fig. , is white upon a field of blue, while in russia, fig. , it is blue upon a field of white. this flag, fig. , is the war ensign, the flag of the imperial navy. the creed of the russian church extols the worship of saints, and amongst the numerous subjects of veneration st. george takes { } rank next to st. andrew himself. hence we see his presentment on the standard of the czar, and hence catherine ii., in , instituted an order of knighthood in his honour. the badge is a cross of gold, having in its centre a medallion with a figure of the saint slaying the dragon; the ribbon being yellow and black. st. george, we need scarcely remind our readers, is the great warrior-saint of england too, but while we place his scarlet cross, fig. , on the field of white, the russians reverse the arrangement and place his white cross on scarlet.[ ] fig. is the russian union jack that combines the crosses of st. andrew and st. george. fig. is the british union jack that deals with precisely the same combination. the flag of the russian merchant service is represented in fig. . this was originally instead of being white, blue, red, a flag of blue, white, red. peter the great borrowed this from the dutch, amongst whom he learnt ship-building. the dutch flag, fig. , it will be seen is a tricolor of red, white, blue. peter simply turned this upside down, and afterwards, for greater distinction, charged the central white space with a small blue st. andrew's cross, as we see in fig. , which represents this early form of flag. later on, for still greater clearness of distinction, the blue and the white strips changed places, and so we get the modern russian mercantile flag, as shown in fig. . it was evidently undesirable that the flag of the great empire of russia should be the same as that of a reversed dutch ensign--a signal of distress and disaster. based upon these two simple forms, the government cross of st. andrew, fig. , and the commercial tricolor, fig. , we get a great variety of official flags. thus fig. is a very happy blending of the two forms in the flag of a consul-general, since he is an official of the state, and at the same time his duties deal largely with commercial interests; and much the same ground may be taken as regards the blending of the two flags in fig. , the flag of a russian chargé d'affaires. fig. is the ensign of a russian transport; if of the second division the field of the flag is blue, and if of the third it is red, in each of these cases the crossed anchors being white. the russian signal for a pilot is the jack shown in fig. , but with a broad white border to it. { } a russian ambassador or minister plenipotentiary flies the flag shown in fig. . in the imperial navy we find a considerable variety of flag types. while the full admiral flies the imperial naval flag, fig. , that of the vice-admiral has along its bottom edge a horizontal strip of blue, and that of the rear-admiral in the same position a strip of red. the flag of the minister of marine is the official flag, fig. , except that instead of the four plain white spaces there seen these triangles hold each of them a golden anchor, the fluke end outwards. there are many other modifications that we need not here particularise. fig. is the official flag of poland; the device in the canton in the upper corner, the white eagle on the scarlet field, is the ancient polish flag, when poland was yet a nation. the early history of the french flag is lost in obscurity, and it is not always easy to trace the various modifications that it has undergone. at the earliest date of which we have record we find the kings of the franks marshalling their forces under the plain blue flag known as the chape de st. martin. later on the red flag of st. denis, known as the oriflamme, came into use, and was held in great popular esteem, until by the tenth century we find it accepted as the national flag, though the blue flag still held its ground as a recognised flag. we may, in fact, assume that as the russians placed themselves beneath the protection both of st. george and also of st. andrew, so the french felt that a double claim on saintly assistance would be by no means amiss. the chape de st. martin was originally in the keeping of the monks of the abbey of marmoutiers, and popular belief held it to be a portion of the actual blue cloak that the legend affirms the saint divided with the beggar suppliant. the counts of anjou claimed the right to take this blue flag to battle with them. we find it borne by clovis in the year against alaric, and again by charlemagne at the battle of narbonne; and time after time it led the hosts of france to victory. when the kings of france transferred the seat of government to paris, the great local saint, st. denis, was held in high honour, and the scarlet flag of the abbey church of st. denis gradually ousted the blue flag of st. martin, and "st. denis" became the war-cry of france.[ ] fig. is a representation of the oriflamme from some ancient stained glass, but the authorities differ somewhat; thus the "chronique de flandre" describes it as having three points and tassels of green { } silk attached thereto, while an english authority says, "the celestial auriflamb, so by the french admired, was but of one colour, a square redde banner." du cange gives no hint of its shape, but affirms that it was simple, "sans portraiture d'autre affaire." all therefore that seems quite definite is that it was a plain scarlet flag. the last time that the sacred ensign was borne to battle was at agincourt on october th, , when it certainly failed to justify the confidence of its votaries. the precise date when the golden fleurs-de-lys were added to the blue flag is open to doubt, but we find the form at a very early date, and from the first recognition of heraldic coats of arms this blazon was the accepted cognizance of the kings of france. we see this represented in fig. . originally the fleurs-de-lys were powdered, as in fig. , over the whole surface, but in the reign of charles v., a.d. , the number was reduced to three.[ ] the meaning of the fleur-de-lys has given rise to much controversy; some will tell us that it is a lily flower or an iris, while others affirm that it is a lance-head. some authorities see in it an arbitrary floral form assumed by king louis,[ ] and therefore the fleur-de-louis; while others are so hard put to it that they tell us of a river lys in flanders that was so notable for its profusion of yellow iris that the flower became known as the fleur-de-lys. the ancient chronicles gravely record that they were lilies brought from paradise by an angel to king clovis in the year , on the eve of a great battle fought near cologne. clovis made a vow that if he were victorious he would embrace the christian faith, and the angel visitant and the celestial gift were a proof that his prayers were heard and his vow accepted. as the belief that france was in an especial degree under divine protection was a very flattering one, the lilies were held for centuries in great favour; and the fleur-de-lys did not finally disappear from the flag of france until the downfall of louis philippe in the year , a date within the recollection, doubtless, of some of our readers. finality, indeed, may not even yet have been reached in the matter. as the bees of napoleon i. reappeared in the arms of napoleon iii., so the fleur-de-lys may yet again appear on the ensigns of france. by virtue of a napoleonic decree in against factious or treasonable emblems, it was forbidden to introduce the fleur-de-lys in jewellery, tapestry, or any other decorative way, lest its introduction might peril the position of a { } sovereign who rose to power by lavish bribery, and the free outpouring of blood. napoleon the first, and at least by contrast the great, when at auch enquired the reason why many of the windows of the cathedral were partially concealed by paper, and he was informed that it was because it was feared that he would be offended at the sight of certain ancient emblems there represented. "what!" he exclaimed, "the fleurs-de-lys? uncover them this moment. during eight centuries they guided the french to glory, as my eagles do now, and they must always be dear to france and held in reverence by her true children." the white cross frequently appears on the early french flags. fig. , the flag of the french guards in the year , is a good example of this. we find favyn, in a book published in paris in , "le théâtre d'honneur et de chevalerie," writing: "le grand estendard de satin bleu celeste en riche broderie de fleurs de lys d'or a une grande croix plein de satin blanc, qui est la croix de france." figs. and are taken from a ms. executed in the time of louis xii., a.d. , illustrating a battle scene; these two flags are placed by the side of the fleur-de-lys flag, fig. . when louis xi., in , organised the national infantry we find him giving them as the national ensign a scarlet flag with white cross on it; and some two hundred years later we find the various provincial levies beneath flags of various designs and colours, but all agreeing in having the white cross as the leading feature. fig. , for example, is that of the soissonois. desjardins, in his excellent book on the french flag,[ ] gives a great many illustrations of these. in the musée d'artillerie in paris we find a very valuable collection of martial equipments from the time of charlemagne, and amongst these a fine series (original where possible, or, failing this copies) of the flags of france from the year . the huguenot party in france adopted the white flag, and when king henry iii., to , himself a protestant, came to the throne, the white flag became the royal ensign, and was fully adopted in the next reign, that of henry iv., the first king of the house of bourbon, as the national flag. the whole history of the flag prior to the great revolution, is somewhat confused, and in the year , which we may consider about the middle of the bourbon or white flag period,[ ] we find the order given by the { } minister of the marine that "the ensigns are to be blue, powdered with yellow fleurs-de-lys, with a large white cross in the middle." merchant ships were to wear the same flag as the ships of war except that in the canton corner was to be placed the device of their province or town. before the end of the year a new order was issued to the effect that "the ensigns at the stern are to be in all cases white," while the merchants were to fly the white flag with the device of the port in the corner. the white flag was sometimes plain, as in fig. , and at other times provided with yellow fleurs-de-lys. on the restoration of the bourbons in , after the republic, consulate, and empire, the white flag was again the flag of the nation, and remained so until , its last appearance in france, unless or until the house of bourbon again arises to the throne, when the restoration of the _drapeau blanc_ would probably follow. the white flag has therefore been the national ensign of france for over two hundred years. in a book in the library of the science and art department, south kensington, we found the flag represented in fig. figured as the french standard, with fig. apparently as an alternative, while the national flag of france is represented as the tricolor with bordering shown in fig. , and the admiral's flag is given as pure white. the book is entitled "a display of naval flags of all nations." it was published in liverpool; no date is given, but we can arrive approximately at this, as the british standard is represented as including the arms of hanover; this limits its publication to between the years and . the well-known tricolor of france, fig. , dates from the era of the revolution and came into existence in . it has, with the exception of the short bourbon restoration, been the flag of france for over a century, and it remains so to this day, though it underwent some few modifications ere it settled down to the present form. thus, for instance, on october th , it was decreed that the colour next the staff was to be red, the central strip white and the outer blue, but on february th, , it was ordered that "the flag prescribed by the national assembly be abolished. the national flag shall be formed of the three national colours in equal bands placed vertically, the hoist being blue, the centre white, and the fly red." on the revolution of , the provisional government ordered on march th that the colours were to run thus--blue, red, white, but the opposition to this was so strong that only two days later the order was cancelled. in the tricolor was made the jack, and the ensign was as shown in fig. . this ensign was to be common to both the men-of-war and the flags of the merchant navy, but the arrangement was not of long continuance. the spirit of change that was felt in every department affected the flags { } likewise, and some little time elapsed before the matter was satisfactorily settled. the arms of paris are a white galley on a red ground, and above this are three golden fleurs-de-lys on a blue band or strip. on july th, , it was determined that a civic guard of forty thousand men should be raised, and that its colours should be those of the city, the gules and azure of the groundwork of the escutcheon, to which, on the proposal of lafayette, the white of the royal _drapeau blanc_ was added. during the first and second empire the imperial standard was still the tricolor, but it bore in the centre of the white strip the eagle; and all three strips were richly diapered over with the golden bees of the napoleons. the national flag was the tricolor pure and simple, both for the imperial and the commercial navy. as the flags of the army were borne on staffs surmounted by a golden eagle, the term "eagle" was often applied to these colours.[ ] on the outbreak of the second republic in , the people immediately on its proclamation demanded the adoption of the ill-omened red flag. lamartine, the leading member of the provisional government, closed an impassioned address with the words: "citizens, i will reject even to death this banner of blood, and you should repudiate it still more than myself, for this red flag you offer us has only made the circuit of the champs de mars bathed in the blood of the people, while the tricolor has made the circuit of the world, with the name, the glory, and the liberty of your country." louis blanc and other members of the government were in favour of the red flag, and at last a compromise was effected and the tricolor was accepted with the addition of a large red rosette. louis blanc, not unreasonably, as a republican, pointed out that lafayette had in associated the white of the bourbon flag with the red and blue of the arms of the city, and that the tricolor flag was therefore the result of a compromise between the king and the people, but that in the king having abdicated, and monarchy done away with, there was no reason why any suggestion of the kingly power should continue. doubtless the suppression of the flag of the barricades, the symbol of civil strife, { } of anarchy and bloodshed, and the retaining of the tricolor was the wiser and more patriotic course, though it required no mean amount of courage and strong personal influence to effect the change. the imperial eagle, so long a symbol of victory, has now in these republican days[ ] disappeared from the national colours. the flag of the french army is now surmounted by a wreath of laurel traversed by a golden dart with the letters r.f. and the regimental number, while on one face of the flag itself is, in the middle, the inscription "republique française, honneur et patrie," each corner being occupied by a golden wreath enclosing the number of the regiment. the name of the regiment and its "honours" occupy the other side. the pendant of the french man-of-war is simply, fig. , the tricolor elongated. the admiral flies a swallow-tailed tricolor, while the rear-admiral and the vice-admiral have flags of the ordinary shape, like fig. , except that the former officer has two white stars on the blue strip near the top of it, and the latter three. maritime prefects have the three white stars on the blue plus two crossed anchors in blue in the centre of the white strip. the governor of a french colony has such a special and distinctive flag as fig. would be if, instead of the union canton on the blue, we placed in similar place the tricolor. there are naturally a great many other official flags, but the requirements of our space forbid our going into any further description of them. the war and mercantile flags of spain have undergone many changes, and their early history is very difficult to unravel; but on may th, , the flags were adopted that have continued in use ever since. fig. is the flag of the spanish navy; it consists, as will be seen, of three stripes--a central yellow one, and a red one, somewhat narrower, above and below. the original proportion was that the yellow should be equal in width to the two red ones combined. this central stripe is charged, near the hoist, with an escutcheon containing the arms of castile and leon, and surmounted by the royal crown. the mercantile flag, fig. , is also red and yellow. the yellow stripe in the centre is without the escutcheon, and in width it should be equal to one-third of the entire depth of the flag, the remaining thirds above and below it being divided into two equal strips, the one red and the other yellow. this simple striping of the two colours was doubtless { } suggested by the arms of arragon, the vertical red and yellow bars[ ] of which may be seen also in the spanish royal standard, fig. . spain, like italy, has grown into one monarchy by the aggregation of minor states. in the year we have the union of navarre and castile; in we find leon and asturias joining this same growing kingdom, and in the year ferdinand ii. of arragon married isabella of castile, and thus united nearly the whole of the christian part of spain into one monarchy. in this same prince added to his dominions moorish spain by the conquest of granada. legend hath it that in the year the carlovingian prince charles the bold honoured geoffrey, count of barcelona, by dipping his four fingers in the blood from the count's wounds after a battle in which they were allied, and drawing them down the count's golden shield, and that these ruddy bars were then and there incorporated in the blazon. barcelona was shortly afterwards merged into the kingdom of arragon, and its arms were adopted as those of that kingdom. its four upright strips of red, the marks of the royal fingers, are just beyond the upper shield in fig. . the pendant of the spanish navy bears at its broad end a golden space in which the arms and crown, as in fig. , are placed; the rest of the streamer is a broad strip of yellow, bordered, as in fig. , by two slightly narrower strips of red. the royal standard of spain, fig. , is of very elaborate character, and many of its bearings are as inappropriate to the historic facts of the present day as the retention in the arms of great britain of the french fleurs-de-lys centuries after all claim to its sovereignty had been lost. in the upper left hand part of the flag we find quartered the lion of leon and the castle of castile.[ ] at the point we have marked "c" are the arms of arragon. "d" is the device of sicily. the red and white stripes at "e" are the arms of austria; we have already encountered these in fig. . the flag of ancient burgundy, oblique stripes of yellow and blue within a red border, is placed at "f." the black lion on the golden ground at "g" is the heraldic bearing of flanders, while the red eagle "h" is the device of antwerp. at "i" we have the { } golden lion of brabant, and above it at "j" the fleurs-de-lys and chequers of ancient burgundy. the upper small shield contains the arms of portugal, and the lower contains the fleurs-de-lys of france.[ ] the portuguese were an independent nation until philip ii. of spain overran the country, and annexed it in the year to his own dominions, but in the year they threw off the spanish yoke, which had grown intolerable, and raised john, duke of braganza, to the throne. the regal power has ever since remained in this family. the royal standard bears on its scarlet field the arms of portugal, surmounted by the regal crown. these arms were originally only the white shield with the five smaller escutcheons that we see in the centre of the present blazon. would the scale of our illustration (fig. ) permit it, each of these small escutcheons should bear upon its surface five white circular spots. portugal was invaded by the moors in the year , and the greater part of the country was held by them for over three centuries. in the year alphonso i. defeated an alliance of five great moorish princes at the battle of ourique, and the five escutcheons in the shield represents the five-fold victory, while the five circles placed on each escutcheon symbolise the five wounds of the saviour in whose strength he defeated the infidels. the scarlet border with its castles was added by alphonso iii., after his marriage in with the daughter of alphonso the wise, king of castile, the arms of which province, as we have already seen in discussing the spanish standard, are a golden castle on a red field. in an english poem, written by an eye-witness of the siege of rouen in the year , we find an interesting reference to the arms of portugal, where we read of "the kyngis herandis and pursiuantis, in cotis of armys arryauntis. the englishe a beste, the frensshe a floure of portyugale bothe castelle and toure, and other cotis of diversitie as lordis beren in ther degre."[ ] the portuguese ensign for her vessels of war and also for the merchant service bears the shield and crown, but instead of the { } scarlet field we find the groundwork of the flag half blue, and half white, as shown in fig. . the choice of these special colours, no doubt, arose from the arms on the original shield, the five blue escutcheons on the white ground. the portuguese jack has the national arms and royal crown in the centre of a white field, the whole being surrounded by the broad border of blue. italy, for centuries a geographical expression, is now one and indivisible. within the recollection of many of our readers the peninsula was composed of the kingdom of the two sicilies, the pontifical states, the grand duchy of tuscany, the duchies of parma and modena. there was also in the north the kingdom of sardinia, while lombardy and venetia were in the grip of austria. it is somewhat beside our present purpose to go into the wonderful story of how victor emmanuel of savoy, aided by cavour, garibaldi, and many another noble patriot, by diplomacy, by lives freely laid down on the tchernaya, on the fields of magenta and solferino, by the disaster at sedan, by bold audacity at one time, by patient waiting at another, was finally installed in rome, the capital of united italy, as king of a great and free nation of over thirty millions of people. suffice it now to say that this kingdom of italy, as we now know it, did not achieve until the year this full unity under one flag that had been for centuries the dream of patriots who freely shed their blood on the battlefield or the scaffold, or perished in the dungeons of papal rome, or naples, or austria for this ideal. on the downfall in of the bourbon government in the kingdom of the two sicilies before the onslaught of the volunteers of garibaldi, the first national parliament met in turin, and proclaimed victor emmanuel king of italy. the title was at once acknowledged by great britain, and, later on, by the other powers, and the capital of the rising state was transferred to florence. the papal states were still under the protection of france, "the eldest son of the church"; and the young kingdom, unable to wrest rome from the french, had to wait with such patience as it could command for the consummation of its hopes. the long-looked-for day at last arrived, when amidst the tremendous defeats inflicted in by germany on france, the french garrison in rome was withdrawn, and the italians, after a short, sharp conflict with the papal troops, entered into possession of the eternal city, and at once made it the capital of a state at last free throughout its length and breadth--no longer a geographical expression, but a potent factor to be reckoned with and fully recognised. napoleon i. formed italy into one kingdom in the year , but it was ruled by himself and the viceroy, eugene beauharnois, he appointed; and on his overthrow this, like the various other political { } arrangements he devised, came to nought. the flag he bestowed was a tricolor of green, white, and red, his idea being that, while giving the new kingdom a flag of its own, it should indicate by its near resemblance to that of france the source to which it owed its existence. in , the great revolutionary period, this flag, which had passed out of existence on the downfall of napoleon, was reassumed by the nationalists of the peninsula, and accepted by the king of sardinia as the ensign of his own kingdom, and charged by him with the arms of savoy. this tricolor, so charged (see fig. ) was the flag to which the eyes of all italian patriots turned, and it is to-day the flag of all italy. the flag we have represented is the ensign of the merchant service; the flag of the armed forces military and naval, is similar, save that the shield in the centre is surmounted by the royal crown. the royal standard, the personal flag of the king, has the arms of savoy in the centre, on a white ground, the whole having a broad bordering of blue. this shield of savoy, the white cross on the red field, was the device of the knights of st. john of jerusalem, an order semi-religious, semi-military, that owed its origin to the crusades. in the year the knights captured rhodes from the saracens, but being hard pressed by the infidels, duke amadeus iv., of savoy, came to the rescue, and the grand master of the order conferred upon him the cross that has ever since been borne in the arms of savoy. the jack or bowsprit flag of the italian man-of-war, fig. , is simply this shield of the knights of st. john squared into suitable flag-like form. the minister of marine has the tricolor, but on the green portion is placed erect a golden anchor. the vessels carrying the royal mail fly a burgee of green, white, red, having a large white "p" on the green; and there are many other official flags, the insignia of various authorities or different departments, but lack of space forbids our dwelling at greater length upon them. the war flag of the defunct temporal power of the pope was white, and in its centre stood figures of st. peter and st. paul, and above them the cross keys and tiara. fig. was the flag of the merchant ships owned by the subjects of the states of the church. the combination of yellow and white is very curious. in the banner borne by godfrey, the crusader king of jerusalem, the only tinctures introduced were the two metals, gold and silver, five golden crosses being placed upon a silver field. this was done of deliberate intention that it might be unlike all other devices, as it is in all other cases deemed false heraldry to place metal on metal. the theory that these metals were selected because of the reference in the psalms to the holy city, may also be a very possible one--"though ye have lien amongst the pots, yet shall ye { } be as the wings of a dove covered with silver, and her feathers with yellow gold." however this may be, the yellow and white of the arms of jerusalem was adopted by the papal government. the danish flag is the oldest now in existence. in the year , king waldemar of denmark in a critical moment in his stormy career, saw, or thought he saw, or said he saw, a cross in the sky. he was then leading his troops to battle against the livonian pagans, and he gladly welcomed this answer to his prayers for divine succour, this assurance of celestial aid. this sign from heaven he forthwith adopted as the flag of his country, and called it the dannebrog, _i.e._, the strength of denmark. as a definite chronological fact, apart from all legend, this flag dates from the thirteenth century. there was also an order of dannebrog instituted in , in further commemoration and honour of the miracle; and the name is a very popular one in the danish royal navy, one man-of-war after another succeeding to the appellation. one of these dannebrogs was blown up by the fire of nelson's fleet in . the danish man-of-war ensign is shown in fig. . the royal standard, like the ensign, is swallow-tailed, but in the centre of the cross is placed a white square, indicated in our illustration, fig. , by dots. this central, square space contains the royal arms, surrounded by the collars of the orders of the elephant and of the dannebrog. the merchant flag, fig. , is rectangular. in the year , norway, sweden, and denmark all formed one kingdom under the rule of the latter, but in the swedes waged with more or less success an arduous struggle for liberty, and their independence was definitely acknowledged in the year . the flag of sweden is the yellow cross on the blue ground shown in fig. . the blue and yellow are the colours of the swedish arms,[ ] and they were then doubtless chosen for the flag as the colours of freedom and independence. norway had no separate political existence until the year , but in that year the norwegians seceded from denmark, and declared their independence. their first flag was still a red flag with a white cross on it, and the arms of norway in the upper corner next the flagstaff, but this being found to too closely resemble the danish flag, they substituted for it the device seen in fig. , which it will be noted is still the danish flag, plus the blue cross on the white one. the administration of norway is entirely distinct from sweden, and it retains its own laws, but in the two kingdoms were united under one sovereign. as a sign of the union there is carried in the upper square, next to the flagstaff in the flags of both countries, a union device, a combination of the swedish { } and norwegian national colours. after considerable dispute, the union jack shown in fig. was accepted as the symbol of the political relationship of the two nations. it is a very neat arrangement, for if we look at the upper and lower portions we see the flag (fig. ) of norway, if we study the two lateral portions we find they are the flag (fig. ) of sweden. both the swedish and norwegian war flags are swallow-tailed, and have the outer limb of the cross projecting; we may see this very clearly in fig. , where the main body of the flag is norwegian. the merchant flag is with each nationality rectangular; in fig. we have the flag of a swedish merchant vessel. both in the norwegian and swedish flags, as we may note in figs. and , it will be noticed that the union device is conspicuously present. the norwegian man-of-war flag, fig. , would be that of a norwegian merchant if we cut off the points in the fly; the swedish merchant flag, fig. , would be that of a swedish man-of-war if instead of the straight end we made it swallow-tailed. as sovereign of sweden, the king places his arms in the centre of the large yellow cross; as sovereign of norway, in the centre of the large blue cross; hence we get the swedish and norwegian royal standards, the one for use in the one country, and the other for service in the other, the union device being present in the upper corner in each case, and the outer portion of the flags swallow-tailed. the standard is, in fact, the war flag plus the royal arms. the post service has in the centre of the flag a white square, with a golden horn and crown in it; the customs flag has a similar white square at the junction of the arms of the cross, and in its centre is placed a crowned "t." fig. , on the same sheet as the flags of norway and sweden, is the simple and beautiful flag of switzerland. like the crosses of st. george, st. andrew, st. patrick, or that on the flag of denmark, its device has a religious significance. gautier tells us that:--"la première fois qu'il en est fait mention dans l'histoire écrite est dans la chronique du bearnois justinger. il dit, après avoir fait l'énumération des forces des suisses quittant berne pour marcher contre l'armée des nobles coalisés en --'et tous étaient marqués au signe de la sainte croix, une croix blanche dans un écusson rouge, par la raison que l'affranchissement de la nation était pour eux une cause aussi sacrée que la délivrance des lieux saints.'" its twenty-two cantons are united by a constitution, under one president and one flag, but each canton has its own cantonal colours. thus basel is half black and half white; st. gallen, green and white; geneva, red and yellow; aargau, black and blue; glarus, red, black, and white; uri, yellow and black; berne, black and red; fribourg, black and white; lucerne, blue and white; { } tessin, red and blue; and so forth. in each case the stripes of colour are disposed horizontally, and the one we have each time mentioned first is the upper colour. within the walls of the city of geneva was held, in , an international conference, to consider how far the horrors of war could be mitigated by aid to the sick and wounded. this conference proposed that in time of war the neutrality should be fully admitted of field and stationary hospitals, and also recognised in the most complete manner by the belligerent powers in the case of all officials employed in sanitary work, volunteer nurses, the inhabitants of the country who shall assist the wounded, and the wounded themselves--that an identical distinctive sign should be adopted for the medical corps of all armies, and that an identical flag should be used for all hospitals and ambulances, and for all houses containing wounded men. the distinctive mark of all such refuges is a white flag with a red cross on it--the flag of switzerland reversed in colouring--and all medical stores, carriages, and the like, bear the same device upon them; while the doctors, nurses, and assistants, have a white armlet with the red cross upon it, the sacred badge that proclaims their mission of mercy. in deference to the religious feelings of turkey a red crescent may be substituted for the cross in campaigns where that country is one of the belligerents. these valuable proposals were confirmed by a treaty in august, , signed by the representatives of twelve powers, and known as the geneva convention. since then all the civilised powers in the world, with the exception of the united states, have given in their adhesion to it. in an international conference was held at paris for still further developing and carrying out in a practical manner the principles of the geneva conference, and another at berlin in for the same object. one notable feature of these two conferences was the extension of the principles accepted for land conflict to naval warfare. holland, as an independent state, came into existence in the year . from we find the country under the rule of the courts of hainault, and in it came into the hands of the dukes of burgundy, who in turn were subjugated by the spaniards. the tyranny and religious persecution to which the netherlanders were exposed by the spaniards led to numerous revolts, which at last developed into a war of independence, under william, prince of orange. the hollanders adopted as their flag the colours of the house of orange--orange, white, and blue. at first there was great latitude of treatment, the number of the bars of each colour and their order being very variable, but in it was definitely fixed that the flag of the netherlands was to be orange, white, blue, in three horizontal stripes of equal width. how the orange became { } changed to red is very doubtful; fournier, writing in , we see refers to the dutch flag as a tricolor of red, white, blue. fig. represents the royal standard of holland; the army and navy and commercial flags are similar, except that the royal arms are not introduced. during the general effervescence caused by the french revolution, the naval flag of holland had in the upper staff-corner a white canton, charged with a figure of liberty, but the innovation was not at all popular, as the sailors preferred the old tricolor under which the great victories of reuter and van tromp were gained, and in it was deemed expedient to revert to it. the brilliant scarlet, yellow, and black tricolor represented in fig. is the flag of belgium. the standard has, in addition, the royal arms placed in the centre of the yellow strip. the black, yellow, and red, are the colours of the duchy of brabant, and these were adopted as the national flag in . from onwards we find belgium under austrian domination, and in it fell into the hands of spain. in , and for some years following, it was held by france, and in was handed over to the prince of orange, but in the belgians rose against the hollanders, and before the end of the year their independence was acknowledged by the great powers, and leopold of coburg, in the following year, became first king of belgium. within a month of his accession to the throne, the dutch recommenced the struggle, and it was only in that a final treaty of peace was signed in london between belgium and holland, and its claims to independence frankly recognised by the dutch. greece, originally invaded by the turks in the year , remained for nearly five hundred years under their oppressive yoke, rising from time to time against their masters, only to expose their country, on the failure of their attempts, to the greater tyranny and the most dreadful excesses. over ten thousand greeks were slaughtered in cyprus in , while the bombardment of scio in , and the horrible massacre on its capture, stand out in lurid colours as one of the most atrocious deeds the world has ever known: over forty thousand men, women, and children fell by the sword. seven thousand who had fled to the mountains were induced to surrender by a promise of amnesty, and these, too, were murdered. the towns and villages were fired, and the unfortunate inhabitants, hemmed in by the turks, perished in the flames or fell beneath the swords of their relentless foes if they attempted to escape. small wonder, then, that the heart of europe was stirred, and that lord byron and thousands more took up the cause of greek independence, by contributions of arms and money, by fiery denunciation, and with strong right hand. missolonghi, navarino, { } and many another scene of struggle we cannot here dwell upon, suffice it to say that at last the victory was won and greece emerged, after a tremendous struggle, from the bondage of the turks, and took its place in europe as a free and independent nation, the porte acknowledging the inexorable logic of the _fait accompli_ on april th, . after a short presidency under one of the greek nobles, otho of bavaria was elected king of greece in , and the new kingdom was fairly launched. the greeks adopted the blue and white, the colours of bavaria, as a delicate compliment to the prince who accepted their invitation to ascend the throne of greece. the merchant flag of greece is shown in fig. . it will be seen that it consists of nine stripes, alternately blue and white, the canton being blue, with a white cross in it. the navy flag is similar, except that in addition there is placed a golden crown in the centre of the cross. the royal standard is blue with a white cross; the arms of the cross are not, as in fig. , of equal length, but the one next the staff is shorter, as in the danish flag, fig. . in the open space at the crossing of the arms is placed the royal arms. the turkish empire has undergone many changes and vicissitudes, and has in these latter days shrunk considerably. european turkey now consists of about seventy thousand square miles, while turkey in asia, syria, asia minor, palestine, armenia, etc., is over seven hundred thousand.[ ] the crescent moon and star, figs. and , were adopted by the turks as their device on the capture of constantinople by mahomet ii., in . they were originally the symbol of diana, the patroness of byzantium, and were adopted by the ottomans as a badge of triumph. prior to that event, the crescent was a very common charge in the armorial bearings of english knights, but it fell into considerable disuse when it became the special device of the mohamedans, though even so late as the year we find rené, duke of anjou, founding an order of knighthood having as its badge the crescent moon, encircled by a motto signifying "praise by increasing." though the crescent was, as we have seen, originally a pagan symbol, it remained throughout the rise and development of the greek church the special mark of constantinople, and even now in moscow and other russian cities the { } crescent and the cross may be seen combined on the churches, the object being to indicate the byzantine origin of the russian church. the crescent may be seen on the coins and medals of augustus, trajan, and other emperors. the origin of the symbol was as follows: philip, the father of alexander the great, meeting with many unforeseen difficulties in carrying on the siege of the city, set the soldiers to work one dark night to undermine the walls, but the crescent moon appearing the design was discovered and the scheme miscarried; and in acknowledgment the byzantines erected a statue to diana, and made the crescent moon--the attribute of the goddess--the symbol of their city. the war flag of turkey is the crescent and star on the scarlet field, as shown in fig. . the flag of the merchant service seems less definitely fixed. in the official flag book[ ] of the english admiralty, fig. is given as both the man-of-war flag and the merchant flag for turkey, egypt, and tripoli, while in an excellent book on the subject, published at vienna in , fig. is given as the flag of the commercial marine; and we have also seen a plain red flag with a star in the upper corner of the hoist, and another divided into three horizontal bands, the upper and lower being red, and the central one green. the military and naval service of tunis has the flag represented in fig. , while the tunisian commercial flag is simply red, without device of any kind. in a map bearing the date the turkish dominions are marked by a scarlet flag having three points and bearing three black crescents, while in a sheet of flags with the comparatively modern date of , "turk" is represented by a blue flag with three crescents in white upon it. the personal flag of the sultan, corresponding to our royal standard, is scarlet, and bears in its centre the device of the reigning sovereign: hence it undergoes a change at each accession to the throne. this device, known as the tughra, is placed on the coinage, postal stamps, etc., as well as on the royal flag, and consists of the name of the sultan, the title khan, and the epithet _el muzaffar daima_, signifying the ever-victorious. the history of the tughra is curious: when sultan murad i. entered into a treaty of peace with the ragusans, he was not sufficiently scholarly to be able to affix { } his signature to the document, so he wetted his open hand with ink and pressed it on the paper, the first, second, and third fingers making smears in fairly close proximity, while the thumb and fourth finger were apart on either side. within the mark thus made, the ottoman scribes wrote the name of murad, his title, and the epithet that bore testimony to his ever-victorious career. the tughra remains the symbol of this, the three upright forms being the three fingers of murad, the rounded line to the left the thumb, and the line to the right the little finger; these leading forms do not vary, but the smaller characters change with the change of sovereign. this murad, sometimes called amurath, ascended the throne in the year .[ ] the personal flag of the khedive of egypt is green, and has in its centre the crescent and three white stars. by the treaty of berlin, july , the provinces of moldavia and wallachia, formerly a portion of the turkish empire, and the territory of the dobrudscha, were recognised as an independent state, and were formed into the kingdom of roumania somewhat later, the sovereign who had previously held the rank of prince being crowned king in march, . the flag of roumania is the brilliant blue, yellow and red tricolor shown in fig. . the flag of servia, another small kingdom of eastern europe, is shown in fig. ; the royal standard is similar, except that the arms are placed in the centre of the blue stripe. it will be seen that the flag of servia is that of russia, fig. , reversed. by the berlin treaty of , servia received a large increase of territory, and was created an independent state, its princely ruler being crowned king in march, . the state of bulgaria is another of the creations of the berlin treaty. it is governed by a prince who is nominally under the suzerainty of turkey. its war flag is shown in fig. ; the mercantile flag has no leonine canton, but is simply a tricolor of white, green, and red. having already dealt with the united states, we propose now to turn our attention to the other governments of the new world. the simple and effective ensign of chili is represented in fig. . this flag is used both by the chilian men-of-war and by the vessels of the mercantile marine. fig. is so much of the pendant of a man-of-war as the limits of our page will permit. the chilian jack is the blue canton and white star of fig. , treated as a distinct { } flag, and the flags of the various naval ranks are also blue with a varying number of white stars. fig. is the merchant flag of new granada; the government ensign has in addition the shield of arms in the centre of the blue stripe. it will be observed that the colours in this tricolor are the same as those of roumania, fig. , only differently disposed. new granada is composed of nine small states, and in these bound themselves into a closer confederation, and changed their collective name from new granada to that of the united states of colombia, and adopted a tricolor of yellow, blue, and red, only disposed horizontally instead of as in fig. , vertically. this sounds identical with the flag of venezuela, but in the centre of the colombian flag is placed a different device, and the yellow stripe takes up half the space, the other two being only half its width. fig. is the flag of uruguay, a state that was formerly a province of brazil, but declared its independence in the year . the next flag on our plate, fig. , is the war ensign of guatemala: the shield in the centre bears a scroll with the words "libertad de setiembre, ," surmounted by a parrot, surrounded by a wreath, and having behind it crossed rifles and swords. the merchant flag is the plain blue, white, blue, without the shield. in the year the country was conquered by don pedro de alvarado, one of the companions of cortes, and it remained subject to spain until , when it gained its independence, the "libertad" of the scroll. it then went in vigorously for several years of civil war, and the outcome of this was that the country known under spanish rule as guatemala, a country embracing all central america, split up in into five republics, all absolutely independent of each other, viz., guatemala, san salvador, honduras, nicaragua, and costa rica. the next flag, fig. , is the ensign of costa rica: the one represented is that of the merchant service. the war ensign differs from it in having in the centre the arms of the state, surrounded on either side by a trophy of three flags, and beneath all a wreath. fig. , the flag of paraguay, is very suggestive of the colours of holland, though the device in the centre serves to differentiate it. paraguay is the only state in america that has no sea-board, and therefore no mercantile marine. brazil, discovered by the portuguese in , remained in their possession until a revolutionary struggle in the year ended in favour of the brazilians, when an empire was shortly afterwards established. compared to the other states of south america, it has passed through long periods of rest and prosperity, but of late years its political position has been one of considerable uncertainty, the emperor having been dismissed and the rival { } ambitions for the presidentship leading to civil war. these political changes have necessarily produced modifications in the flag. the present flag, fig. , is not altogether unlike that of the late empire, though in this latter case the yellow diamond on the green ground held a shield and imperial crown, flanked by sprays of coffee and tobacco. in the present flag this yellow diamond has a blue sphere spotted over with stars and a white band running across it, that bears in blue letters the legend _ordem e progresso_.[ ] fig. is the upper portion of the man-of-war pendant, a blue ground with white stars. fig. is the ensign, both of the war and merchant navy of brazil. the yellow, blue, and red tricolor, fig. , is the merchant ensign of venezuela; the war flag has the same stripes, and in addition the shield of the arms of the state is placed on the yellow band at the staff corner. when the spaniards arrived off the coast in the year , they found on landing that some of the native indians were living in huts built on piles, hence they called the country venezuela, or little venice. bolivia, formerly comprised in the spanish vice-royalty of colombia, derives its present name from simon bolivar, the leader of the revolution that gained it its freedom. its commercial flag is shown in fig. ; the war flag only differs in having the arms of the state placed in the centre of the red strip. the familiar green, white, red of italy is repeated in the flag of mexico, but instead of the cross of savoy, we have the eagle and serpent. the mexican merchant ensign is the plain tricolor of green, white, red, the central device we see in fig. marking it as the war flag. mexico was discovered in , and conquered, with infamous cruelties, by cortes. after a lengthened revolutionary struggle, the yoke of spain was finally thrown off in , and the independence of mexico was recognised by all the great european powers. peru was discovered by the spaniards in , and was soon afterwards, under the command of pizarro, added to the dominions of the king of spain. peru remained in subjection to the spaniards (who murdered the incas and all their descendants, and committed the most frightful cruelties) until , when the independence of the country, after a prolonged struggle, was completely achieved. the peruvian war ensign is given in fig. , the merchant flag being the plain red, white, red. san salvador, the smallest of the central american republics, { } established itself in , on the break-up of the spanish state of guatemala. its flag is shown in fig. . the country now held by the argentine republic was discovered in , and settled by the spaniards in . the war ensign is represented in fig. ; the merchant ensign has the three stripes, but the golden sun is missing. the government of ecuador has fig. as its war flag, the merchant ensign being without the ring of white stars. the last flag on the sheet (fig. ) is the merchant flag of haiti; the government flag has the blue and red reduced to a broad border, the central portion of the flag being white. in the centre of this white portion stands a palm tree, and below it a trophy of arms and flags, flanked on either side by a cannon. the flag of the cuban national forces in conflict with spain has at the hoist a triangular portion of blue, one side of this triangle being the depth of the flag itself, and on this blue field is a white, five-pointed star. the rest of the flag is made up of the following horizontal and equal stripes--red, white, red, white, red. japan--known to the japanese as niphon, derived from _nitsu_, sun, and _phon_, the rising--the land of the rising sun,[ ] has adopted this rising sun as its emblem. japan claims to possess a written history of over , years, but the fairly authentic portion begins with the year b.c., when the present hereditary succession of rulers commenced. english merchants visited japan in , and the portuguese almost a century before. by the converts of the portuguese jesuit missions numbered some six hundred thousand. at this time some spanish franciscans appeared on the scene, and political and religious discord soon followed. the japanese ruler took alarm at the papal claim to universal sovereignty, and the buddhist priesthood and the english and dutch protestant traders fanned the flame of suspicion and jealousy. this was done so effectually that the japanese government banished all foreigners, and closed the country against them. this state of things lasted for over two centuries, and it was only in the year that japan was re-opened to the outside world. the flag of japan, the rising sun, is represented in fig. . the red ball without the rays is used as a jack, in which case it is placed in the centre of the white field. fig. is the standard of the emperor. the chrysanthemum is the emblem of japan, and its golden flower, somewhat conventionally rendered it must be admitted, is the form we see introduced in fig. .[ ] figs. and are the transport flag and the guard flag respectively of the japanese war marine. { } the imperial standard of china is yellow with a blue dragon. the official flag book of the admiralty gives the flag of a chinese admiral as made up of the following horizontal stripes: yellow, white, black, green, red, a blue dragon on a white ground being the canton in the staff-head corner. the merchant ensign is shown in fig. . amongst the chinese flags captured in , and preserved in the royal united service institution, is one with a blue centre with an inscription in white upon it, and with a broad notched border of white; another has its centre of a pale blue and a darker blue dragon upon it, the whole being surrounded by a broad and deeply-notched border of red. the flag of siam is scarlet with a white elephant thereon. before xacca, the founder of the nation, was born his mother dreamt that she brought forth a white elephant, and the brahmins affirm that xacca, after a metempsychosis of eighty thousand changes, concluded his very varied experiences as this white elephant, and thence was received into the company of the celestial deities. on this account the white elephant is held a sacred beast, and the siamese rejoice to place themselves beneath so potent a protector. the flag of korea bears the tiger. in the thickly-wooded glens of the interior, the royal tiger is found in formidable numbers. the flag of sarawak, a territory of some forty thousand square miles, on the north-west of borneo, is shown in fig. . the government was obtained in from the sultan of borneo by an englishman, sir james brooke, and it is still ruled by one of the family, a nephew of the first rajah. in africa, the only flags that we need particularize are those of the orange free state, liberia, the congo state, and the south african republic. the orange free state was founded by dutch emigrants from the cape of good hope. it was proclaimed british territory in , but by a convention entered into in , the inhabitants were declared to be "to all intents and purposes, a free and independent people, and their government to be treated thenceforth as a free and independent government." the flag, fig. , is the only one that has orange in it, clearly in allusion to the name of the state, while the canton of red, white, and blue, equally shows the pride of the people in their dutch origin. the flag of the independent negro republic of liberia, is shown in fig. . the population largely consists of freed slaves, emigrants from america and their descendants, plus the aborigines. the flag, it will be seen, even to the thirteen stripes, is largely based on that of the united states, though one would have thought that that would have been about the last thing they would have selected. { } the congo free state in central africa was established in by the king of the belgians; its flag is the golden star on the blue ground that we see in fig. , a device at once simple, expressive and pleasing. in , a number of dutch boers, dissatisfied with the government of cape colony, established themselves in natal, where their treatment of the natives was so unjustifiable that a general rising was imminent, and the british government was compelled to interfere, and itself take charge of the district. this the boers resented, so they crossed the vaal and established themselves afresh in the wilderness. in , the british government recognised the transvaal or south african republic, and in a fresh convention was agreed to by which the boers were confirmed in full possession of the land, subject to the recognition of the british suzerainty. the flag of the transvaal government is shown in fig. . now have we journeyed the whole world over and found in every land the emblems of nationality and patriotism. unfamiliar as many of these may appear to us, they each represent a symbol endeared to thousands or hundreds of thousands of hearts, and thus are they full of warm human interest. for these various strips of gaily-coloured bunting, men have given without hesitation their lives, have poured out blood and treasure without stint or count of cost, and wherever they encounter them the wide world over, the wanderers forget for a while the alien shore or waste of ocean as their thoughts turn to the dear homeland. * * * * * { } chapter v. flags as a means of signalling--army signalling--the morse alphabet--navy signalling--first attempts at sea signals--old signal books in library of royal united service institution--"england expects that every man will do his duty"--sinking signal codes on defeat--present system of signalling in royal navy--pilot signals--weather signalling by flags--the international signal code--first published in --seventy-eight thousand different signals possible--why no vowels used--lloyd's signal stations. we propose in this, our final chapter, to deal with the use of flags as a means of signalling; a branch of the subject by no means wanting either in interest or in practical value. the flags used for army signalling are only two in number if we consider their design, though, as each of these is made in two sizes, the actual outfit consists of four flags. the large size is three feet square, and the smaller is two feet square; the larger sizes are clearly more visible, but on the other hand the smaller save weight and consequently labour; and with good manipulation and clear weather their messages can be followed by observers, with ordinary service telescopes, up to a distance of twelve miles or so. the poles are respectively five feet six inches long and three feet six inches, and the flags themselves are either white with a blue horizontal stripe across the centre, or wholly blue. only one flag is used at a time, the first being used when the background is dark and the second when light, so as to ensure under all circumstances the greatest visibility. the person sending the signals should hold the flag pointing upwards to the left, and with the pole making an angle of about °, with an imaginary vertical line passing down the centre of his body. the signals are based upon the dot and dash system of morse. the dot or short stroke is made by waving the flag from the normal position to the corresponding point on the right hand, while for the dash or long stroke the flag is waved till the head of the pole nearly touches the ground. the morse alphabet is so constructed that the letters of most frequent occurrence are represented by the shortest symbols, and no letter requires more than four of these for its expression, while figures are all represented by five signs. { } the letters of the alphabet are thus represented:-- a ·- a (æ) ·-·- b -··· c -·-· d -·· e · f ··-· g --· h ···· i ·· j ·--- k -·- l ·-·· m -- n -· o --- o (oe) ---· p ·--· q --·- r ·-· s ··· t - u ··- u (ue) ··-- v ···- w ·-- x -··- y -·-- z --·· ch ---- the following code is adopted to represent figures:-- ·---- ··--- ···-- ····- ····· -···· --··· ---·· ----· ----- a space about equal in length to the dash is left between each letter, and a time interval of about three times the duration between each word. this alphabet, once learned, it is evident can be utilized in many ways. steamers, by means of short and long whistles, can spell out messages to each other; seamen, across a harbour, can communicate by waving their arms; prisoners by opening and shutting their hands. it is also utilised in the light-flashes of the heliograph, in telegraphy again, and in various other directions. classes are held at the school of army signalling at aldershot, and from thence the knowledge permeates the army and the auxiliary forces.[ ] the requirements are steadiness, intelligence, quickness of eye-sight and of action, and the power to spell correctly; and it takes a man from fifteen to twenty days, at five hours drill a day, to learn the alphabet and the proper manipulation of the flags. the standard of efficiency is ten words a minute with the large flag or sixteen with the small. if our readers will take the trouble to count the letters in the first sixteen words in this present sentence they { } will find that they are sixty-nine in number, and they will further find, if they take the additional trouble to translate these letters into morse, that it will take dots and dashes to do it. our readers will probably then go on to conclude that as it takes one hundred and sixty-five motions of the flag, plus sixty-eight intervals between the letters to signal these sixteen words, a speed of ten words a minute is a very creditable performance either for the sender to work off or for the receiver to read. besides the ordinary spelling out of the words, various arbitrary signs are used, thus a continued succession of dots ······ is used to call attention to the fact that a message is going to be sent, and a series of dashes ------ means that it is finished. g means "go on," r is a request to "move more to the right" and l to "shift a little to the left"; b means "use the blue flag," and w "use the white flag," k.q is "say when you are ready," f.i means that figures are coming, and f.f indicates that the figures are finished. those who have to receive the message may see that the background behind the transmitter is not quite satisfactory for the due observation of the flags, and they may then flash back h or o, meaning either "higher up" or "lower down," as the case may be, and in case of any misunderstanding, they will signal i.m.i, which means "please repeat," and as soon as all is clear, they will signal r.t, meaning "all right." as our man-of-war's-men are also instructed in this system of signalling, communication can be established during an expedition between the ships and the troops on shore. the signal for communication is a white pendant with two black x.x on it. should this special flag not be forthcoming, the x.x -··--··- (see code of letters) is flashed at night or waved by the flag by day, and as soon as the preparative dots ······ have been acknowledged, the message is dispatched. when the message is of a general character, nothing more need be done, but when it is intended for a particular vessel, the communication is preceded by the special sign apportioned to that vessel. though the morse system has its place, as we have seen, in the drill of our blue-jackets, it does not altogether meet naval requirements. a man waving flags on board ship would be a scarcely conspicuous enough object, and intermediate vessels in a squadron would block out all view of him from those farthest off, hence naval communications are ordinarily made by means of flags exhibited from the mast head or other clearly visible position. instead of one flag being used, our men-of-war have over forty, and these are all conspicuously distinct from each other. the messages are not spelt out, as in land operations, but the flags are used in various combinations, and the meaning of the signal is found by reference to a { } code-book. these flags, it is arithmetically evident, can be transposed and grouped in some thousands of different ways, and the code-book contains questions and answers to meet the very varied requirements of naval service, and the special signal hoist for each. the first real attempt at sea-signalling was made during the reign of charles ii., when a series of signs of the most arbitrary character was devised, consisting for the most part of flags hoisted in various parts of the ship, and altering their significance as their locality was changed. the system was a very cumbrous one, and in kempenfeldt, the commander of the ill-fated _royal george_, improved to some extent upon it, but even then the result was not very brilliant. lord howe, in , could only make a total of one hundred and eighty-three signals. as yet, however, it had never struck anybody how much simplicity and advantage would be gained by employing numbered or lettered flags, and then using them in the thousands of combinations that such a system rendered possible. it is stated by various authorities--and even authorities have a way of copying from each other--that flags were numbered for the first time about the year , but in the library of the royal united service institution may be seen "an essay on signals, by an officer of the british navy," bearing the date .[ ] the flags were numbered , , , , , , , , , and , and they are represented in our illustrations by figs. , , , , , , , , , and . it will be seen that they are all of a very clear and distinct character. when such a number as was required, it would appear to be necessary to have three flags like fig. --the no. of the series--but to avoid this multiplication of identical flags, a red triangular flag called a decimal, a white triangular called a centenary, and a blue triangular called a millenary, were used, and these were placed as required before the unit to be repeated. by this plan would be expressed by the yellow flag, the no. , having below it the red and white pennants. sometimes these flags really meant numbers, and then the required number was hoisted, plus a yellow swallow-tailed flag. thus in answer to "how many guns does she carry?" if the response should be fifty, the five and the nought flags, figs. and , plus the swallowtail or cornet, as it is technically called, would be hoisted, while the same five-nought signal, without the cornet, would signify "whole fleet change course four points to starboard." if we want to find the english equivalent of some german word, we turn to the german-english half of our dictionary, but if we { } required the german equivalent of our english word, we should refer to the english-german part of the book, and signal codes are in like manner divided into flag-message and message-flag. by the system we are at present discussing, we should find by referring to the flag-message half of our book, that the three flags , , , meant, "recall cruisers," while , , , signified "sprung a leak." on the other hand, if we wished ourselves to send such an order we should turn to the message-flag half of our code book, and under the heading of "cruisers," find all the references that could concern the management of such vessels until we presently found "cruisers, recall-- , , ," and then at once proceed to hoist those particular flags. only fourteen flags, the ten numerals, the three pennants, and the cornet, suffice for sending many hundreds of messages, but the anonymous author adds, "exclusive of this arrangement, i would propose to have the most current signals in battle made with one flag only, and these should be used on the day of battle only. a similarity between these and the flags used as the numerical signals ought as much as possible to be avoided." figs. , , , , , , , and , are illustrations of some of these. the striking design of the rising sun signifies "engage the enemy." fig. is an order for "close action." fig. is an instruction to "invert the line of battle by tacking," while fig. is a direction to "force the enemy's line." it is needless to particularise them all, suffice it to say that each and all are of stirring significance. many minds were at work on the urgent problem of an adequate system of sea-signalling, and numerous plans, therefore, were suggested. it does not appear that the one we have just referred to as an example of these endeavours to solve the difficulty was ever adopted. the official "signal book for the ships of war," compiled by the admiralty in , and afterwards amplified in by admiral sir hope popham, is of immense interest, as it was introduced into the navy for the first time in the fleet of nelson, and it was therefore the code of trafalgar. in the copy preserved in the library of the royal united service museum is written, "this is a copy of the signal book by means of which the battle of trafalgar was fought." all signals are by numbers. in the book in question, those given have been pasted over others, but some of those underneath are still visible: thus the flag that once represented one here stands for five, and the flag that heretofore was three is now seven. "if the admiral"--an instruction in the book says--"should have reason to believe that the enemy has got possession of these signals, he will make the signal for changing the figures of the flags. the figure, which by the new arrangement each flag is to represent, is to be immediately entered in every ship's signal-book," and it is { } evident that one of these transpositions has been made here. the ten flags of the code are represented in figs. , , , , , , , , , and . it is very difficult to say really how the flags were arranged for the world-famed "england expects that every man will do his duty," as the numerical significance of the ten flags was so often changed during the exigencies of war. the book we have referred to makes fig. stand for , fig. for , fig. for , fig. for , fig. for , etc.; and while it declares that it was by this code trafalgar was fought, we have no evidence as to who wrote this statement. it may have been the authoritative statement of some one at the time in full possession of the facts, or a mere surmise added a dozen years afterwards by some irresponsible scribbler. on turning to the "naval history" of james, vol. iv., p. , we read "there is not, that we are aware of, a single publication which gives this message precisely as it was delivered. the following is a minute of the several flags, as noted down on board more than one ship in the fleet." he then proceeds to give them, and the arrangement that he follows is that of our illustration, his being fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; , fig. ; and fig. . if he may be accepted as a reliable authority, "england" was expressed by the flags , , and ; "expects," by , , and ; "that," by flags , , and ; "every," by flags , , and ; "man," by , , and ; "will," by , , and ; "do," by , and ; and "his," by , , , those being the code numbers assigned to those words in the vocabulary. this necessitated eight distinct hoists, one group of flags for each word, but singularly enough the code contained no signal for "duty," so that it was necessary to spell this out letter by letter, making four hoists more, flag being for "d"; and for "u"; and for "t"; and and for "y." as given in one or two french historical works the signal is equally short and expressive: "l'angleterre compte que chacun fera son devoir." the story of nelson's signal is best told in the words of the _victory's_ signal lieutenant, pasco, the officer who received nelson's orders to make it. "his lordship," lieutenant pasco says, "came to me on the poop, and, after ordering certain signals to be made, about a quarter to noon, said, 'mr. pasco, i want to say to the fleet "england confides that every man will do his duty."' he added, 'you must be quick,[ ] for i have one more to add, which is for "close action."'[ ] i replied, 'if your lordship will permit me to substitute "expects" for "confides" the signal will soon be { } completed, because the word "expects" is in the vocabulary, and "confides" must be spelt.'[ ] his lordship replied in haste, and with seeming satisfaction, 'that will do, pasco, make it directly.' as the last hoist was hauled down, nelson turned to captain blackwood, who was standing by him, and said, 'now i can do no more. we must trust to the great disposer of all events, and the justice of our cause; i thank god for this great opportunity of doing my duty.'" and great britain that day did not call upon her sons in vain, nor was the appeal to the god of battles unheard, though the rejoicing of victory was turned into mourning at the loss of him who had so nobly done his duty in the nation's service. in the royal navy of the present day, a special code, requiring forty-five different flags, is employed. figs. to inclusive, are examples of some of these.[ ] this code, we need scarcely say, is of a confidential nature, and is not published anywhere for all the world to study. the commercial code of international signals being now recognised by the principal maritime states of the world, is, by queen's regulations, made use of by our men-of-war when communicating with foreign war-ships, or with merchant vessels whether british or foreign. the signal codes of the royal navy, when not actually in use, are kept in perforated metal cylinders, so that in case of capture of the vessel they may at once be thrown overboard. in the library of the royal united service institution may be seen the signal book of the u.s. frigate _chesapeake_, with bullets attached to it for the purpose of sinking it. in the confusion incidental to the capture of the vessel by h.m.s. _shannon_,[ ] it fell into the hands of the britisher. besides these regulation signals of the american navy, a second set, supplied to privateers, was also captured, marked "strictly confidential. the commanders of private armed vessels are to keep this paper connected with a piece of lead or other weight, and to throw the whole overboard before they shall strike their flag, that they may be sunk." this also, instead of going to the bottom of the atlantic, may be seen within half a mile of charing cross. landsmen have a notion, remembering possibly that nelson went into action with the signal for close action flying, that when a signal is made it is to be instantly obeyed, but the present system of signalling is on somewhat different lines. the hoisting of a signal on the flag ship is preparative. the ships leading the other columns repeat the signal, hoisting their colours three-quarters of { } the way up the mast. the other ships each hoist their "answering pennants" to show that they have seen and understood the order. then when the repeating ships notice that all the other vessels have answered, they hoist the signal right up as an intimation to the admiral that this is the case. then it is that on the admiral's ship the signal is hauled down, thus giving the executive order for its purport to be obeyed, so that the signal is cautionary of what is coming, and the manoeuvre is only executed when to the eye no instructions at all are to be seen. the answering pennant has vertical stripes--red, white, red, white, red. fig. is the flag used by any vessel that wishes to communicate with a coastguard station, or hoisted when one coastguard station wants to send a message to another. thus when beachy head has any notification to make to the neighbouring post away down at burling gap, the first thing to be done is to hoist at the masthead fig. . when the men on duty at burling gap see this they hoist the answering pennant, meaning "all right, talk away," and then the arms of the beachy head semaphore work vigorously, or the gay signal flags flutter in the breeze and send their message across the downs. war vessels signal to each other at night by means of the morse system of short and long flashes,[ ] and all the large steamship lines have night signals peculiar to themselves, thus the night signal of the orient line is red and blue lights burnt alternately. any vessel seeing this, knows that they are dealing with this special line and similarly report themselves, and after this due introduction proceed to dot and dash to their heart's content. the last two rows of flags on plate xxiii. are signals for pilots. these are either the two flags standing for p. and t. in the international signal code, a system we have yet to deal with, or it may be a single flag, the special pilot flag of each nation. fig. is the pilot flag of the argentine republic; fig. , that of brazil; fig. , that of ecuador. fig. is the pilot flag of greece; , that of japan; and , that of spain. france, mexico and chili all adopt a flag like fig. , a white flag with broad blue border, while great britain, fig. , germany, fig. , belgium, fig. , denmark, fig. , holland, fig. , sweden, austria-hungary, italy, all fly the national flag of the country with a broad white border to it. russia takes the jack, fig. , for the same purpose, and places this { } white band around it, while the united states of america takes the star-bestrewn azure canton from the national flag, fig. , and similarly surrounds it with the broad band of white. penalties are recoverable, as they clearly should be, if any ship uses or displays signals which may be mistaken for either pilot calls or signals of distress. the united states uses flags for its weather signals at the various meteorological stations. a violent storm is prognosticated by a red flag with a black centre. a red pennant signifies "storm approaching station," while a yellow pennant signifies "call at station for special information." a plain white flag betokens fine weather and a plain blue one rain or snow, and there are various combinations of other flags that indicate direction, intensity, velocity and so forth. it is evident that this employment of flags could be made a very valuable one. another instance of its use with which we are acquainted, is at the london office in st. paul's churchyard of the _draper's record_, one of the largest in circulation of any trade paper in the world. the citizen of london may see displayed from its roof by private enterprise the whole of the forecasts issued by the meteorological office, viz., the a.m., the . p.m., and the . p.m. for the south of england, which officially includes st. paul's churchyard. a white flag is hoisted for clear weather, a blue one for rain, while local showers are prognosticated by a flag half blue and half white. changeable weather is indicated by a flag like fig. , and a coming fog by a yellow flag with black ball in its centre, like fig. . snow is foretold by a flag like fig. , and squally weather by a swallow-tailed flag, having its upper half black, and the lower white. a plain red triangular flag is used to indicate temperature; when this is hoisted above other flags, it indicates rising temperature; when placed below, falling temperature; and when omitted we are to conclude that things are stationary. thus the red flag, then below it the white one, and then the blue hoisted together, would mean that we might expect warmer weather, at first fair, but succeeded by rain, while the blue flag above the red would indicate that wet weather was before us, and a fall of temperature. at the meeting of the national rifle association at bisley a system of this kind was inaugurated, in order to give those in camp an idea of the weather that might be expected for the ensuing twelve hours, the hoisting of a blue flag indicating fine weather or moderate wind, a red one foretelling stormy weather or strong wind; green, pointing to unsettled weather or gusty wind, and a yellow flag indicating thunder or rain storms. for shooting purposes a knowledge of the strength of the wind is very valuable. { } the development of a code of flag signals seems to have exercised a great fascination on many minds, and the result has been that until the general adoption of the international code things had got into a somewhat chaotic state. some systems had many excellent points in them, while others broke down under the strain of practical use. in some cases, too, the claims of patriotism influenced the choice, it being difficult for an englishman or an american to believe that the scheme of a frenchman or german could possibly be better than the home-grown article. the systems best known in this country are the admiralty codes of , , and , lynn's in , squire's in , raper's in , philipps' in , eardley wilmot's in , the code of rogers, the american, in , the french code of reynolds in , and the system devised by marryat in , all being superseded by that of the board of trade. the international code of signals was prepared and first published in april, , in accordance with the views and recommendations of a committee appointed by the lords of the privy council. three members, admiral beechey, captain robert fitzroy, and mr. j. h. brown, the registrar-general of seamen, were named by the board of trade; one member, admiral bethune, by the admiralty; an elder brother, captain bax, was appointed as a member by the trinity house; mr. w. c. hammett and captain halstead were the members named by lloyds; while the liverpool shipowners' association, and the general shipowners' society, each, by the nomination of a member, had a voice in the discussion. after a deliberation of more than a year, the examination of the thirteen then existing codes and due attention to any practical suggestion made to them, a mature and valuable scheme was promulgated. eighteen flags in all, viz., one burgee, four pennants, and thirteen square flags, were employed, and these represented the consonants of the alphabet. these are depicted in the three upper rows on plate xxiv. figs. to , the letter it stands for in the code being placed by each flag. these flags are combined in various ways, either in twos, threes, or fours, and are always read downwards, thus fig. must be read b.d.t.f; if we read it the reverse way, as f.t.d.b, it would have an entirely different significance. of the two-flag signals we have three varieties. should the burgee, fig. , be uppermost it constitutes what is termed an attention signal; thus the hoisting of b.d signifies, "what ship is that?" if the upper flag be a pennant c.d.f. or g it is a compass signal; thus g.f means west-north-west-half-west. if a square flag be uppermost it is an urgency signal; thus, n.c signifies "am in distress," or n.j "am driving, no more anchors to let go." { } signals made with three flags are not classified according to the upper flag; they relate to subjects of general inquiry or communication of news. in the lower portion of plate xxiv. we have given five examples of these. fig. , flags b.p.q, asks "do you wish to be reported?" while the hoisting of p.d.s, see fig. , replies, "report me to lloyds' agent." fig. , h.v.f, asks, "do you want assistance?" while fig. , g.b.h, enquires, "has any accident happened?" fig. , made up of flags v.k.c, gives the reassuring answer to both enquiries--"all safe." as weather signals, we find "barometer rising" indicated by g.f.w; "barometer falling" by g.h.b; and "barometer standing," by g.h.c. fine weather is prognosticated by the group h.m.s; a breeze off sea is foretold in the combination h.s.v; and a breeze off land by h.s.w. signals composed of four flags are divided into different sections again, according to the form of the uppermost flag employed. if this upper flag be either of the pennants c.d or f, it indicates that the signal is what is called vocabulary. if the upper be the burgee--the letter b of the code--it is a geographical signal; thus, any vessel beating up channel and seeing fig. , made up of b.d.t.f, hoisted from a lighthouse, would, even if uncertain before, know their position, as this signal is the one specially assigned to the eddystone. fig. , the letters b.d.p.q, signifies that the vessel flying it hails from the port of london, while b.f.q.t. is edinburgh, and so on. all names of ships are expressed by four letters, thus n.v.b.q is the code signal (fig. ) of the steamship _germanic_; m.n.d.l (fig. ) that of the _hesperus_; and fig. , made up of g.r.c.t, is the special grouping assigned to h.m.s. _devastation_. all these names are recorded in the shipping list, so that two vessels passing each other in mid-ocean are able at once to determine each others' names if within sighting distance of the flags run up. should we see a stately liner coming to port, flying m.t.l.q, we recognise that it is the _australia_ of the great peninsula and oriental line, but if she runs up l.h.t.b then she is the orient company's boat _orotava_. some names occur frequently, thus other _australias_, belonging to various owners, are distinguished by the code signals r.l.h.v, j.t.g.k, m.p.f.c, m.q.n.g, m.t.w.d, w.f.t.n, etc., etc. figs. , , , , are all code signals of various _australias_. while the peninsular and oriental company has also a _victoria_, k.m.q.f., they have no monopoly of the name. there are numerous other boats of that popular designation, but even when vessels have the same name no two vessels ever have the same code letters assigned to them. other _victorias_, for example, are differentiated, as w.q.m.n., l.s.h.r, k.p.g.q, m.k.c.h, m.s.p.b, m.q.c.j, l.d.f.h, t.r.b.n, k.j.h.p, t.d.r.f, etc., etc. figs. , , , , { } are all _victorias_; and figs. , , , , are the flag-signals of various _britannias_. our readers will see at once how distinctive they are. figs. to inclusive are the special flags of well-known steamships of the peninsular and oriental, the orient line, and the _compagnie générale transatlantique_. should the vessel be a yacht, it is the _aline_ if she shows the flags p.w.n.d; the _star of the sea_ if her signal is t.n.b.h; but if it is the _meteor_ we shall be aware of the fact from her hoisting the four flags l.c.t.p. the flag signal of the _valkyrie_ is l.f.m.g. applications for the allotment of a code-signal, for the purpose of making ships' names known at sea, should be made, if of the united kingdom, to the registrar general of shipping, custom house, and, if belonging to a colony, to the registrar at the port to which the vessel belongs. if a ship to which this international code signal has been alloted is reported wrecked, lost, or sold to a foreigner, and her register is in consequence cancelled, the signal letters allotted to her are also cancelled, so that if the ship is afterwards recovered or re-purchased from foreigners, either in her original or some other name, new signal letters will be necessary, and the owner must make application anew for another allotment, as the signal letters the vessel originally bore may have been in the interval re-allotted. the flags to be hoisted at one time never exceed four, and it is an interesting arithmetical fact, that, with these eighteen flags, never using more than four at a time, over seventy-eight thousand different combinations can be made. with these flags, only using two at a time, different arrangements can be made, while by using three at a time we get , possibilities, and by using four at a time, we can make , changes; a total in all of , variations made from these simple elements. marryat's code, prior to the introduction of the international, being the one most in use, twelve out of its sixteen flags were, to save expense, incorporated in the new code. their significance was, however, entirely changed. marryat's flags, too, were numerals, while the international code, as we have seen, has its flags named after the letters of the alphabet. proposals are in the air to add eight new flags to the code, the x, y, and z, and the five vowels, since it is held that even the great number of combinations now possible may in time not suffice. the reason for the absence of the vowels is a somewhat curious one. directly vowels are introduced we begin to spell words, and it was found that amongst the thousands of combinations possible, would be presently included all the profane, obscene, and otherwise objectionable four-letter words of the whole world. to hoist d.b.m.n could offend no one's susceptibilities, but to { } run up the signal d.a.m.n in response to an enquiry is quite another matter, and it must be remembered that as this code is used by all civilised nations, a word that is merely meaningless in one country might be most offensive in another. an english captain might hoist as a necessary signal j.a.l.p. or f.l.u.m. and see no possible objection to it, but "jalp" or "flum" might to the people of some other nationality carry a most atrocious significance. it is a practical necessity that all connected with the sea should understand the use of the international code, therefore, the lords commissioners of the admiralty require that all royal naval reserve men who act as masters or mates of ships should be instructed in its working, and the board of trade makes like requirements from all candidates for masters' or mates' certificates. its international character is a most valuable feature, as by its use two captains, say a dane and a greek, or a russian and a spaniard, who, on the quay, could not comprehend a word of each other's language, can at sea, by this common flag-language, come to a perfectly clear understanding of each other's need, or impart any information required. it is the only code used at the signal stations around our coasts. lloyds' have thirty-three of these signal stations at dover, beachy head, lundy island, dungeness, flamborough head, st. catherine's point, north foreland, and other conspicuous points on our line of ocean traffic, and abroad again at aden, ascension, gibraltar, bermuda, honolulu, suez, perim, malta, teneriffe, and elsewhere, and here too, the international is the only code recognised. this "lloyds," that we may see daily referred to in the newspapers, is a corporation that, amongst other marine business, distributes shipping intelligence. a mr. edward lloyd, in the seventeenth century, kept a coffee house in tower street, which in time from the daily gathering there of merchants, captains, and others interested in marine affairs, became a centre for shipping and underwriting news and business. in the year it was moved to lombard street, and in the coffee supplying part of the business was abandoned and rooms were taken in the royal exchange. during the wars with napoleon, the government was often indebted to the committee of lloyds' for the earliest information of important events all over the world. lloyds' has its agents in every port, and by its complete organisation and the potent aid of the telegraph, the shipping business of the world is brought day by day before us. vessels spoken far out on the ocean are reported by the vessel that spoke them immediately on its arrival at any port. thus a sailing-vessel journeying from london to vancouver may be five months or more before it touches land, { } but during that time it is sighted by other vessels from time to time, and these report having seen it, and that all was well on board. so the mother knows that her son, who is parted from her by thousands of miles of ocean, has got thus far in health and safety; and the owners of the vessel learn that their venture has so far surmounted the perils of cape horn and the other dangers of the deep. the good ship is drawing nearer at each report to the end of her long voyage, and on arrival at last off vancouver, as the land is sighted, the signal flags run up once more to the masthead, the news of her coming is flashed across continent and ocean, and the london newspaper of the next morning contains the brief notification that far exceeds to anxious hearts all else of interest its broad pages may contain. familiarity, though it may not necessarily breed contempt, dulls the sense of the wonder of it all, and yet how marvellous it is! we have before us the _standard_, that came into our hands about seven o'clock this morning, and we find from it that yesterday the _glenshiel_ had arrived at hong kong, that the _arab_, from cape town, had just put in at lisbon, that the _sardinian_, from quebec, had reached moville, that the _circassian_ was safely at new york, that the _orizaba_, speeding on to sydney, had at a.m. passed the desolate shores of arid perim, that the _danube_, from southampton, had at a.m. entered the harbour of rio janeiro. of this, and much else of the same tenor, may we read in a space of a quarter-column or so of the paper as we sit at breakfast and see pass before us a panorama of world-wide interest and extent; and to accomplish this result, the flags we have figured have been a potent factor. though we have covered much ground, it must have been patent to all readers who have thus far companioned us that much detail was necessarily omitted, unless our book had to grow to the dimensions of an encyclopædia. it would probably, for instance, take some fifty figures or so to give all the distinctive flags of the various government departments, official ranks, etc., of a single great power. we trust nevertheless that while our labours have been by no means exhaustive, they have been instrumental in showing that there is much of interest in flag-lore, and that an increased knowledge and appreciation of our subject may be one result of our pleasant labours, and prove full justification for our work. * * * * * { } index. a. aargau, flag of "acta sanctorum," the admiral's flag, r.n. admiralty, flag of the , agincourt, battle of agincourt, flags at agnus dei, as device on flag _ailsa_, flag of the yacht allan line, flag of the allotment of code signals ambulance flag ancient irish harp anchor as badge , , , , andrew, cross of st. , , , , , , andrew, st., of scotland , , andrew, st., of russia , andrew, st., order of anne, standard of queen annunciation on flag answering pennant antelope as a device antiquity, standards of antwerp, device of city of anvil as device on flag argentine republic, flag of armada, defeat of the arms of canada , arms of washington army, flags of the army signalling , , arragon, arms of articles of war assaye, special flag for assyrian standards athene, owl of australian steam navigation company's house flag austro-hungarian flags , avondale flag awdeley, standard of sir john b. bacon on sea-power , baden, flag of badge , , , , , , , , , bahamas, badge of the balmoral tartan banner, its nature banneroll, kind of flag bannockburn, battle of barbadoes, badge of barcelona, arms of bar, banner of sir john de bardolph, banner of sir hugh basel, flag of city of bavaria, flag of , bayeux tapestry, flags represented in , bear as a device , beau-seant of knights templars beaver as a device , bede on flags "beehive of the romish church" bees of the napoleons , belgium, flags of , bermuda, badge of berne, flag of beverley, flag of birkenhead, burning of the black and white flag of prussia black as a flag colour , , black swan, device of the blackwall line of shipping black watch, the blenheim, battle of , blue blanket of edinburgh blue ensign , , , , board of trade, flag of the bohemia, flag of bolivia, flag of , bombardment of scio boots and shoes on a flag bordered jack , botetourte, banner of sir john bourbon kings, the { } brabant, lion of brass of sir john daubernoun brazil, flag of , , brazil, pendant of bremen, flag of port of _britannia_, flag of the yacht british east africa, device of, british guiana, badge of british north borneo, badge of broad pendant brunswick, arms of brunswick, flag of buckles as device on flag bugle-horn as a device builder's square on flag bulgaria, flag of bunker's hill, battle of bunting as material for flags burgee, variety of flag , burgundy, flag of , burning of rebel colours butler's "lives of the fathers" butterflies as a flag device c. campbell on the national flag canada, dominion of canada, flags of dominion of canadian pacific steamship line candlemakers' flag, the canterbury cathedral, flags in cantonal colours cape of st. martin cape st. vincent, action off castle line, house flag of the castle on flag as a device , cavalry standards cavers standard, the ceylon, device of the colony of chapel of royal college, chelsea, flags in , chaucer, quotation from , cheering to order cherbourg, flag of port of chili, flag of chili, pendant of chinese flags chrysanthemum flag of japan coastguard flag codes for flag-signalling coffee plant on flag coins, devices on , , , colombia, flag of united states of colonial defence act , , colonial flags , , colonies, value of , colour party colours, queen's , , colours, regimental , , colours used in flags columbus, flag flown by , commodore's broad pendant commonwealth flags company or house flags , compasses as a device compass signals confederate states of america , , congo free state, flag of conquest of ireland consecrated banner , constantine, labarum of , , consular flag consul-general, russian, flag of cornet, variety of flag , costa rica, flag of courtenay, banner of sir hugh de covenanter flags , , crescent as device , , , , , croatia, flag of cromwell, arms of cromwell, funeral of cross of st. andrew , , , , , , cross of st. george , , , , , , , , , , , , cross of st. patrick , , , crown of charlemagne crowns of ireland cuba, flag of culloden, battle of cunard line, house flag of customs department, flag of czarina, standard of the czar, standard of the , d. dalmatia, flag of dannebrog, the demerara and berbice steamship company denis, st., flag of { } denmark, flags of derivation of word flag desjardins on french flag devitt and moore house flag diana, crescent of diplomatic service, flag of dipping the flag dragon as a device , drayton, quotation from durham, st. cuthbert of e. eagle as a device , , , , , , , , , early spanish flags east africa company, german east india company, flag of , east kent regiment, flags of east prussia, flag of ecclesiastical flags often pictorial ecuador, flag of eddystone light flag signal edinburgh cathedral, flags in edinburgh trained bands edmonson on flag usage edward the confessor, arms of edward iii., "king of the seas" edward vi., funeral of egypt, ancient, standards of egyptian flags, modern , electoral bonnet elephant as a device , , elephant, order of the elizabeth, funeral of queen elizabeth, thanksgiving service elsass, flag of emperor of germany ensign ermine as a flag device errors in flag-making , , excise, flag of the eye as a device on flag f. facings of the regiment falcon as a device favyn "le théâtre d'honneur" , fiji, badge of colony files represented on trade flag flag-book of the admiralty flag-lore valuable flagons on trade flag flag-signalling , _et seq._ flanders, badge of flashing messages at night fleur-de-lys , , , , , , flodden, battle of florida, settlement of florin, arms on the fly of a flag, the fork and spoon on a flag four-flag signals france, flags of , , , , , , , franco-german war of fribourg, flag of frogmorton, standard of funeral obsequies, flags at , , , , g. garter, order of the gautier on the swiss flag geneva convention geneva, flag of geographical signals george, st., cross of , , , , , , , , , , , , george, st., of england , , george, st., of russia , german unity , germany, flags of , globe on flag , gnu as a flag device golden legend, the gonfalon, kind of flag government, departments, flags of governor-general of canada, flag of governors of colonies, flags of , grandison, banner of sir william de gray, quotation from greater britain great seal of canada great seal of richard i. greece, flag of green and white of the tudors green as a flag colour , , , greyhound as a device { } growth of the italian state guards, flags of the guatemala, flag of , guidon, form of flag guild flags , guinea company's flag h. half-mast high, flags at hamburg, flag of city of hammer represented on flag , hand as a device hanover, arms of , , hanover, flag of hanseatic league, flag of harfleur, siege of harleian ms. on flags , harp of ireland , , , , , , hayti, flag of , heavenly succour , , , , henry v., standard of henry vii., flags in chapel of heraldic exhibition, edinburgh heraldic requirements in flag devising , hesse, flag of highland tartans "history and principles of heraldry" hohenzollerns, arms of the hoisting one flag over another hoist of the flag, the holderton, banner of sir john de holland, flags of , hong kong, badge of colony of horse as a device horsham, political colours at house flags , , house of orange, flag of hungary, flag of , i. idolatrous emblem illiterate voters, mistakes of , imperial eagle , , inscriptions on flags , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , international signal code , , , investiture of knight-banneret invocation of saints ireland joined to great britain iron cross of germany isandlwana, battle of , istria, flag of italy, flags of , , j. james ii., statue of japan, flags of jerusalem, arms of city of , jewish standards joan of arc, standard of jove, eagle of k. karlaverok, siege of , kasan, arms of province of katharine of arragon flag-making kempenfeldt's signal code key as a device on flag khorsabad, slabs from kingdom of hungary king's own borderers kiow, arms of province of knights-banneret knights of the bath, banners of knights of the garter, banners of knights templars, banner of the köbel, book on costume and flags korea, flag of kingdom of l. labarum of constantine , , labuan, badge of colony of la haye's book on flags lamartine on the red flag lancer pennon , landing of charles ii. land of the rising sun laurel wreath on flag , lawyers, flag of the leeward isles, badge of the leon and castile, arms of , , liberia, flag of liberty, figure of , lion of scotland , , , lions of england , , , { } livery colours , , , livy on vexillum lloyd's signal stations locksmiths, flag of the london, port of, flag signal london trained bands , lone star state, flag of the lord cardross, flag of lord high admiral of england , lord-lieutenant of ireland, flag of lord mayor's show, flags at , loss of colours at edgehill lothringen, flag of louisiana, flag of state of louisiana, settlement of lozenges as a device on flag lubeck, flag of city of lucerne, flag of lunenburg, arms of lydgate, the duty of chivalry m. maccabees, standard of the machyn, diary of , , , , mackay, extract from , mail service flag mainsail emblazoned as banner malplaquet, battle of man-of-war pendant , , , , , , , maple-leaf of canada , marmion, quotation from , martin, description of western islands marseillaise, the marseilles, flag of port of martlets on flag massachusetts, flag of , _mayflower_, sailing of the mecklenburg-strelitz, flag of mediæval spelling , mediterranean and new york company merchant flag, red ensign , , , , merchant shipping (colours) act metal-workers, flag of the meteorological signals mexico, flag of , milton, quotation from minotaur as a device minden, battle of "mirror for magistrates," quotation from mohammedan flags often green monasteries, flags of monk, funeral of general , monogram, sacred, on flag , , monthermer, banner of sir ralph morse alphabet for signalling , , mottoes on flags , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , mutiny in the royal navy n. napoleon, flags at tomb of nassau, arms of , natal, device of colony of naval discipline act naval exhibition at chelsea navy signalling , _et seq._ nelson, funeral of , neville's cross, battle of new brunswick, arms of province of newfoundland, badge of colony of new granada, flag of new guinea, badge of colony of new south wales, badge of colony of new zealand, badge of new zealand shipping company , night signalling at sea nisbet on the tressure norie's "flags of all nations" northallerton, sacred flags at north german confederacy norway, flag of nova scotia, arms of province of nova scotia, settlement of novgorod, arms of province of o. obsolete flags , , ontario, arms of province of orange flag orange free state, flag of , order of black eagle { } ordnance department flag orient steam navigation company , oriflamme oudenarde, battle of owl of athene p. palmetto palm on flag , _pamiot azof_, flag of the papal states, flag of the , , paraguay, flag of paris, arms of city of passion symbols on flag patrick, st., life of , pendant or pennant, , , , , , , , , peninsular and oriental company, flag of pennoncelle or pencel pennon, nature of the , , pepys, extract from diary of percy, banner of sir henri de percy lion , percy motto , percy standard persepolis, sculptures of peruvian flag pictorial flags pilgrim fathers, the pilot flag , , , pine-apple as a device pine-tree flag , , plantagenet livery colours pliny on roman standards poland, flag of political colours political devices on flags pomerania, flag of popham's signal code portcullis as a device portobello, capture of ports, flags of portugal, flags of , pottery, representation of flags on precedence a difficulty presentation of colours , president, u.s.a., flag of , printed flags protectorate flag, the prussian eagle q. quarantine flag, the , quebec, arms of province of queen's colour , queensland, badge of colony of queen's regulations , , , , , r. ramilies, battle of rattlesnake flag , , , raven of the danes rebel colors burnt red ensign , , , , red flag of revolution , , relics of saints worked into flag religious character of early flags , , religious service , revenue flag, u.s.a. rey on the french flag rhode island, flag of richard ii., standard of ridre, standard of sir william de riga, flag of port of ripon, st. wilfrid's banner at rolls of arms rome, standards of ancient , roses as a flag device , rotterdam, flag of port of rouen, capture of , , roumania, flag of royal colonial institute royal horse artillery of royal marines royal naval reserve , , , , , royal navy, flag code of the royal oak on coins royal standard , , , , , , royal united service museum , , , royal yacht squadron, flag of the royston, political colours at russia, flags of , , , , russian american company's flag s. sacred monogram on flag salique law, operation of salmon as a flag device saluting the flag , , { } san salvador, flag of sarawak, flag of sardinia, flag of savoy, flag of , , saxe-coburg gotha, flag of saxony, arms of saxony, flag of schomburg-lippe, flag of school of army signalling "scotland for ever" scots greys scottish grievance as to arms , , , scottish variation of union flag scott, quotation from , servia, flag of seven champions of christendom, seventeenth lancers shakespeare, quotation from , _shannon_ and _chesapeake_ duel shears as a device on trade flag siam, flag of kingdom of signal-book of _chesapeake_ signalling by flags , , , _et seq._ simon de montfort, banner of, skull and cross-bones device sledge flags of arctic expedition south australia, badge of south carolina, flag of , , southern cross , , sovereignty of the seas , spain, flags of , , , , spelling, mediæval liberty of , spenser, quotation from sphinx as a badge , spoon and fork on trade flag standard, nature of the st. andrew, cross of , , , , , , stars and bars, c.s.a. , stars and stripes, u.s.a. st. denis, flag of stewart on tartans st. gallen, flag of st. george, cross of , , , , , , , , , , , , st. helena, badge of colony of storm signals by flags "story of thebes," quotation from st. patrick, cross of , , , straits settlement, device of streamer, variety of flag , strictly confidential signals stuart, livery colours of house of sun as a device , swallow-tail flag , , , , , , swan, black, of western australia sweden, flag of switzerland, flag of swynnerton, standard of sir thomas de sydney, sir philip, funeral of sidney, sir philip, on war symbols to express colours t. tartans, scottish tasmania, device of colony of telegraph department, flag of tessin, flag of canton _teutonic_, armament of the teutonic order, cross of the texas, flag of the state of texel, flag of the port of "the late unpleasantness" "theorike and practike of modern warres" third dragoons thistle as a flag device , three-flag signals tiger of korea titus, the arch of tobacco plant on flag torpedo practice flag trafalgar, nelson's famous signal , trajan's column, standards on transport service, flag of the , transvaal, flag of the trefoils as a device tressure of scotland, the , tricolor of france , trinidad, badge of colony of trinity, banner of the , trowel on guild flag trumpet banners , tudor flags tughra device, the , { } tunisian flags turkey, flags of , , twenty-fourth regiment tyrol, flag of the u. union between england and scotland union between great britain and ireland , union flag , , , , , , union flag of sweden and norway, union jack , union steamship company's flag united italy united states of america, flag of , , , universal code for signalling urgency flag signals uri, flag of canton of uruguay, flag of utilisation of liners as cruisers v. valence, banner of sir aymer de _valkyrie_, flag of the yacht variation in size a sign of rank venezuela, flag of , , venice, obsolete flags of versailles, palace of vessels spoken at sea , viceroy of india, flag of , victoria cross victoria, flag of colony of victualling department, flag of virginia, settlement of virgin mary on flag vocabulary signals voldermirz, arms of vowel flags objectionable , w. waldeck, flag of war cries war songs , warriors' chapel at canterbury , washington, arms of , "watch upon the rhine" waterloo, battle of weather signals , wellington, funeral of duke of , west africa, device of western australia, device of western australia, governor's flag west prussia, flag of white cross of france white elephant of siam white ensign , , , white horse of hanover , white horse of kent white star line, house flag of , why called "jack" william iii., standard of wreath on flag , , wolf as a device wurtemburg, flag of y. yacht flags , yellow flag, its significance , york, livery colours of house of * * * * * { } coloured plates. plate i. banner of sir john botetourte. banner of sir ralph de monthermer. banner of sir hugh touches. banner of sir william de ridre. banner of sir hugh bardolph. banner of sir john de holderton. banner of sir henri de percy. banner of sir hugh de courtenay. banner of sir aymer de valence. banner of sir john de bar. banner of sir william de grandison. plate ii. percy flag, crescent badge. arctic sledge-flag, expedition of - . the percy standard. standard of sir thomas de swynnerton. arctic sledge-flag, expedition of - . banner of st. edmund. banner of simon de montfort. banner of st. edward. plate iii. streamer, tudor fleur-de-lys badge, . streamer, tudor portcullis badge, . standard of henry viii. streamer, tudor rose badge, . streamer, tudor red dragon badge, . pendant of h.m.s. _lion_. pendant of h.m.s. _tiger_. pendant of warship of . plate iv. guidon form of flag. abnormal form of pennon. lancer pennon of present day. pennon, royal horse artillery, . flag from early german book. modification of pennon form. flag of h.m.s. _niger_, . ecclesiastical flag, ms. british museum. burgee, the ducal shipping line. early form of banner, ms. british museum. burgee, mciver's shipping line. , , , examples from bayeux tapestry. illus. plate v. the royal standard of king george iii. the royal standard of queen victoria. plate vi. , , , , , , illustrations of perverted ingenuity and crass ignorance, taken from street decorations on occasions of general rejoicing. plate vii. , flags from early spanish map in british museum, . , early portuguese flags, british museum. the guinea company. east india company. early form of algerian flag. russian-american company. early english war flag. heligoland flag during british possession. the flag of savoy. flag of the grand seigneur. turkish flag. plate viii. { } ship flag, reign of george i. early form of red ensign. london train bands: the blue regiment, . london train bands: the yellow regiment, . flag of warship, th century. flag of h.m.s. _tiger_. st. george, and tudor livery colours. london train bands: the green regiment, . flag of union of england and scotland. pendant of h.m.s. _lion_, . scottish blue ensign. scottish red ensign. banner of st. alban's abbey. jack of warship of the th century. suggested forms for union flag, . plate ix. early union flag, england and scotland. commonwealth flag, england and scotland. commonwealth flag, england and ireland. standard of cromwell. scotch suggestion for union flag, . flag of commonwealth. commonwealth flag of england and ireland. early form of irish flag, ms. in british museum. , suggested forms for second union jack. plate x. union flag of great britain and ireland. cross of st. george of england. cross of st. andrew of scotland. cross of st. patrick of ireland. regimental colours: th of the line, the nd warwickshire regiment. plate xi. the white ensign, man-of-war. the blue ensign, naval reserve. the red ensign, merchant service. victualling service. admiralty flag. ranelagh yacht club. yare yacht club. royal thames yacht club. dublin bay yacht club. pilot jack. board of trade flag. flag of lord-lieutenant of ireland. customs house flag. ordnance flag. plate xii. green's blackwall line. cunard line, liverpool. peninsular and oriental company. australasian naval company. devitt & moore, london. canadian pacific company. donald currie & co., london. union steamship company, southampton. mediterranean and new york shipping company. houlder brothers & company, london. white star line, liverpool. new zealand shipping company. _britannia_, h.r.h. the prince of wales. _ailsa_, a. b. walker, esq. _valkyrie_, the earl of dunraven. _hester_, major w. h. gretton. _dream_, w. h. jones, esq. _carina_, admiral montague. plate xiii. cape colony, government. queensland, government. canada, commercial. canada, government. badge of straits settlements. badge of british north borneo. badge of tasmania. victoria, commercial. victoria, government. badge of new zealand. { } badge of fiji. badge of new south wales. flag of viceroy of india. portion of pendant, government colonial vessels. governors' flag, west australia. plate xiv. american insurgent flag, . admiral's flag, u.s. navy. flag used at bunker's hill. american pine-tree flag. the stars and stripes of the united states. new england navy flag, . massachusetts flag, . pine-tree and stripes. early american flag. portion of pendant, u.s.navy. plate xv. confederate states of america. confederate, the southern cross. southern cross, modified. south carolina state flag, . louisiana state flag. chili, portion of pendant. south carolina, . south carolina state flag, . texas state flag. chili, commercial. guatemala, flag of . guatemala, flag of . plate xvi. colombia (formerly new granada), commercial. uruguay, general service. guatemala, government. costa rica, commercial. paraguay, government. brazil, general service. venezuela, commercial. bolivia, commercial. mexico, government. portion of pendant, brazil. peru, government. san salvador, general service. argentine, government. ecuador, government. hayti, commercial. plate xvii. oriflamme. , early french forms of flag. soissonois flag. bourbon flag. standard of charles vi. standard, french. man-of-war pendant. standard, french. flag of french guards, . flag of republic, france. tricolor of . modern french tricolor. plate xviii. spain, war. spain, commercial. royal standard of spain. portugal, royal standard. portugal, general service. italy, commercial. papal merchant (obsolete). plate xix. saxony. waldeck. saxe weimar. pomerania. wurtemburg. oldenburg. mecklenburg strelitz. brunswick. german empire, war ensign. german empire, jack. saxe-coburg-gotha. schomberg lippe. west prussia. hesse. austria, government. austro-hungarian, commercial. russian jack. poland. plate xx. russian man-of-war. russia, commercial. early form of russian ensign. russia, consul general. russia, chargé d'affaires. russia, ambassador or minister. russia, transport service. danish man-of-war. danish, commercial. { } russian imperial standard. swedish, commercial. norwegian man-of-war. union flag of sweden and norway. flag of norway. flag of sweden. switzerland. plate xxi. greece, commercial flag. italian jack. turkey, commercial. belgium, commercial. holland, royal standard. turkey, standard. turkey, government. tunis, government. plate xxii. bulgaria. roumania. servia. japanese ensign. japanese imperial standard. japanese transport flag. chinese merchant flag. japanese guard flag. orange free state. liberia. congo state. rajah of sarawak. south african republic. plate xxiii. to fourteen flags from the signal code of the royal navy. special flag of the coast guard. to code of sir hope popham, used by nelson at trafalgar, &c. illus. to special battle signals, code suggested in . illus. to numerical code. signal code of . illus. to pilot signals of various nationalities. illus. plate xxiv. to the flags of the international code. illus. the signal-hoist for the eddystone lighthouse, b.d.t.f. code-signal for the port of london, b.d.p.q. code-signal of ss. _germanic_, n.v.b.q. code-signal of the _hesperus_, m.n.d.l. code-signal of h.m.s. _devastation_, g.r.c.t. "do you wish to be reported?" b.p.q. "all safe!" v.k.c. "report me to lloyd's agent." p.d.s. "do you want assistance?" h.v.f. "has any accident happened?" b.g.h. plate xxv. to signal flags of ss. _australia_, _arcadia_, _massilia_, _victoria_, _bengal_. (are all vessels in the p. & o.) to signal flags of ss. _oroya_, _orient_, _ophir_, _orotava_, _ormuz_. (are all vessels of the orient line.) to signal flags of ss. _la touraine_, _lafayette_, _ville-de-tanger_, _amerique_, _saint-germain_. (are all vessels of the compagnie generale transatlantique.) plate xxvi. to flag-signals of some of the numerous _victorias_ on the shipping list. to flag-signals of some of the numerous _australias_ on the shipping list. to flag-signals of some of the numerous _britannias_ on the shipping list. _the botolph printing works, crosskey square, little britain, e.c._ * * * * * notes [ ] "every isle differs from each other in their fancy of making plads, as to the stripes in breadth and colours. this humour is as different through the main land of the highlands in so far that they who have seen those places are able at the first view of a man's plad to guess the place of his residence."--martin's "description of the western islands," . see also "old and rare scottish tartans," by donald stewart, all illustrated by actual pieces woven in silk to a reduced scale. the latest tartan, that of balmoral, was devised by prince albert in the year . [ ] in mediæval days the pastoral staff or crook of the bishop often had a small scarf attached to it. this was known as the vexillum, and was supposed to be derived from the labarum, or standard of the first christian emperor, constantine the great. [ ] in favyn's book, "le théâtre d'honneur et de chevalerie," published in paris some two hundred and fifty years ago, we read of "le grand estendard de satin bleu celeste double en riche broderie de fleurs de lys d'or de chypre à une grande croix plein de satin blanc, qui est la croix de france. "le grand estendard saint michel ange gardien de la france, de satin bleu celeste de riche broderie d'or de chypre, semé d'estoiles d'or. "le grand estendard de l'ordre du benoist saint-esprit, faict de double satin verd à une columbe d'argent, rayonné d'or de riche broderie, le rest semé de flammes d'or." joan of arc had a white standard powdered over with gold fleurs-de-lys, and in the centre a figure of christ sitting on a rainbow, and holding a globe. on either side an angel in the posture of adoration, and, underneath, the words "jhesu, maria." on another she had the annunciation, and the words "ave maria." these were painted at tours "par james power, ecossais, peintre du roi." [ ] thus the cross of st. george would be normally represented as in fig. , but we find it much elongated in figs. and , much widened out in figs and , and yet more so on the shield of the arms of the dominion of canada in fig. . [ ] we do not pause to explain the meaning of any heraldic terms that we are obliged to employ. such terms may be readily found in any technical book on blazonry, and we have ourselves, in "the history, principles and practice of heraldry," gone very thoroughly into the meaning and use of the various forms that enter into the blazonry of shield or banner, and do not, therefore, repeat these matters here. [ ] _i.e._, badges. [ ] "lord gordon has arrived at nauplia. he has brought the greeks a number of ensigns, embroidered by scotch ladies, and sent by them."--_salisbury and winchester journal_, december th, . [ ] this crowned key may be seen as early as on the seal of sir michael de poynings. [ ] the bugle horn appears as the crest of sir william de bryan on his brass, . [ ] in an old pedigree of the family is inscribed the lines:-- "esperance en dieu, trust in hym, he is most true. en dieu esperance, in hym put thyne affiaunce. esperance in the worlde? nay, the worlde variethe every day. esperance in riches? nay, not so; riches slidethe, and some will go. esperance in exaltacion of honour? nay, it widderethe away, lyke a flowre. esperance en dieu, in hym is all, which is above fortune's fall." [ ] the modern flag, known as the burgee, largely used in flag signalling, is like a shortened pennon. it is sometimes also called a cornet. [ ] "now the often changing fortune beganne also to channge the law of the battels. for at the first, though it were terrible, yet terror was deckt and broachie with rich furniture, guilt swords, shining armours, pleasant pensils, that the eye with delight had scarce time to be afraide; but now all defiled with dust, blood, broken armour, mangled bodies, tooke away the maske, and set forth horror in his own horrible manner."--sir philip sydney. [ ] "a streamer shall stand in the toppe of a shippe, or in the forecastle, and therein be putt no armes, but a man's conceit or device, and may be of the lengthe of twenty, forty, or sixty yards."--harleian ms., no. , , dealing with "the syze of banners, standardes, pennons, guydhomes, pencels, and streamers." [ ] while thus severe in our judgment on misguided foreigners it is only just to point out that england itself is responsible for a combination as horrible as any in the green, red, white, of the special flag that she bestowed on heligoland, while it was yet a british possession. it may be seen in fig. . [ ] the famous banner of the knights templars, called the beau-seant, had its upper half black and lower white. the black symbolised the terror it should be to the foe, and the white amity and goodwill to friends. [ ] the "house-flags" of the various shipping companies make a great use of letters: thus the flag of the orient steam navigation company is white and divided into four portions by a blue cross. in these four portions are placed in red the letters o.s.n.c. in fig. we have the flag of the new zealand shipping company, where the n.z.s. co. are equally conspicuous. any reference to a good list of house-flags, such as that published by griffin, would reveal scores of illustrations of this feature. [ ] the map is freely embellished with illustrations. in south america, for instance four immense crimson parrots about fill up brazil, while in africa the parrots are green. many of these figured details are very quaint. [ ] "the dazzling field, where in proud scotland's royal shield, the ruddy lion ramped in gold."--_scott._ [ ] with only one exception the sovereigns of scotland never quartered the arms of any other kingdom with their own. the only exception was when mary stuart claimed the arms of england and placed them upon her standard, and thus gave irreparable provocation to queen elizabeth. [ ] brian boru, who was killed in battle with the danes, did much to civilise ireland; and, amongst other things, introduced the harp. the ancient irish harp at trinity college, dublin, was long claimed as the identical instrument of boru, but it has been proved by the ornament upon it that it cannot be later than the fourteenth century. the most primitive representation of the harp in ireland is in a rude sculpture in a church near kilkeny. this is known to date from the ninth century. though the harp has ever shone in the poetry of the irish people, they have but little claim to it. it has been by no means such a national instrument with the irish as with the welsh. it is one of the most ancient of instruments, figuring in the mural paintings of egypt centuries before the christian era. [ ] as may be seen beautifully enamelled on his tomb in westminster abbey. [ ] another flag was a plain scarlet one, having this inscription: "for the protestant religion and the liberty of england" in white upon it. [ ] the following summary may be taken as correct in its broad facts:--from about to , the standard had the lions of england alone on it. from to , england and france together. to , england, france, and the arms of edward the confessor. to , england and france. to , england, france, scotland and ireland. to , interregnum: a period of change and uncertainty, when divers changes in the standard were made that are scarcely worth detailing. to , england, france, scotland, and ireland. to , england, france, scotland, ireland, and nassau. to , england, france, scotland, and ireland. to , england, france, scotland, ireland, and hanover. to , england, scotland, ireland, and hanover. from , england, scotland, and ireland. [ ] spenser. [ ] in the same way, we find the scottish clansmen rushing to the fray to the cry of "st. andrew and our right." in the ballad of otterbourne we read that the scots "uppon sent andrewe loude they crye, and thrysse they showte on hyght." [ ] one interesting exception to this is that, on st. george's day, the th regiment (northumberland fusiliers) holds full-dress parade, all wearing the rose, the national emblem, in their headgear, and the officers on their sword-knots also. the colours, too, are festooned with roses. [ ] "the x day of january hevy news came to london that the french had won cales (calais), the whyche was the hevest tydyngs to england that ever was herd of. "the xj day of january the cete of london took up a thousand men, and mad them whytt cotes and red crosses, and every ward of london found men. "the xxj day of january came a new commandement to my lord mayre that he shuld make men redy in harnes with whyt cotes weltyd with green, and red crosses, by the xxiij day of the same moneythe to be at leydenhalle to go forward. "the xviij day of may there was sent to the shyppes men in whyt cotes and red crosses, and gones, to the queen's shyppes."--machyn's diary. [ ] thus we have the white, the blue, the white and orange, the green and red, the purple, the blue and white, the orange and green, the red and yellow, the red and blue, the red and white, and divers others. the orange company always took the lead. these companies were for a long time in abeyance, and were superseded in by the formation of the royal edinburgh volunteers, but each year the magistrates and council still appoint one of their number to be captain of the orange colours. his duty is to take charge of the old colours and preserve them as an interesting relic of a bygone institution. [ ] it is remarkable that none of the flags extant bear the motto which the parliament on july th, , ordered "to be upoun haill culloris and standardis," _i.e._, "for covenant, religion, king, and kingdom." it is characteristic that each body claimed independence even in this matter. thus the fenwick flag bore "phinegh for god, country, and covenanted work of reformations." another flag has, "for reformation in church and state, according to the word of god and our covenant," while yet another bears the inscription, "for christ and his truths, no quarters to ye active enemies of ye covenant." [ ] st. andrew's day is november th. [ ] the question of the union between england and scotland was often mooted. in the year edward i., being victorious in the north, declared the two countries united, but this did not last long. in edward iii. opened negotiations for a union of the two crowns if king david of scotland died without issue. in the reign of edward vi. the matter was again to the fore, but it was left to queen elizabeth to take the decisive step. [ ] april th, . [ ] thus in the royal standard of spain, fig. , the arms of leon and castile being in the upper corner next the staff take precedence of honour over arragon and all the other states therein introduced. [ ] in a picture in the collection at hampton court, representing the embarkation of charles ii. from holland, the ship has a large red flag charged with the stuart arms in the centre, but so soon as his position in england was assured he reverted to the royal standard of his stuart predecessors and to the original form of the union flag, a form that during the protectorate was widely departed from. [ ] "jaque, espece de petite casaque militaire qu'on portait au moyen age sur les armes et sur la cuirasse."--bouillet, "dict. universel." [ ] a contemporary representation of this long parliament flag may be seen on the medals bestowed on the victorious naval commanders, where the principal ship in the sea-fight represented on the reverse of the medal flies this flag at her masthead. [ ] andrew marvell on the victory of blake at santa cruz. [ ] as the year of his birth is scarcely known within a century or so, it is too much to expect the month or the day, but the day that is assigned to st. patrick in the calendar is march th. [ ] in the year , in consequence of the electorate of hanover being raised to the rank of a kingdom, the hanoverian royal crown was substituted for the electoral headgear in the royal arms on the shield and standard. [ ] a writer in the _retrospective review_ in the year , thus relieves his feelings:--"the banner of st. george, argent, and cross gules is still borne as part of the english flag, though, from the disgraceful manner in which it has been amalgamated with the crosses of st. andrew and st. patrick, it has not only lost all its purity, but presents a melancholy example of the ignorance of heraldry and total want of patriotism and taste which must have characterised those to whom we unfortunately owe its arrangement." [ ] "all her majesty's ships of war in commission shall bear a white ensign with the red st. george cross, and the union in the upper canton, and when it shall be thought proper to do so, they may display the union jack at the bowsprit end."--_queen's regulations._ [ ] we read, for instance, in the diary of pepys that in the expedition of the duke of buckingham, in the year , against the isle de rhé that "the duke divided his fleet into squadrons. himself, ye admirall, and general in chiefe, went in ye triumphe, bearing the standard of england in ye maine topp, and admirall particular of the bloody colours. the earl of lindsay was vice-admirall to the fleete in the rainbowe, bearing the king's usual colours in his foretopp, and a blew flag in his maine topp, and was admirall of the blew colours. the lord harvey was rear admirall in ye repulse, bearing the king's usual colours in his mizen, and a white flag in the main topp, and was admirall of ye squadron of white colours." [ ] on the hoisting of the ensign all work stops, and all ranks muster on deck, standing with hand raised to the cap in salute, while the ship's band plays the opening bars of the national anthem. [ ] charles mackay. [ ] other regiments with green facings are the th, th, th, th, th, th, th, rd, etc. regiments with blue facings are the st, th, th, th, th, th, st, rd, th, etc., while buff is found in the nd, rd, th, nd, th, st, th, etc. amongst the regiments with yellow facings are the th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, etc. white is met with in the th, nd, st, rd, th, th, th. red is not so common, since the colour is that of the tunic ordinarily, but we see it in the rd, th, and th. black is also less commonly used, but we find it in the facings of the th, th, th, and th regiments. [ ] the "black watch," the gallant nd, and other regiments also bear the sphinx for their services in egypt in , where napoleon received his first serious check from british troops. [ ] when a regiment consists of two battalions the distinctions won by each are common to both, and are, quite justly, the property of the whole regiment. [ ] in like manner we find the royal marines bearing on their colours an anchor, first granted to the corps as a badge in the year . the lion and crown was added to this in . in , in honour of the gallant share taken by the marines in the capture of bellisle, a laurel wreath was added to the other badges of honour, and in the motto "_per mare per terram_" and a globe, surmounted by the word "gibraltar," was also placed on their colours, as a testimony to the services of the marines all over the world, and notably at the taking of gibraltar. [ ] blenheim, august nd, ; ramilies, may rd, ; oudenarde, june th, ; malplaquet, september th, ; dettingen, june th, ; minden, august st, . [ ] this, with many other interesting trophies of war, may be seen in the chapel of chelsea college. the blenheim colours are now nearly all consumed away with age: of one but the staff remains, and many others are now as tender as tinder. french, russian, american, chinese, and many other flags of former foes may there be seen quietly fading away, as the old national animosities have likewise done. [ ] amongst the various devices seen on the flags of the parliamentarians, was one of a skull surrounded by a laurel crown, accompanied by the words "_mors vel victoria_." [ ] there are the colours of other regiments as well. those that we specially refer to above will be found in what is known as the warriors' chapel. we deal with these especially, because, as being the flags of the territorial regiment, they find, with particular appropriateness, their resting place in canterbury cathedral. [ ] there is now no lord high admiral of great britain; his functions are analogous to those of the commander-in-chief of the army; the last lord high admiral was william iv., who received this appointment when prince of wales. the office is now said to be "in commission"--its functions are performed by the lords commissioners of the admiralty, a board uniting the dual control which is exercised over the land forces by the war office and the horse guards. commissions of naval officers are not signed by the queen, they are headed "by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of the united kingdom," etc.; and they are signed by two of the lords. [ ] we find the royal yacht club, in , and the royal thames yacht club, in , flying what would be a white ensign if it had but the great cross of st. george upon it; an entirely white flag having the union in the corner next the staff. one may get a fair notion of its effect by looking at fig. , but imagining the union in the place of the device there seen. the royal yacht club burgee at this period was plain white, without any device whatever. the burgee of the other club we have named has undergone many changes. in it is scarlet, with the letters t.y.c. in white; in the prefix royal has been gained, and the flag, still red, has the crown and the r.t.y.c. in white upon it; while in we still find the crown and the same letters, but now, not white on red, but red on white. [ ] "by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, &c. "whereas, we deem it expedient that canadian registered vessels shall be permitted to wear the red ensign of her majesty's fleet, with the canadian coat of arms in the fly thereof. "we do therefore, by virtue of the power and authority vested in us, hereby warrant and authorize the red ensign of her majesty's fleet, with the canadian coat of arms in the fly, to be used on board vessels registered in the dominion. "given under our hands and the seal of the office of admiralty, this second day of february, ." [ ] the maple is to canada what the rose is to england, or the shamrock to ireland. hence, we find it on the coinage, etc. in the canadian militia list before us we find it on the accoutrements of many of the regiments, enwreathing the motto or device; sometimes alone, and often in association with the rose, thistle, and shamrock. [ ] thus in a french book on flags (la haye's), published in , we see a "pavillon de nouvelle angleterre en amerique." this is a blue flag, having on a white canton the cross of st. george, and in the first quarter of this canton a globe, in allusion to america, the new world. [ ] in september, , moultrie, the heroic defender of the fort which still bears his name, devised this the first flag of the state of south carolina, the uniform of the south carolina men being blue, and some of the regiments having a silver crescent in their caps; but why they had the silver crescent as a badge no record seems to inform us. [ ] it may be somewhat of an assistance to our readers if we give a few chronological details: the obnoxious duty on tea and other articles imposed by the british parliament, june, . tea thrown overboard in boston harbour by the discontented populace, november, . the boston port bill, by which that port was to be shut up until compensation made to the east india company for the tea destroyed, passed march, . general congress of the colonists at philadelphia, september, . revolution, first blood shed at lexington, april, . washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american armies, june, . thirteen colonies declare themselves independent, july th, . independence of colonies recognised by france in march, , by holland in april, , and by great britain in september, . john adams received as ambassador from america by george iii. in june, , and first ambassador sent from great britain to the united states, in . [ ] in an old print before us of the fight between the _shannon_ and the _chesapeake_, we see that the latter hoists three american flags, all having the top and bottom stripes white, and at the foremast a white flag inscribed with the enigmatical motto, "free trade and sailors' rights." [ ] "forty flags with their silver stars, forty flags with their crimson bars." whittier, "barbara frietchie." [ ] at a banquet at the mansion house, when many leading englishmen and eminent colonists gathered together to celebrate st. george's day, the american ambassador, an honoured guest, said that he was very conscious that he was there at a gathering of the clans. "there was a tradition that the mischievous boy was generally the favourite of the household. his mother might confess it openly, his father secretly, but the rest of the family said nothing about it. now there was a mischievous boy who broke away from home something more than a century ago, but let them not suppose that because he left the home he or his descendants ever came back without a strong feeling that it is the home." he went on to say that he never met a body of representative englishmen, british men, speaking the same language that he did, without a sense of grave joy and pleasure: the sense that they were his brethren in a great cause, and that he joined with them, he and his people, in sustaining the best hopes and aspirations of the world's civilization. blood is thicker than water, and all right-minded englishmen will read his kindly words with pleasure, and give them heartiest reciprocation. [ ] to the germans, in their campaign against france, this and the "watch upon the rhine" were worth many battalions as a spur and stimulus to heroic deeds. during the american war both federals and confederates owed much to the influence of stirring patriotic songs. there can be no doubt that the songs of dibdin contributed not a little to our own naval victories, and every cause that is worth fighting for evokes like stirring strains. perhaps one of the most marked illustrations of this is the birth of that grand war-song known as the "marseillaise." rouget de l'isle, its author, was a captain of french engineers stationed in strassbourg on the opening of the campaign against austria and prussia in . on the eve of the day that the contingent from that city was going to join the main army of the rhine, a question arose as to what air should be played at their departure. several were suggested and rejected, and rouget de l'isle left the meeting and retired to his own quarters, and before the gathering broke up had written both words and music of "le chant de l'armee du rhin." on returning to the meeting, still in consultation on the various details of the morrow, he sang his composition, and it was at once welcomed with delight. it flew like wildfire throughout france, and, owing to the marseillaise troops singing it on entering paris, it derived the name by which it has ever since been known. its stirring words and the grand roll of the music aroused the enthusiasm of the country, and at once made it the battle-song of france, to be at times proscribed, but never forgotten. [ ] the book on german costume by köbel, printed at frankfort-on-the-main in , should be referred to, if possible, by the reader. it is, unfortunately, a very rare book. the first edition of this splendid volume contains large illustrations of standard-bearers; the figures are admirably drawn and very varied in attitude, while the flags they carry are replete with interest, many of course being now quite obsolete, while others there represented have come down to us through the three centuries intact. [ ] the _pamiot azof_, one of the most powerful ironclads of the russian navy, flies at her mast-head the cross of st. george (white on red), in memory of the gallant service at navarino in of her predecessor of that name. the czar nicholas decreed that all future _pamiot azofs_ in the navy should bear this distinguishing mark of honour. peter the great built the first _pamiot azof_ as a memorial of the great siege of azof, and the name has been handed down ever since. the influence of that piece of scarlet and white bunting will doubtless be such that no _pamiot azof_ will ever fall short of the highest expectations that this exceptional honour would suggest. [ ] "clisson, assura sa majesté du gain de la bataille, le roi lui répondit: 'connestable, dieu le veeulte, nous irons donc avant au nom de dieu et de sainct denis.'"--_vulson de la colombière._ [ ] in a miniature of charles ii., a.d. , in a book of prayers, the royal sceptre terminates in a fleur-de-lys. the crown of hugh capet, a.d. , in st. denis, is formed of fleur-de-lys, as is that of his successor, robert le sage, a.d. , henry i., , and many others. to make the matter more complicated, we find on the crown of uffa, first king of the east angles, a. d. , true fleurs-de-lys. [ ] one old writer asserts that louis vii., on setting out in the year for the crusade chose the purple iris flower as his emblem. [ ] "recherches sur les drapeaux français, oriflamme, bannière de france, marques nationales, couleurs du roi, drapeaux de l'armée, pavilions de la marine."--gustave desjardins, paris, . another good book to see is the "histoire du drapeau de la monarchie française," by m. rey. [ ] it may be helpful here to append for reference the chronology of the earlier sovereigns of the house of bourbon:--henry iv., "the great," ascended the throne in ; louis xiii., "the just," ; louis xiv., "the great," ; louis xv., "the well-beloved," ; louis xvi., , guillotined in january, . [ ] thus, at a grand military _fête_, on may th, , in the champ de mars, on restoring this symbol, we find the emperor addressing the troops:--"the roman eagle, adopted by the emperor napoleon at the commencement of this century, was a brilliant symbol of the grandeur of france. it disappeared amongst our calamities. it ought to return when france, raised up again, should no more repudiate her high position. soldiers! take again the eagles which have so often led our fathers to glory." in , in addressing a detachment of the imperial guard prior to its departure for the crimea, he exclaimed, "the imperial guard, the heroic representative of military glory and honour, is here before me. receive then these eagles, which will lead you on to glory. soon will you have planted them on the walls of sebastopol!" [ ] first republic, to . the consulate, to . the first empire, to . the restoration, bourbon and orleanist, to , the second republic, to , the second empire, to , the third republic from . [ ] the diary of henry machyn, "citizen and merchant tayler of london," from which we have already quoted, tells us how the writer saw the "kyng's grace and dyvers spaneards," the said king being philip of spain, riding through the city attired in red and yellow, the colours of spain. in the cavalcade, machyn tells us, were "men with thrumpets in the same colors, and drumes made of ketylles, and baners in the same colors." [ ] this quarter of the flag, the arms of leon and castile, was the entire flag of the time of columbus. isabella gave the great explorer a personal flag, a white swallow-tailed ensign having in its centre a green cross and the letters f.y. the quartered arms of leon and castile are sculptured upon the monument in westminster abbey of alianore, the daughter of ferdinand iii., king of leon and castile, and the wife of edward i. of england. the date of the tomb is . [ ] the following chronological items may prove of assistance. crown of navarre passes to france, . ferdinand of arragon re-conquers navarre, . accession of house of austria to throne of spain, . spain annexed netherlands, , and, shortly after philip ii., husband of our queen mary, annexed burgundy. portugal united to spain, . portugal lost, . philip v. invades naples, . charles iii., king of the two sicilies, succeeds to spanish crown, . [ ] the various heralds and pursuivants in their tabards blazoned with the lions of england, the fleurs-de-lys of france, or the castles of portugal. [ ] az. three crosses in pale or. [ ] the turks, originally an asiatic people, overran the provinces of the eastern, or greek empire, about the year , but did not capture constantinople until . thirty years afterwards they obtained a footing in italy, and in egypt was added to the empire. the invading hosts spread terror throughout europe, and in and in we find them besieging vienna. rhodes was captured from the knights of st. john, greece subdued, cyprus taken from the venetians: but later on the tide of war turned against them, and frequent hostilities with england, france, and russia led to the gradual weakening of the turkish power. [ ] there is such a general impression that officials are so very much bound up in highly-starched red tape that we gladly take this opportunity of acknowledging the extreme consideration with which all our enquiries have been met. the libraries of the admiralty, the royal united service museum, the guildhall, south kensington, etc., have been placed unreservedly at our service. the authorities of the board of trade, of lloyds, of the royal chelsea hospital, of the royal naval exhibition, the agents-general of the colonies, have all most willingly given every possible information, and we have received from all to whom we have applied for information the greatest readiness to afford it, and the most courteous responses. [ ] the position of sultan, though one of great dignity, has its serious drawbacks. this all-conquering murad was, after all, assassinated; his son and successor, bajuzet, died in prison. isa belis the next holder of the throne, solyman who succeeded him, and musa, who succeeded solyman, were all in turn murdered by their brothers or other relatives. [ ] "order and progress." not a very happily chosen motto, since, as a brazilian said to us, such a sentiment might equally be placed on the flags of all civilized nations, order and progress not being features to take any special credit for, but to be entirely taken for granted, and as a matter of course. [ ] our english name, japan, for this land of the far east, is a corruption of the chinese name for it, _zipangn_, a word of the same meaning, land of the rising sun. [ ] there are four orders of distinction in japan; the first is the order of the chrysanthemum, and the second that of the rising sun. [ ] each spring and summer our volunteers have long-distance practices. from the account of one of these now before us, we see that the line extended from reculvers on the north coast of kent, to aldershot, a distance of over one hundred miles, messages from one point to the other being rapidly and accurately transmitted by signalling parties on the various eminences, such as beacon hill, gravelly hill, box hill, and st. martha's hill, between the two extremities of the line. [ ] one may see here, too, the signal book of james, duke of york, dating about , by means of which most of our sea-fights with the dutch were conducted, and also the code introduced by kempenfeldt. [ ] the _victory_ at this time was somewhat less than a mile and a half from the enemy's line. [ ] the signal for "close action" was flags and . all flag signals are always read from above downwards; and would mean something entirely different to and . [ ] "expects," it will be seen, is expressed by one hoist of flags, while "confides" would have necessitated the pulling up and hauling down of eight distinct sets. [ ] special hoists are also used for special purposes, thus the display of the yellow flag, with a black ball on it, is an intimation that torpedo practice is going on. [ ] june st, . [ ] this system was introduced by captain columb in . on one occasion, during heavy weather, from a steamer fifteen miles off shore he sent a message through a station on the isle of wight across to portsmouth, and received his answer back in thirteen minutes! this was altogether too good to be gainsaid or shelved, and the system was speedily adopted. * * * * * transcriber's note: the following corrections were made to the printed original: table of contents, chapter v:--"england expects" printed as "englands expects" in original. page :--in "a priest of beverley for carrying": "carrying" printed as "carring" in original. page :--in "we find these charges represented": "charges" printed as "changes" in original. page :--in "their thoughts turn to the dear homeland": "turn" printed as "turns" in original. page :--in "thirteen then existing codes": "thirteen" printed as "thirteeen" in original. page :--in "our readers will see": "our" printed as "ours" in original. generously made available by the internet archive.) the history of chivalry or knighthood and its times. by charles mills, esqr. author of the history of the crusades in two volumes. vol: i. [illustration: engraved by a. le petit from a sketch by r. w. sievier.] london. printed for longman, hurst, rees, orme, brown and green mdcccxxv. preface. the propriety of my writing a history of chivalry, as a companion to my history of the crusades, was suggested to me by a friend whose acquaintance with middle-age lore forms but a small portion of his literary attainments, and whose history of italy shows his ability of treating, as well as his skill in discovering, subjects not hitherto discussed with the fulness which their importance merits.[ ] the works of menestrier and colombiere sleep in the dust of a few ancient libraries; and there are only two other books whose express and entire object is a delineation of the institutions of chivalry. the first and best known is the french work called "mémoires sur l'ancienne chevalerie; considérée comme un etablissement politique et militaire. par m. de la curne de sainte palaye, de l'académie françoise," &c. tom. mo. paris, . the last half, however, of the second volume does not relate to chivalry, and therefore the learned frenchman cannot be charged with treating his subject at very great length.[ ] it was his purpose to describe the education which accomplished the youth for the distinction of knighthood, and this part of his work he has performed with considerable success. but he failed in his next endeavour, that of painting the martial games of chivalry, for nothing can be more unsatisfactory than his account of jousts and tournaments. as he wished to inform his readers of the use which was made in the battle field of the valour, skill, and experience of knights, a description of some of the extraordinary and interesting battles of the middle ages might have been expected. here also disappointment is experienced; neither can any pleasure be derived from perusing his examination of the causes which produced the decline and extinction of chivalry, and his account of the inconveniences which counterbalanced the advantages of the establishment. sainte palaye was a very excellent french antiquarian; but the limited scope of his studies disqualified him from the office of a general historian of chivalry. the habits of his mind led him to treat of knighthood as if it had been the ornament merely of his own country. he very rarely illustrates his principles by the literature of any other nation, much less did he attempt to trace their history through the various states of europe. he has altogether kept out of sight many characteristic features of his subject. scarcely any thing is advanced about ancient armour; not a word on the religious and military orders; and but a few pages, and those neither pleasing nor correct, on woman and lady-love. the best executed part of his subject regards, as i have already observed, the education of knights; and he has scattered up and down his little volume and a half many curious notices of ancient manners. the other work is written in the german language, and for that reason it is but very little known in this country. it is called ritterzeit und ritterwesen, (two volumes octavo, leipzig, ,) and is the substance of a course of lectures on chivalry delivered by the author, mr. büsching, to his pupils of the high school at breslau. the style of the work is the garrulous, slovenly, ungrammatical style which lecturers, in all countries, and upon all subjects, think themselves privileged to use. a large portion of the book is borrowed from sainte palaye; much of the remainder relates to feudalism and other matters distinct from chivalry: but when the writer treats of the state of knighthood in germany i have found his facts and observations of very great value. attention to the subjects of the middle ages of europe has for many years been growing among us. it was first excited by warton's history of our national verse, and percy's edition of the relics of ancient english poetry. the romances of chivalry, both in prose and metre, and the numberless works on the troubadour, and every other description of literature during the middle ages which have been published within the last few years, have sustained the interest. the poems of scott convinced the world that the chivalric times of europe can strike the moral imagination as powerfully and pleasingly in respect of character, passion, and picturesqueness of effect, as the heroic ages of greece; and even very recently the glories of chivalry have been sung by a poetess whom ariosto himself would have been delighted to honour.[ ] still, however, no attempt has been hitherto made to describe at large the institutions of knighthood, the foundation of all that elegant superstructure of poetry and romance which we admire, and to mark the history of chivalry in the various countries of europe. those institutions have, indeed, been allowed a few pages in our encyclopædias; and some of the sketches of them are drawn with such boldness and precision of outline that we may regret the authors did not present us with finished pictures. our popular historians have but hastily alluded to the subject; for they were so much busied with feudalism and politics, that they could afford but a small space for the play of the lighter graces of chivalry. for a description, indeed, of antique manners, our materials are not so ample as for that of their public lives. but still the subject is not without its witnesses. the monkish chroniclers sometimes give us a glimpse of the castles of our ancestors. many of the knights in days of yore had their biographers; and, for the most interesting time of chivalry, we possess an historian, who, for vividness of delineation, kindliness of feeling, and naïveté of language, is the herodotus of the middle ages. "did you ever read froissart?" "no," answered henry morton. "i have half a mind," rejoined claverhouse, "to contrive that you should have six months' imprisonment, in order to procure you that pleasure. his chapters inspire me with more enthusiasm than even poetry itself." froissart's[ ] history extends from the year to . it was begun by him when he was twenty years old, at the command of his dear lord and master, sir robert of namur, lord of beaufort. the annals from to are founded on the chronicles compiled by him whom he calls "the right reverend, discreet, and sage master john la bele, sometime canon in st. lambertis of liege, who with good heart and due diligence did his true devoir in writing his book; and heard of many fair and noble adventures from his being well beloved, and of the secret counsel of the lord sir john of hainault." froissart corrected all this borrowed matter on the information of the barons and knights of his time regarding their families' gestes and prowesses. he is the chronicler both of political events and of chivalric manners. of his merits in the first part of his character it falls not within my province to speak. for the office of historian of chivalry no man could present such fair pretensions. his father being a herald-painter, he was initiated in his very early years into that singular form of life which he describes with such picturesque beauty. "well i loved," as he says of his youth, in one of his poems, "to see dances and carolling, and to hear the songs of minstrels and tales of glee. it pleased me to attach myself to those who took delight in hounds and hawks. i was wont to toy with my fair companions at school, and methought i had the art well to win the grace of maidens."--"my ears quickened at the sound of opening the wine-flask, for i took great pleasure in drinking, and in fair array, and in fresh and delicate viands. i loved to see (as is reason) the early violets, and the white and red roses, and also chambers brilliantly lighted; dances and late vigils, and fair beds for my refreshment; and for my better repose, i joyously quaffed a night-draught of claret, or rochelle wine mingled with spice." froissart wrote his chronicles "to the intent that the honourable and noble adventures of feats of arms, done and achieved in the wars of france and england, should notably be enregistered, and put in perpetual memory; whereby the preux and hardy might have ensample to encourage them in their well-doing."[ ] to accomplish his purpose, he followed and frequented the company of divers noble and great lords, as well in france, england, and scotland, as in other countries; and in their chivalric festivals he enquired for tales of arms and amours. for three years he was clerk of the chamber to philippa of hainault, wife of edward iii. he travelled into scotland; and, though mounted only on a simple palfrey, with his trunk placed on the hinder part of his saddle, after the fashion in which a squire carried the mail-harness of a knight, and attended only by a greyhound, the favourite dog of the time, instead of a train of varlets, yet the fame of his literary abilities introduced him to the castle of dalkeith, and the court of the scottish king. he generally lived in the society of nobles and knights,--at the courts of the duke of brabant, the count of namur, and the earl of blois. he knew and admired the black prince, du guesclin, the douglas, and hotspur; and while this various acquaintance fitted him to describe the circumstances and manners of his times, it prevented him from the bias of particular favouritism. the character of his mind, rather than his station in life, determined his pursuits. his profession was that of the church: he was a while curate of lestines, in the diocese of liege; and, at the time of his death, he was canon and treasurer of the collegiate church of chimay. but he was a greater reader of romances than of his breviary; and, churchman though he was, knighthood itself could not boast a more devoted admirer of dames and damsels. he was, therefore, the very man to describe the chivalric features of his time. the romances of chivalry are another source of information. favyn says, with truth and fancy, "the greater part of antiquities are to be sought for and derived out of the most ancient tales, as well in prose as verse, like pearls out of the smoky papers of ennius." the romance-writers were to the middle ages of europe what the ancient poets were to greece,--the painters of the manners of their times. as sir walter scott observes, "we have no hesitation in quoting the romances of chivalry as good evidence of the laws and customs of knighthood. the authors, like the artists of the period, invented nothing, but, copying the manners of the age in which they lived, transferred them, without doubt or scruple, to the period and personages of whom they treated." from all these sources of information i have done my devoir, in the following pages, to describe the origin of chivalry; and, after escaping from the dark times in which it arose, to mark the various degrees of the personal nobility of knighthood. an enquiry into the nature and duties of the chivalric character then will follow; and we cannot pass, without regard and homage, the sovereign-mistress and lady-love of the adventurous knight. after viewing our cavalier in the gay and graceful pastime of the tournament, and pausing a while to behold him when a peculiar character of religion was added to his chivalry, we shall see him vault upon his good steed; and we will accompany him in the achievement of his high and hardy emprises in britain, france, spain, germany, and italy. as a view of chivalry is, from its nature, a supplement or an appendix to the history of europe, i have supposed my readers to be acquainted with the general circumstances of past ages, and therefore i have spoken of them by allusion rather than by direct statement. i have made the following work as strictly chivalric as the full and fair discussion of my subject would permit me, avoiding descriptions of baronial and feudal life, except in its connection with knighthood. i have not detailed military circumstances of former times, unless they proceeded from chivalric principles, or were invested with chivalric graces. thus the celebrated battle of the thirty had nothing in it of a knightly character, and therefore i have left it unnoticed. judicial combats had their origin in the state of society from which both feudalism and chivalry sprang; but they were not regulated by the gentle laws of knighthood, and therefore have not been described by me. i have not imposed any dry legal facts and discussions upon my readers; for the incidents attached to the tenure of land called the tenure in chivalry were strictly feudal; and the courts of the constable and marshal, holding cognisance as they did of all matters regarding war, judicial combats, and blazonry of arms, relate not so much to chivalry as to the general preservation of the peace of the land, and the good order of society. and it should be mentioned, that it has not been my purpose to give a minute history of every individual cavalier: for a work strictly confined to biographical detail, however convenient it might be for occasional reference, would be tiresome and tedious by reason of the repetition of circumstances only varied with the difference of names, and would be any thing but historical. i have brought the great characters of chivalry, who have received but slight attention from the political historian, in illustration of the principles of knighthood. thus full-length portraits of those english knights of prowess, sir john chandos and sir walter manny, will be more interesting than pictures of edward iii. and the black prince, whose features are so well known to us. from the lives of these royal heroes i have therefore only selected such chivalric circumstances as have not been sufficiently described and dwelt upon, or which it was absolutely incumbent on me to state, in order to preserve an unbroken thread of narrative. i shall not expatiate on the interest and beauty of my subject, lest i should provoke too rigid an enquiry into my ability for discussing it. i shall therefore only conclude, in the good old phrase of chaucer,-- "now, hold your mouth, pour charitie, both knight and lady free, and herkneth to my spell, of battaille and of chivalry, of ladies' love and druerie, anon i wol you tell." while these volumes were passing through the press, the tales of the crusaders appeared. in the second of them is contained a series of supposed propositions from saladin for peace between his nation and the english. the conclusion of those propositions is thus expressed:--"saladin will put a sacred seal on this happy union betwixt the bravest and noblest of frangistan and asia, by raising to the rank of his royal spouse a christian damsel, allied in blood to king richard, and known by the name of the lady edith of plantagenet," vol. iv. pp. , . upon this passage of his text the author remarks in a note: "this may appear so extraordinary and improbable a proposition that it is necessary to say such a one was actually made. the historians, however, substitute the widowed queen of naples, sister of richard, for the bride, and saladin's brother for the bridegroom. they appear to be ignorant of the existence of edith of plantagenet. see mill's (mills') history of the crusades, vol. ii. p. ." in that work i observe, that "richard proposed a consolidation of the christian and muhammedan interests; the establishment of a government at jerusalem, partly european and partly asiatic; and these schemes of policy were to be carried into effect by the marriage of saphadin (saladin's brother) with the widow of william king of sicily." m. michaud, the french historian of the crusades, makes a similar statement. he says that richard "fit d'autres propositions, auxquelles il intéressa adroitement l'ambition de malec adel, frère du sultan. la veuve du guillaume de sicile fut proposée en marriage au prince musulman." hist. des croisades, vol. ii. p. . whether or no "the historians" are ignorant of the existence of "edith of plantagenet" is not the present question. the question is, which of the two opposite statements is consistent with historical truth. the statement of m. michaud and myself is supported by the principal arabic historians, by writers, who, as every student in history knows, are of unimpeachable credit. bohadin, in his life of saladin, says, that "the englishman was desirous that almalick aladin should take his sister to wife. (her brother had brought her with him from sicily, when he passed through that island, to the deceased lord of which she had been married."[ ]) to the same effect abulfeda observes, "hither came the embassadors of the franks to negotiate a peace; and offered this condition, that malek al adel, brother of the sultan, should receive the sister of the king of england in marriage, and jerusalem for a kingdom."[ ] that this sister, joan, the widowed queen of sicily, was with richard in the holy land is proved by a passage in matthew paris, p. . she and the wife of richard are mentioned together, and no other person of royal rank. thus, therefore, "the historians" are correct in their statement, that the matrimonial proposition was made by the english to saladin, and that the parties were to be the brother of saladin and the widowed queen of sicily. the novelist has not supported his assertion by a single historical testimony; and we may defy him to produce a tittle of evidence on his side. in the composition of his tales, the author of waverley has seldom shown much respect for historical keeping. but greater accuracy than his no person had a right to expect in the text of a mere novel; and as long as he gave his readers no excuse for confounding fiction with truth, the play of his brilliant and excursive imagination was harmless. thus in the talisman, the poetical antiquarian only smiles when he finds the romance of the squire of low degree quoted as familiar to the english long before it was written; and when, in the betrothed, gloucester is raised into a bishoprick three centuries and a half before the authentic æra, we equally admit the author's licence of anachronism. on these two occasions, as in innumerable other instances, in which the novelist, whether intentionally or unwittingly, has strayed from the path of historical accuracy, he has never given formal warranty for the truth of his statements, and he is entitled to laugh at the simple credulity which could mistake his tales for veracious chronicles: but his assertion respecting the marriage of saladin with his "edith of plantagenet" is a very different case. for here he throws aside the fanciful garb of a novelist, and quits the privilege of his text, that he may gravely and critically vouch in a note for the errors of our historians, and his own superior knowledge. if this can possibly be done merely to heighten the illusion of his romance, it is carrying the jest a little too far; for the preservation of historical truth is really too important a principle to be idly violated. but if he seriously designed to unite the province of the historian with that of the novelist, he has chosen a very unlucky expedient for his own reputation; and thus, in either case, he has rather wantonly led his readers into error, and brought against others a charge of ignorance, which must recoil more deservedly on himself. contents of the first volume. page chap. i. the origin and first appearances of chivalry in europe. general nature of chivalry ... military and moral chivalry ... origin of chivalry ... usages of the germans ... election of soldiers ... fraternity ... dignity of obedience ... gallantry ... the age of charlemagne ... chivalry modified by religion ... ceremonies of anglo-saxon inauguration ... chivalry sanctioned by councils, and regarded as a form of christianity ... nature of chivalric nobility ... its degrees ... knight banneret ... his qualifications ... by whom created ... his privileges ... his relation to the baron ... and incidentally of the war-cry and the escutcheon ... the knight ... qualifications for knighthood ... by whom created ... the squirehood ... general view of the other chapters on the institutions of chivalry chap. ii. the education of a knight. the ceremonies of inauguration and of degradation. description in romances of knightly education ... hawking and hunting ... education commenced at the age of seven ... duties of the page ... personal service ... love and religion ... martial exercises ... the squire ... his duties of personal service ... curious story of a bold young squire ... various titles of squires ... duties of the squire in battle ... gallantry ... martial exercises ... horsemanship ... importance of squires in the battle-field ... particularly at the battle of bovines ... preparations for knighthood ... the anxiety of the squire regarding the character of the knight from whom he was to receive the accolade ... knights made in the battle-field ... inconveniences of this ... knights of mines ... general ceremonies of degradation ... ceremonies in england chap. iii. the equipment. beauty of the chivalric equipment ... the lance ... the pennon ... the axe, maule, and martel ... the sword ... fondness of the knight for it ... swords in romances ... the shield ... various sorts of mail ... mail ... mail and plate ... plate harness ... the scarf ... surcoats ... armorial bearings ... surcoats of the military orders ... the dagger of mercy ... story of its use ... value of enquiries into ancient armour ... a precise knowledge unattainable ... its general features interesting ... the broad lines of the subject ... excellence of italian armour ... armour of the squire, &c. ... allegories made on armour ... the horse of the knight chap. iv. the chivalric character. general array of knights ... companions in arms ... the nature of a cavalier's valiancy ... singular bravery of sir robert knowles ... bravery incited by vows ... fantastic circumstances ... the humanities of chivalric war ... ransoming ... reason of courtesies in battles ... curious pride of knighthood ... prisoners ... instance of knightly honour ... independence of knights, and knight-errantry ... knights fought the battles of other countries ... english knights dislike wars in spain ... their disgust at spanish wines ... principles of their active conduct ... knightly independence consistent with discipline ... religion of the knight ... his devotion ... his intolerance ... general nature of his virtue ... fidelity to obligations ... generousness ... singular instance of it ... romantic excess of it ... liberality ... humility ... courtesy ... every-day life of the knight ... falconry ... chess playing ... story of a knight's love of chess ... minstrelsy ... romances ... conversation ... nature and form of chivalric entertainments ... festival and vow of the pheasant chap. v. dames and damsels, and lady-love. courtesy ... education ... music ... graver sciences ... dress ... knowledge of medicine ... every-day life of the maiden ... chivalric love ... the idolatry of the knight's passion ... bravery inspired by love ... character of woman in the eyes of a knight ... peculiar nature of his love ... qualities of knights admired by women ... a tale of chivalric love ... constancy ... absence of jealousy ... knights asserted by arms their mistress's beauty ... penitents of love ... other peculiarities of chivalric love ... the passion universal ... story of aristotle ... chivalric love the foe to feudal distinctions ... but preserved religion ... when attachments were formed ... societies of knights for the defence of ladies ... knights of the lady in the green field ... customs in england ... unchivalric to take women prisoners ... morals of chivalric times ... heroines of chivalry ... queen philippa ... the countess of march ... tales of jane of mountfort and of marzia degl' ubaldini ... nobleness of the chivalric female character chap. vi. tournaments and jousts. beauty of chivalric sports ... their superiority to those of greece and rome ... origin of tournaments ... reasons for holding them ... practice in arms ... courtesy ... by whom they were held ... qualifications for tourneying ... ceremonies of the tournament ... arrival of the knights ... publication of their names ... reasons for it ... disguised knights ... the lists ... ladies the judges of the tournament ... delicate courtesy at tournaments ... morning of the sports ... knights led by ladies, who imitated the dress of knights ... nature of tourneying weapons ... knights wore ladies' favours ... the preparation ... the encounter ... what lance-strokes won the prize ... conclusion of the sports ... the festival ... delivery of the prize ... knights thanked by ladies ... the ball ... liberality ... tournaments opposed by the popes ... the opposition unjust ... the joust ... description of the joust to the utterance ... joust between a scotch and an english knight ... jousting for love of the ladies ... a singular instance of it ... joust between a french and an english squire ... admirable skill of jousters ... singular questions regarding jousts ... an earl of warwick ... celebrated joust at st. inglebertes ... joust between lord scales and the bastard of burgundy ... the romance of jousts ... the passage of arms ... use of tournaments and jousts chap. vii. the religious and military orders of knighthood. general principles of the religious orders ... qualifications for them ... use of these orders to palestine ... modern history of the knights templars ... their present existence and state ... religious orders in spain ... that of st. james ... its objects ... change of its objects ... order of calatrava ... fine chivalry of a monk ... fame of this order ... order of alcantara ... knights of the lady of mercy ... knights of st. michael ... military orders ... imitations of the religious orders ... instanced in the order of the garter ... few of the present orders are of chivalric origin ... order of the bath ... dormant orders ... order of the band ... its singular rules ... its noble enforcement of chivalric duties towards woman ... order of bourbon ... strange titles of orders ... fabulous orders ... the round table ... sir launcelot ... sir gawain ... order of the stocking ... origin of the phrase blue stocking chap. viii. progress of chivalry in england, from the norman conquest to the close of the reign of edward ii. chivalry connected with feudalism ... stipendiary knights ... knighthood a compulsory honour ... fine instance of chivalry in the reign of edward i. ... effect of chivalry in stephen's reign ... troubadours and romance writers in the reign of henry ii. ... chivalric manners of the time ... coeur de lion the first chivalric king ... his knightly bearing ... john and henry iii. ... edward i. ... his gallantry at a tournament ... his unchivalric cruelties ... he possessed no knightly courtesy ... picture of ancient manners ... edward ii. ... chivalric circumstance in the battle of bannockburn ... singular effect of chivalry in the reign of edward ii. the history of chivalry. chap. i. the origin and first appearances of chivalry in europe. _general nature of chivalry ... military and moral chivalry ... origin of chivalry ... usages of the germans ... election of soldiers ... fraternity ... dignity of obedience ... gallantry ... the age of charlemagne ... chivalry modified by religion ... ceremonies of anglo-saxon inauguration ... chivalry sanctioned by councils, and regarded as a form of christianity ... nature of chivalric nobility ... its degrees ... knight banneret ... his qualifications ... by whom created ... his privileges ... his relation to the baron ... and incidentally of the war-cry and the escutcheon ... the knight ... qualifications for knighthood ... by whom created ... the squirehood ... general view of the other chapters on the institutions of chivalry._ there is little to charm the imagination in the first ages of chivalry. no plumed steeds, no warrior bearing on his crested helm the favour of his lady bright, graced those early times. all was rudeness and gloom. but the subject is not altogether without interest, as it must ever be curious to mark the causes and the first appearances in conduct of any widely spread system of opinions. [sidenote: nature of chivalry.] the martial force of the people who occupied northern and central europe in the time of the romans, was chiefly composed of infantry[ ]; but afterwards a great though imperceptible change took place, and, during all the long period which forms, in historic phrase, the middle ages, cavalry was the strongest arm of military power. terms, expressive of this martial array, were sought for in its distinguishing circumstances. among the ruins of the latin language, _caballus_ signified a horse, _caballarius_ a horseman, and _caballicare_, to ride; and from these words all the languages that were formed on a latin basis, derived their phrases descriptive of military duties on horseback. in all languages of teutonic origin, the same circumstance was expressed by words literally signifying service. the german _knight_, the saxon _cnight_, are synonymous to the french _cavalier_, the italian _cavaliere_, and the spanish _caballero_. the word _rider_ also designated the same person, preceded by, or standing without, the word _knight_. [sidenote: military and moral chivalry.] in the kingdoms which sprang from the ruins of the roman empire, every king, baron, and person of estate was a knight; and therefore the whole face of europe was overspread with cavalry. considered in this aspect, the knighthood and the feudalism of europe were synonymous and coexistent. but there was a chivalry within this chivalry; a moral and personal knighthood; not the well-ordered assemblage of the instruments of ambition, but a military barrier against oppression and tyranny, a corrective of feudal despotism and injustice. something like this description of knighthood may be said to have existed in all ages and countries. its generousness may be paralleled in homeric times, and vice has never reigned entirely without control. but the chivalry, the gallant and christian chivalry of europe, was purer and brighter than any preceding condition of society; for it established woman in her just rank in the moral world, and many of its principles of action proceeded from a divine source, which the classical ancients could not boast of. [sidenote: origin of chivalry.] [sidenote: usages of the germans.] [sidenote: election of soldiers.] some of the rules and maxims of chivalry had their origin in that state of society in which the feudal system arose; and regarded particularly in a military light, we find chivalry a part of the earliest condition of a considerable part of the european world. the bearing of arms was never a matter of mere private choice. among the germans, it rested with the state to declare a man qualified to serve his country in arms. in an assembly of the chiefs of his nation, his father, or a near relation, presented a shield and a javelin to a young and approved candidate for martial honours, who from that moment was considered as a member of the commonwealth, and ranked as a citizen. in northern as well as in central europe, both in scandinavia and germany, the same principle was observed; and a young man at the age of fifteen became an independent agent, by receiving a sword, a buckler, and a lance, at some public meeting.[ ] [sidenote: fraternity.] the spirit of clanship, or fraternity, which ran through the chivalry of the middle ages, is of the remotest antiquity. it existed in germany, in scandinavia, and also in gaul.[ ] in all these countries, every young man, when adorned with his military weapons, entered the train of some chief; but he was rather his companion than his follower; for, however numerous were the steps and distinctions of service, a noble spirit of equality ran through them all. these generous youths formed the bulwark of their leader in war, and were his ornament in peace. this spirit of companionship shewed itself in all its power and beauty in the field. it was disgraceful for a prince to be surpassed in valour by his companions; their military deeds were to be heroic, but the lustre of them was never to dim the brightness of his own fame. the chief fought for victory, the followers fought for their chief. the defence of the leader in battle, to die with him rather than to leave him, were, in the minds of the military fathers of europe, obvious and necessary corollaries of these principles. the spirit of companionship burnt more fiercely in remote ages, than in times commonly called chivalric; for if, by the chance of war, a person was thrown into the hands of an enemy, his military companions would surrender themselves prisoners, thinking it disgraceful to live in security and indolence, when their chief and associate was in misery.[ ] and to bring the matter home to english readers, it may be mentioned, that in the history of our anglo-saxon ancestors, many instances are recorded where vassals refused to survive their lord. cyneheard, brother of the deposed king sigebyrcht, slew the usurper cynewulf; and though he offered freedom to the attendants of the slain, yet they all preferred death to submission to a new lord, and they died in a vain and wild endeavour to revenge him. immediately afterwards fortune frowned on cyneheard, and his eighty-four companions, save one, were slain, though liberty had been offered to them; but declaring that their generosity was not inferior to the generosity of the attendants of cynewulf, they perished in a hopeless battle.[ ] [sidenote: dignity of obedience.] the feeling which, in chivalric times, became designated as the dignity of obedience, may be traced in these circumstances, but it is more clearly shewn in a singular record of the domestic manners of ancient europe; for we learn from athenæus, in his treatise of the suppers of the celts, that it was the custom of the gaulish youths to stand behind the seats, and to attend upon their fathers during the principal daily meal.[ ] here we see the germ, if not of the duties of the squire to the knight, yet of the feeling which suggested their performance. the beautiful subordination of chivalry had its origin in the domestic relations of life; obedience became virtuous when nature sanctioned it, and there could be no loss of personal consideration in a youth performing services which his own father had performed, and which, as years and circumstances advanced, would be rendered to himself. [sidenote: gallantry.] the gallantry of knighthood, that quality which distinguishes, and distinguishes so much to its advantage, the modern from the ancient world, was not created by any chivalric institution. we know indeed that it was cradled in the same sentiments which nursed the other principles of chivalry, but its birth is lost in the remoteness of ages; and i would rather dwell in my ignorance of the precise period of its antiquity, than think with plutarch that the feeling arose from a judicious opinion delivered by some women on occasion of a particular dispute between a few of the celtic tribes.[ ] it was in truth the virtue of the sex, and not any occasional or accidental opinion, that raised them to their high and respectful consideration. the roman historian marked it as a peculiarity among the germans, that marriage was considered by them as a sacred institution[ ], and that a man confined himself to the society of one wife. the mind of tacitus was filled with respect for the virtuous though unpolished people of the north; and, reverting his eyes to rome, the describer of manners becomes the indignant satirist, and he exclaims, that no one in germany dares to ridicule the holy ordinance of marriage, or to call an infringement of its laws a compliance with the manners of the age.[ ] in earlier times, when the cimbri invaded italy, and were worsted by marius, the female teutonic captives wished to be placed among the vestal virgins, binding themselves to perpetual chastity, but the romans could not admire or sympathize with such lofty-mindedness, and the women had recourse to death, the last sad refuge of their virtue. strabo picturesquely describes venerable and hoary-headed prophetesses seated at the council of the cimbri, dressed in long linen vestments of shining white. they were not only embassadresses, but were often entrusted with the charge of governing kingdoms.[ ] the courage of the knight of chivalry was inspired by the lady of his affections, a feature of character clearly deducible from the practice among the german nations, of women mingling in the field of battle with their armed brothers, fathers, and husbands. women were always regarded as incentives to valour, and when warring with a nation of different manners, the german general could congratulate his soldiers on having motives to courage, which the enemy did not possess.[ ] the warrior of the north, like the hero of chivalry, hoped for female smiles from his skill in athletic and martial exercises; and we may take the anecdote as an instance of the general manners of european antiquity, that the chief anxiety of a danish champion, who had lost his chin and one of his cheeks by a single stroke of a sword, was, how he should be received by the danish maidens, when his personal features had been thus dreadfully marred.--"the danish girls will not now willingly or easily give me kisses, if i should perhaps return home," was his complaint. harald the valiant was one of the most eminent adventurers of his age. he had slain mighty men; and after sweeping the seas of the north as a conqueror, he descended to the mediterranean, and the shores of africa. but a greater power now opposed him, and he was taken prisoner, and detained for some time at constantinople. he endeavoured to beguile his gloomy solitude by song; but his muse gave him no joy, for he complains that the reputation he had acquired by so many hazardous exploits, by his skill in single combat, riding, swimming, gliding along the ice, darting, rowing, and guiding a ship through the rocks, had not been able to make any impression on elissiff, or elizabeth, the beautiful daughter of yarilas, king of russia.[ ] [sidenote: the age of charlemagne.] such were the features of the ancient character of europe, that formed the basis of the chivalry of the middle ages; such was chivalry in its rude, unpolished state, the general character of the whole people, rather than the moral chastener of turbulence and ferocity. from receiving his weapons in an assembly of the nation; associating in clans; protecting and revering women; performing acts of service, when affection and duty commanded them: from these simple circumstances and qualities, the most beautiful form of manners arose, that has ever adorned the history of man. it is impossible to mark the exact time when these elements were framed into that system of thought and action which we call chivalry. knighthood was certainly a feature and distinction of society before the days of charlemagne, and its general prevalence in his time is very curiously proved, by the permission which he gave to the governor of friesland to make knights, by girding them with a sword, and giving them a blow.[ ] [sidenote: chivalry modified by religion.] but the key-stone of the arch was wanting, and religion alone could furnish it. a new world of principles and objects was introduced. the defence of the church was one great apparent aim of knightly enterprise, and on this principle, narrow and selfish as it was, many of the charities of christianity were established. the sword was blessed by the priest, before it was delivered to the young warrior. by what means this amalgamation was effected, we know not; the less interesting matter, the date of the circumstance can be more easily ascertained. it was somewhere between the ninth and the eleventh centuries. it surely was not the custom in the days of charlemagne, for he girt the military sword on his son louis the good, agreeably to the rude principles of ancient germanic chivalry[ ], without any religious ceremonies; and a century afterwards we read of the saxon monarch of england, edward the elder, cloathing athelstan in a soldier's dress of scarlet, and fastening round him a girdle ornamented with precious stones, in which a saxon sword in a sheath of gold was inserted.[ ] in the century following, however, during the reign of edward the confessor, we meet with the story of hereward, a very noble anglo-saxon youth, being knighted by the abbot of peterborough. he made confession of his sins, and, after he had received absolution, he earnestly prayed to be made a legitimate _miles_ or knight. [sidenote: ceremonies of anglo-saxon inauguration.] it was the custom of the english, continues the historian, for every one who wished to be consecrated into the legitimate militia, to confess his sins to a bishop, abbot, monk, or other priest, in the evening that preceded the day of his consecration, and to pass the night in the church, in prayer, devotion, and mortifications. on the next morning it was his duty to hear mass, to offer his sword on the altar, and then, after the gospel had been read, the priest blessed the sword, and placed it on the neck of the _miles_, with his benediction. the sacrament of the lord's supper was then communicated to the knight.[ ] this passage, though professedly descriptive only of the military customs of england, may be applied to the general state of europe, with the exception of normandy, whose people despised the religious part of the ceremony. but this feeling of dislike did not endure through all ages, for there is abundant evidence to prove, that in the reign of the norman dynasty in england, the ceremonies of knighthood were religious as well as military; and in the same, the eleventh, century, the usage was similar over all continental europe. [sidenote: chivalry sanctioned by councils, and regarded as a form of christianity.] the eleventh century is a very important epoch in the history of chivalry; for it was declared by the celebrated council of clermont, (which authorised the first crusade) that every person of noble birth, on attaining twelve years of age, should take a solemn oath before the bishop of his diocese, to defend to the uttermost the oppressed, the widows, and orphans; that women of noble birth, both married and single, should enjoy his especial care; and that nothing should be wanting in him to render travelling safe, and to destroy tyranny. in this decree we observe, that all the humanities of chivalry were sanctioned by legal and ecclesiastical power; and that it was intended they should be spread over the whole face of christendom, in order to check the barbarism and ferocity of the times. the form of chivalry was martial; but its objects were both religious and social, and the definition of the word from military circumstances ceased to express its character. the power of the clergy was shewn in a singular manner. chivalry was no longer a soldierly array, but it was called the order, the holy order, and a character of seriousness and solemnity was given to it.[ ] it was accounted an honourable office, above all offices, orders, and acts of the world, except the order of priesthood, for that order appertained to the holy sacrament of the altar. the knightly and clerical characters were every where considered as convertible, and the writers of romances faithfully reflected manners, when their hero at the commencement of the tale was a sir knight, and when at the close of his quests, we find him a sir priest; "and soothly it was said by common fame, so long as age enabled him thereto, that he had been a man of mickle name, renowned much in arms and derring do. but being aged now, and weary too of war's delight, and world's contentious toil, the name of knighthood he did disavow; and hanging up his arms and warlike spoil, from all this world's incumbrance did himself assoil."[ ] [sidenote: nature of chivalric nobility.] knighthood was an institution perfectly peculiar to the military and social state of our ancestors. there was no analogy between the knights of chivalry and the equites of rome, for pecuniary estate was absolutely necessary for the latter; whereas, though the european cavalier was generally a man of some possessions, yet he was often a person promoted into the order of chivalry, solely as a reward for his redoubted behaviour in battle. the roman equites discharged civil functions regarding the administration of justice and the farming of the public revenue; but the chivalry of the middle ages had no such duties to perform. knighthood was also distinct from nobility; for the nobility of europe were the governors and lords of particular districts of a country, and although originally they held their dignities only for life, yet their title soon became hereditary. but knighthood was essentially and always a personal distinction. a man's chivalry died with him. it was conferred upon noblemen and kings, not being like their other titles, the subject of inheritance. it was not absorbed in any other title of rank, and the common form of address, sir[ ] king, shews its high consideration. in the writs of summons to parliament, the word _chevalier_ sometimes followed the baronial title, and more frequently the barons were styled by their martial designation, than named by the titles of their baronies.[ ] [sidenote: its degrees.] there were three degrees in the chivalry of europe, knights-banneret, knights, and esquires. [sidenote: knight-banneret.] [sidenote: his qualifications.] [sidenote: by whom created.] a soldier must have passed through the ranks of esquire and knight, before he could be classed with the knights-banneret. that high dignity could only be possessed by a knight who had served for a length of years in the wars, and with distinction, and who had a considerable retinue of men-at-arms, and other soldiers. to avoid the inconveniences of too minute a division of the martial force of a country, every knight-banneret ought to have had fifty[ ] knights and squires under his command, each being attended by one or more horse soldiers, armed with the cross-bow, or with the long-bow and axe. several followers on foot completed the equipment. but as we often meet with instances of elevating men of very few followers[ ] to the rank of knights-banneret, it is probable that kings usurped the right of conferring the distinction upon their favorites, or men of fame, not chusing that any title of merit should be demanded as a right, or that the royal name should be used only as a passive instrument; for a knight who had proved his chivalry and power, could demand from his sovereign the distinction of banneret. the laws and usages of the world allowed the well-tried and nobly attended soldier to carry his emblazoned pennon to the constable or marshal of the army before or after a battle, and in the field of contest itself, and require leave to raise his banner. a herald exhibited the record of his claim to the distinction, and the leader of the forces cut off the end of the pennon, and this military ensign then became a square banner. a brief exhortation to valiancy and honour was generally added by the constable or herald. these were the whole ceremonies of creation. [sidenote: his privileges.] the privileges of a knight-banneret were considerable. he did not fight under the standard of any baron, but he formed his soldiers under his own. like the rest of the feudal force, he was subject to the commands of the king; but his pride was not galled by being obliged to obey the behests of men of his own rank. [sidenote: his relation to the baron.] [sidenote: the war-cry.] every baron had his banner, and a feudal array of knights, men-at-arms, and others, was numbered by its banners. the banneret and the baron were therefore soldiers of equal authority. the banneret, too, like the baron, had his words of courage, his cry of arms, which he shouted before a battle, in order to animate his soldiers to the charge, and whose sound, heard in the moment of direst peril, rallied the scattered troops by the recollection of the glories of their commander's house, and their own former achievements. the war-cry was also the underwritten ornament of the armorial shield, and worked on the surcoat and banner, and was carved on the tomb both of the knight-banneret and the baron. each of these representatives of chivalry and nobility had his square escutcheon. the wife of a banneret was styled _une dame bannerette_, and the general title of his family was a _hostel bannière_. * * * * * [sidenote: the knight.] the second and most numerous class of chivalric heroes consisted of knights, who were originally called bas-chevaliers, in contradiction to the first class, but in the course of time the word bachelor designated rather the esquire, the candidate for chivalry, than the cavalier himself. these knights of the second class were in spain called _cavalleros_, in distinction from the _riccos hombres_, or knights-banneret; and in france, the illiberal and degrading title of _pauvres hommes_ was sometimes applied to them, to mark their inferiority to the bannerets. [sidenote: qualifications for knighthood.] a general qualification for knighthood was noble or gentle birth, which, in its widest signification, expressed a state of independence. noblemen and gentlemen were words originally synonymous, describing the owners of fiefs. in countries where there were other forms of tenure, some military merit in the occupiers of land seems to have been necessary for elevation to the class of gentlemen. the mere frankelein was certainly not entitled to the designation of gentle; but if he became a distinguished man, an honorary rank was given to the family, and they were esteemed noble.[ ] it is scarcely necessary to mention, that that distinction could alone be obtained by military achievements; for in the early periods of society, the only path to glory was stained with blood. the gentility of a father was more regarded than that of a mother[ ]; and in strictness, if a man were not noble on his paternal side, his lord might cause his spurs to be cut off on a dunghill.[ ] the amount of estate necessary for knighthood was not regulated by any chivalric institution. but the expence of the order was by no means inconsiderable. his inauguration was a scene of splendour; and liberality was one of the chiefest duties of his character. he could not travel in quest of adventures without some charge[ ], and his squire and other personal attendants were of course maintained by him. though a man, says froissart, be never so rich, men of arms and war waste all; for he that will have service of men of war, they must be paid truly their wages, or else they will do nothing available.[ ] the knight's harness for the working day was not without its ornaments; and the tournament was rendered splendid by the brilliancy of his armour and his steed's caparisons. there was always a rivalry of expence among knights who formed an expedition; and of all the recorded instances of this feeling, perhaps the most interesting one is furnished by froissart. speaking of a projected invasion of england by the french about the year , he says, that gold and silver were no more spared than though they had rained out of the clouds, or been skimmed from the sea. the great lords of france sent their servants to sluse, to apparel and make ready their provisions and ships, and to furnish them with every thing needful. every man garnished his ship, and painted it with his arms. painters had then a good season, for they had whatever they desired. they made banners, pennons, and standards of silk so goodly, that it was a marvel to behold them; also they painted the masts of their ships from the one end to the other, glittering with gold, and devices, and arms; and especially the lord guy de la tremouille garnished his ship richly; the paintings cost more than two thousand francs.[ ] [sidenote: by whom created.] we have seen that originally a body of soldiers was selected by the state from the general mass of the people. afterwards, kings and nobles in their several jurisdictions maintained the power of creation. it was also assumed by the clergy, but not retained long; nor were they anxious to recover it, for, as they assisted in the religious ceremonies of inauguration, they possessed a considerable share of power by the milder means of influence. knighthood never altogether lost its character of being a distinction, a reward of merit, presumed, indeed, rather than proved, in the original instances which have been mentioned. but though it was often bestowed as an ornament of custom on the nobility and gentry of a state, yet it often was the bright guerdon of achievements in arms. of military merit every knight was supposed to be a sufficient judge; and therefore every knight had the power of bestowing its reward. men-at-arms and other soldiers were often exalted to the class of knights, and the honour was something more than a chimera of the imagination; for the title and consideration of a gentleman immediately accompanied the creation.[ ] thus, in the time of richard ii., the governor of norwich, called sir robert sale, was no gentleman born, says froissart; but he had the grace to be reputed sage and valiant in arms, and for his valiantness king edward had made him a knight. the same sovereign also knighted a man-at-arms, who had originally been a tailor, and who, after the conclusion of the king's wars in france, crossed the alps into italy, and under the name of sir john hawkwood, headed the company of white or english adventurers, so famous in the italian wars.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: squirehood.] the third and last class of chivalry was the squirehood. it was not composed of young men who carried the shields of knights, and were learning the art of war; but the squires were a body of efficient soldiers, inferior in rank to the knight, and superior to the men-at-arms.[ ] they had been originally intended for the higher classes of chivalry, but various considerations induced them to remain in the lowest rank. it was a maxim in chivalry, that a man had better be a good esquire than a poor knight. many an esquire, therefore, declined the honor of knighthood, on account of the slenderness of his revenues. edward iii., during his wars in france, would have knighted collart dambreticourte, the esquire of his own person; but the young man declined the honor, for, to use his own simple phrase, he could not furnish his helmet.[ ] barons, knights, and esquires, form froissart's frequent description of the parts of an army; and although there were many young men in the field, who, released from their duties on knights, were aiming at distinction, yet there were many more who remained squires during all their military career, and therefore became recognised as a part of the chivalric array. some men of small landed estate, wishing to avoid the expences and the duties of knighthood, remained esquires. they lost nothing of real power by their prudence, for they were entitled to lead their vassals into the field of battle under a penoncele, or small triangular streamer, as the knight led his under a pennon, or a banneret his under a banner. military honours and commands also could be reached by the squirehood, as well as by the knighthood of a country. both classes were considered gentle, and were entitled to wear coat armour. * * * * * such was the general form of the personal nobility of chivalry. some parts of the outline varied in different countries, as will be seen when we watch its progress through europe; but previously to that enquiry, the education, the duties, and the equipment of the knight require description; and as _loyauté aux dames_ is the motto alike of the writers and the readers of works on chivalry, i shall make no apology for suspending the historical investigation, while i endeavour to portray the lady-love of the gallant cavalier, and delay my steps in that splendid scene of beauty's power, the tournament. chap. ii. the education of a knight. the ceremonies of inauguration and of degradation. _description in romances of knightly education ... hawking and hunting ... education commenced at the age of seven ... duties of the page ... personal service ... love and religion ... martial exercises ... the squire ... his duties of personal service ... curious story of a bold young squire ... various titles of squires ... duties of the squire in battle ... gallantry ... martial exercises ... horsemanship ... importance of squires in the battle field ... particularly at the battle of bovines ... preparations for knighthood ... the anxiety of the squire regarding the character of the knight from whom he was to receive the accolade ... knights made in the battle field ... inconveniences of this ... knights of mines ... general ceremonies of degradation ... ceremonies in england._ [sidenote: description in romances of knightly education.] the romances of chivalry, in their picturesque and expressive representation of manners, present us with many interesting glimpses of the education in knighthood of the feudal nobility's children. the romance of sir tristrem sings thus; "now hath rohant in ore[ ], tristrem, and is full blithe, the childe he set to lore, and lernd him al so swithe[ ]; in bok while he was thore he stodieth ever that stithe[ ], tho that bi him wore of him weren ful blithe, that bold. his craftes gan he kithe[ ], oyaines[ ] hem when he wold. "fiftene yere he gan him fede, sir rohant the trewe; he taught him ich alede[ ] of ich maner of glewe;[ ] and everich playing thede, old lawes and newe. on hunting oft he yede[ ], to swich alawe he drewe, al thus; more he couthe[ ] of veneri than couthe manerious." very similar to this picture is the description of the education of kyng horn, in the romance which bears his name. "stiward tac thou here, my fundling for to lere of thine mestere, of wode and of ryvere, ant toggen o' the harpe, with is nayles sharpe; ant tech him alle the listes that thou ever wystes byfore me to kerven, ant of my coupe to serven; ant his feren devyse with ous other servise. horn, child, thou understand tech him of harpe and of song."[ ] for only one more extract from the old romances, shall i claim the indulgence of my readers in the words of the minstrel, "mekely, lordynges gentyll and fre, lysten awhile and herken to me." the life of sir ipomydon is a finished picture of knightly history. his foster-father, sir tholomew, ----"a clerk he toke that taught the child upon the boke bothe to synge and to rede, and after he taught him other dede. afterwards to serve in halle, both to grete and to small. before the king meat to kerve hye and low feyre to serve. both of houndis and hawkis game, after he taught him all and same, in se, in field, and eke in river, in wood to chase the wild deer; and in the field to ride a steed, that all men had joy of his deed." [sidenote: hunting and hawking.] the mystery of rivers and the mystery of woods were important parts of knightly education. the mystery of woods was hunting; the mystery of rivers was not fishing, but hawking, an expression which requires a few words of explanation. in hawking, the pursuit of water-fowls afforded most diversion. chaucer says that he could "ryde on hawking by the river, with grey gos hawk on hand." the favourite bird of chase was the heron, whose peculiar flight is not horizontal, like that of field birds, but perpendicular. it is wont to rise to a great height on finding itself the object of pursuit, while its enemy, using equal efforts to out-tower it, at length gains the advantage, swoops upon the heron with prodigious force, and strikes it to the ground. the amusement of hawking, therefore, could be viewed without the spectators moving far from the river's side where the game was sprung; and from that circumstance it was called the mystery of rivers.[ ] but i shall attempt no further to describe in separate portions the subjects of knightly education, and to fill up the sketches of the old romances; for those sketches, though correct, present no complete outline, and the military exercises are altogether omitted. we had better trace the cavalier, through the gradations of his course, in the castle of his lord. * * * * * the education of a knight generally commenced at the age of seven or eight years[ ], for no true lover of chivalry wished his children to pass their time in idleness and indulgence. at a baronial feast, a lady in the full glow of maternal pride pointed to her offspring, and demanded of her husband whether he did not bless heaven for having given him four such fine and promising boys. "dame," replied her lord, thinking her observation ill timed and foolish, "so help me god and saint martin, nothing gives me greater sorrow and shame than to see four great sluggards who do nothing but eat, and drink, and waste their time in idleness and folly." like other children of gentle birth, therefore, the boys of this noble duke guerin of montglaive, in spite of their mother's wishes, commenced their chivalric exercises.[ ] in some places there were schools appointed by the nobles of the country, but most frequently their own castles served. every feudal lord had his court, to which he drew the sons and daughters of the poorer gentry of his domains; and his castle was also frequented by the children of men of equal rank with himself, for (such was the modesty and courtesy of chivalry) each knight had generally some brother in arms, whom he thought better fitted than himself to grace his children with noble accomplishments. [sidenote: duties of the page.] [sidenote: personal service.] the duties of the boy for the first seven years of his service were chiefly personal. if sometimes the harsh principles of feudal subordination gave rise to such service, it oftener proceeded from the friendly relations of life; and as in the latter case it was voluntary, there was no loss of honourable consideration in performing it. the dignity of obedience, that principle which blends the various shades of social life, and which had its origin in the patriarchal manners of early europe, was now fostered in the castles of the feudal nobility. the light-footed youth attended the lord and his lady in the hall, and followed them in all their exercises of war and pleasure; and it was considered unknightly for a cavalier to wound a page in battle. he also acquired the rudiments of those incongruous subjects, religion, love, and war, so strangely blended in chivalry; and generally the intellectual and moral education of the boy was given by the ladies of the court. [sidenote: love and religion.] from the lips of the ladies the gentle page learned both his catechism and the art of love, and as the religion of the day was full of symbols, and addressed to the senses, so the other feature of his devotion was not to be nourished by abstract contemplation alone. he was directed to regard some one lady of the court as the type of his heart's future mistress; she was the centre of all his hopes and wishes; to her he was obedient, faithful, and courteous. while the young jean de saintré was a page of honour at the court of the french king, the dame des belles cousines enquired of him the name of the mistress of his heart's affections. the simple youth replied, that he loved his lady mother, and next to her, his sister jacqueline was dear to him. "young man," rejoined the lady, "i am not speaking of the affection due to your mother and sister; but i wish to know the name of the lady to whom you are attached _par amours_." the poor boy was still more confused, and he could only reply, that he loved no one _par amours_. the dame des belles cousines charged him with being a traitor to the laws of chivalry, and declared that his craven spirit was evinced by such an avowal. "whence," she enquired, "sprang the valiancy and knightly feats of launcelot, gawain, tristram, giron the courteous, and other ornaments of the round table; of ponthus, and of those knights and squires of this country whom i could enumerate: whence the grandeur of many whom i have known to arise to renown, except from the noble desire of maintaining themselves in the grace and esteem of the ladies; without which spirit-stirring sentiment they must have ever remained in the shades of obscurity? and do you, coward valet, presume to declare that you possess no sovereign lady, and desire to have none?" jean underwent a long scene of persecution on account of his confession of the want of proper chivalric sentiment, but he was at length restored to favour by the intercession of the ladies of the court. he then named as his mistress matheline de coucy, a child only ten years old. "matheline is indeed a pretty girl," replied the dame des belles cousines, "but what profit, what honour, what comfort, what aid, what council for advancing you in chivalrous fame can you derive from such a choice? you should elect a lady of noble blood, who has the ability to advise, and the power to assist you; and you should serve her so truly, and love her so loyally, as to compel her to acknowledge the honourable affection which you entertain for her. for, be assured, that there is no lady, however cruel and haughty she may be, but through long service, will be induced to acknowledge and reward loyal affection with some portion of mercy. by such a course you will gain the praise of worthy knighthood, and till then i would not give an apple for you or your achievements: but he who loyally serves his lady will not only be blessed to the height of man's felicity in this life, but will never fall into those sins which will prevent his happiness hereafter. pride will be entirely effaced from the heart of him who endeavours by humility and courtesy to win the grace of a lady. the true faith of a lover will defend him from the other deadly sins of anger, envy, sloth, and gluttony; and his devotion to his mistress renders the thought impossible of his conduct ever being stained with the vice of incontinence."[ ] [sidenote: martial exercises.] the military exercises of the page were not many, and they were only important, inasmuch as they were the earliest ideas of his life, and that consequently the habits of his character were formed on them. he was taught to leap over trenches, to launch or cast spears and darts, to sustain the shield, and in his walk to imitate the measured tread of the soldier. he fought with light staves against stakes raised for the nonce, as if they had been his mortal enemies, or met in encounters equally perilous his youthful companions of the castle.[ ] during the seven years of these instructions he was called a valet, a damoiseau, or a page. the first title was of the most ancient usage, and was thoroughly chivalric; the second is of nearly equal authority[ ], but the word page was not much used till so late a period as the days of philip de comines.[ ] before that time it was most frequently applied to the children of the vulgar. * * * * * [sidenote: the squire.] [sidenote: his duties of personal service.] the next titles of the candidate for chivalry were armiger, scutifer or escuyer: but though these words denoted personal military attendance, yet his personal domestic service continued for some time. he prepared the refection in the morning, and then betook himself to his chivalric exercises. at dinner he, as well as the pages, furnished forth and attended at the table, and presented to his lord and the guests the water wherewith they washed their hands before and after the repast. the knight and the squire never sat before the same table, nor was even the relation of father and son allowed to destroy this principle of chivalric subordination. we learn from paulus warnefridus, the historian of the lombards in italy, that among that nation the son of a king did not dine with his father, unless he had been knighted by a foreign sovereign.[ ] such too was the practice among nations whose chivalry wore a brighter polish than it shone with among the italian lombards. in arragon, no son of a knight sat at the table of a knight till he had been admitted into the order.[ ] the young english squire in the time of edward iii. carved before his fader at the table; and again, in the merchant's tale, it is said,-- "all but a squire that hight damian, that carft before the knight many a day." [sidenote: curious story of a squire.] and about the same time the sewers and cup-bearers of the earl of foix were his sons.[ ] the squire cup-bearer was often as fine and spirited a character as his knight. once, when edward the black prince was sojourning in bourdeaux, he entertained in his chamber many of his english lords. a squire brought wine into the room, and the prince, after he had drank, sent the cup to sir john chandos, selecting him as the first in honour, because he was constable of acquitain. the knight drank, and by his command the squire bore the cup to the earl of oxenford, a vain, weak man, who, unworthy of greatness, was ever seeking for those poor trifles which noble knights overlooked and scorned. feeling his dignity offended that he had not been treated according to his rank, he refused the cup, and with mocking gesture desired the squire to carry it to his master, sir john chandos. "why so?" replied the youth, "he hath drank already, therefore drink you, since he hath offered it to you. if you will not drink, by saint george, i will cast the wine in your face." the earl, judging from the stern and dogged manner of the squire that this was no idle threat, quietly set the cup to his mouth.[ ] after dinner the squires prepared the chess tables or arranged the hall for minstrelsy and dancing. they participated in all these amusements; and herein the difference between the squire and the mere domestic servant was shown. in strictness of propriety the squire's dress ought to have been brown, or any of those dark colours which our ancestors used to call '_sad_.' but the gay spirit of youth was loth to observe this rule. "embroudered was he, as it were a mede, alle ful of freshe floures, white and rede." his dress was never of the fine texture, nor so highly ornamented as that of the knight. the squires often made the beds of their lords, and the service of the day was concluded by their presenting them with the vin du coucher. "les lis firent le escuier, si coucha chacun son seignor." [sidenote: various titles of squires.] personal service was considered so much the duty of a squire that his title was always applied to some particular part of it. the squires of a lord had each his respective duties--one was the squire of the chamber, or the chamberlain; and another the carving squire. every branch of the domestic arrangements of the castle was, under the charge of an aspirant to chivalry. spenser, who has opened to us so many interesting views of chivalric manners, has admirably painted the domestic squire discharging some of his duties:-- "there fairly them receives a gentle squire, of mild demeanour and rare courtesy, right cleanly clad in comely sad attire; in word and deed that show'd great modesty, and knew his good to all of each degree, hight reverence. he them with speeches meet, does faire entreat, no courting nicety, but simple, true, and eke unfained sweet, as might become a squire so great persons to greet."[ ] [sidenote: his duties in battle.] the most honorable squire was he that was attached to the person of his lord; he was called the squire of the body, and was in truth for the time the only military youth of the class: every squire, however, became in turn by seniority the martial squire. he accompanied his lord into the field of battle, carrying his shield and armour, while the page usually bore the helmet.[ ] he held the stirrup, and assisted the knight to arm. there was always a line of squires in the rear of a line of knights; the young cavaliers supplying their lords with weapons, assisting them to rise when overthrown, and receiving their prisoners.[ ] the banner of the banneret and baron was displayed by the squire. the pennon of the knight was also waved by him when his leader was only a knight, and conducted so many men-at-arms, and other vassals, that, to give dignity and importance to his command, he removed his pennon from his own lance to that of his attendant. we can readily believe the historians of ancient days, that it was right pleasant to witness the seemly pride and generous emulation with which the squires of the baron, the banneret, and the knight displayed the various ensigns of their master's chivalry. [sidenote: gallantry.] but whatever were the class of duties to which the candidate for chivalry was attached, he never forgot that he was also the squire of dames. during his course of a valet he had been taught to play with love, and as years advanced, nature became his tutor. since the knights were bound by oath to defend the feebler sex, so the principle was felt in all its force and spirit by him who aspired to chivalric honours. hence proceeded the qualities of kindness, gentleness, and courtesy. the minstrels in the castle harped of love as well as of war, and from them (for all young men had not, like sir ipomydon, clerks for their tutors) the squire learnt to express his passion in verse. this was an important feature of chivalric education, for among the courtesies of love, the present of books from knights to ladies was not forgotten, and it more often happened than monkish austerity approved of, that a volume, bound in sacred guise, contained, not a series of hymns to the virgin mary, but a variety of amatory effusions to a terrestrial mistress.[ ] love was mixed in the mind of the young squire with images of war, and he, therefore, thought that his mistress, like honour, could only be gained through difficulties and dangers; and from this feeling proceeded the romance of his passion. but while no obstacle, except the maiden's disinclination, was in his way, he sang, he danced, he played on musical instruments, and practised all the arts common to all ages and nations to win the fair. in chaucer, we have a delightful picture of the manners of the squire:-- "singing he was or floyting all the day, he was as fresh as is the month of may.[ ] he could songs make, and well endite, just and eke dance, and well pourtraie and write; so hote he loved, that by nighterdale (night time) he slept no more than doth the nightingale." [sidenote: martial exercises.] military exercises were mingled with the anxieties of love. he practised every mode by which strength and activity could be given to the body. he learnt to endure hunger and thirst; to disregard the seasons' changes, and like the roman youths in the campus martius, when covered with dust, he plunged into the stream that watered the domains of his lord. he accustomed himself to wield the sword, to thrust the lance, to strike with the axe, and to wear armour. the most favourite exercise was that which was called the quintain: for it was particularly calculated to practise the eye and hand in giving a right direction to the lance. a half figure of a man, armed with sword and buckler, was placed on a post, and turned on a pivot, so that if the assailant with his lance hit him not on the middle of the breast but on the extremities, he made the figure turn round, and strike him an ill-aimed blow, much to the merriment of the spectators. the game of the quintain was sometimes played by hanging a shield upon a staff fixed in the ground, and the skilful squire riding apace struck the shield in such a manner as to detach it from its ligatures.[ ] [sidenote: horsemanship.] but of all the exercises of chivalry, none was thought so important as horsemanship. "wel could he sit on horse and fair ride," is chaucer's praise of his young squire. horsemanship was considered the peculiar science of men of gentle blood. that braggadochio had not been trained in chivalry was apparent from his bad riding. even his valiant courser chafed and foamed, for he disdained to bear any base burthen.[ ] notions of religion were blended with those of arms in the mind of the squire, for his sword was blessed by the priest, and delivered to him at the altar. as he advanced to manhood he left to younger squires most of the domestic duties of his station. without losing his title of squire he became also called a bachelor, a word also used to designate a young unmarried knight. he went on military expeditions. the squire in chaucer, though but twenty years old, had "sometime been in chevauchee, in flanders, in artois, and in picardy." love was the inspirer of his chivalry: for he "bore him well, as of so little space, in hope to stonden in his lady's grace."[ ] [sidenote: importance of squires in battles.] [sidenote: particularly at the battle of bovines.] for the squire, instead of being merely the servant of the knight, often periled himself in his defence. when the knight was impetuous beyond the well-tempered bravery of chivalry, the admirer of his might followed him so close, and adventured himself so jeopardously, as to cover him with his shield.[ ] a valiant knight, ernalton of saint colombe, was on the point of being discomfited by a squire called guillonet, of salynges; but when the squire of sir ernalton saw his master almost at utterance, he went to him, and took his axe out of his hands, and said, "ernalton, go your way, and rest you; ye can no longer fight;" and then with the axe he went to the hostile squire, says froissart, and gave him such a stroke on the head that he was astonied, and had nigh fallen to the earth. he recovered himself, and aimed a blow at his antagonist, which would have been fatal, but that the squire slipped under it, and, throwing his arms round guillonet, wrestled, and finally threw him. the victor exclaimed that he would slay his prostrate foe, unless he would yield himself to his master. the name of his master was asked: "ernalton of saint colombe," returned the squire, "with whom thou hast fought all this season." guillonet seeing the dagger raised to strike him, yielded him to render his body prisoner at lourde within fifteen days after, rescue or no rescue.[ ] the squires were brought into the _mêlée_ of knights, at the famous battle of bovines, on the th of july, . the force of philip augustus was far inferior in number to that of the united germans and flemish; and, in order to prevent them from surrounding him, he lengthened his line by placing the squires at the two extremities of the knights. the mail-clad chivalry of the emperor otho were indignant at such soldiers daring to front them; but the young warriors were not dismayed by haughty looks and contumelious speeches, and their active daring mainly contributed to the gaining of the victory, the most considerable one that france had ever obtained.[ ] [sidenote: preparations for knighthood.] seldom before the age of twenty-one was a squire admitted to the full dignity of chivalry. chaucer's squire was twenty, and had achieved feats of arms. st. louis particularly commanded that the honour of knighthood should not be conferred upon any man under the age of twenty-one. as the time approached for the completing and crowning of his character, his religious duties became more strictly enforced. knighthood was assimilated, as much as possible, to the clerical state, and prayer, confession, and fasting were necessary for the candidate for both. the squire had his sponsors, the emblems of spiritual regeneration were applied to him, and the ceremonies of inauguration commenced by considering him a new man. he went into a bath, and then was placed in a bed. they were symbolical, the bath of purity of soul, and the bed of the rest which he was hereafter to enjoy in paradise. in the middle ages people generally reposed naked[ ], and it was not till after he had slept that the neophyte was clad with a shirt. this white dress was considered symbolical of the purity of his new character. a red garment was thrown over him to mark his resolution to shed his blood in the cause of heaven. the vigil of arms was a necessary preliminary to knighthood. the night before his inauguration he passed in a church, armed from head to foot[ ], and engaged in prayer and religious meditation. one of the last acts of preparation was the shaving of his head to make its appearance resemble that of the ecclesiastical tonsure. to part with hair was always regarded in the church as a symbol of servitude to god.[ ] [sidenote: the inauguration.] the ceremony of inauguration was generally performed in a church, or hall of a castle, on the occasion of some great religious or civic festival. the candidate advanced to the altar, and, taking his sword from the scarf to which it was appended, he presented it to the priest, who laid it upon the altar, praying that heaven would bless it, and that it might serve for a protection of the church, of widows, and orphans, and of all the servants of god against the tyrannies of pagans and other deceivers, in whose eyes he mercifully hoped that it would appear as an instrument of terror. the young soldier took his oaths of chivalry; he solemnly swore to defend the church, to attack the wicked, to respect the priesthood, to protect women and the poor, to preserve the country in tranquillity, and to shed his blood, even to its last drop, in behalf of his brethren. the priest then re-delivered the sword to him with the assurance that, as it had received god's blessing, he who wielded it would prevail against all enemies and the adversaries of the church. he then exhorted him to gird his sword upon his strong thigh, that with it he might exercise the power of equity to destroy the hopes of the profane, to fight for god's church, and defend his faithful people, and to repel and destroy the hosts of the wicked, whether they were heretics or pagans. finally, the soldier in chivalry was exhorted to defend widows and orphans, and to restore and preserve the desolate, to revenge the wronged, to confirm the virtuous; and he was assured that by performing these high duties he would attain heavenly joys.[ ] the young warrior afterwards advanced to the supreme lord in the assembly, and knelt before him with clasped hands;--an attitude copied from feudal manners, and the only circumstance of feudality in the whole ceremony. the lord then questioned him whether his vows had any objects distinct from the wish to maintain religion and chivalry. the soldier having answered in the negative, the ceremony was permitted to advance. he was invested with all the exterior marks of chivalry. the knights and ladies of the court attended on him, and delivered to him the various pieces of his harness.[ ] the armour varied with the military customs of different periods and of different countries, but some matters were of permanent usage. the spurs were always put on first, and the sword was belted on last. the concluding sign of being dubbed or adopted into the order of knighthood was a slight blow[ ] given by the lord to the cavalier, and called the accolade, from the part of the body, the neck, whereon it was struck. the lord then proclaimed him a knight in the name of god and the saints, and such cavaliers as were present embraced their newly-made brother. the priest exhorted him to go forth like a man, and observe the ordinances of heaven. impressed with the solemnity of the scene, all the other knights renewed in a few brief and energetic sentences their vows of chivalry; and while the hall was gleaming with drawn swords, the man of god again took up the word, blessing him who had newly undertaken, and those who had been long engaged in holy warfare, and praying that all the hosts of the enemies of heaven might be destroyed by christian chivalry. the assembly then dispersed. the new knight, on leaving the hall, vaulted on his steed, and showed his skill in the management of the lance, that the admiring people might know that a cavalier had been elected for their protection. he distributed largesses among the servants and minstrels of the castle, for whoso received so great a gift as the order of chivalry honoured not his order if he gave not after his ability. the remainder of the day was passed in congratulation and festivity.[ ] many of the most virtuous affections of the heart wound themselves round that important circumstance in a man's life, his admission into knighthood. he always regarded with filial piety the cavalier who invested him with the order. he never would take him prisoner if they were ranged on opposite sides, and he would have forfeited all title to chivalric honours if he had couched his lance against him. [sidenote: squires anxious to be knighted by great characters.] a noble aspirant to chivalry would only receive the accolade from a warrior, whose fame had excited his emulation, or sometimes the feelings of feudal attachment prevailed over the higher and sterner sense of chivalry. in expectation of a battle, the earl of buckingham called forth a gentle squire of savoy, and said, "sir, if god be pleased, i think we shall this day have a battle; therefore i wish that you would become a knight." the squire excused himself by saying, "sir, god thank you for the nobleness that ye would put me unto; but, sir, i will never be knight without i am made by the hands of my natural lord, the earl of savoy."[ ] a very singular tribute was paid to bravery during the famous battle of homildon hill. when the cloth-yard arrows of the english yeomen were piercing the opposite line through and through, sir john swinton exhorted the scotsmen not to stand like deer to be shot at, but to indulge their ancient courage and meet their enemy hand to hand. his wish, however, was echoed only by one man, adam gordon, and between their families a mortal feud existed. generously forgetting the hatred which each house bore to the other, gordon knelt before swinton, and solicited to be knighted by so brave a man. the accolade was given, and the two friends, like companions in arms, gallantly charged the english. if a kindred spirit had animated the whole of the scottish line the fate of the day might have been reversed; but the two noble knights were only supported by about an hundred men-at-arms devoted to all their enterprises; and they all perished.[ ] [sidenote: knights made in battle-field.] [sidenote: inconvenience of this.] the ceremonies of inauguration which have been described were gone through when knighthood was conferred on great and public occasions of festivity, but they often gave place to the power of rank and circumstances. princes were exempted from the laborious offices of page and squire. men were often adopted into chivalry on the eve of a battle, as it was considered that a sense of their new honours would inspire their gallantry. once during the war of our black prince in spain, more than three hundred soldiers raised their pennons; many of them had been squires, but in one case the distinction was entirely complimentary, for peter the cruel, who could boast neither chivalric qualities nor chivalric services, was dubbed. there was scarcely a battle in the middle ages which was not preceded or followed by a large promotion of men to the honour of knighthood. sometimes, indeed, they were regularly educated squires, but more frequently the mere contingency of the moment was regarded, and soldiers distinguished only for their bravery and ungraced by the gentle virtues of chivalry were knighted. we often read of certain squires being made cavaliers and raising their pennons, but very often no pennons were raised, that is to say, the men who were knighted were not able to summon round their lances a single man-at-arms; hence it ocurred that the world was overspread with poor knights, some of whom brought chivalry into disgrace by depredations and violence; others wandered about the world in quest of adventures, and let out their swords to their richer brethren. in the romance of partenopex of blois, there is a picture of a knight of this last class. "so riding, they o'ertake an errant knight, well hors'd, and large of limb, sir gaudwin hight, he nor of castle nor of land was lord, houseless he reap'd the harvest of the sword; and now, not more on fame than profit bent, rode with blithe heart unto the tournament; for cowardice he held it deadly sin, and sure his mind and bearing were akin, the face an index to the soul within; it seem'd that he, such pomp his train bewray'd, had shap'd a goodly fortune by his blade; his knaves were point device, in livery dight, with sumpter nags, and tents for shelter in the night." [sidenote: knights of mines.] cavaliers sometimes took their title from the place where they were knighted: a very distinguished honor was to be called a knight of the mines, which was to be obtained by achieving feats of arms in the subterranean process of a siege. the mines were the scenes of knightly valour; they were lighted up by torches; trumpets and other war instruments resounded, and the general affair of the siege was suspended, while the knights tried their prowess; the singularity of the mode of combat giving a zest to the encounters. no prisoners could be taken, as a board, breast high, placed in the passage by mutual consent, divided the warriors. swords or short battle-axes were the only weapons used. in the year , the castle of vertueill, in poictou, then held by the english, was besieged by the duke of bourbon. its walls raised on a lofty rock were not within the play of the battering ram, and therefore the tedious operation of the mine was resorted to: both parties frequently met and fought in the excavated chambers, and a battle of swords was one day carried on between regnaud de montferrand, the squire of the castle, and the duke of bourbon, each being ignorant of the name and quality of the other. at length the cry "bourbon, bourbon! our lady!" shouted by the attendants of the duke, in their eager joy at the fray, struck the ears of the squire, and arrested his hand. he withdrew some paces, and enquired whether the duke were present: when they assured him of the fact, he requested to receive the honour of knighthood in the mine, from the hands of the duke, and offering to deliver up the castle to him in return for the distinction, and from respect for the honour and valour he found in him. never was a castle in the pride of its strength and power gained by easier means. the keys were delivered to the duke of bourbon by regnaud de montferrand, and the honor of knighthood, with a goodly courser and a large golden girdle, were bestowed on the squire in return.[ ] [sidenote: general ceremonies of degradation.] such were the various ceremonies of chivalric inauguration. those of degradation should be noticed. what the offences were which were punishable by degradation it is impossible to specify. if a knight offended against the rules of the order of chivalry he was degraded, inasmuch as he was despised by his brother knights; and as honour was the life-blood of chivalry, he dreaded contempt more than the sword. still, however, there were occasions when a knight might be formally deprived of his distinctions. the ceremony of degradation generally took place after sentence, and previous to the execution of a legal judgment against him.[ ] sometimes his sword was broken over his head, and his spurs were chopped off; and, to make the bitterness of insult a part of the punishment, these actions were performed by a person of low condition; but at other times the forms of degradation were very elaborate. the knight who was to be degraded was in the first instance armed by his brother knights from head to foot, as if he had been going to the battle-field; they then conducted him to a high stage, raised in a church, where the king and his court, the clergy, and the people, were assembled; thirty priests sung such psalms as were used at burials; at the end of every psalm they took from him a piece of armour. first, they removed his helmet, the defence of disloyal eyes, then his cuirass on the right side, as the protector of a corrupt heart; then his cuirass on the left side, as from a member consenting, and thus with the rest; and when any piece of armour was cast upon the ground, the king of arms and heralds cried, "behold the harness of a disloyal and miscreant knight!" a basin of gold or silver full of warm water was then brought upon the stage, and a herald holding it up, demanded the knight's name. the pursuivants answered that which in truth was his designation. then the chief king of arms said, "that is not true, for he is a miscreant and false traitor, and hath transgressed the ordinances of knighthood." the chaplains answered, "let us give him his right name." the trumpets sounded a few notes, supposed to express the demand, "what shall be done with him?" the king, or his chief officer, who was present replied, "let him with dishonour and shame be banished from my kingdom as a vile and infamous man, that hath offended against the honour of knighthood." the heralds immediately cast the warm water upon the face of the disgraced knight, as though he were newly baptized, saying, "henceforth thou shalt be called by thy right name, traitor." then the king, with twelve other knights, put upon them mourning garments, declaring sorrow, and thrust the degraded knight from the stage: by the buffettings of the people he was driven to the altar, where he was put into a coffin, and the burial-service of the church was solemnly read over him.[ ] [sidenote: ceremonies in england.] the english customs regarding degradation are minutely stated by stowe in the case of an english knight, sir andrew harcley, earl of carlisle who (in the time of edward ii.) was deprived of his knighthood, previously to his suffering the penalties of the law for a treasonable correspondence with robert bruce. "he was led to the bar as an earl, worthily apparelled, with his sword girt about him, horsed, booted, and spurred, and unto him sir anthony lucy (his judge) spoke in this manner: 'sir andrew,' quoth he, 'the king for thy valiant service hath done thee great honour, and made thee earl of carlisle, since which time thou as a traitor to thy lord, the king, led his people, that should have helped him at the battle of heighland, away by the county of copland, and through the earldom of lancaster, by which means our lord the king was discomfited there of the scots, through thy treason and falseness; whereas, if thou haddest come betimes, he hadde had the victory, and this treason thou committed for the great sum of gold and silver that thou received of james douglas, a scot, the king's enemy. our lord the king wills, therefore, that the order of knighthood, by the which thou received all the honour and worship upon thy body, be brought to nought, and thy state undone, that other knights of lower degree may after thee beware, and take example truly to serve.' then commanded he to hew his spurs from his heels, then to break his sword over his head, which the king had given him to keep and defend his land therewith, when he made him earl. after this, he let unclothe him of his furred tabard, and of his hood, of his coat of arms, and also of his girdle; and when this was done, sir anthony said unto him, 'andrew,' quoth he, 'now art thou no knight, but a knave; and for thy treason the king wills that thou shalt be hanged and drawn, and thy head smitten off from thy body, and burned before thee, and thy body quartered, and thy head being smitten off, afterwards to be set upon london bridge, and thy four quarters shall be sent into four good towns of england, that all others may beware by thee;' and as sir anthony lucy had said, so was it done in all things, on the last day of october."[ ] chap. iii. the equipment. _beauty of the chivalric equipment ... the lance ... the pennon ... the axe, maule, and martel ... the sword ... fondness of the knight for it ... swords in romances ... the shield ... various sorts of mail ... mail ... mail and plate ... plate harness ... the scarf ... surcoats ... armorial bearings ... surcoats of the military orders ... the dagger of mercy ... story of its use ... value of enquiries into ancient armour ... a precise knowledge unattainable ... its general features interesting ... the broad lines of the subject ... excellence of italian armour ... armour of the squire, &c. ... allegories made on armour ... the horse of the knight._ the fierce equipage of war deserves a fuller consideration than was given to it in the last chapter. the horse whereon the knight dashed to the perilous encounter should be described, the weapons by which he established the honour of his fame and the nobleness of his mistress's beauty deserve something more than a general notice. never was military costume more splendid and graceful than in the days which are emphatically called "the days of the shield and the lance." what can modern warfare present in comparison with the bright and glittering scene of a goodly company of gentle knights pricking on the plain with nodding plumes, emblazoned shields, silken pennons streaming in the wind, and the scarf, that beautiful token of lady-love, crossing the strong and polished steel cuirass. [sidenote: the lance.] the lance was the chief offensive weapon of the knight: its staff was commonly formed from the ash-tree. [sidenote: the pennon.] its length was fitted to the vigour and address of him who bore it, and its iron and sharpened head was fashioned agreeably to his taste.[ ] to the top of the wooden part of the lance was generally fixed an ensign, or piece of silk, linen, or stuff. on this ensign was marked the cross, if the expedition of the soldier had for its object the holy land, or it bore some part of his heraldry; and in the latter case, when the lance was fixed in the ground near the entrance of the owner's tent, it served to designate the bearer. originally this ensign was called a gonfanon, the combination of two teutonic words, signifying war and a standard. subsequently, when the ensign was formed of rich stuffs and silks, it was called a pennon, from the latin word pannus.[ ] the pennon cannot be described from its exact breadth, for that quality of it varied with the different fancies of knights, and it had sometimes one, but more often two indentations at the end. when the pennon was cut square on occasion of a simple knight becoming a knight banneret it received the title of a banner, the ancient german word for the standard of a leader, or prince.[ ] [sidenote: the axe.] [sidenote: the maule and martel.] to transfix his foe with a lance was the ordinary endeavour of a knight; but some cavaliers of peculiar hardihood preferred to come to the closest quarters, where the lance could not be used. the battle-axe, which they therefore often wielded, needs no particular description. but the most favourite weapons were certain ponderous steel or iron hammers, carrying death either by the weight of their fall or the sharpness of the edge. they were called the martel and the maule, words applied indifferently in old times; for writers of days of chivalry cared little about extreme accuracy of diction, not foreseeing the fierce disputes which their want of minuteness in description would give rise to. this was the weapon which ecclesiastics used when they buckled harness over rochet and hood, and holy ardour impelled them into the field; for the canons of the church forbad them from wielding swords, and they always obeyed the letter of the law. some cavaliers, in addition to their other weapons, carried the mallet, or maule, hanging it at their saddle bow, till the happy moment for 'breaking open skulls' arrived. when it was used alone, this description of offensive armour was rather gothic than chivalric; yet the rudeness of earlier ages had its admirers in all times of chivalry, the affected love of simplicity not being peculiar to the present day. a lance could not execute half the sanguinary purposes of richard coeur de lion, and it was with a battle-axe[ ], as often as with a sword, that he dashed into the ranks of the saracens. bertrand du guesclin had a partiality for a martel, and so late as the year the battle-axe was used. among the hosts of the duke of burgundy was a knight named sir john vilain. he was a nobleman from flanders, very tall, and of great bodily strength: he was mounted on a good horse, and held a battle-axe in both hands. he pressed his way into the thickest part of the battle, and, throwing his bridle on the neck of his steed, he gave such mighty blows on all sides with his battle-axe that whoever was struck was instantly unhorsed, and wounded past recovery.[ ] generally speaking, however, the polite and courteous knights of chivalry thought it an ungentle practice to use a weapon which was associated with ideas of trade; and the romance-writers, who reflect the style of thinking of their times, commonly give the lance to the knight, and the axe or mallet to some rude and ferocious giant.[ ] [sidenote: the sword.] [sidenote: fondness of the knight for it.] the usual weapon for the press and mêlée was the sword, and there were a great many interesting associations attached to it. the knight threw round it all his affections. in that weapon he particularly trusted. it was his _good_ sword, and with still more confidence and kindness he called it his _own good_ sword. he gave it a name, and engraved on it some moral sentence, or a word referring to a great event of his life. not indeed that these sentences were confined to the sword; they were sometimes engraven on the frontlet of the helmet, or even on the spurs[ ], but the hilt or blade of the sword were their usual and proper places. the sword rather than the lance was the weapon which represented the chivalry of a family, and descended as the heir loom of its knighthood. when no one inherited his name, there was as much generous contention among his friends to possess his good sword, as in the days of greece poetry has ascribed to the warriors who wished for the armour of achilles.[ ] the sword was the weapon which connected the religious and military parts of the chivalrique character. the knight swore by his sword, for its cross hilt was emblematical of his saviour's cross. david in his daies dubbed knights, and did hem _swere on her sword_ to serve truth ever. p. ploughman. the word jesus was sometimes engraven on the hilt to remind the wearer of his religious duties. the sword was his only crucifix, when mass was said in the awful pause between the forming of the military array and the laying of lances in their rests. it was moreover his consolation in the moment of death. when that doughty knight of spain, don rodrigo frojaz was lying upon his shield, with his helmet for a pillow, he kissed the cross of his sword in remembrance of that on which the incarnate son of god had died for him, and in that act of devotion rendered up his soul into the hands of his creator.[ ] the handle of the sword was also remarkable for another matter. the knight, in order not to lose the advantage of having his seal by him, caused it to be cut in the head of his sword, and thus by impressing his seal upon any wax attached to a legal document, he exhibited his determination to maintain his obligation by the three-fold figure of his seal, the upholden naked sword, and the cross.[ ] the sword of the knight was held in such high estimation, that the name of its maker was thought worthy of record. thus when geoffery of plantagenet received the honor of knighthood, a sword was brought out of the royal treasury, the work of galan, the best of all sword smiths.[ ] spain was always famous for the temper and brilliancy of its swords. martial speaks in several places of the spanish swords which, when hot from the forge, were plunged in the river salo near bilbilis in celtiberia. the armourers at saragossa were as renowned in days of chivalry as those of toledo in rather later times, for it was not only the sword of toledo that became a proverbial phrase for the perfection of the art. sometimes the armourers had establishments in both towns. the excellence, however, of the swords of julian del rey, who lived both at saragossa and toledo, is referred to by the keeper of the lions in don quixote. the weapons of this artist had their peculiar marks. el perillo, a little dog; el morillo, a moor's head, and la loba, a wolf.[ ] but perhaps it may be thought i am passing the bounds of my subject. to return then to earlier days. the girdle round the waist, or the bauldrick descending from the shoulder across the body was simple tanned leather only, or sometimes its splendour rivalled that of prince arthur in the fairy queen. athwart his breast a bauldrick brave he ware that shind like twinkling stars, with stones most precious rare; * * * * * and in the midst thereof, one precious stone of wond'rous worth, and eke of wondrous mights, shapt like a lady's head, exceeding shone, like hesperus among the lesser lights, and strove for to amaze the weaker sights: thereby his mortal blade full comely hung in ivory sheath, ycarv'd with curious slights, whose hilt was burnish'd gold, and handle strong of mother perle, and buckled with a golden tong. book . c. . st. , . [sidenote: swords in romances.] many of the historical circumstances just now related regarding the sword of the knight are pleasingly exaggerated in the beautiful extravagancies of romantic fabling. the most famous sword in the imagination of our ancestors was that of king arthur; it was called escalibert (corrupted into caliburn). the romance of merlin thus explains the name. escalibert est un nom ebricu qui vault autant à dire en français, comme tres cher fer et acier, et aussi dissoyent il vrai. the history of this sword enters largely into the romances of arthur, and the knights of the round table, and the subject was fondly cherished by those who detailed the exploits of other heroes. the fame of caliburn was remembered when richard the first went to the east. the romances affirm that he wore the terrible and trusty sword of arthur. but, instead of mowing down ranks of saracens with it, he presented it to tancred, king of sicily. and richard at that time gaf him a faire juelle. the good sword caliburne, which arthur luffed so well.[ ] the romancers followed the practices of the northern scalds[ ], of naming the swords of knights: that of sir bevis of hampton was called morglay; and that of the emperor charlemagne himself fusberta joyosa.[ ] the poets were also as faithful delineators of manners as their predecessors the romance writers had been, and therefore we find in ariosto that the sword of the courteous rogero was called balisarda, and that of orlando, durindana. in the romance of sir otuel, the address of the same orlando to his sword is perfectly in the spirit of chivalry. then he began to make his moan and fast looked thereupon, as he held it in his hond. "o sword of great might, better bare never no knight, to win with no lond! thou hasty--be in many batayle, that never sarrazin, sans fayle ne might thy stroke withstond. go! let never no paynim into battle bear him, after the death of roland! o sword of great powere, in this world n'is nought thy peer, of no metal y--wrought; _all spain and galice_, through grace of god and thee y--wis, to christendom ben brought. thou art good withouten blame; in thee is graven the holy name that all things made of nought."[ ] regarding inscriptions on swords mentioned in the concluding lines, there is a very interesting passage in the romance of giron the courteous. on one occasion where the chaste virtue of that gentle knight and noble companion of arthur was in danger, his spear, which he had rested against a tree, fell upon his sword, and impelled it into a fountain. giron immediately left the lady with whom he was conversing, and ran to the water. he snatched the weapon from the fountain, and, throwing away the scabbard, began to wipe the blade. then his eyes lighted on the words that were written on the sword, and these were the words that were thus written:--loyaulte passe tout, et faulsete si honneit tout, et deceit tous hommes dedans quals elle se herberge. this sentence acted with talismanic power upon the heart of that noble knight giron the courteous, and so his virtue was saved. * * * * * [sidenote: the shield.] [sidenote: impresses.] leaving those pictures of manners which the old romances have painted, i come to the defensive harness of the knight, a subject which has many claims to attention. the shield was held in equal esteem in chivalric as in classic times; for "to lose the badge that should his deeds display," was considered the greatest shame and foulest scorn that could happen to a knight. the shape of the shield was oblong or triangular, wide at the top for the protection of the body, and tapering to the bottom.[ ] other shapes were given to it agreeably to the fancy of the knight, and it was plain or adorned with emblazonry of arms and other ornaments of gold and silver, according to his estate, and the simplicity or comparative refinement of his age. some knights, as gentle as brave, adorned their shields with a portrait of their lady-love[ ], or stamped on them impresses quaint, with a device emblematical of their passion. knights formed of sterner stuff retained their heraldic insignia, and their mottoes breathed war and homicide; but gallant cavaliers shewed the gentleness of their minds, and their impressed sentences were sometimes plain of meaning, but oftener dark to all, except the knight himself, and the damsel whose playful wit had invented them. we can readily imagine that those amorous devices and impresses were not so frequently used in the battle field as in the tournament, and that they were sometimes worn together with gentilitial distinctions. [sidenote: various sorts of mail.] the casing of the body is a very curious subject of enquiry. the simplicity of ancient times, in using the skins of beasts, is marked in the word _loricum_, from the word _lorum_, a thong, and the word _cuirasse_ is traceable to _cuir_, leather. body harness has three general divisions; mail; plate and mail mixed; plate mail entirely. rows of iron rings, sown on the dress, were the first defences, and then, for additional defence, a row of larger rings was laid over the first. these rings gave way to small iron plates which lapped over each other, and this variety of mail is interesting, for armour now resembled the _lorica squammata_ of the romans, and hence ancient mail of this description has generally been called scale-mail, while the ordinary appearance of armour being like the meshes of a net, gained it the title of mail from the _macula_ of the latins, and the _maglia_ of the italians. sometimes the plates were square, and sometimes of a lozenge form: but it would be considering the matter much too curiously to divide armour into as many species as the shapes and forms which a small piece of iron or steel was capable of being divided into.[ ] all this variety of mail harness was sown on an under garment of leather or cloth, or a more considerable wadding of various sorts of materials, and called a gambeson. if the garment were a simple tunic or frock the whole was called a hauberk. the lower members were defended by _chausses_, which may be intelligible to modern understandings by the words breeches or pantaloons. when the mailed frock and _chausses_ were joined, the union was called the haubergeon. in each case, the back and crown of the head were saved harmless by a hood of mail, which sometimes formed part of the hauberk or haubergeon, and sometimes was detached. in spain, the hood and the other parts of the dress were united, if the case of the cid be held as evidence of the general state of manners; for after his battles, he is always represented as slowly quitting the field with his gory hood thrown back. the mail covered also the chin, and sometimes the mouth; in the latter case the office of breathing being entirely committed to the care of the nose. finally, the sleeves of the jacket were carried over the fingers, and a continuation of the _chausses_ protected the toes. "a goodly knight all armed in harness meet that from his head no place appeared to his feete." it is curious that foppery in armour began at the toe. it was the fashion for the knight to have the toe of the mail several inches in length and inclining downwards. to fight on foot with such incumbrances was impossible, and, therefore the enemies of the crusaders (for foppery prevailed even in religious wars) shot rather at the horses than at the men. the fashion i am speaking of crossed the pyrenees, for in the pictorial representation of a tournament at grenada, between moorish and christian knights, the former are drawn with the broad shovel shoes of their country, while the latter have long pointed shoes, like the cavaliers of the north. such were the various descriptions of mail armour from the earliest æra of chivalry to the thirteenth century. they were worn at different times in different countries, and often in the same country at the same time by different individuals: but at length so excellent an improvement was made in chain mail, that military fashion could have no longer any pretence for variety. the different descriptions of mail armour show the skill of the iron-smiths among our ancestors, and that they were capable of inventing the next and last great change. but as it was made at a time when the asiatic mode of warfare was known in europe, and as the improvement i am about to mention was the general mode of the saracenian soldiers, it is as probable that it was borrowed, as that it was invented. the rings of mail were now no longer sewn on the dress, but they were interlaced, each ring having four others inserted into it, and consequently the rings formed a garment of themselves. the best coats of mail were made of double rings.[ ] the admirable convenience of this twisted or reticulated mail secured its general reception. a knight was no longer encumbered by his armour in travelling. his squire might be the bearer of his mail, for it was both flexible and compact, or it could be rolled upon the hinder part of a saddle. [sidenote: mail and plate.] [sidenote: plate harness.] before, however, this last great improvement in mail-armour took place, changes were made in that general description of harness which foretold its final fall, although it might be partially and for a time supported by any particular invention of merit. plates of solid steel or iron were fixed on the breast or other parts of the body, where painful experience had assured the wearer of the insufficiency of his metal rings. the new fashion of reticulated mail added nothing to the strength of defence, and, therefore, ingenuity and prudence were ever at work to make defensive armour equal to offensive. new plates continually were added, and many of them received their titles from the parts of the body which they were intended to defend: the pectoral protected the breast, the cuisses were for the thighs, the brassarts for the arms, the ailettes for the shoulders, while the gorget defended the throat, and a scaly gauntlet gloved the hand. the cuirass was the title for the defence of the breast and the back. this mixed harness gained ground till the knight had nearly a double covering of mail and plate. the plate was then found a perfect defence, and the mail was gradually thrown aside; and thus, finally, the warrior was entirely clad in steel plates. this harness was exceedingly oppressive to the limbs, and therefore we find the circumstance so frequently mentioned in old writers, that when a knight alighted at his hostel or inn, he not only doffed his armour, but went into a bath. no wonder that it was necessary to keep changes of dress to present to the cavaliers who arrived. plate-armour must have been as destructive of clothes as the old chain mail, and describing his knight, chaucer says, "of fustian he wered a gipon alle besmotred with his habergeon. for he was of late y come fro his viage, and wente for to don his pilgrimage." the plate harness was in one respect far more inconvenient than the armour it superseded. the coat of chain mail could be put on or slipped off with instantaneous celerity; but the dressing of a plate-armed knight was no simple matter. "from the tents the armourers, accomplishing the knights, with busy hammers closing rivets up, give dreadful note of preparation." besides this deprivation of rest before a battle, the knight, in order to prevent surprise, was obliged to wear his heavy harness almost constantly. it is curious to observe, that chain mail formed some part of the harness of a knight until the very last days of chivalry, chivalric feelings seeming to be associated with that ancient form of armour. it was _let into_ the plates round the neck, and thus there was a collar or tippet of mail; and it also generally hung over other parts of the body, where, agreeably to its shape and dimensions, it became, if i may again express myself in the language of ladies, if not of antiquarians, an apron or a short petticoat. [sidenote: the scarf.] [sidenote: surcoats.] the armour of the knight was often crossed by a scarf of silk embroidered by his lady-love. he wore also a dress which in different times was variously designated as a surcoat, a cyclas, or a tabard. it was long[ ] or short, it opened at the sides, in the back, or in the front, as fashion or caprice ruled the wearer's mind; but it was always sleeveless. originally simple cloth was its material; but as times and luxury advanced it became richer. for the reason that this sort of dress was almost the only one in which the lords, knights, and barons could display their magnificence, and because it covered all their clothing and armour, they had it usually made of cloths of gold or silver, of rich skins, furs of ermine, sables, minever, and others.[ ] there was necessarily more variety in the appearance of the surcoat than in that of any other part of his harness, and hence it became the distinction of a knight. in public meetings and in times of war the lords and knights were marked by their coats of arms; and when they were spoken of, or when any one wished to point them out by an exterior sign, it was sufficient to say, that he wears a coat of or, argent, gules, sinople, sable, gris, ermine, or vair, or still shorter, he bears or, gules, &c. the words coat of arms being understood. but as these marks were not sufficient to distinguish in solemn assemblies, or in times of war every lord, when all were clothed in coats of arms of gold, silver, or rich furs, they, in process of time, thought proper to cut the cloths of gold, and silver, and furs, which they wore over their armour, into various shapes of different colours, observing, however, as a rule never to put fur on fur, nor cloths of gold on those of silver, nor those of silver on gold; but they intermixed the cloths with the furs, in order to produce variety and relief.[ ] with these cloths and furs were mingled devices or cognizances symbolical of some circumstance in the life of the knight, and with the crest the whole formed in modern diction the coat of arms. [sidenote: armorial bearings.] every feudal lord assumed the right of chusing his own armorial distinctions: they were worn by all his family, and were hereditary. it was also in his power to grant arms to knights and squires as marks of honour for military merit; and from all these causes armorial distinctions represented the feudalism, the gentry, and the chivalry of europe. one knight could not give more deadly offence to another than by wearing his armorial bearings without his permission, and many a lance was broken to punish such insolence. kings, as their power arose above that of the aristocracy, assumed the right of conferring these distinctions;--an assumption of arms without royal permission was an offence, and the business of heralds was enlarged from that of being mere messengers between hostile princes into a court for the arranging of armorial honours. thus the usurpation of kings was beneficial to society, for disputes regarding arms and cognisances were settled by heralds and not by battle. it is totally impossible to mark the history of these circumstances. instances of emblazoned sopra vests are to be met with in times anterior to the crusades. they were worn during the continuance of mail and of mixed armour: but they gradually went out of usage as plate armour became general, it being then very much the custom to enamel or emboss the heraldic distinctions on the armour itself, or to be contented with its display on the shield or the banner. on festival occasions and tournaments, however, all the gorgeousness of heraldic splendour was exhibited upon the cyclas or tabard. [sidenote: surcoats of the military orders.] a word may be said on the surcoats of the military orders. the knights of st. john and the temple wore plain sopra vests, and their whole harness was covered by a monastic mantle, marked with the crosses of their respective societies. the colour of the mantle worn by the knights of st. john was black, and from that colour being the usual monastic one, they were called the military friars. their cross was white. the brethren of the temple wore a white mantle with a red cross, and hence their frequent title, the red cross knights. * * * * * [sidenote: helmets.] the history of the covering of the head is not altogether unamusing. the knight was not contented to trust the protection of that part of himself to his mailed hood alone; he wore a helmet, whose shape was at first conical, then cylindrical, and afterwards resumed its pristine form. the defence of the face became a matter of serious consideration, and a broad piece of iron was made to connect the frontlet of the helm with the mail over the mouth.[ ] this nasal piece was not in general use, it being a very imperfect protection from a sword-cut, and the knight found it of more inconvenience than service when his vanquisher held him to earth by it. cheek-pieces of bars, placed horizontally or perpendicularly, attached to the helmet, were substituted or introduced. then came the aventaile, or iron mask, joined to the helmet, with apertures for the eyes and mouth. it was at first fixed and immoveable, but ingenuity afterwards assisted those face defences. by means of pivots the knight could raise or let fall the plates or grating before the face, and the defence was called a vizor. subsequently, plates were brought up from the chin, and this moveable portion of the helmet was called, as most people know, the bever, from the italian _bevere_, to drink. in early times the helmet was without ornament; it afterwards (though the exact time it is impossible to fix) was surmounted by that part of the armorial bearings called the crest. a lady's glove or scarf was often introduced, and was not the least beautiful ornament. the templars and the knights of st. john were not permitted to adorn their helmets with the tokens either of nobility or of love; the simplicity of religion banishing all vain heraldic distinctions, and the soldier-priests being obliged, like the monks themselves, to pretend to that ascetic virtue which was so highly prized in the middle ages. all the splendour of chivalry is comprised in the helmet of prince arthur. "his haughty helmet, horrid all with gold, both glorious brightness and great terror bred; for all the crest a dragon did enfold with greedy paws, and over all did spred his golden wings: his dreadful hideous head close couched on the bever, seem'd to throw from flaming mouth bright sparkles fiery red, that sudden horror to faint hearts did show, and scaly tail was stretch'd adowne his back full low. "upon the top of all his lofty crest a bunch of hairs discoloured diversely, with sprinkled pearl and gold full richly drest, did shake and seem'd to dance for jollity, like to an almond-tree ymounted hye on top of green selinis all alone, with blossoms brave bedecked daintily; whose tender locks do tremble every one at every little breath that under heaven is blown."[ ] the helmet, with its vizor and bever, was carried by the squire, or page, on the pommel of his saddle, a very necessary measure for the relief of the knight, particularly when the sarcasm of the duke of orleans was applicable, that "if the english had any intellectual armour in their heads, they could never wear such heavy head-pieces."[ ] the reader should know, with the barber in don quixote, that, except in the hour of battle, a knight wore only an open casque, or bacinet, a light and easy covering. the bacinet derived its title from its resemblance to a basin; but the word was sometimes used, however improperly, for the helmet, the close helmet of knighthood. a vizor might be attached to the bacinet, and then the covering for the head became a helmet. bacinez à visieres are often spoken of. the helmet of war appeared to complete the perfection of defensive harness; for the lance broke hurtless on the plate of steel, the arrow and quarrel glanced away, and it is only in romance that we read of swords cutting through a solid front of iron, or piercing both plate and mail, as some bolder spirits say. "from top to toe no place appeared bare, that deadly dint of steel endanger may."[ ] [sidenote: the dagger of mercy.] the only way by which death could be inflicted was by thrusting a lance through the small holes in the vizor. such a mode of death was not very common, for the cavalier always bent his face almost to the saddle-bow when he charged. the knight, however, might be unhorsed in the shock of the two adverse lines, and he was in that case at the mercy of the foe who was left standing. but how to kill the human being inclosed in the rolling mass of steel was the question; and the armourer, therefore, invented a thin dagger, which could be inserted between the plates. this dagger was called the dagger of mercy, apparently a curious title, considering it was the instrument of death; but, in truth, the laws of chivalry obliged the conqueror to shew mercy, if, when the dagger was drawn, the prostrate foe yielded himself, rescue or no rescue. * * * * * it may be noticed that a dagger or short sword was worn by the knight even in days of chain mail, for the hauberk was a complete case. "straight from his courser leaps the victor knight, and bares his deadly blade to end the fight; the uplifted hauberk's skirt he draws aside, in his foe's flank the avenging steel is dyed."[ ] [sidenote: story of its use.] froissart's pages furnish us with an interesting tale, descriptive of the general chivalric custom, regarding the dagger of mercy. about the year , the lord of langurante in gascony rode forth with forty spears and approached the english fortress called cadilhac. he placed his company in ambush, and said to them, "sirs, tarry you still here, and i will go and ride to yonder fortress alone, and see if any will issue out against us." he then rode to the barriers of the castle, and desired the keeper to shew to bernard courant, their captain, how that the lord langurante was there, and desired to joust with him a course. "if he be so good a man, and so valiant in arms as it is said," continued the challenger, "he will not refuse it for his ladies sake: if he do, it shall turn him to much blame, for i shall report it wheresoever i go, that for cowardice he hath refused to run with me one course with a spear." a squire of bernard reported this message to his master, whose heart beginning to swell with ire, he cried, "get me my harness, and saddle my horse; he shall not go refused." incontinently he was armed, and mounted on his war steed, and taking his shield and spear, he rode through the gate and the barriers into the open field. the lord langurante seeing him coming was rejoiced, and couched his spear like a true knight, and so did bernard. their good horses dashed at each other, and their lances struck with such equal fierceness that their shields fell in pieces, and as they crossed bernard shouldered sir langurante's horse in such a manner that the lord fell out of the saddle. bernard turned his steed shortly round, and as the lord langurante was rising, his foe, who was a strong as well as a valiant squire, took his bacinet with both his hands, and wrenching it from his head, cast it under his horse's feet. on seeing all this the lord of langurante's men quitted their ambush, and were coming to the rescue of their master, when bernard drew his dagger, and said to the lord, "sir, yield you my prisoner, rescue or no rescue; or else you are but dead." the lord, who trusted to the rescue of his men, spoke not a word; and bernard then gave him a death-blow on his bare head, and dashing spurs into his horse, he fled within the barriers.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: value of enquiries into ancient armour.] such was the general state of armour in days of chivalry. a more detailed account of the subject cannot be interesting; for what boots it to know the exact form and dimensions of any of the numerous plates of steel that encased the knight. nor indeed was any shape constant long; for fashion was as variable and imperious in all her changes in those times as in ours; and as we turn with contempt from the military foppery of the present day, little gratification can be expected from too minute an inspection of the vanities of our forefather. chaucer says, "with him ther wenten knights many on, some wol ben armed in an habergeon, and in a breast-plate, and in a gipon; and som wol have a pair of plates large; and som wol have a pruse sheld or a targe. som wol ben armed on his legges well, and have an axe, and some a mace stele. ther n'is no newe guise, that it n'as old. _armed they weren_, as i have you told, _everich after his opinion_." [sidenote: a precise knowledge unattainable.] a chronological history of armour, minutely accurate, is unattainable, if any deduction may be made from the books of laborious dulness which have hitherto appeared on the armour of different countries. who can affirm that the oldest specimen which we possess of any particular form of harness is the earliest specimen of its kind? no one can determine the precise duration of a fashion; for after ruling the world for some time it suddenly disappears, but some years afterwards it rears it's head again to the confusion and dismay of our antiquarians. our best authorities sometimes fail us. the monumental effigies were not always carved at the moment of the knight's death: that the bust is tardily raised to buried merit is not the peculiar reproach of our times. it is complimenting the sculptors of the middle ages too highly if we suppose that they did not sometimes violate accuracy, in order to introduce some favorite fashion of their own days. as for the illuminations of manuscripts which are so much boasted of, they are often the attempts of a scribe to imitate antiquity, beautiful in respect of execution, but of problematical accuracy, and more frequently mark the age when the manuscript was copied, than that when the work was originally written. we know that violation of costume was common in the romances. thus, in the morte d'arthur, an unknown knight, completely armed, and having his vizor lowered so as to conceal his features, entered the hall of the king. again, "cometh sir launcelot du lake, ridand right into the hall; his steed and armour all was blake his visere over his eyen falle,"[ ] now if the romance whence the above lines are extracted is to be considered as a picture of the earliest days of chivalry it is certainly incorrect, for it was not before the middle age of knighthood that the face was concealed by a vizor, the earlier defence of the nasal piece certainly not serving as a mask. the romances are unexceptionable witnesses for the general customs of chivalry, but we cannot fix their statements to any particular time, for they were varied and improved by successive repetitions and transcriptions, and when they were rendered into prose still further changes were made in order to please the taste of the age. thus, in an old danish romance, a knight fighting for his lady remains on his horse; but when in the fifteenth century the tale was translated into the idioms of most chivalric countries, he is represented as alighting from his milk-white steed and giving it to his fair companion to hold; and the reason of this departure from the old ballad was, that the translators, wishing to make their work popular, adapted it to the manners of the age; and it was the general fashion then for the knights to dismount when they fought. [sidenote: its general features interesting] in spite of all our attempts at chronological accuracy, something or other is perpetually baffling us. we commonly think that mixed armour was the defensive harness in the days of our edward the third; but in chaucer's portrait of the knightly character of that time, only the haubergeon is assigned to the cavalier. plate-armour seems to have been the general costume of the fifteenth century; and in any pictorial exhibition of the murder of john duke of burgundy in the year , the artist who should represent the duke as harnessed in chain-mail, would be condemned by a synod of archæologists as guilty of an unpardonable anachronism; yet we know, on the unquestionable authority of monstrelet, that when the duke lay on the ground, olivier layet, assisted by pierre frotier, thrust a sword under the haubergeon into his belly; and that after he had been thus cruelly murdered, the dauphin's people stripped from him his coat of mail.[ ] but though it is difficult to determine the fashion of any part of armour in any particular century, and life may afford nobler occupations than considering the precise year and month when the normans gave up the clumsy expedient of inserting the sword through a hole in the hauberk, and adopted the more graceful and convenient form of a belt[ ], yet viewing the subject of armour in some of its broad features, matter of no slight interest may be found. we may not regard the precise form and fashion of a warrior's scarf, or care to enquire whether the embroidery were worked with gold or silver, but the general fact itself involves the state of manners and feelings among our ancestors: it carries us to the lady's bower where she was working this token of love; our fancy paints the time and mode of bestowing it; and we follow it through all the subsequent career of the knight as his silent monitor to courage and loyalty. [sidenote: the broad lines of the subject.] it is curious also to mark the perpetual efforts of defensive armour to meet the improvements in the art of destruction. chain-mail was found an inadequate protection; plates of steel were added, and still this mixed harness did not render the body invulnerable. the covering of steel alone at length became complete, and defensive harness reached its perfection. it is utterly impossible for us to state with accuracy the year when plate-armour began to be mixed with chain-mail in any particular country, or to determine what particular part of the body the first plate that was used defended; but the general features of the subject are known well enough to enable us to sketch to our imagination the military costume of some of the most remarkable events in the warfare of the middle ages. in the first crusade, the armour was in the rude state of mail worn on the tunic. there was the emblazoned surcoat, for that part of dress was of very early use; the hood was the common covering of the head, and when the helmet was worn it was of the simplest form, and occasionally had a nasal piece. the crusades began at the close of the eleventh century, and before the end of the thirteenth, not only was the hauberk composed of twisted mail, but mixed armour of plate and mail was common. the english wars in france during the reign of our edward iii. are the next subject to which our chivalric recollections recur. by that time plate had attained a general predominance over chain-mail. perhaps, at no period of chivalry was armour more beautiful than in those days when france was one vast tilting ground for the culled and choice-drawn cavaliers of the two mighty monarchies of europe. it was equally removed from the gloomy sternness of chain-mail, and the elaborate foppery of embossed steel: its solid plates satisfied the judicious eye by showing that the great principle of armour was chiefly attended to, and the surcoat and scarf gave the warrior's harness a character of neat and simple elegance. the horses, too, were barded in the most vulnerable parts; the symmetry of the form not being obscured, as it was in after-times by a casing of steel which left only part of the legs free of action. the helmet had its crest and silken ornament; the former being the sign of nobility, the latter of love: and no warriors were so justly entitled to those graceful tokens of ladies' favour, as the warriors of edward iii., for love was the inspiring soul of their chivalry.[ ] in the second series of our french wars complete plate-armour was in general fashion. gradually, as armour became more and more ponderous, the knights preferred to fight on foot with their lances. that mode of encounter was found best fitted for the display of skill, for in the rude encounter of the horses many cavaliers were thrown, and the field presented a ludicrous spectacle of rolling knights.[ ] some traces of the custom of cavalry dismounting may be found in the twelfth century. the practice grew as plate-armour became mixed with mail; and when complete suits of steel were worn, knights sought every occasion of dismounting; and they were wont to break their lances short for the convenience of the close conflict. as the spirit of chivalry died away, the military costume of chivalry increased in brilliancy and splendour. ingenuity and taste were perpetually varying decorations: the steel was sometimes studded with ornaments of gold and silver, and sometimes the luxury of the age was displayed in a complete suit of golden armour. "in arms they stood of golden panoply, refulgent host." but such splendour was only exhibited in the courteous tournament; less costly armour sheathed the warrior of the working day. armour gradually fell out of use as infantry began to be considered and felt as the principal force in war. it was not, however, till the beginning of the seventeenth century that the proud nobility of europe would abandon the mode of combat of their ancestors, and no longer hope that their iron armour of proof should hang up in their halls as an incentive to their children's valour. "they first laid aside the jambes or steel boots; then the shield was abandoned, and next the covering for the arms. when the cavalry disused the lance, the cuisses were no longer worn to guard against its thrust, and the stout leathern or buff coat hung down from beneath the body armour to the knees, and supplied the place of the discarded steel. the helmet was later deprived of its useless vizor; but before the middle of the seventeenth century nothing remained of the ancient harness but the open cap and the breasts and backs of steel, which the heavy cavalry of the continent have more or less worn to our times. in our service these have been but lately revived for the equipment of the finest cavalry in europe, the british life-guards, who, unaided by such defences, tore the laurels of waterloo from the cuirassiers of france."[ ] [sidenote: excellence of italian armour.] the history of armour would be interesting in another point of view, if any of the great battles in the middle ages had been decided by the superior qualities of any particular weapon possessed by either side. no such circumstances are recorded. nor can we trace the progress of armour through the various countries of chivalry. but the superiority of italian civilisation, and our knowledge that the long-pointed sword was invented in italy, authorise our giving much honour to the italians; and we also know that down to the very latest period of chivalric history milanese armour was particularly esteemed.[ ] germany, as far as the ancient martial costume of that country is known, can claim nothing of invention, nor did armour always take in that country during its course from italy through other lands. france quickly received all the varieties in armour of italian ingenuity, and in a few years they, passed into england. this geographical course was not however the usual mode of communicating ideas in chivalric ages. knights of various countries met in tournaments, and in those splendid scenes every description of armour was displayed, and fashions were interchanged. notwithstanding the general similarity of costume which these gallant and friendly meetings of cavaliers in tournaments were likely to produce, each nation had its peculiarities which it never resigned. thus it may be mentioned that the swords of the germans and also of the normans were always large, and that those of the french were short. as the bow was the great weapon of the normans, the attendants of the english knights used the bow more frequently than similar attendants in any other country. the peasantry of scotland, in spite of repeated statutes, never would use the bow: spears and axes were their weapons, while their missiles were cross-bows and culverins. the mace was also a favourite, and their swords were of excellent temper. their defensive armour was the plate-jack, hauberk, or brigantine; and a voluminous handkerchief round their neck, "not for cold but for cutting," as one of their writers describes it. almost all the scottish forces, except a few knights, men-at-arms, and the border prickers, who formed excellent light cavalry, acted upon foot.[ ] [sidenote: of the knight's armour; of the squire, &c.] little need be said concerning the military costume of the esquire, and the men-at-arms. the esquire wore silver spurs in distinction from the golden spurs of the knight; but when an esquire as a member of the third class of chivalry held a distinct command, he was permitted to bear at the end of his lance a penoncel, or small triangular streamer. in countries where the bow was not used, the weapons of the men-at-arms were generally the lance and the sword. this was the case when the knight led his personal retainers to battle; but when his followers were the people of any particular town which he protected, few chivalric arms were borne, and the bill more frequently than the spear was brought into the field. the cross-bow can hardly be considered a weapon of chivalry. it required no strength of arm like the long-bow; it allowed none of that personal display which was the soul of knighthood. the popes, to their honour, frequently condemned its use; and it was more often bent by mercenaries than the regular attendants of knights. the men-at-arms generally fought on horseback, and it often happened that archers, after the asiatic mode, were mounted. the defensive armour of the knight's attendants was not so complete as his own, for they could not afford its costliness, and difference of rank was marked by difference of harness. thus, in france, only persons possessed of a certain estate were permitted to wear the haubergeon, while esquires had nothing more than a simple coat of mail, without hood or hose[ ], though their rank in nobility might equal that of the knights. the men-at-arms had generally the pectoral and the shield, and the morion or open helmet, without vizor or beaver. they frequently wore a long and large garment called the aketon, gambeson, or jack, formed of various folds of linen cloth or leather: but it is totally impossible to give any useful or interesting information on a subject which caprice or poverty perpetually varied. * * * * * [sidenote: allegories made on armour.] armour had other purposes in the mind of the knight besides its common and apparent use. days of chivalry were especially times when imagination was in its freest exercise, and every thing was full of allegories and recondite meanings. to the knight a sword was given in resemblance of a cross to signify the death of christ, and to instruct him that he ought to destroy the enemies of religion by the sword. this is intelligible; but there is something apparently arbitrary in the double edge signifying that a knight should maintain chivalry and justice. the spear, on account of its straitness, was the emblem of truth, and the iron head meant strength, which truth should possess. the force and power of courage were expressed by the mace. the helmet conveyed the idea of shamefacedness; and the hauberk was emblematical of the spiritual panoply which should protect a man and a soldier from the vices to which his nature was liable. the spurs meant diligence. the gorget was the sign of obedience; for as the gorget went about the neck protecting it from wounds, so the virtue of obedience kept a knight within the commands of his sovereign and the order of chivalry; and thus neither treason nor any other foe to virtue corrupted the oath he had taken to his lord and knighthood. the shield showed the office of a knight; for as the knight placed his shield between himself and his enemy, so the knight was the barrier between the king and the people, and as the stroke of a sword fell upon the shield and saved the knight, so it behoved the knight to present his body before his lord when he was in danger. the equipment and barding of the horse furnished also subjects of instruction. the saddle meant safety of courage; for as by the saddle a knight was safe on his horse, so courage was the knight's best security in the field. the great size of the saddle was regarded as emblematical of the greatness of the chivalric charge. it was added, that as the head of a horse went before its rider, so should reason precede all the acts of a knight; and as the armour at the head of a horse defended the horse, so reason kept the knight from blame. the defensive armour of a horse illustrated the necessity of wealth to a knight; for a knight without estate could not maintain the honours of chivalry, and be protected from temptation, for poverty opens the door to treason and vice. it was in this manner that the romantic imaginations of the knights of chivalry drew moralities from subjects apparently little capable of furnishing instruction; and then assuming a more sober and rational tone, they would exclaim that chivalry was not in the horse, nor in the arms, but was in the knight, who taught his horse well, and accustomed himself and his sons to noble actions and virtuous deeds; and a foul and recreant knight, who taught himself and his son evil works, converted one into the other, the cavaleresque and equestrian qualities, making himself and his son beasts, and his horse a knight.[ ] [sidenote: the horse of the knight.] before we close our account of the cavalier's equipment, something must be said regarding his steed, his _good_ steed, as he was fond of calling him. the horse of the knight was necessarily an animal of great power when his charge was a cavalier with his weighty armour. the horses of spain were highly famed. in the country itself those of asturia were preferred, but in other chivalric states they regarded not the particular province wherein the horse was bred.[ ] the favourite steed of william the conqueror came from spain. the crusades were certainly the means of bringing asiatic horses into europe; and it was found that the arabian, though smaller than the bony charger of the west, had a compensating power in his superior spirit. french and english romance writers were not from natural prejudices disposed to praise any productions of heathenesse, yet the arabian horse is frequently commended by them. that doughty knight, guy, a son of sir bevis of hampton, ----"bestrode a _rabyte_,[ ] that was mickle and nought _light_,[ ] that sir bevis in paynim lond had iwunnen with his hond." the arab horse was the standard of perfection, as is evident from the romancer's praise of the two celebrated steeds, favel and lyard, which richard coeur de lion procured at cyprus. "in the world was not their peer, dromedary, nor destreer, steed, rabyte, ne camayl, that ran so swift sans fail. for a thousand pounds of gold should not that one be sold." the arabian horse must have been already prepared for part of the discipline of a chivalric horse. on his own sandy plains he had been accustomed to stop his career when his fleetness had cast the rider from his seat; and in the encounter of lances so often were knights overthrown, that to stand firm, ready to be mounted again, was a high quality of a good horse. the steed of the cid was very much celebrated in spain; and, in acknowledgment for an act of great kindness, the owner wished to present him to the king, alfonso of castile. to induce the king to accept him, he showed his qualities. "with that the cid, clad as he was in mantle furr'd and wide, on bavieca vaulting, put the rowel in his side; and up and down, and round and round, so fierce was his career, stream'd like a pennon on the wind ruy diaz' minivere. and all that saw them prais'd them,--they lauded man and horse, as matched well, and rivalless for gallantry and force. ne'er had they look'd on horseman might to this knight come near, nor on other charger worthy of such a cavalier. thus, to and fro a-rushing, the fierce and furious steed, he snapp'd in twain his hither rein:--'god pity now the cid;' 'god pity diaz,' cried the lords;--but when they look'd again, they saw ruz diaz ruling him with the fragment of his rein; they saw him proudly ruling, with gesture firm and calm, like a true lord commanding,--and obey'd as by a lamb. and so he led him foaming and panting to the king, but 'no,' said don alphonso, 'it were a shameful thing that peerless bavieca should ever be bestrid by any mortal but bivar,--mount, mount again, my cid.'"[ ] it has been often said that the knight had always his ambling palfrey, on which he rode till the hour of battle arrived; and that the war-horse, from the circumstance of his being led by the right hand of the squire, was called dextrarius.[ ] with respect to sovereigns and men of great estate this was certainly the custom, but it was by no means a general chivalric practice. froissart's pages are a perfect picture of knightly riding and combatting; and each of his favorite cavaliers seems to have had but one and the same steed for the road and the battle-plain. even romance, so prone to exaggerate, commonly represents the usage as similar; for when we find that a damsel is rescued, she is not placed upon a spare horse, but the knight mounts her behind himself.[ ] the _destrier_, _cheval de lance_, or war-steed, was armed or barded[ ] very much on the plan of the harness of the knight himself, and was defended, therefore, by mail or plate, agreeably to the fashion of the age. his head, chest, and flanks were either wholly or partially protected, and sometimes, on occasions of pomp, he was clad in complete steel, with the arms of his master engraven or embossed on his bardings. his caparisons and housings frequently descended so low that they were justly termed bases, from the french _bas à bas_, upon the ground. his head, too, was ornamented with a crest, like the helmet of a knight. the bridle of the horse was always as splendid as the circumstances of the knight allowed; and thus a horse was often called brigliadore, from _briglia d'oro_, a bridle of gold. the knight was fond of ornamenting the partner of his perils and glories. the horse was not always like that of chaucer's knight; "his hors was good, but he was not gay." bells were a very favourite addition to the equipment of a horse, particularly in the early times of chivalry. an old troubadour poet, arnold of marsan, states very grave reasons for wearing them. he says, "let the neck of the knight's horse be garnished with bells well hung. nothing is more proper to inspire confidence in a knight, and terror in an enemy." the war-horse of a soldier of a religious order of knighthood might have his collar of bells, for their jangling was loved by a monk himself. "and when he rode men might his bridel hear, gingeling in a whistling wind as clere, and eke as loud as doth the chapel bell." but here the comparison ceases, for the horse-furniture of the religious soldiers was ordered to be free from all golden and silver ornaments.[ ] this regulation was however ill observed; for the knights-templars in the middle of the thirteenth century were censured for having their bridles embroidered, or gilded, or adorned with silver.[ ] chap. iv. the chivalric character. _general array of knights ... companions in arms ... the nature of a cavalier's valiancy ... singular bravery of sir robert knowles ... bravery incited by vows ... fantastic circumstances ... the humanities of chivalric war ... ransoming ... reason of courtesies in battles ... curious pride of knighthood ... prisoners ... instance of knightly honour ... independence of knights, and knight errantry ... knights fought the battles of other countries ... english knights dislike wars in spain ... their disgust at spanish wines ... principles of their active conduct ... knightly independence consistent with discipline ... religion of the knight ... his devotion ... his intolerance ... general nature of his virtue ... fidelity to obligations ... generousness ... singular instance of it ... romantic excess of it ... liberality ... humility ... courtesy ..._ every day life of the knight _... falconry ... chess playing ... story of a knight's love of chess ... minstrelsy ... romances ... conversation ... nature and form of chivalric entertainments ... festival and vow of the pheasant._ [sidenote: general array of knights.] the knight was accompanied into the field by his squires and pages, by his armed vassals on horseback and on foot, all bearing his cognisance. the number of these attendants varied necessarily with his estate, and also the occasion that induced him to arm; and i should weary, without instructing my readers, were i to insert in these volumes all the petty details of history regarding the amount of force which in various countries, and in different periods of the same country's annals, constituted, to use the phraseology of the middle ages, the complement of a lance. armies were reckoned by lances, each lance meaning the knight himself with his men-at-arms, or lighter cavalry, and his foot soldiers. * * * * * [sidenote: companions in arms.] the knight was not only supported by his vassals, who formed the furniture of his lance, but by his brother in arms, when such an intercourse subsisted between two cavaliers; and instances of such unions are extremely frequent in chivalric history: they may be met with in other annals. in the early days of greece, brotherhood in arms was a well-known form of friendship: the two companions engaged never to abandon each other in affairs however perilous, and in pledge of their mutual faith they exchanged armour. no stronger proof of affection could be given than thus parting with what they held most dear. among barbarous people the fraternity of arms was established by the horrid custom of the new brothers drinking each other's blood: but if this practice was barbarous, nothing was farther from barbarism than the sentiment which inspired it. the chivalry of europe borrowed this sacred bond from the scandinavians, among whom the future brothers in arms mingled their blood, and then tasted it. "father of slaughter, odin, say, rememberest not the former day, when ruddy in the goblet stood, for mutual drink, our blended blood? rememberest not, thou then dids't swear, the festive banquet ne'er to share, unless thy brother lok was there?"[ ] this custom, like most others of pagan europe, was corrected and softened by the light and humanity of religion. fraternal adoptions then took place in churches, in presence of relations, and with the sanction of priests. the knights vowed that they would never injure or vilify each other, that they would share each other's dangers; and in sign of the perfection of love, and of true unity, and in order to possess, as much as they could, the same heart and resolves, they solemnly promised true fraternity and companionship of arms.[ ] they then received the holy sacrament, and the priest blessed the union. it was a point rather of generous understanding than of regular convention, that they would divide equally all their acquisitions. of this custom an instance may be given. robert de oily and roger de ivery, two young gentlemen who came into england with the duke of normandy, were sworn brothers. some time after the conquest, the king granted the two great honours of oxford, and st. waleries, to robert de oily, who immediately bestowed one of them, that of st. waleries, on his sworn brother, roger de ivery[ ]. fraternity of arms was entered into for a specific object, or general knightly quests, for a limited term, or for life. it did not always occur, however, that the fraternity of arms was established with religious solemnities: but whatever might have been the ceremonies, the obligation was ever considered sacred; so sacred, indeed, that romance writers did not startle their readers by a tale, whose interest hangs upon the circumstance of a knight slaying his two infant children for the sake of compounding a medicine with their blood which should heal the leprosy of his brother in arms.[ ] this form of attachment was the strongest tie in chivalry. "from this day forward, ever mo neither fail, either for weal or wo, to help other at need, brother, be now true to me, and i shall be as true to thee." so said sir amylion to sir amys, and it was the common language of chivalry. friendship was carried to the romantic extremity of the homeric age. brethren in arms adopted all the enmities and loves of each other, "a generous friendship no cold medium knows, burns with one love, with one resentment glows." and so powerful was the obligation that it even superseded the duty of knighthood to womankind. a lady might in vain have claimed the protection of a cavalier, if he could allege that at that moment he was bound to fly to the succour of his brother in arms. * * * * * [sidenote: qualities of the chivalric character.] thus accompanied, the knight proceeded to achieve the high emprises of his noble and gallant calling. both the principles and the objects of chivalry having been always the same, a general similarity of character existed through all the chivalric ages; and as certain moral combinations divide human nature into classes, so the knight was a distinct character, and the qualities peculiar to his order may be delineated in one picture, notwithstanding individual and national variations, which had better be described when we come to mark the degrees of the influence of chivalry in the different countries of europe. [sidenote: the nature of their valiancy.] [sidenote: singular bravery of sir robert knowles.] the courage of the knight is the part of his character which naturally calls for our first attention. it was daring and enterprising: but i cannot insist upon recklessness of danger as the quality of chivalry only, for in every nation's battles, to be the first to advance and the last to retreat have been the ambition of warriors. the knight however cared little for the cause or necessity of his doing battle so that he could display his valour. about the year , sir robert knowles marched through france, and laid waste the country as far as the very gates of the capital. a knight was in his company, who had made a vow that he would ride to the walls or gates of paris, and strike at the barriers[ ] with a spear. and for the finishing of his vow he departed from his company, his spear in his hand, his shield suspended from his neck, armed at all points, and mounted on a good horse, his squire following him on another, with his helmet. when he approached paris he put on the glittering head-piece, and leaving his squire behind him, and dashing his spurs into his steed, he rode at full career to the barriers which were then open. the french lords, who were there, weened that he would have entered the town, but that was not his mind, for when he had struck the barriers according to his vow, he turned his rein and departed. then the knights of france immediately divined his purpose, and cried, "go your way; you have right well acquitted yourself."[ ] about the same time a band of english knights advanced to the french town of noyon, and spread their banners abroad, as a defiance to the garrison. but the french made no sally; and a scottish knight, named sir john swinton, impatient of rest, departed from his company, his spear in his hand, and mounted on a _cheval de lance_, his page behind him, and in that manner approached the barriers. he then alighted, and saying to his page, "hold, keep my horse, and depart not hence," he went to the barriers. within the pallisades were many good knights, who had great marvel what this said knight would do. then swinton said to them, "sirs, i am come hither to see you; as you will not issue out of your barriers, i will enter them, and prove my knighthood against yours. win me if you can!" he then fought with the french cavaliers, and so skilfully, that he wounded two or three of them; the people on the walls and the tops of the houses remaining still, for they had great pleasure to regard his valiantness, and the gallant knights of france charged them not to cast any missiles against him, but to let the battle go fairly and freely forward. so long they fought that at last the page went to the barriers, and said to his master, "sir, come away; it is time for you to depart, for your company are leaving the field." the knight heard him well, and then gave two or three strokes about him, and armed as he was he leapt over the barriers, and vaulting upon his horse behind his faithful page, he waved his hand to the frenchmen, and cried, "adieu, sirs, i thank you." he then urged his noble horse to speed, and rode to his own company. this goodly feat of arms was praised by many folks.[ ] [sidenote: bravery incited by vows.] this love of causeless perils was often accompanied by curious circumstances. on the manners of the ancestors of the heroes of chivalry it has been said, "in the caverns of the west, by odin's fierce embrace comprest, a wond'rous boy shall rinda bear, who ne'er shall comb his raven hair, nor wash his visage in the stream, nor see the sun's departing beam, till he on hoder's corse shall smile flaming on the fun'ral pile!" [sidenote: fantastic circumstances.] and king harold made a solemn vow never to clip or comb his hair till he should have extended his sway over the whole country. tacitus informs us, that the youthful germans, particularly those among the catti, did not shave the hair from the head or chin until they had achieved renown in arms. the same feeling influenced the knight of chivalry. he was wont to wear a chain on his arm or leg until he had performed some distinguishing exploit; and when his merit became conspicuous, the mark of thraldom was removed with great solemnity.[ ] a young knight would not at first assume his family arms, but wore plain armour and shield without any device till he had won renown. he would even fight blindfold, or pinion one of his hands to his body, or in some other manner partially disable himself from performing his deed, of arms. before the gate of troyes there was an english squire, resolved to achieve some high and romantic feat. his companions were unable to judge whether or not he could see, but with his spear in his hand, and his targe suspended from his neck, he recklessly spurred his horse to the barriers, leaped over them, and careered to the gate of the town, where the duke of burgundy and other great lords of france were standing. he reined round his foaming steed and urged him back towards the camp. the duke shouted applause at his boldness: but some surrounding men-at-arms had not the same generous sympathy for noble chivalry, and they hurled their lances like javelins at the brave squire, till they brought him and his horse dead to the ground, wherewith the duke of burgundy was right sore displeased.[ ] equally singular, and more fantastic, was the conduct of certain young knights of england during the french wars of edward iii., for each of them bound up one of his eyes with a silk ribbon, and swore before the ladies and the peacock, that he would not see with both eyes until he had accomplished certain deeds of arms in france.[ ] [sidenote: the sageness of knights]. nothing appears incredible in romances after reading these tales of a very faithful historian; but we should wrong chivalry were we to suppose that this wild, this phrenetic, courage was its chief character. perhaps it was in general the quality of young soldiers only; for discretion was certainly a part of cavaleresque valour. that a knight was sage is frequently said to his honour. not, indeed, that his skill ever degenerated into the subtlety of stratagem, for bold and open[ ] battle was always preferred to the refinements of artifice, and he would have debased his order if he had profited by any mischance happening to his foe. but in the choice of ground, in the disposition of his squires and men-at-arms, he exerted his best skill, for to be adventurous was only one part of valour. the soldier in chivalry was also imaginative, a word constantly used by our old authors to show a mind full of resources, and to express military abilities.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: their humanities of war.] there was not so much ruthlessness in his heroism as distinguished those ages of the ancient world which fancy and poetry have sometimes painted as chivalrous. the prostrate and suppliant foe seldom sued for mercy in vain from the true knight. it was a maxim, that a warrior without pity was without worship.[ ] even the pride of knighthood often softened the fierce and rugged face of war, for inferior people were spared, because they were unworthy of the lance. a knight trained to warlike exercises cared little for a battle unless he could prove his skilful bearing; and what honour could he gain from slaying rude and unarmed peasantry? the simple peasant was often spared from motives of prudence. richard brembrow, an english knight, was ravaging brittany, in the year , but was reproached for his conduct by beaumanoir, a partisan of the house of blois, who was astonished that a valiant cavalier should make war, not only on men bearing arms, but on labourers and others. "in all wars guided by chivalric principles," continued the knight of brittany, "true soldiers never injure the tillers of the ground; for if they were to do so, the world would be destroyed by famine."[ ] more generous feelings, however, sometimes had their influence. the stern du guesclin, when on his death-bed, desired his old companions in arms to remember that "neither the clergy, nor women, nor children, nor poor people, were their enemies;" and the charge came with peculiar propriety from him, for his past life could furnish no instance of needless severity. to show the reverse of such mildness was the unhappy fate of the black prince, who, by his massacre of three thousand people at limoges[ ], tarnished the lustre of all his former glories. the narrative of this affair which froissart has left us, shews that such barbarities were not so frequent in chivalric times as modern hatred of aristocratical power has represented. we may learn from our historian that the massacre at limoges proceeded from the unhappy disposition to cruelty which at that time clouded the mind of the prince of wales, and not from the general principles of chivalry; for he tells us, that the knights prepared themselves to do evil, to slay men, women, and children, because they were so commanded; and he whose heart leaped for joy in describing a manly conflict, where banners and standards waved in the wind, with horses barded, and knights and squires richly armed, yet sighs over the massacre of limoges, and says it was "great pity" to see the slaughter.[ ] it was only when cities that belonged to the enemies of the church were taken, that the sword of the victorious christian was embrued in blood to the very hilt; for pagans, saracens, jews, and heretics were not considered within the pale of the humane courtesies of chivalry. frequent pauses were made in the single encounters of knighthood, for generousness was thought an essential part of bravery, and the soldier would rather vanquish by his skill than by any accidental advantage. a giant of the first enormity requested of his antagonist, sir guy of warwick, a momentary respite for the purpose of slaking his thirst in a neighbouring stream. the noble knight assented to this request, and the giant, perfectly recovered from his fatigue, renewed the combat with fresh vigour. sir guy, in his turn, was oppressed by heat and fatigue, and requested a similar favour; but the uncourteous giant refused.[ ] in a battle between the celebrated roland and a saracen knight, named sir otuel, a stroke of the former's sword cut into the brain of his antagonist's horse. the paladin of charlemagne, with true chivalric courtesy, reined in his steed, and rested on his arms till sir otuel had disengaged himself from the equipments of his horse. the saracen rallied him for want of skill in missing his gigantic frame; but on the renewal of the battle otuel was guilty of a similar awkwardness, and conscious that his raillery might now be retorted with double force, he imitated the knightly courtesy of roland, and waited till his foe was completely free from his fallen steed.[ ] the preliminaries of a battle between the famous oliver and a saracen cavalier, hight sir ferumbras, was still more courteous, for the christian knight assisted his foe to lace his helmet, and before they encountered, the combatants politely bowed to each other.[ ] veracious chroniclers confirm the stories of romance writers. in a battle of honour between the english and french, when it was thought contrary to chivalry for either party to be more numerous than the other, the knights contended for several hours with intervals of repose. when any two of them had fought so long as to be fatigued, they fairly and easily departed, and sat themselves down by the side of a stream, and took off their helmets. on being refreshed they donned their armour, and returned to the fight.[ ] [sidenote: ransoming] [sidenote: reason of courtesies in battles.] we commonly refer to the principles of honour in chivalry to account for the interesting fact, that a victorious knight permitted his prisoner to go to his own country or town, in order to fetch his ransom; and we know that his word of honour was considered a sufficient pledge for his return at the appointed season. the true reason of this general practice of chivalry may be learnt from a passage in froissart. after describing a battle between the english and french in the year , he says, that the english dealt like good companions with their prisoners; and suffered many to depart on their oaths and promises to return again at a certain day to bergerac or to bourdeaux.[ ] the scots were equally courteous to the english after the truly chivalric battle of otterbourn. they set them to their ransom, and every man said to his prisoner, "sir, go and unarm yourself, and take your ease;" and so made their prisoners as good cheer as if they had been brethren, without doing them any injury.[ ] a short while after the battle sir matthew redman yielded himself prisoner to sir james lindsay, rescue or no rescue, so that he dealt with him like a good companion.[ ] it was, therefore, because all the knights of europe were united in one universal bond of brotherhood, that one knight showed courtesy to another. it was the principle of fraternity which the christian religion inculcates, that created all the kindly consideration in war which distinguished chivalry; and base and barbarous, as we may chuse to call our ancestors, i know not whether the principles of christian friendship were not as well understood in their days as in our own age of boasted light and improvement. there is truth as well as beauty in froissart's observation, that "nobleness and gentleness ought to be aided by nobles and gentles." not only were prisoners released on their parole of honour, but their ransom was never set so high that they could not pay it at their ease, and still maintain their degree.[ ] [sidenote: curious pride of knighthood.] [sidenote: prisoners.] one curious particular, illustrative of knightly dignity, remains to be mentioned. it was beneath the bearing of chivalry for a cavalier to surrender himself prisoner to one of the raskall rout, and if he ever was reduced to such a sad necessity he would amuse his pride by raising his conqueror to the rank of chivalry. the earl of suffolk, during our wars in france, was taken prisoner by william renaud; but he would not surrender to him until he had given him the accolade, bound a sword round him, and thus dignified him with knighthood. but there was no loss of chivalric dignity in a knight being taken prisoner by a squire, for a squire, though inferior in rank, was of the same quality as a knight. the renowned du guesclin, whom i so often mention as a pattern of chivalry, yielded to the prowess of a squire of england who fought under the standard of sir john chandos. [sidenote: instance of knightly honour.] in the course of the fourteenth century the duke of gueldres was taken prisoner by a squire named arnold, and was removed to a castle, where he promised to pay his ransom. the lords of prussia, hearing that the duke had been captured in his course to their country, summoned a mighty force, and marched to the place of the duke's confinement. the squire dreaded their power, and resolved to quit the castle: but before his departure he went to the duke of gueldres, and said to him, "sir duke, you are my prisoner, and i am your master: you are a gentleman and a true knight; you have sworn and given me your faith, and whithersoever i go you ought to follow me. i cannot tell if you have sent for the great master of prussia or not, but he is coming hither with a mighty power. i shall not remain: you may tarry if you list, and i will take with me your faith and promise." gueldres made no answer. the squire soon afterwards mounted horse and departed, telling the duke that he would always find him at such a place, naming a strong castle, in a remote situation. the prussians soon arrived and liberated their friend: but he resolved to perform his promise to the squire whom he called his master, and neither absolution, nor dispensation, nor argument, nor raillery could induce him to break his faith. his friends and relations then treated with the squire for his freedom, and by paying the customary ransom the duke of gueldres recovered that honourable liberty of mind which above all things was dear to the true knight.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: independence of knights and knight errantry.] certainly the virtues of a knight were not necessarily patriotic. they were rather calculated to weaken than to strengthen his tendencies to king and country. although as an individual he was bound to his native land, yet the character of his knighthood was perpetually pressing him to a course of conduct distinct from all national objects. he was the judge of right and wrong[ ]; he referred to no external standard of equity; he was an independent agent. these qualities of chivalry gave birth to knight errantry, that singular feature in the character of the middle ages. "long so they travell'd through wasteful ways, where dangers dwelt and perils most did wonne, to hunt for glory and renowned praise: full many countries they did overrun, from the uprising to the setting sun, and many hard adventures did atchieve; of all the which they honour ever wonne, seeking the weak oppressed to relieve, and to recover right for such as wrong did grieve."[ ] it was considered the first praise of knighthood to efface foul outrage, and the advantages arising to society from this disposition are confessed even by satirists. ------------"knyghtes shoulde ryden and rappe adoune in remes aboute, and to take trespassours and tye them faste. * * * * * truly to take, and truly to fight, is the profession and the pure order that apendeth to knights."[ ] the happy consequences to woman of this chivalric principle, and its tendencies to ameliorate manners, will best be seen in our delineation of the character of dames and damsels in the middle ages. with respect to the general interests of society it may be observed, that knight errantry was a very considerable means of correcting the state of violence and misrule in feudal times. the monks of st. albans held a body of knights in pay, who defended the abbey and preserved the roads free from robbers, whether of the baronial or the vulgar class.[ ] until the discipline of laws had tamed the world into order, force was the only measure of power; and it was by the sword alone that injuries committed by the sword could be avenged. the protection of the wronged being a great principle of chivalry, no oppressed person was at a loss for a mode of redress. some gentle knight was ever to be found who would lay his lance in its rest to chastise the evil doer. while edward the first was travelling in france, he heard that a lord of burgundy was continually committing outrages on the persons and property of his neighbours. in the true spirit of chivalry edward attacked the castle of this uncourteous baron. his prowess asserted the cause of justice; and he bestowed the domains which he had won upon a nobler and more deserving lord.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: knights fought the battles of other countries.] [sidenote: englishmen's disgust at spanish wines.] when he was neither engaged in his country's wars, nor errant in quest of adventures, the knight fought among the chivalry of foreign princes. this was a matter of daily occurrence; the english knights obtaining licences from the king on their pledging the honour of their chivalry not to disclose the secrets of the court, nor to fight on the side of the nation's enemies. it is curious to observe that the service of france was always preferred by the english adventurers to that of spain or portugal. france, they said, was a good, sweet country, and temperate, possessing pleasant towns and fair rivers, but castile was full of barren rocks and mountains, the air was unwholesome, the waters were troubled, and the people were poor and evil arrayed. the wines of spain formed, however, the principal grievance. the english complained that they were so strong and fiery as to corrupt their heads, dry their bowels, and consume their very livers; and what with hot suns and hot wines englishmen, who in their own country were sweetly nourished, were in castile burnt without and within. there is another passage of froissart which i shall lay before the reader in the right genuine and expressive old english of john bourchier, knight, lord berners. "the englishmen ate grapes (in spain) when they might get them, and drank of the hot wines, and the more they drank the more they were set on fire, and thereby burnt their livers and lungs; for that diet was contrary to their nature. englishmen are nourished with good meats and with ale, which keep their bodies in temper." in spain the nights were hot because of the great heat of the day, and the mornings marvellously cold, which deceives them; for in the night they could suffer nothing on them, and so slept all naked, and in the morning cold took them ere they were aware, and that cast them into fevers and fluxes without remedy, and as well died great men as mean people.[ ] [sidenote: principles of this active conduct.] all this adventurousness proceeded from the principle, that the life of a knight was not to be regarded as a course of personal indulgence. his virtues were of an active, stirring nature, and he was not permitted to waste his days in dark obscurity, or to revel in ease. like falcons that disdained confinement, he could not remain long at rest without wishing to roam abroad. "why do we not array ourselves and go and see the bounds and ports of normandy?" were the words of war by which our english knights and squires would rouse one another to arms. "there be knights and squires to awake us and to fight with us."[ ] and honour was always the quest of the true knight. "in woods, in waves, in wars she wont to dwell, and will be found with peril and with pain; nor can the man that moulders in idle cell, unto her happy mansion attain. before her gate high god did sweat ordain, and wakeful watchers ever to abide: but easy is the way and passage plain to pleasure's palace: it may soon be spide, and day and night her doors to all stand open wide."[ ] [sidenote: knightly independence consistent with discipline.] it has often been supposed[ ] that the chivalric array must have been inconvenient to the feudal and national disposition of armies, and that knightly honours would be continually striving with other distinctions for pre-eminence. but this supposition has arisen from a want of attention to chivalric principles. chivalry was not opposed to national institutions; it was a feeling of honour that pervaded without disturbing society; and knightly distinctions were altogether independent of ranks in the state. as every lord was educated in chivalry, he was of course a knight; but he led his troops into the field in consequence of his feudal possessions; and any that were attached to his knighthood, it would be in vain to enquire after. the array of an army was always formed agreeably to the sageness and imagination of the constable, or marshal, or whatever other officer of the nation was commander, without the slightest reference to chivalry. a squire frequently led knights, certainly not on account of his chivalric title, but by reason of favour or merit, or any other of the infinity of causes that occasion advancement. * * * * * [sidenote: religion of the knight.] [sidenote: his devotion.] the religion of the knight was generally the religion of the time; and it would be idle to expect to see religious reformers start from the bands of an unlettered soldiery, whose swords had been consecrated by the church. the warrior said many orisons every day; besides a nocturne of the psalter, matins of our lady, of the holy ghost, and of the cross, and also the dirige.[ ] the service of the mass was usually performed by both armies in the presence of each other before a battle; and no warrior would fight without secretly breathing a prayer to god or a favourite saint. brevity was an important feature in a soldier's devotion, as the following anecdote proves. when the french cavalier, lahire, had just reached his army, he met a chaplain, from whom he demanded absolution. the priest required him to confess his sins. but the knight answered he had not time, for he wanted immediately to attack the enemy. he added, that a minute disclosure of his offences was not necessary, for he had only been guilty of sins common to cavaliers, and the chaplain well knew what those sins were. the priest thereupon absolved him, and lahire raised his hands to heaven, and exclaimed, "god, i pray thee that thou wouldest do to-day for lahire as much as thou wouldest lahire should do for thee, if he were god and thou wert lahire." he then dashed spurs into his horse, and his falchion was stained with foeman's blood before the good chaplain had recovered from his astonishment at this singular form of prayer. the union of religion and arms was displayed in a very remarkable manner at a joust which was held at berwick, in the year . the lance of an english knight pierced the helmet of his scottish opponent, william de ramsey, and nailed it to his head. it being instantly perceived that the wound was mortal, a priest was hastily sent for. the knight was shriven in his helm, and soon afterwards died, and the good earl of derby, who was present, was so much delighted at the religious and chivalric mode of the scotsman's death, that he hoped god of his grace would vouchsafe to send him a similar end.[ ] the knight visited sacred places, and adopted all the superstitions, whether mild or terrible, and the full spirit of intolerant fierceness, of his time. the defence of the church formed part of his obligation. "chevaliers en ce monde cy ne peuvent vivre sans soucy: ils doivent le peuple défendre, et leur sang pour la foi espandre." [sidenote: his intolerance.] the knight knew no other argument than the sword to gainsay the infidel, and he was ready at all times to "thrust it into the belly of a heretic as far as it would go." this was the feeling in all chivalric times; but st. louis was the knight who had the merit of arraying it in the form of a maxim. the wars of these soldiers of the church were not purely defensive. the cavalier fought openly and offensively against heretics. this was part of the spirit and essence of his character, encouraged by the crusades, and the principles of the military orders; and thus no knight's military reputation was perfect, unless it was adorned with laurels which had been won in heathennesse as well as in christendom; for it was the general opinion, that, as heaven had chosen learned clerks to maintain the holy catholic faith with scripture and reason against the miscreants and unbelievers, so knights had also been chosen, in order that the miscreants might be vanquished by force of arms.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: general nature of his virtue.] the highest possible degree of virtue was required of a knight: it was a maxim in chivalry, that he who ordained another a knight must be virtuous himself; for it was argued if the knight who made a knight were not virtuous, how could he give that which he had not; and no man could be a true son of chivalry unless he were of unsullied life.[ ] he was not only to be virtuous, but without reproach; for he considered his honourable fame as a polished mirror, whose beauty may be lost by an impure breath and an unwholesome air, as well as by being broken into pieces. but there was nothing so abstract and refined in the nature of knightly virtue as has been generally thought. it was the duty of the cavalier to peril himself in the cause of the afflicted and of the church; and his exertions and endeavours to perform the conditions of his oath of chivalry were to be rewarded, not by the mere gratification of any metaphysical fancies, but by the hope of joy in heaven. this was the leading principle of his duty, however often it might be abused or forgotten; and this was the feeling which his oath taught him to encourage. but it did not exclude from his conduct the operation of personal motives. thus, in displaying his love of justice, he displayed his chivalric skill; and by the same action he gratified his laudable aspirations for fame, and soothed and satisfied his conscience. certes all knights were not religious, even in the sense in which religion was understood in chivalric times. one cavalier made it his heart's boast that he had burnt a church, with twenty-four monks, its contents.[ ] the joyousness of youth often broke out in witty sentences, and the sallies of the buoyant spirits of the young cavalier were neither decent nor moral. when his imagination was inflamed by chivalry and love, he forgot his rosary, and said that paradise was only the habitation of dirty monks, priests, and hermits; and that, for his own part, he preferred the thoughts of going to the devil; and, in his fiery kingdom, he was sure of the society of kings, knights, squires, minstrels, and jugglers, and, above all the rest, the mistress of his heart.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: fidelity to obligations.] of his moral virtues perfect fidelity to a promise was very conspicuous, for his nobleness disdained any compromise with convenience or circumstances. however absurd the vow, still he was compelled to perform it in all the strictness of the letter. notwithstanding the obvious inconveniences of such a course, a man frequently promised to grant whatever another should ask; and he would have lost the honour of his knighthood, if he had declined from his word when the wish of him to whom the promise had been made was stated. sir charles du blois promised sir loyes of spain whatever gift he might require for the service he had rendered him. "then," said sir loyes, "i require you to cause the two knights that are in prison in favet to be brought hither, and give them to me to do with them at my pleasure, for they have injured me, and slain my nephew. i will strike their heads off before the town, in sight of their companions." sir charles was obliged to comply and deliver up the knights; only remonstrating with sir loyes on the cruelty of putting two such valiant knights to death, and on the impolicy of such a measure, as giving occasion to their enemies of dealing in a similar manner with them when the fortune of war changed her face.[ ] [sidenote: generousness.] [sidenote: singular instance of it.] there was a generousness about chivalry unknown to other warfare. if in these days of improved jurisprudence we revert our eyes with horror and contempt to times when every question was decided by the sword, still an air of graceful courtesy hung over them, which charms the imagination. a cavalier always granted safe-conduct through his territories to all who required it, even to those who asserted pretensions, which, if established, would deprive him of his possessions. when matilda landed near arundel, to contend for the throne of england, stephen gave her honourable conduct to the castle of his brother, the earl of gloucester.[ ] this instance of chivalric generousness seems scarcely credible to those who view ancient times by the light of modern prejudices. it was not the passive virtue that declined to profit by any mischance happening to an adversary, but it was one knight drawing the sword, and placing it in the hands of his foe. [sidenote: romantic excess of it.] more full in its circumstances, and equally romantic in its character, is the following tale. about the year , sir peter courtenay, an english knight of approved valiancy, went to france in order to joust with the renowned sir guy of tremouille. they ran one course with spears, and the king then stopped the martial game, saying that each had done enough. he made the stranger-knight fair presents, and set him on his way to calais, under the care of the lord of clary, who is characterised by our old chivalric chronicler as a lusty and frisky knight. they rode together till they reached lucen, where resided the countess of st. poule, sister of the king of england, and whose first husband had been a lord of courtenay. during the noble entertainment with which she greeted her guests, the countess enquired of sir peter his opinion of france. he complimented the country in most of its forms, and praised the demeanour of the french chivalry, except in one thing, for he complained that none of their knights would do any deed of arms with him, although he had with great trouble and cost left england to encounter them. the lord of clary heard with pain the knights of his country reviled, in the presence of the sister of the king of england; but he restrained his feelings, because sir peter was then under his protection. the next day they took their leave of the countess, who, like a noble lady, threw a chain of gold round the neck of each. they proceeded to calais, and when they reached the frontier, and sir peter stepped on the english territory, the lord of clary reminded him of the language he had used at the board of the countess st. poule, regarding the french chivalry, and added, that such an opinion was not courteous nor honorable, and that simple knight as he was he would do his devoir to answer him, saying, however, that he was influenced not by any hatred to his person, but the desire of maintaining the honor of french knighthood. accordingly they jousted in the marshes of calais, in the presence of noble cavaliers and squires of the two nations. in the second course the lance of lord clary pierced the shoulder of sir peter, and the wounded knight was led to the neighbouring town. the lord of clary returned to paris, proud that he had vindicated the chivalric honor of his country, and expecting praise. but when it was reported that a strange knight, travelling under the royal safeguard, had been required to do a deed of arms, the king and his council felt alarmed, lest the honor of their nation had received a stain. it was also thought that the joust had been intentionally a mortal one, a matter which aggravated the offence. the lord of clary was summoned before them, and interrogated how he had presumed to be so outrageous, as to hold a joust to the utterance with a knight-stranger that had come to the king's court for good love and to exalt his honor, to do feats of arms, and had departed thence with good love and joy, and to the intent that he should not be troubled in his return, he had been delivered to his charge. the lord of clary, in reply, simply related his tale, and instead of deprecating the anger of his liege lord, he claimed reward for his vindication of the french chivalry. he said he would abide the judgment of the constable and the high marshal of france, the knights and squires of honor in every land; and so highly did he esteem the chivalry of that noble knight himself, sir peter courtenay, that he would appeal to his voice and discretion. notwithstanding this defence, the lord of clary was committed to prison, nor was he delivered thence till after a long time, when the entreaties of the countess of st. poule, the lord of bourbon, the lord of coucy, and other nobles, prevailed with the king. he was dismissed with this reproof and exhortation: "sir of clary, you supposed that you had done right well, howbeit you acted shamefully, when you offered to do arms with sir peter courtenay, who was under the king's safeguard, and delivered to you to conduct to calais. you did a great outrage when you renewed the words, which were spoken only in sport before the countess of st. poule. before you had so renewed them, you ought to have returned to the king, and then what counsel the king had given, you should have followed; because you did not this, you have suffered pain. beware better another time, and thank the lord of bourbon and the lord of coucy for your deliverance, for they earnestly solicited for you, and also thank the lady of st. poule."[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: liberality.] the virtue of liberality seems to have been a striking feature of the chivalric character. it proceeded from that loftiness of spirit which felt that avarice would have debased a heroism that should contend for crowns and kingdoms. the minstrels of the times, who kept alive the flame of chivalry, encouraged this virtue above all others, for upon it depended their own subsistence. but it often sprang from better motives than pride or vanity. the good lord de foix gave every day five florins, in small money, at his gate, to poor folks, for the love of god; and he was liberal and courteous in his gifts to others; for he had certain coffers in his chambers, out of which he would oft-times take money to give to lords, knights, and squires, such as came to him, and none departed from him without a gift.[ ] a knight, indeed, was taught to consider nothing his own, save his horse and arms, which he ought to keep as his means of acquiring honour, by using them in the defence of his religion and country, and of those who were unable to defend themselves.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: humility.] the valiancy of chivalry was beautifully chastened by humility; "and of his port as meek as is a maid." every hero, as well as chaucer's knight, demeaned himself in all things as if he had been in the hands of god, and in his name used his arms, without vaunting or praising himself; for praise was regarded as blame in the mouth of him who commended his own actions. it was thought that if the squire had vain-glory of his arms, he was not worthy to be a knight, for vain-glory was a vice which destroyed the merits and the claims of chivalry. the heroes of the round table were the mirror of all christian knights; and the generous modesty of sir lancelot was reflected in the conduct of many a true soldier of chivalry. in the lofty fancies of romantic europe that valiant friend of arthur was the prowest of all the heroes of britain; yet he always gave place to sir tristram, and often retired from the field of tournament when that noble son of arms was performing his devoir. even when he was entitled to the prize, sir lancelot would not receive it, maugre the offering of king, queen, and knights; but when the cry was great through the field, "sir lancelot, sir lancelot hath won the field, this day!" that noble subject of praise cried, on the contrary, "sir tristram hath won the field; for he began first, and endured last, and so hath he done the first day, the second, and the third day."[ ] [sidenote: courtesy.] the catalogue of knightly virtues is not yet complete; and nothing can be more beautiful to the moral eye than some of the characteristics of the ancient chivalry. kindness and gentleness of manner, which, when adopted by kings from knightly customs, were called courtesy, were peculiar to the soldier of the middle ages, and pleasingly distinguished him from the savage sternness of other warriors, whether roman or barbarian. courtesy was the appearance, in the ordinary circumstances of life, of that principle of protection which, in weightier matters, made the sword leap from its scabbard; and, like every other blessing of modern times, it had its origin in the christian religion. the world thought that courtesy and chivalry accorded together, and that villainous and foul words were contrary to an order which was founded on piety.[ ] whether historians or fabulists speak of a true knight, he is always called gentle and courteous. to be debonnaire was as necessary as to be bold; "preux chevalier n'en doutez pas, doit ferir hault et parler bas."[ ] the following anecdote curiously marks the manners of chivalric ages with relation to the quality of courtesy:--the wife and sister of du guesclin were once living in a castle which was attacked and taken by a force of normans and englishmen. the success was great and important; but public indignation was excited against the invaders, because they had transgressed the licence of war, and been guilty of the uncourteous action of surprizing and disturbing ladies while they were asleep.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: every-day life of the knight.] [sidenote: falconry.] these military and moral qualities of knighthood were sustained and nourished by all the circumstances of chivalric life, even those of a peaceful nature. hunting and falconry, the amusements of the cavalier, were images of war, and he threw over them a grace beyond the power of mere baronial rank. dames and maidens accompanied him to the sport of hawking, when the merry bugles sounded to field; and it was the pleasing care of every gallant knight to attend on his damsel, and on her bird which was so gallantly bedight; to let the falcon loose at the proper moment, to animate it by his cries, to take from its talons the prey it had seized, to return with it triumphantly to his lady, and, placing the hood on its eyes, to set it again on her hand. every true knight could say, like the cavalier in spenser, "ne is there hawk which mantleth her on perch, whether high towering or accosting low, but i the measure of her flight do search, and all her prey and all her diet know." these amusements of every-day life were always mingling themselves with the humanities of war. edward iii., when in france, in the year , was attended by sixty couple of dogs, and by thirty falconers, on horseback, carrying birds. various barons in the army had their dogs and birds with them, like the king. during the reign of richard ii., when the duke of lancaster was in france and spain, many ladies accompanied the army, for the objects of the expedition were not altogether military; pleasure was as much the occupation as affairs of moment, and for the space of a month or more the duke lay at cologne, and removed not, except it were hunting or hawking; for the duke and other lords of england had brought with them hawks and hounds for their own sport, and sparrow-hawks for the ladies.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: chess-playing.] to play the game of chess, to hear the minstrel's lays, and read romances, were the principal amusements of the knight when the season and the weather did not permit hawking and hunting. a true knight was a chess-player, and the game was played in every country of chivalry; for as the chivalric states of midland europe obtained a knowledge of it from the scandinavians, so the southern states acquired it from the arabs. "when they had dined, as i you say, lords and ladies went to play; some to tables, and some to chess, with other games more and less."[ ] [sidenote: story of knights' love of chess.] the fondness of our ancestors for the game of chess appears by the frequent mention of the amusement in the ancient romances. sometimes a lover procured admittance to the place where his mistress was confined, by permitting the jailor to win from him a game at chess. again, the minstrels in the baronial hall, spread over their subject all the riches of their imagination. they were wont to fancy the enchanted castle of a beautiful fairy, who challenged a noble knight to play with her at chess. flags of white and black marble formed the chequer, and the pieces consisted of massive statues of gold and silver, which moved at the touch of a magic wand held by the player. such fables show the state of manners: but a curious story remains on historical record, which displays the practical consequences of chess-playing. during part of the reign of our edward iii. the town and castle of evreux were french. a noble knight of the neighbourhood, named sir william graville, who was secretly attached to the english side, thought he could win the place, and he formed his scheme on his knowledge of the governor's character. he first gained some friends among the burgesses, who were not very strongly attached to the french cause. as he had not declared himself the friend of either party, he was permitted to walk in whatever quarters of the city he chose, and one day he loitered before the gate of the castle till he attracted the attention of the governor. they saluted each other, and conversed awhile on the topics of the season. sir william found his auditor credulous to every tale, till, when he had told one of wondrous improbability, the governor demanded his authority. "sir," replied the knight of graville, "a cavalier of flanders wrote this to me on the pledge of his honour, and sent with the letter the goodliest chess-men i ever saw." the governor dropped all care for the story at the mention of chess-men, and he anxiously desired to see them. "i will send for them," said sir william, "on condition that you will play a game with me for the wine." the governor assented, and sir william desired his squire to fetch the chess-men and bring them to the gate. the two knights then passed through two wickets into the castle yard; and while the stranger was viewing the edifice, his faithful squire ran at speed to the burgesses' houses, and summoned them to arms. they soon donned their harness and repaired with him to the castle gate, where, agreeably to a concerted scheme, he sounded a horn. when sir william heard it, he said to the governor, "let us go out of the second gate, for the chess-men are arrived." sir william passed the wicket, and remained without. in following him the governor stooped and put out his head. sir william drew a small battle-axe from under his cloak, and therewith smote to death his defenceless foe. he then opened the first gate, the burgesses entered in numerous and gallant array, and incontinently the castle was taken.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: minstrelsy.] the minstrel's lay, the poetry of the troubadour, the romance of the learned clerk, all spoke of war and love, of the duties and sports of chivalry. every baronial knight had his gay troop of minstrels that accompanied him to the field, and afterwards chaunted in his hall, whether in their own or another's verse, the martial deeds which had renowned his house. a branch of the minstrelsy art consisted of reciting tales; and such persons as practised it were called jesters. "i warn you first at the beginning, that i will make no vain carping of deeds of arms nor of amours as do minstrelles and jestours, that make carping in many a place of octoviane and isembrase, and of many other jestes, and namely when they come to festes; nor of the life of bevis of hampton, that was a knight of great renown; nor of sir guy of warwick, all if it might some men like."[ ] minstrels played on various musical instruments during dinner, and chaunted or recited their verses and tales afterwards both in the hall, and in the chamber to which the barons and knights retired for amusement. "before the king he set him down, and took his harp of merry soun, and, as he full well can, many merry notes he began. the king beheld, and sat full still, to hear his harping he had good will. when he left off his harping, to him said that rich king, minstrel, me liketh well thy glee, what thing that thou ask of me largely i will thee pay; therefore ask now and asay."[ ] a minstrel's lay generally accompanied the wine and spices which concluded the entertainment.[ ] kings and queens had their trains of songsters, and partly from humour and partly from contempt, the head of the band was called king of the minstrels.[ ] but men of the first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great houses, followed the profession of minstrelsy, and no wonder, if it be true that they gained the guerdon without having encountered the dangers of war; for many a doughty knight complained that the smiles for which he had perilled himself in the battle field were bestowed upon some idle son of peace at home. the person of a minstrel was sacred, and base and barbarian the man would have been accounted, who did not venerate him that sang the heroic and the tender lay, the magic strains of chivalry, and could shed a romantic lustre over fierce wars and faithful loves. "in days of yore how fortunately fared the minstrel! wandering on from hall to hall, baronial court or royal; cheered with gifts munificent, and love, and ladies' praise: now meeting on his road an armed knight, now resting with a pilgrim by the side of a clear brook: beneath an abbey's roof one evening sumptuously lodg'd; the next humbly, in a religious hospital; or with some merry outlaws of the wood; or haply shrouded in a hermit's cell. him, sleeping or awake, the robber spared; he walk'd--protected from the sword of war by virtue of that sacred instrument his harp, suspended at the traveller's side; his dear companion wheresoe'er he went, opening from land to land an easy way by melody, and by the charm of verse."[ ] every page of early european history attests the sacred consideration of the minstrel, and the romances are full of stories, which at least our imagination can credit, of many a knight telling his soft tale in the dress of a love-singing poet. that dress had another claim to respect, for it was fashioned like a sacerdotal robe, as we learn from the story of two itinerant priests gaining admittance to a monastery, on the supposition of their being minstrels; but as soon as the fraud was discovered the poor ecclesiastics were beaten and driven from the monastery by their happier brethren.[ ] the minstrel also was often arrayed in a dress of splendour, given to him by a baron in a moment of joyous generosity. the earl of foix, after a great festival, gave to heralds and minstrels the sum of five hundred franks; and he gave to the minstrels of his guest, the duke of tourrain, gowns of cloth of gold, furred with ermine, valued at two hundred franks.[ ] [sidenote: romances.] there were other classes of poets in days of chivalry, who, under the names of troubadours, trouveurs, and minnesingers, were spread over all chivalric countries, and sang the qualities by which a knight could render himself agreeable to his mistress. the board of a baron was sometimes enlivened by a tenson, or dialogue in verse, on the comparative merits of love and war; and the argument was often supported by warmer feelings than those which could influence a hireling rhymer, for the harp of the troubadour was borne by kings, and lords, and knights. the romances, or poems longer than the minstrels' or troubadour lay, were also faithful ministers of chivalry. all their heroes were advocates of the church, and enemies of the saracens and pagans. the perilous adventures of the gothic knights, their high honor, tender gallantry, and solemn superstition were all recorded in romances[ ], and there was not a bay window in a baronial hall without its chivalric volume, with which knights and squires drove away the lazy hours of peace. the fictitious tales of arthur and charlemagne were the study and amusement of the warrior in his moments of ease, and even the few relics of classical literature, which, after the gothic storm, were cast on the shores of modern europe, were fashioned anew by chivalry. the heroes of troy were converted into knights, and troilus and cressida moved like a warrior and damsel of chivalric times. indeed, as the tale of troy divine was occasioned by a lady, it blended very readily with the established fictions of the times. and the romancers, like the minstrels and troubadours, were highly favoured by the great, who knew that their actions, unless recorded by _clerc_, could have no duration, and therefore they often made handsome presents to authors in order to have their names recorded in never-dying histories.[ ] [sidenote: conversation.] the conversation of knights, like their lives and literature, related only to love and war. "then were the tables taken all away, and every knight, and every gentle squire, gan choose his dame with _basciomani_[ ] gay, with whom he meant to make his sport and play, * * * * * some fell to dance; some fell to hazardry; some to make love; some to make merriment." every knight was welcome at another knight's castle, if it were only for the intelligence he could communicate regarding the deeds of arms that had been done in the countries which he had visited; and the great charm of the castle of the earl of foix, to the imagination of froissart, was the goodly company of knights and squires of honor, pages and damsels, that he met in the hall, chamber, and court, going up and down, and talking of arms and amours.[ ] "after meat they went to play, all the people, as i you say; some to chamber, and some to bower, and some to the high tower, and some in the hall stode, and spake what them thought gode; men that were of that cytè, enquired of men of other contrè."[ ] [sidenote: nature and forms of chivalric entertainments.] knights were wont, at these entertainments, to repose on couches, or sit on benches. the guests were placed two by two, and only one plate was allotted to each pair; for to eat on the same trencher or plate with any one was considered the strongest mark of friendship or love.[ ] peacocks and pheasants were the peculiar food of knights on great and festival occasions; they were said to be the nutriment of lovers, and the viand of worthies. the peacock was as much esteemed in chivalric as in classic times; and as jupiter clothed himself with a robe made of that bird's feathers, so pope paul, sending to king pepin a sword, in sign of true regard, accompanied it with a mantle ornamented with a peacock's plumes. the highest honours were conferred on these birds; for knights associated them with all their ideas of fame, and vowed by the peacock, as well as by the ladies, to perform their highest enterprises. a graceful splendour often characterised the circumstances in which the vow of the pheasant or peacock was made. on a day of public festival, and between the courses of the repast, a troop of ladies brought into the assembly a peacock, or a pheasant, roasted in its feathers, in a golden or silver dish.[ ] the hall was adorned with scenes, and wooden or other semblances of men, animals, or nature, all being expressive of the object for which the vow of the peacock was to be taken. if the promotion of religious wars was in view, a matron, clad in habiliments of woe, entered the room, and, approaching the dais, or lofty seat, which the chief lords and knights surrounded, she recited a long complaint, in verse, on the evils she suffered under the yoke of infidels, and complained of the tardiness of europe in attempting her deliverance. some knights then advanced, to the sound of solemn minstrelsy, to the lord of the castle, and presented two ladies, who bore between them the noble bird, in its splendid dish. in a brief speech the ladies recommended themselves to his protection. the lord promised to make war upon the infidels, and sanctioned his resolution by appealing to god and the virgin mary, the ladies and the peacock. all the knights who were in the hall drew their swords and repeated the vow; and, while bright falchions and ladies' eyes illumined the scene, each knight, inflamed by thoughts of war and love, added some new difficulty to the enterprise, or bound himself, by grievous penalties, to achieve it. sometimes a knight vowed that he would be the first to enter the enemy's territory. others vowed that they would not sleep in beds, nor eat off a cloth, nor drink wine, till they had been delivered of their emprise. the dish was then placed upon the table, and the lord of the festival deputed some renowned knight to carve it in such a manner that every guest might taste the bird. while he was exercising his talents of carving and subdivision, a lady, dressed in white, came to thank the assembly, presenting twelve damsels, each conducted by a cavalier. these twelve represented, by emblematical dresses, faith, charity, justice, reason, prudence, temperance, strength, generosity, mercy, diligence, hope, and courage. this bevy of bright damsels trooped round the hall, amidst the applauses of the assembly, and then the repast proceeded.[ ] * * * * * these were the military, the religious, and the social qualities of a preux chevalier. the gentler feelings of his heart will be best delineated in the next chapter; and, as we have seen him adventurous and imaginative, so we shall find him amorous and true.[ ] chap. v. dames and damsels, and lady-love. _courtesy ... education ... music ... graver sciences ... dress ... knowledge of medicine ... every-day life of the maiden ... chivalric love ... the idolatry of the knight's passion ... bravery inspired by love ... character of woman in the eyes of a knight ... peculiar nature of his love ... qualities of knights admired by women ... a tale of chivalric love ... constancy ... absence of jealousy ... knights asserted by arms their mistress's beauty ... penitents of love ... other peculiarities of chivalric love ... the passion universal ... story of aristotle ... chivalric love the foe to feudal distinctions ... but preserved religion ... when attachments were formed ... societies of knights for the defence of ladies ... knights of the lady in the green field ... customs in england ... unchivalric to take women prisoners ... morals of chivalric times ... heroines of chivalry ... queen philippa ... the countess of march ... tales of jane of mountfort and of marzia degl' ubaldini ... nobleness of the chivalric female character._ [sidenote: courtesy.] if we fancy the knight of chivalry as valiant, noble-minded, and gentle, our imagination pictures to our minds the lady of his love in colours equally fair and pleasing. but we must not lose her individuality in general expressions of admiration, for she had a distinct and peculiar character, which from the circumstances of her life can be accurately traced. the maiden of gentle birth was, like her brother, educated in the castle of some knight or baron, her father's friend, and many of her duties were those of personal attendance. as the young candidate for chivalric honours carved at table, handed the wines, and made the beds of his lord, so his sister's care was to dress her lady, to contribute by music and conversation to her amusement, and to form a part of her state retinue[ ]: and while there was no loss of dignity in this description of service, the practice being universal and of immemorial antiquity, feelings of humility insensibly entered the mind, and a kind consideration for those of harder fortunes softened the severity of feudal pride. thus a condescending deportment to inferiors was a duty which their moral instructors enforced. it was represented to them by the pleasing image of the sparrow-hawk, which, when called in gentle accents, would come and settle on her hand, but if, instead of being courteous, she were rude and cruel, he would remain on the rock's pinnacle heedless of her calls. courtesy from persons of superior consideration was the fair right of people of gentle birth though of small estate, for gentility was always to be respected, and to the poor man or woman it ought to be shown, because it gives pleasure to them, and reflects honour on those who bestowed it. a lady once in company of knights and ladies took off her hood and humbled herself courteously unto a mechanic. one of her friends exclaimed in astonishment, "why, noble dame, you have taken off your hood to a tailor."--"yes," she replied, "and i would rather have doffed it to him than to a gentleman:" and her courteous friends reputed that she had done right well.[ ] [sidenote: education.] [sidenote: music.] the mental education of women of those days was not of a very high polish. to repeat the prayers of the church, to sing the brief piece of poetry called the lai, or the longer romaunt were the only tasks on the intellect. "the king had a daughter dear, that maiden ysonde hight; that glee was lef to hear and romance to read aright."[ ] the ladies also played upon the harp. "they were wont to harp and syng, and be the merriest in chamber comyng."[ ] the same particular of ancient manners is recorded by another poet: "the lady that was so fair and bright, upon the bed she sat down right, the harpers notes sweet and fine, her maids filled a price of wine. and sir degore sat him down, for to hear the harper's sown."[ ] [sidenote: graver sciences.] but sometimes the graver sciences were introduced into female education, and felice, the daughter of rohand, earl of warwick, was not without parallels. "gentle she was, and as demure as ger-fauk, or falcon to lure, that out of mew were y-drawe. so fair was none, in sooth sawe. she was thereto courteous, and free and wise, and in the seven arts learned withouten miss. her masters were thither come out of thoulouse all and some, white and hoar all they were; busy they were that maiden to lere; and they her lered of astronomy, of armsmetrick, and of geometry; of sophistry she was also witty, of rhetorick, and of other clergy: learned she was in musick; of clergy was her none like."[ ] maidens were taught that a mild dignity of demeanour beseemed them, and moralising their duty into a thousand similies, their teachers declared that they ought not to resemble the tortoise or the crane, which turn the visage and the head above their shoulders, and winde their head like a vane; but their regard and manner ought to be steadfast, in imitation of the beautiful hare, which always looks right on. if an occasion required a damsel to look aside, she ought to turn the visage and body together, and so her estate would be more firm and sure; for it was unmaidenly lightly to cast about her sight and head, and turn her face here and there.[ ] [sidenote: dress.] simplicity of dress was another part of instruction: but there was to be no lack of jewels of price and other splendid ornaments on festive occasions, and, consistently with the general magnificence of religious worship of the age, maidens were commanded to wear their gorgeous robes at church, and not merely at courtly festivals. there was a gravity about chivalry which accorded well with the recommendation for women not quickly to adopt new dresses introduced from strange countries. modesty of attire was the theme of many a wise discourse, and every castle had its story of the daughter of a knight who lost her marriage by displaying too conspicuously the graces of her figure, and that the cavalier who was her intended suitor preferred her sister who had modesty, though not beauty, for her dower.[ ] [sidenote: knowledge of medicine.] all the domestic oeconomy of the baronial mansion was arranged by these young maidens: and the consideration which this power gave them was not a little heightened by their sharing with the monks in the knowledge which the age possessed of vulnerary medicaments. this attribute of skill over the powers of nature was a clear deduction from that sublime, prophetic, and mysterious character of women in the ages which preceded the times both of feudalism and chivalry. the healing art was not reduced to an elaborate system of principles and rules, for memory to store and talent to apply, but it was thought that the professors of medicine enjoyed a holy intercourse with worlds unknown to common minds. the possession of more than mortal knowledge was readily ascribed to a pure, unearthly being like woman, and the knight who felt to his heart of hearts the charm of her beauty was not slow in believing that she could fascinate the very elements of nature to aid him. there are innumerable passages in the various works which reflect the manners of chivalric times on the medicinal practice of dames and damsels. a pleasing passage of spenser illustrates their affectionate tendance of the sick. "where many grooms and squires ready were to take him from his steed full tenderly; and eke the fairest alma met him there with balm and wine and costly spicery, to comfort him in his infirmity. eftesoones she caus'd him up to be conveyed, and of his arms despoiled easily: in sumptuous bed she made him to be laid, and, all the while his wounds were dressing, by him stay'd."[ ] chirurgical knowledge was also a necessary feminine accomplishment, and we will accept the reason of the cavalier with "high thoughts, seated in a heart of courtesy," for such a remarkable feature in their character. "the art of surgery," says sir philip sidney, "was much esteemed, because it served to virtuous courage, which even ladies would, even with the contempt of cowards, seem to cherish."[ ] a fair maiden could perform as many wonderful cures as the most renowned and skilful leech. the gentle nicolette successfully treated an accident which her knight aucassin met with. "so prosper'd the sweet lass, her strength alone thrust deftly back the dislocated bone; then, culling curious herbs of virtue tried, while her white smock the needful bands supplied: with many a coil the limb she swath'd around, and nature's strength return'd, nor knew its former wound." spenser favours us with the ladies' method of treating a wound. "mekely she bowed down, to weete if life yet in his frozen members did remain; and, feeling by his pulses beating rife that the weak soul her seat did yet retain, she cast to comfort him with busy pain: his double-folded neck she reared upright, and rubb'd his temples and each trembling vein; his mailed haberieon she did undight, and from his head his heavy burganet did light. into the woods thenceforth in haste she went, to seek for herbs that mote him remedy; for she of herbes had great intendiment, taught of the nymph from whom her infancy her nourced had in true nobility. * * * * * the soveraine weede betwixt two marbles plain, she powder'd small, and in pieces bruize; and then atweene her lily handes twain into his wound ye juice thereof did scruze; and round about, as she could well it use, the flesh therewith she suppled and did steepe t'abate all spasm and soke the swelling bruise; and, after having search't the intuse deep, she with her scarf did bind the wound, from cold to keep."[ ] [sidenote: every-day life of the maiden.] the every-day life of a young maiden in chivalric times is described with a great deal of spirit in the fine old english tale, of the squire of low degree. i am not acquainted with any other passage of the metrical romances which contains so vivid a picture of the usages of our ancestors. to dissipate his daughter's melancholy for the loss of her lover, the king of hungary says, "to-morrow ye shall on hunting fare, and ride, my daughter, in a chair,[ ] it shall be covered with velvet red, and cloths of fine gold all about your head; with damask white and azure blue well diapered with lilies new. your pomelles shall be ended with gold, your chains enameled many a fold; your mantle of rich degree, purple pall and ermine fre. jennets of spain that be so white trapped to the ground with velvet bright. ye shall have harp, sawtry, and song, and other myrthes you among; ye shall have rumney and malmesyne, both ypocrass and vernage wine, mount rose and wine of greek, both algrade and despice eke; antioch and bastard, piment also and gamarde; wine of greek and muscadell, both clare piment and rochell,[ ] the red your stomach to defy, and pots of osey set you by. you shall have venison ybake,[ ] the best wild fowl that may be take. a lese of greyhounds with you to strike, and hart and hind and other lyke, ye shall be set at such a tryst[ ] that hart and hind shall come to your fist. your disease to drive you fro, to hear the bugles there yblowe. homeward thus shall ye ride, on hawking by the river's side, with goss hawk and with gentle falcon, with egle-horn, and merlyon.[ ] when you come home your men among, ye shall have revel dance and song, little children great and small shall sing as doth the nightingale. then shall ye go to your even song, with tenors and trebles among, threescore of ropes of damask bright full of pearls they shall be pight,[ ] your censers shall be of gold indent with azure many a fold: your choir nor organ song shall want with counter note and discant. the other half on organs playing, with young children full fair singing. then shall ye go to your supper, and sit in tents in green arbour, with cloth of arras pight to the ground, with saphires set and diamond. the nightingale sitting on a thorn shall sing you notes both even and morn. an hundred knights truly told, shall play with bowls in alleys cold, your disease to drive away, to see the fishes in pools play. and then walk in arbour up and down, to see the flowers of great renown. to a draw-bridge then shall ye, the one half of stone, the other of tree; a barge shall meet you, full right, with twenty-four oars full bright, with trumpets and with clarion, the fresh water to row up and down. * * * * * into your chamber they shall you bring with much mirth and more liking. your blankets shall be of fustain, your sheets shall be of cloths of rayne;[ ] your head sheet shall be of pery pyght,[ ] with diamonds set and ruby bright. when you are laid in bed so soft, a cage of gold shall hang aloft, with long pepper fair burning, and cloves that be sweet smelling, frankinsence and olibanum,[ ] that when you sleep the taste may come, and if ye no rest can make, all night minstrels for you shall wake." [sidenote: chivalric love.] in that singular system of manners which we call chivalric, religion was a chief influential principle of action; but scarcely less consequence ought in truth to be given to another feeling apparently incompatible with it; and if venus, in the greek mythology, was called the universal cause, her empire seems not to have been less extensive in days of knighthood. a latin poet, of no mean authority in such subjects, has described love as the sole employment of woman's life, and of man's only a part[ ]; and boccacio says, that he composed his tales for the solace of fair and noble ladies in love, who, confined within their melancholy chambers, had no other occupation, but perpetually to revolve in their minds the same consuming thoughts, rendered intolerable by shame and concealment: while man might hunt, hawk, fish, and had a thousand channels for his thoughts. but the state of society at rome was not similar to that in days of knighthood, and though boccacio lived in those days, he describes the manners of commercial cities rather than of chivalric courts, of fair florence and not of a frowning baronial castle. the ideas of god and of love were always blended in the heart of the true knight, and to be loving was as necessary as to be devout. cervantes expresses the feelings of chivalry in the declaration of don quixote, that "a knight without a mistress was like a tree without either fruit or leaves, or a body without a soul." a ship without a rudder, a horse without a bridle, were other illustrations of the prevailing sentiment, and more expressive of the characteristic of chivalric love, which assigned superiority to woman, which made her the directress of the thoughts, and inspirer of the courage of her chosen cavalier. "a knight may never be of prowess, but if he be a lover," was the sentiment of sir tristram, a valiant peer of arthur, and it was echoed by every gentle son of chivalry.[ ] not, indeed, that every knight felt this strength and purity of passion. spenser has described four cavaliers, and each represents a large class. "druon's delight was all for single life, and unto ladie's love would lend no leasure; the more was claribell engaged rife with fervent flames, and loved out of measure: so eke lov'd blandamour, but yet at pleasure would change his liking, and new lemans prove: but paridell of love did make no threasure, but lusted after all that did him move: so diversely these four disposed were to love."[ ] [sidenote: the idolatry of the knight's passion.] the true knight, he whose mind was formed in the best mould of chivalric principles, was a more perfect personification of love than poets and romancers have ever dreamed. the fair object of his passion was truly and emphatically the mistress of his heart. she reigned there with absolute dominion. his love was, "all adoration, duty, and observance." our old english poet, gower, whose soul was filled with romantic tenderness and gallantry, says, "in every place, in every stead, what so my lady hath me bid, with all my heart obedient, i have thereto been diligent." and every gallant spirit of gower's days, the reign of edward iii., said of his mistress, "what thing she bid me do, i do, and where she bid me go, i go. and when she likes to call, i come, i serve, i bow, i look, i lowte, my eye followeth her about. what so she will, so will i, when she would set, i kneel by. and when she stands then will i stand, and when she taketh her work in hand, of wevying or of embroidrie, then can i not but muse and prie, upon her fingers long and small." gower, in describing the knight's mode of tendance on his mistress, has drawn a pleasing picture of the domestic life of chivalry. "and if she list to riden out, on pilgrimage, or other stead, i come, though i be not bid, and take her in my arms aloft, and set her in her saddle soft, and so forth lead her by the bridle, for that i would not be idle. and if she list to ride in chare, and that i may thereof beware, anon, i shape me to ride, right even by the chares side, and as i may, i speak among, and other while, i sing a song."[ ] these quotations show that the expression in ancient times of knights being servants of the ladies was not a mere figure of the imagination. the instances from gower, however, which prove the propriety of the title, may not be thought exclusively chivalric. a story in froissart will fully supply the want. a bourbon knight, named sir john bonnelance, a valiant soldier, gracious and amorous, was once at montferrand, in auvergne, sporting among the ladies and damsels of the town. while commending his chivalry, they urged him to undertake an enterprise against the english, and she who, as his lady-love, was ruler of his actions, told him that she would fain see an englishman, for she had heard much of the valiancy of the knights of england. bonnelance replied, "that if it should ever be his good fortune to take one, he would bring him into her presence." soon afterwards he was able to perform his word. he took to montferrand some english prisoners, and addressing her who fancied the wish of seeing an englishman, he said "that for her love he had brought them to the town." the ladies and damsels laughed, and turned the matter to a great sport. they thanked him for his courtesy, and entertained him right sweetly during his three days abode at montferrand.[ ] [sidenote: love inspired bravery.] the knight, whose heart was warmed with the true light of chivalry, never wished that the dominion of his mistress should be less than absolute, and the confession of her perfect virtue, which this feeling implied, made him preserve his own faith pure and without a stain. love was as marked a feature in the chivalric character as valour; and, in the phrase of the time, he who understood how to break a lance, and did not understand how to win a lady, was but half a man. he fought to gain her smiles, for love in brave and gentle knights kindled aspirations for high desert and honour. "oh! that my lady saw me," was the exclamation of a knight in the pride of successful valour as he mounted the city's wall, and with his good sword was proving the worth of his chivalry.[ ] he wore her colours, and the favour of his lady bright was the chief ornament of his harness. she judged the prize at the tournament, assisted him to arm, and was the first and the most joyous to hail his return from the perils of war. "a damisel came unto me, the seemliest that ever i se, luffumer[ ] lifed never in land, hendly she take me by the hand; and soon that gentle creature al unlaced mine armure into a chamber she me led, and with a mantle she me cled; it was of purpur fair and fine, and the pane of rich ermine; al the folk war went us fra, and there was none than both we twa; she served me hendely to hend, her manners might no man amend; of tong she was true and renable, and of her semblant soft and stabile. fullfain i would, if that i might, have woned[ ] with that sweet wight: and when we sold go to sopere that lady with a lufforn chere, led me down into the hall, that war we served wele at all."[ ] [sidenote: character of woman in the eyes of a knight.] a soldier of chivalry would go to battle, proud of the title, a pursuivant of love[ ], and in the contests of chivalric skill, which, like the battles of homer's heroes, gave brilliancy and splendour to war, a knight challenged another to joust with a lance for love of the ladies; and he commended himself to the mistress of his heart for protection and assistance. in his mind woman was a being of mystic power; in the forests of germany her voice had been listened to like that of the spirit of the woods, melodious, solemn, and oracular; and when chivalry was formed into a system, the same idea of something supernaturally powerful in her character threw a shadowy and serious interest over softer feelings, and she was revered as well as loved. while this devotedness of soul to woman's charms appeared in his general intercourse with the sex, in a demeanor of homage, in a grave and stately politeness, his lady-love he regarded with religious constancy. fickleness would have been a species of impiety, for she was not a toy that he played with, but a divinity whom he worshipped. this adoration of her sustained him through all the perils that lay before his reaching his heart's desire; and loyalty (a word that has lost its pristine and noble meaning) was the choicest quality in the character of the preux chevalier. [sidenote: peculiar nature of his love.] it was supported, too, by the state of the world he lived in. he fought the battles of his country and his church, and he travelled to foreign lands as a pilgrim, or a crusader, for such were the calls of his chivalry. to be the first in the charge and the last in the retreat was the counsel which one knight gave to another, on being asked the surest means of winning a lady fair. love was the crowning grace, the guerdon of his toils, and its gentle influence aided him in discharging the duties of his gallant and solemn profession. the lady isabella, daughter of the earl of jullyers, loved the lord eustace damberticourt for the great nobleness of arms that she had heard reported of him; and her messengers often carried to him letters of love, whereby her noble paramour was the more hardy in his deeds of arms.[ ] "i should have loved him better dead than alive," another damsel exclaimed, on hearing that her knight had survived his honour. [sidenote: qualities in knights admired by women.] [sidenote: a tale of chivalric love.] no wonder that in those ages of violence bravery was the manly quality, dear, above all others, in woman's eyes. its possession atoned for want of every personal grace; and the damsel who, on being reproached for loving an ugly man, replied, "he is so valiant i have never looked in his face," apologised for her passion in a manner that every woman of her time could sympathise with. as proficiency in chivalric exercises was the only distinction of the age, it would have been contrary to its spirit and laws for a gentle maiden to have loved any other than a knight who had achieved high deeds of arms. the advancement of his fame was, therefore, among the dearest wishes of her heart, and she fanned his love of noble enterprise in order to speed the hour of their union. the poets and romance-writers of the days of chivalry bear ample testimony to the existence of this state of feeling, and to the perils which brave men underwent to gain fair ladies' smiles; but all their tales must yield in pathos to the following simple historical fact:--when the scots were endeavouring to throw off the yoke which edward i. had imposed on them, the recovery of the castle of douglas was the unceasing effort of the good lord james. it was often lost and won; for if the vigilance of the english garrison relaxed for a moment, the scots, who lived in the neighbourhood, and were ever on the watch, aided their feudal lord in regaining the fortress, which, however, he could not maintain long against the numerous chivalry of england. the possession of this castle seemed to be held by so perilous a tenure, that it excited the noblest aspirations for fame in the breasts of the english; and a fair maiden, perplexed by the number of knights who were in suit of her, vowed she would bestow her hand upon him who preserved the adventurous or hazardous castle of douglas for a year and a day. sir john walton boldly and gladly undertook the emprise, and right gallantly he held possession of the fortress for some months. at length he was slain in a sally which douglas provoked him to make. on his person was found a letter which he had lately received from his lady-love, commending his noble chevisance, declaring that her heart was now his, and praying him to return to her forthwith, without exposing himself to further peril. the good lord james of douglas grieved when he read this letter, and it was generous and gallant of him to lament that a brother knight should be slain when his fairest hopes of happiness seemed on the point of being realised.[ ] [sidenote: constancy.] the loves of chivalric times must often have been shaded with gloom, and so convulsed was the state of europe, so distant were its parts often thrown from each other, that the course of true love seldom ran smoothly, and affianced knights and damsels more frequently breathed the wish of annihilating time and space than is necessary in the happier monotony of modern times. in almost every case of attachment absence was unavoidable, and constancy, therefore, became a necessary virtue of love in chivalry. "young knight whatever, that dost arms profess, and through long labours huntest after fame, beware of fraud, beware of fickleness, in choice, and change, of thy dear loved dame; least thou of her believe too lightly blame, and rash misweening do thy heart remove; for unto knight there is no greater shame than lightness and inconstancy in love."[ ] * * * * * his mistress was ever present to his imagination, and he felt there would be a witness to his disloyalty. even if he could dismiss her picture from his mind, his own sense of honour preserved his virtue, and the reply of a knight to a beautiful temptress, that though his sovereign-lady might never know of his conduct, yet his heart, which was constantly near her, could not be ignorant, was conceived in the purest spirit of chivalry. [sidenote: absence of jealousy.] the troubadours, who were the teachers of the art of love, refined upon this respectful passion of the knight in a very amusing manner. they were wont to affirm, that though a knight saw cause for jealousy, yet if his lady-love were to deny the circumstances, he was to reply that he was convinced of the verity of her assertions; but he really did believe he had witnessed such and such matters.[ ] [sidenote: knights asserted by arms their mistress' beauty.] chivalric love had, indeed, its absurdities as well as its impieties. it was a pleasing caricature of chivalry, when the knight of la mancha stationed himself in the middle of a high road, and calling to the merchants of toledo, who were bound to the silk fairs at murcia, forbad them to pass, unless they acknowledged that there was not in the universe a more beautiful damsel than the empress of la mancha, the peerless dulcinea del toboso. for the knights of chivalry were not satisfied to fight in defence of the ladies, and to joust in their honour, but from the extravagancy of their love, each knight maintained at the point of his lance, that his mistress surpassed all other ladies in beauty.[ ] the knight jehan de saintré (whose education in chivalry has been already described by me) vowed to wear a helmet of a particular shape, and to visit, during three years, the courts of europe, maintaining against all their chivalry the beauty of his mistress. four knights and five squires, who had made a similar vow, were his companions. at a tournament held by the emperor of germany, the noble undertaking was held to be accomplished, and the emblems of the emprise were unchained from the left shoulder of the gallant knights and squires.[ ] indeed, wherever a knight went, to court or to camp, he asserted the superiority of his lady and his love, but he hurled his defiances not against simple merchants, as our right worshipful knight don quixote did, but against persons of his own rank, who were in amours as well as himself. instances of this chivalric disposition occur frequently in chivalric history: but cervantes caricatured the romances, and not the sober chronicles of chivalry, when, in reply to the natural enquiry of one of the merchants regarding the beauty of the lady, he made his hero exclaim, "had i once shown you that beauty, what wonder would it be to acknowledge so notorious a truth? the importance of the thing lies in obliging you to believe it, confess it, affirm it, swear it, and maintain it, without seeing her." but the display of chivalric bravery in avowal of woman's beauty proceeded from so noble a feeling, that it must not be censured or satirised too severely, for "who is the owner of a treasure above all value, but, without offence, may glory in the glad possession of it?" [sidenote: penitents of love.] as history, however, should be a record, and not a panegyric, i proceed to observe, that the most marked display of the extravagancies of our knights took place in the courts of love; but as i have dilated on that topic in another work, i am precluded of treating the subject here, and it is the tritest of all the subjects of chivalry. equally ridiculous among the amatory phrenzies of the middle ages was the society of the penitents of love, formed by some ladies and gentlemen in poictou, at the beginning of the fourteenth century. they opposed themselves to nature in every thing, on the principle that love can effect the strangest metamorphoses. during the hottest months of summer, they covered themselves with mantles lined with fur, and in their houses they sat before large fires. when winter came they affected to be burning with the fires of love, and a dress of the slightest texture wrapt their limbs. this society did not endure long, nor was its example pernicious. a few enthusiasts perished, and reason then resumed her empire.[ ] [sidenote: other peculiarities of chivalric love.] the knight was as zealous in the gentle as in the more solemn affections of the soul. he believed that both god and love hated hard and hypocritical hearts. in a bolder strain of irreverence he thought that both god and love could be softened by prayer, and that he who served both with fidelity would secure to himself happiness in this life and the joys of paradise hereafter. on other occasions the gallant spirit of chivalry spoke more rationally. love, according to one renowned knight, is the chaste union of two hearts, which, attached by virtue, live for the promotion of happiness, having only one soul and one will in common. "liege lady mine! (gruélan thus return'd,) with love's bright fires this bosom ne'er hath burn'd. love's sovereign lore, mysterious and refined, is the pure confluence of immortal mind; chaste union of two hearts by virtue wrought, where each seems either in word, deed, and thought, each singly to itself no more remains, but one will guides, one common soul sustains."[ ] [sidenote: the passion universal.] [sidenote: story of aristotle.] so prevailing was amatory enthusiasm, that not only did poets fancy themselves inspired by love, but learned clerks were its subjects, and in spite of its supposed divinity some natural satire fell upon the scholar who yielded to its fascination. in gower's confessio amantis, the omnipotence of love is strikingly displayed; for besides those whom we might expect to see at the feet of the goddess, we are presented with plato and socrates, and even him who was the object of veneration bordering on idolatry in the ages which we in courtesy to ourselves call dark. gower, the moral gower, says with some humour, "i saw there aristotle also, whom that the queen of greece also hath bridled, that in thilke time she made him such a syllogisme that he forgot all his logike." the story whereon this sentence was founded was among the most popular of the times. the delights of love had made alexander pause in the career of ambition. his host of knights and barons were discontented at the change, and aristotle, as the tutor and guardian of his youthful course, endeavoured to rouse anew the spirit of the hero. the prince attempted no lengthened reply to this appeal to his chivalry; "sighing, alone he cried, as inly mov'd, alas! these men, meseems, have never lov'd." the grave saws of the sage took root, however, in alexander's heart, and he absented himself from his mistress. she wailed her fate for some time in solitude, but at length assured that it was not the mere capriciousness of passion which kept him from her, she forced herself into the presence of her lord. her beauty smiled away all dreams of glory from his mind, and in the fondness of his love he accused aristotle of breaking in upon his joy. but the dominion of his passion was only momentary, and recovering the martial tone of his soul, he declared the sad necessity of their parting. she then requested a brief delay, promising to convince the king that his tutor's counsel derived no additional recommendation from his practice, for that he stood in need of as much instruction as alexander himself. accordingly, with the first appearance of the next morning, the damsel repaired to the lawn before the chamber where aristotle lay. as she approached the casement, she broke the stillness of the air by chanting a love ditty, and the sweetness of her wild notes charmed the philosopher from his studious page. he softly stole to the window, and beheld a form far fairer than any image of truth which his fancy had just previously been conceiving. her face was not shrouded by vail or wimple, her long flaxen tresses strayed negligently down her neck, and her dress, like drapery on an antient statue, displayed the beauty of a well-turned limb. she loitered about the place on pretence of gathering a branch of a myrtle-tree, and winding it round her forehead. when her confidence in her beauty assured her that aristotle was mad for her love, she stole underneath the casement, and, in a voice checked by sighs, she sang that love detained her there. aristotle drank the delicious sounds, and gazing again, her charms appeared more resplendent than before. reason faintly whispered that he was not born to be loved, and that his hair was now white with age, his forehead wrinkled with study; but passion and vanity drove away these faint remonstrances, and aristotle was a sage no more. the damsel carelessly passed his window, and in the delirium of his love he caught the floating folds of her robe. she affected anger, and he avowed his passion. she listened to his confession with a surprize of manner that fanned his flame, and she answered him by complaining of the late coldness of alexander. the greybeard, not caring for a return of love, so that she accepted his suit, promised to bring his pupil to her feet, if she would but confer some sign of favour upon himself. she feigned an intention of compliance, but declared that, before she yielded, she must be indulged in a foolish whim which long had distracted her fancy. aristotle then renewed his professions of devoted love, and she in sentences, broken by exclamations of apparent shame at her folly, vowed that she was dying to mount and ride upon the back of a wise man. he was now so passionately in love, that the fancies of his mistress appeared divinest wisdom to his mind, and he immediately threw himself along the ground in a crawling attitude. she seated herself in a gorgeous saddle which she placed on his back, and, throwing a rein round his neck, she urged him to proceed. in a few moments they reached the terrace under the royal apartments, and the king beheld the singular spectacle. a peal of laughter from the windows awoke the philosopher to a sense of his state, and when he saw his pupil he owned that youth might well yield to love, as it had power to break even the frost of age. such was the lay of aristotle which the wandering minstrel chanted in the baronial hall, and the damsel in her lady's bower, and the pleasing moral of the fable was not more sincerely echoed by the shouts of the gallant knights and squires than by the broken sighs of beauty. "mark ye, who hear me, that no blameful shade be thrown henceforth on gallant or on maid. for here, by grave example taught, we find that mighty love is master of mankind. love conquers all, and love shall conquer still, last the round world how long soe'er it will."[ ] it is singular to observe that in the north and in the south, in germany and in languedoc, the love of the cavalier bore the same character, the same blending of tender and devotional feelings. the troubadour burned tapers, and caused masses to be said for the success of his love, and when the fervour of passion for his mistress was crossed by religious awe, he declared that the part of his heart which god held was still under the superior dominion of his lady-love. the german knight wrote poems to the honour of the virgin mary and the damsel of his heart, and it is not always easy to distinguish to which of these persons his vows are addressed.[ ] he adored the shadow, nay, the very neighbourhood of his mistress, and declared that nothing could induce him to violate his vow of fidelity. here, however, the resemblance ceases, for the knights of france, england, and spain were not more highly distinguished for chivalric courtesy, than the germans were remarkable for ferocity and savageness.[ ] once, and once only, were there courts of love in germany. they were established by frederic barbarossa, and they did not long survive their founder. [sidenote: chivalric love the foe to feudal distinctions.] chivalric love took delight in reconciling and joining the opposites of the world.[ ] it was no cold and calculating principle; it abrogated the distinctions of wealth and rank, and many a knight, whose whole fortune lay in his prowess, gained the hand of high-born beauty. "how can i hope," observed a young candidate for chivalry to a lady of high estate, "how can i hope to find a damsel of noble birth, who will return the affection of a knight that, ungraced by rank, has only his good sword to trust to?"--"and why should you not find her?" replied the lady; "are you not gently born? are you not a handsome youth? have you not eyes to gaze on her, ears to hear her, feet to move at her will, body and heart to accomplish loyally her commands? and, possessed of these qualities, can you doubt to adventure yourself in the service of a lady, however exalted her rank?"[ ] a squire of low degree often aspired to the hand of a king's daughter: "and i have seen that many a page have become men by marriage." the intenseness of passion, and the generousness of soul implied in this state of manners, were sternly opposed by feudal pride and tyranny; but chivalry could not always beat down the absurd distinctions of society. when the countess of vergy returned the passion of sir agolane, she was obliged to love in secret, lest the dignity of the court of burgundy should be offended.[ ] the maidens themselves sometimes sanctioned the prejudices of feudalism, in opposition to the generous feelings of chivalry and nature. felice, daughter of rahand, earl of warwick, disdained to return the passion of guy, her father's steward, till an angel in a dream commanded her to love him.[ ] [sidenote: but preserved religion.] agreement in religious opinions was as necessary as sympathy of souls in the loves of chivalry; and many a story is related of a knight reposing in a lady's chamber, where, instead of adoring the divinity of the place, he assailed her with a fierce invective against her religious creed.[ ] on such occasions he forgot even his courtesy, and shamed his knighthood by calling her a heathen hound: "i will not go one foot on ground for to speak with an heathen hound; unchristen hounds i rede ye flee, or i your heart's blood will see." but "'mercy,' she cried, 'my lemman sweet!'-- (she fell down and 'gan to weep)-- 'forgive me that i have mis-said, i will that ye be well assayed! my false gods i will forsake, and christendom for thy love take.' 'on that covenant,' said sir bevis than, 'i will thee love, fair josyan!'"[ ] [sidenote: when attachments were formed.] the occasions which kindled the flame of love in the heart of the knight and the maiden of chivalry were various, and many of them well calculated to give rise to romantic and enthusiastic attachments. sometimes the parties had been educated in the same castle, and passion insensibly succeeded childish amusements. the masque and the ball were often the theatre of love; but, above all other scenes, it spread its light over the brilliant tournament. performed in honour and in view of the ladies, it was there that love exerted its mightiest power. she who gave the prize bestowed almost universally her heart upon the brave and skilful vanquisher, and many were the tears she shed, if she found that the knight had been proving his puissance only to win the heart of some other fair one. it often happened that the circumstances of life carried a young cavalier to a baronial castle, where he found more peril in the daughter's fair looks than in the frowning battlements of her father. at the feast which welcomed the stranger, eyes mingled in love, and the suddenness of passion was always considered as the strongest proof of its purity and strength. the damsel might then avow her affection without any violation of maidenly shame; for generous, confiding love, reading another's heart in its own, dreaded no petty triumphs of vanity from confessing its fondness. it often occurred that a knight, weary and wounded, was confided to the ministrations of woman's tenderness; and spenser, who had read the history as well as the romance of chivalry, tells us, "o foolish physick, and unfruitful pain, that heals up one, and makes another wound." [sidenote: societies of knights for defence of ladies.] [sidenote: knights of the lady in the green field.] the rude state of society, which it was the noble object of chivalry to soften, presented many occasions for the display of generous affections, and love was the grateful return of protection. a cavalier called the knight of the swan reinstated a lady in the possessions of which the duke of saxony had deprived her. indignant that the throne, and not chivalry, should be regarded as the fountain of justice, knights sometimes formed themselves into associations for the express object of defending the rights of all ladies that required their aid. at one period (during the reign of charles vi.) of great violence in france, the ladies and gentlewomen of the country laid before the king grievous complaints of their sufferings from powerful lords, and lamented that gallantry was so much degenerated, that no knights and squires had attempted to defend them. they appealed, therefore, to the king, as the fountain of justice, to afford them protection. this appeal roused the dormant chivalry of france; and the valiant knight and marshal, boucicaut[ ], whose skill as a jouster will be described anon, gathered round him twelve preux chevaliers, and the fraternity avowed themselves champions of oppressed dames and damsels. the gallantry of their object was proclaimed to the world by the device on their shields of a fair lady in a green field, and their letters of arms, circulated throughout france, promised that they would assist all ladies and gentlewomen who were injured in their honours or fortunes.[ ] [sidenote: custom in england.] the same generous feeling warmed the hearts of the english chivalry. we become acquainted with this feature of our ancient national character, not in dry monkish chronicles, but in the living page of one of our earliest and greatest poets. chaucer makes all the persons of his dramatic tale speak agreeably to their rank and station in the world; and he puts into the mouth of his very perfect and gentle knight the following spirited description of the gallant feelings of english nobles and gentles in the time of edward iii. "for every knight that loved chivalry, and would his thanks have a passant name, hath prayed that he might be of that game, and well was him that thereto chosen was! for if there to-morrow such a case, ye knowen well that every lusty knight that loveth _par amour_, and hath his might, were it in engleland, or elsewhere, they would, hir thanks, willen to be there. _to fight for a lady, a! benedicite, it were a lusty sight for to see!_"[ ] and thus it continued in every age of chivalric history. noble knights of prowess were ever perilling themselves in the cause of woman. so late as the year , when the title to certain territories in hainault was contested between the english duke of gloucester and john of brabant on behalf of the lady jacquiline, those gallant cavaliers, the bastard of st. pol, and andré de humieres appeared at hesden with silver rings on their right arms, proclaiming the superior title of jacquiline.[ ] these are a few of the historical facts, which shew that the ancient romancers did not paint from their imagination when they described gallant cavaliers wandering over the gloomy waste of feudal europe, in order to redress wrongs and injuries, to relieve widows, and defend the honor of damsels. sometimes a knight rode alone, and like the valorous don quixote left it to his horse's discretion to go which way he pleased. in other cases they went in parties of three or four in quest of adventures. that they might surprise the enemy they sought for, they changed or disguised their armorial distinctions. a year and a day was the general term for enterprises of this nature; and at the conclusion they rendered to their sovereign mistresses an account of their adventures, and ingenuously confessed their faults and misfortunes.--but i find myself stepping into the regions of romance, which are not the province of this work. i return therefore, to the realities of chivalry, which are no less pleasing than its fictions. [sidenote: unchivalric to take women prisoners.] the protection of widows and orphans, and all ladies of virtuous repute, was indeed the serious duty ever present to the imagination of a preux chevalier. the praiseworthy soldier was he who chose to fight for dames and damsels in preference to contending in vain-glorious frays, and with equal spirit it was thought that death was too slight a punishment for the man who could offer scathe or dishonour to, or deceive or wrong a gentle lady. from this generous consideration for woman proceeded the honorable maxim in chivalry, of its not being just or courteous to take ladies in war.[ ] when a town was captured, the heralds of the conqueror proclaimed his will, that no violence nor displeasure should be done to any lady or gentlewoman. in the reign of edward iii. caen fell into the hands of the english, and sir thomas holland preserved many ladies, damsels, and nuns, from outrage worse than death. about the same time the castle of poys was taken by the english, and two noble knights (one was the renowned sir john chandos) saved from violation two fair damsels, daughters of the lord of poys. the ladies were conducted into the presence of edward, who, for his honor, made them good cheer, and caused them to be carried in safety to a town friendly to their family.[ ] and the generous feelings of cavaliers for ladies were nobly requited. in the wars of the guelphs and the ghibellines, the emperor conrad, as an offended sovereign, had refused all terms of capitulation to the garrison of winnisberg; but as a courteous knight, he permitted the women to depart with such of their precious effects as they themselves could transport. the gates of the town were thrown open, and a long procession of matrons, each bearing a husband, or a father, or brother, on her shoulders, passed in safety through the applauding camp.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: morals of chivalric times.] some writers have severely censured the morals of the chivalric æra, and according to them every species of licentiousness was practised by its dames and damsels. this opinion is as erroneous as the one which it superseded, that in the times we speak of every knight was brave, and every woman was chaste; an assertion bearing more liberality than truth on its face, considering that it refers to a period of seven or eight centuries, and that the objects of the panegyric were the largest part of the european world. for my part, i shall not, like the knight of la mancha, challenge to a _joust à l'outrance_ any discourteous cavalier who has the audacity to declare that queen madasima was scandalously familiar with a barber-surgeon; but i think that our imaginations do not altogether deceive us in painting the days of chivalry as days of feminine virtue. if we regard the times in reference only to their baronial and feudal features, the view is deeply dyed with turpitude, and the romances, whence the denunciations against the ladies of forepast ages have been drawn, are not sparing in their pictures of licentiousness. but chivalry was the golden thread that ran through the middle ages, the corrective of vice, the personification of virtue. that it did not altogether succeed in colouring with its brightness the surrounding gloom is sufficiently true, and the times warranted the assertion of a character in amadis de gaul, that our country yields, as others do, both good and bad. the romances present us with instances of the profligacy of women, and so they also do of the baseness of knights: but as no one will contend that chivalry did not in general inspire its professors with sentiments of honour, so its virtuous influence cannot in fairness be denied to the maidens of its age. let us not, as spenser says, blame the whole sex for the fault of one. "fair ladies that to love captived are and chaste desires do nourish in your mind, let not her fault your sweet affections mar; ne blot the bounty of all womankind, 'mongst thousands good, one wanton dame to find: amongst the roses grow some wicked weeds: for this was not to love, but lust, inclin'd; for love doth always bring forth bounteous deeds, and in each gentle heart desire of honour breeds."[ ] the romance writers were satirists, but they had more humour than malignity. every one of them introduces a magical test of feminine virtue, a drinking cup, a mantle or a girdle. this is harmless; and their general censure of women is without point; for they were for the most part men of profligate habits, and judged the other sex by the standard of their own vices. "safe her, i never any woman found that chastity did for itself embrace but were for other causes firm and sound; either for want of handsome time and place, or else for fear of shame and foul disgrace."[ ] this is the burthen of all their declamations against women; and spenser has shewn how little credit he gave to it, for he does not let it proceed from the mouth of any of his preux chevaliers, but from a wretched profligate, misnamed the squire of dames.[ ] however highly some enthusiastic minds may have coloured the manners of the chivalric ages, still it is unquestionable that the love of the knight was not the mere impulse of passion, but that the feeling was raised and refined by respect. now, as nature is ever true to herself, as certain causes have had certain operations in all ages and in all countries, so this purity of love must have been followed by a corresponding correctness of morals. women had every reason to retain and support the virtues of their nature; for it was only in behalf of those of fair reputation and honour, that the knight was compelled by his principles to draw his sword; all others were without the pale of chivalry; and although many instances can be found in the romances of feminine indiscretion, yet the princess in the celebrated romance of tirante the white accurately describes the general feeling when she submits to lose all her claims on the noble chevisance of knights, if she failed in observing a promise of marriage which she had given to a gallant cavalier that loved her. the knights, though courteous to the highest polish of refinement, were rigid and inflexible censors; and in those days as well as in these, each sex formed the character of the other.[ ] the cavalier in travelling would write on the door of a castle where a dame of tarnished reputation resided, some sentence of infamy; and on the contrary, he would pause at the door of a lady of pure honour and salute her courteously. even on solemn and public occasions distinctions were made between women in matters of ceremony. if any lady of sullied fame took precedence of a dame of bright virtue, a cavalier would advance and reverse the order, saying to her who was displaced, "lady, be not offended that this lady precedes you, for although she is not so rich or well allied as you are, yet her fame has never been impeached."[ ] here, therefore, chivalry vindicated its purity, and showed itself as the moral guide of the world. its tendencies were beneficent; for christianity was deeply infused into all its institutions and principles, and it not only spread abroad order and grace, but strung the tone of morals to actions of virtue. * * * * * [sidenote: chivalric heroines.] all ladies were not of the opinion of amadis de gaul, that their best weapons were sighs and tears. what they admired they imitated; and a high-spirited damsel would, in private, divest herself of her robe, gird round her a belt, and drawing its sword from the scabbard, fight with the air till she was wearied. the gallant youths of chivalry called a lady of this martial temperament--le bel cavalier. were we to meet in romances with dames engaged in mortal combat, we should say that the writers had not faithfully represented the manners of the times; but such facts are recorded by sober chroniclers. two ladies decided some fierce disputes by the sword. each summoned to her aid a band of cavaliers, and the stoutest lances of normandy felt no loss of dignity in being commanded by a woman. the lady eloisa and the lady isabella rode through their respective ranks with the address of experienced leaders, and their contest, like that of nations, was only terminated by burning and plundering each other's states. in the crusades, parties of fair and noble women accompanied the chivalry of europe to the holy land, charming the seas 'to give them gentle pass,' and binding up the wounds of husbands and brothers after a well foughten field with the bold mussulman. sometimes they wielded the flaming brand themselves, and the second crusade in particular was distinguished by a troop of ladies harnessed in armour of price, and mounted on goodly steeds. a lady often wore a sword even in times of peace, and every great landed proprietress sat _gladio cincta_ among the justices at sessions and assizes.[ ] in england, particularly, was this martial spirit recognised, for in the time of edward the first a lady held a manor by sarjeanty to conduct the vanguard of the king's army as often as he should march into wales with one; and on its return it was her duty to array the rear-guard.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: queen philippa.] the victory of the english over the scots at neville cross is mainly attributable to the spirited demeanour of philippa, wife of edward the third. at her father's court in hainault, she had witnessed war in its splendid image, the tournament; and now, in a perilous moment, when the king her husband was far away, and the fate of england was in her hands, she showed that she was not unworthy of her race or her alliance. she rode among the battles or divisions of her host, exhorting them to perform their _devoir_, to defend the honour of her lord the king of england, and in the name of god she implored every man to bear a good heart and courage, promising them that she would reward them better than if her lord the king were personally in the field. she then quitted the ranks, recommending her soldiers to the protection of god, and of st. george, that special defender of the realm of england. this exhortation of the queen nerved the hearts of the english yeomen, and they shot their arrows so fiercely and so wholly together, that the scottish battle-axe failed of its wonted might.[ ] [sidenote: the countess of march.] for the heroism of women, the page of scottish history furnishes a remarkable instance. in the beginning of the year , william de montague, earl of salisbury, by command of the earl of arundel, the leader of the army of edward iii., laid siege to the castle of dunbar, the chief post which the scots possessed on the eastern coast of their country. the castle stood upon a reef of rocks which were almost girdled by the sea, and such parts of it as could be attacked were fortified with great skill. the earl of march, its lord, was absent when salisbury commenced the siege, but the defence lacked not his presence. his wife was there, and while to the vulgar spirits of the time, she was known, from the unwonted darkness of her eyes and hair, as black agnes, the chivalric sons of scotland joyfully beheld a leader in the person of the high-spirited daughter of the illustrious thomas ranulph, earl of moray. the countess of march performed all the duties of a skilful and vigilant commander. she animated her little band by her exhortations and munificence; she roused the brave into heroism, and shamed the timid into courage by the firmness of her bearing. when the warlike engines of the besiegers hurled stones against the battlements, she, as in scorn, ordered one of her female attendants to wipe off the dust with a handkerchief, and when the earl of salisbury commanded the enormous machine called the sow, to be advanced to the foot of the walls, she scoffingly cried out, 'beware, montague, thy sow is about to farrow,' and instantly by her command a huge fragment of rock was discharged from the battlements, and it dashed the engine to pieces. many of the men who were about it were killed, and those who crawled from the ruin on their hands and knees were deridingly called by the scots, montague's pigs. foiled in his attempts, he endeavoured to gain the castle by treachery: he bribed the person who had the care of the gates to leave them open; but the man, faithful to his duty as well as to his pecuniary interest, disclosed the whole transaction to the countess. salisbury himself headed the party who were to enter; finding the gates open, he was advancing, when john copeland, one of his attendants, hastily passing before him, the portcullis was let down, and copeland, mistaken for his lord, remained a prisoner. the countess, who from a high tower was observing the event, cried out to salisbury with her wonted humour, 'farewell, montague; i intended that you should have supped with us, and assisted in defending this fortress against the english.' the english turned the siege into a blockade, but still without success. the gallantry of the countess was supported by some favourable circumstances, and finally, in june, the earl of salisbury consented to a cessation of hostilities, and he abandoned the place.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: tale of jane of mountfort.] but the most interesting of all the heroines of chivalry was jane countess of mountfort, who, as froissart says, had the courage of a man and the heart of a lion. she was a worthy descendant of those german women whom tacitus describes as mixing with the warriors, administering refreshment, and exhorting them to valour. about the year , the right to the duchy of bretagne was disputed between the earl of mountfort and charles of blois. the question turned on certain points of inheritance which the earl dreaded the court of paris would decide in favor of his rival, who was a relation of the french king. he, therefore, sought another alliance, and repairing to england, he performed homage for the duchy to edward iii.[ ] his next steps were directed to paris, but his journeys were not so secretly taken as he expected; for on presenting himself before king philip he was charged with having acknowleged the sovereignty of the english monarch. the earl pretended that his journey to england had only related to his private affairs, but the king did not credit his story, and in distrust of his purposes he ordered him to remain in paris. mountfort, equally suspicious of his sovereign's honor, effected his escape from the city in the guise of a merchant. he went to brittany, and took his station in the castle of nantes. the decision of the court at paris was adverse to his claims; and the successful candidate, charles of blois, levied an army, and pursued his former rival, who was taken in his retreat, conveyed to paris, and lodged in the louvre. to those who did not know the noble spirit of his countess the cause of the mountfort family seemed hopeless. she was at rennes when he was taken prisoner, and although she had great sorrow in her heart, yet she valiantly recomforted her friends and soldiers, and showing them her little son john, she said, 'sirs, be not too sore abashed of the earl my lord, whom you have lost, (he was but a man): behold my little child, who shall be by the grace of god his restorer, and he shall advance you all, and i have riches enough: you shall not lack; and i trust that i shall prosper in such wise that you shall be all recomforted.'[ ] all her friends and soldiers vowed to die in her service; and she then went to her other fortresses and towns, replenishing them with warlike stores and provisions, and exhibiting her little son to the people, in order to rouse the allegiance of the friends of her family. she stationed herself in hennebon, a town seated near the shores of brittany.[ ] in the following summer charles of blois was aided by the whole puissance of france in his attempt to make himself complete master of brittany; but so able were the dispositions of the countess, that, instead of sweeping over the whole country as they expected, they were detained before rennes, and it was not till after much labour that they won it. the countess, in the mean while, had sent one of her knights, sir amery of clysson, into england, desiring royal succour, on condition that the earl of mountfort's son and heir should marry a daughter of the king, who was to be adorned with the highly splendid title, the duchess of brittany. edward iii., always anxious to strengthen his power in france, accepted the alliance, and ordered one of his noblest knights of prowess, sir walter manny, to join the valiant countess with three thousand archers. charles of blois, after the capture of rennes, was counselled to lay siege to hennebon; but before he reached that town jane de mountfort was apprised of his purpose, and she commanded the watch-bell to be sounded, and every man to be armed, and standing at his post. when sir charles and the frenchmen came near the town, they pitched their tents; but many of their gay and valorous spirits went skirmishing to the barriers. some of the cavaliers of hennebon did not suffer them to brandish their swords in the air; and it was only the shades of night that separated those preluders of battle. the next day the frenchmen spent in council, and it was resolved that a general assault should be made on the barriers. accordingly, on the third morning they fiercely pressed to the outward works of the town, and continued the assault till noon, when they retired with diminished forces. the lords of france rallied their soldiers, and urged the assault anew; but they that were within defended themselves right valiantly. the countess herself, clad in mail, and mounted on a goodly courser, rode from street to street, exhorting her people to defend their posts; and if in the din of battle her woman's voice was sometimes drowned, nothing could mar her cheering smiles, which lighted the flame of noble chevisance in every gallant breast. she caused damsels and other women to cut short their kirtels, and carry stones and pots full of lime to the walls, to be cast upon the enemy. she then mounted a tower, and espied that the frenchman's camp was deserted. her resolution was immediately taken: she drew around her three hundred of her best knights, and, grasping a targe and spear, and mounting again her good steed, she quitted the town by a gate which the enemy had overlooked. at the head of her gallant troop she made a short circuit, and then dashed into the frenchmen's lodgings. when the assailants, reverting their eyes, saw their tents on fire, and heard cries of terror from a few boys and varlets in the camp, they quickly returned to their lodgings to stop the conflagration. the countess and her noble band could not cope with so vast a force, and her retreat to the city being cut off, she took the road to the castle of brest, where she was received with great joy. for five days the good soldiers of hennebon wist not of the fate of their right valiant lady; but on the sixth morning they saw her golden banners glittering in the rising sun, and a hill in the distance crowned by a noble troop of five hundred lances, which her beauty and her just cause had drawn to her side at brest. with the gay curvetting pace of gallant cavaliers progressing to a tournament, they gallantly held on their way to the town, smiling defiance to the martial front of the french, and entered hennebon amidst the flourishes of their own trumpets, and the exulting cries of the people. but the siege was advanced by the french with such courage, and their engines so dreadfully injured the walls, that the soldiers of hennebon were in time discomfited. all except the countess were anxious to yield the town upon honourable terms; but she hoped for succour from edward; and while her knights and men-at-arms sullenly guarded the walls which fronted the enemy, a solitary warder paced the ramparts that looked towards england. one day the members of her council were on the point of compelling her to submit, when, casting her eyes on the sea, whereon she had so often gazed in vain, she saw a dark mass rising out of the horizon. her smile of fearful joy, before she discovered that it was the english fleet, excited the attention of her friends. they all rushed to the window, but her sight was the most piercing, for her heart was the most deeply anxious, and she was the first to exclaim, "i see the succours of england coming!" the joyful news quickly spread, the walls of hennebon were crowded with the townsfolk, and the english fleet entered the harbour. when the soldiers landed, she went to them with great reverence, and feasted them right hospitably. she lodged the knights and others in the castle and in the town, where she dressed up halls and chambers for them; and the next day she made them a great feast at dinner. the exploits of sir walter manny and his archers will be more appropriately related in another place. the siege of hennebon was raised, and it is not unworthy of notice as a trait of manners, that on one occasion of valiancy on the part of the english, the countess descended from the castle with a glad cheer, and went and kissed sir walter manny and his companions, one after another, two or three times, like a valiant lady.[ ] after some time a truce was concluded between sir charles of blois and the countess of mountfort, their aiders and assisters; and the countess, on the invitation of edward iii., took ship for england, accompanied by the earls of richmond, pembroke, salisbury, suffolk, oxford, the barons stamford, spenser, bourchier, and divers other knights of england, and their companies. when they were off guernsey they were approached by sir loyes of spain and his fleet. at first the countess supposed it was with a friendly purpose, for sir loyes, as the ally of sir charles of blois, was virtually bound by the treaty: but she was soon assured of his unchivalric purpose. the mariners cried to the knights, "sirs, arm yourselves quickly, for these genoese and spaniards will soon attack you." all in a moment the englishmen sounded their trumpets, and reared their standards with the great banner of st. george, and marshalled themselves on the decks of the ships, the archers, as on land, being in front. "looking far forth into the ocean wide, a goodly ship with banners bravely dight, and flag in her top-gallant i espied, through the main sea making her merry flight; fair blew the wind into her bosom right, and the heavens look'd lovely all the while, that she did seem to dance as in delight, and at her own felicity did smile."[ ] [sidenote: a.d. .] and in this gallant trim the english fleet bore down upon the superior force of their ungenerous foe. the arrows of the one side, and the cross-bows of the other, did murderous execution; and when the lords, knights, and squires came together, the battle was so dreadful that it furnished matter of song to the minstrels of england and france for years afterwards. the countess that day was worth the bravest knight; she had the heart of a lion, and, with a sharp glaive in her hand, she fought fiercely. they contended till it became so dark that one could scarcely know another. the fleets then separated, the men remaining in their harness, intending to renew the battle next morning. but at midnight a tempest arose so horrible that every one thought the end of the world was approaching; and those very cavaliers who, a few hours before, had gallantly courted death, would now have abandoned their chivalry and their cause, if a safe landing could have been effected.[ ] the battle was not renewed the next day; the english fleet sailed to brittany; the troops landed near vannes, which they immediately besieged, the countess being always foremost in the press. soon afterwards edward iii. went to france, in the contest for whose throne the affairs of brittany were lost, and the noble countess of mountfort disappeared from the scene[ ], while her husband escaped from prison only to die of a fever at hennebon.[ ] [sidenote: and of marzia.] a few years after this beautiful display of the chivalric character of woman in france, the gloom of war in italy was illuminated by a noble trait of female heroism. marzia, a lady of the family of the ubaldini, so celebrated for its virtue and noble gestes, was the wife of francesco d'ordelaffi, lord of forli, the only prince in romagna who maintained his independence against the tyranny of the papal power. knowing her firmness and spirit, he entrusted the defence of the town of cesena to his wife, while he himself maintained the more important position of forli. in the beginning of the year , marzia tore herself from her husband, and, throwing aside the gorgeous robe of peaceful power, donned the casque and the cuirass. she stationed herself in cesena with two hundred soldiers, equipped like knights, and the same number of ordinary troops. she was accompanied also by her son and daughter, and that sage counsellor of the ordelaffi family, sgariglino de pétragudula. an army ten times more numerous than all the defenders of cesena soon beleaguered the place. at the end of april some of the terrified burgesses opened the gates of the lower part of the town to the enemy; but in that moment of peril marzia remembered that her husband had declared that, unless the pope would treat with him on honourable terms, he would sustain a siege in every one of his castles, and when he had lost them he would defend the walls of forli, and then its streets, its squares, his palace, and the last tower of his palace, rather than give his consent to surrender that which was his own. marzia retreated into the upper part of the town with such of the soldiers and citizens who continued faithful to her. she now discovered that sgariglino had been a traitor. justice then had her due, and the head of him whom no feelings of honour or gallantry could preserve in the path of virtue was rolled from the battlements among the besieging army. marzia relied entirely on her own wisdom and courage; she took on herself all the duties of governor and captain, and, wearing her cuirass both by night and day, she braved all those hardships which, in former moments of happiness and ease, she would have thought herself incapable of supporting. but the besiegers smiled with indifference at her courage, for their miners were slowly and surely effecting her ruin. she was compelled to retreat to the citadel with four hundred soldiers and citizens, who vowed to be faithful to death. the miners persevered, and at length the citadel almost hung in air. the father of marzia at that moment reached cesena, and his passage had been facilitated by the legate. he entreated his heroic daughter to surrender, as bravery had accomplished its utmost, and still the besiegers were gradually prevailing. her reply was simple and firm,--that her husband had given her a duty to perform, and that she must obey, without forming any opinion on the nature of his command. her heroism was not supported by the people, for they unanimously declared the folly of further resistance. compelled, then, to surrender, she herself opened the negociations; and so skilfully did she act, so much dreaded was the despair to which she might be tempted, that she obtained from the legate a treaty, whereby it was agreed that all the soldiers who had bravely supported her might return home with their arms and equipments. on the st of june she opened the gate of the citadel: she disdained to ask any favour for herself; and the legate, untouched by any chivalric sympathy for female heroism, cast her and her children into prison.[ ] [sidenote: chivalric titles of ladies.] the honorary titles of ladies in days of chivalry favoured this martial spirit in women. the wife of a knight was often called equitissa or militissa, or chevaliére. in france, too, ladies, as ruling over fiefs, having the right of war, judicature, and coining money, could confer the honour of knighthood. but in general the feudal law opposed the chivalry of women, for a woman alone could not hold a fief, it not being supposed that she could head her vassals or accompany her liege lord into the field. the instances, therefore, that are scattered over the middle ages of the brave gestes of women sprang from the spirit of chivalry and not from any other principle of society. they were always praised, and joyfully remembered; and when the direction of war was entirely usurped by men, the world reverted with a melancholy pleasure to the chivalry of womankind. "where is the antique glory now become, that whilome wont in women to appeare? where be the brave atchievements done by some? where be the battles, where the shield and spear, and all the conquests which them high did rear, that matter made for famous poets verse, and boastful men so oft abasht to hear? be they all dead, and laid in doleful hearse? or do they all sleep, and shall again reverse?"[ ] though 'meek-eyed women' were 'without fear,' yet this martial disposition was never displayed at the sacrifice of the sex's milder qualities. the same lady who placed a lance in rest was in her castle gentle and courteous, dispensing hospitality, tending the sick, or reading romance in hall and bower. her heart was as tender as her's who was rocked in pleasure's wanton lap. spenser's picture of his martial maid, britomart, in love, represents the whole class of chivalric heroines: "thenceforth the feather in her lofty crest, ruffed of love, gan lowly to availe; and her proud portance and her princely gest, with which she erst triumphed, now did quail, sad, solemn, sour, and full of fancies frail, she woxe yet wist she neither how, nor why; she wist not, silly maid, what she did ail, yet wist she was not well at ease perdy, yet thought it was not love, but some melancholy."[ ] there were other points in the character of women in days of chivalry hardly necessary to be noticed as not being peculiar to the times. the artifices and sleights of some of them would beseem more refined ages. to repress the presumption of lovers when circumstances did not favour an avowal of passion, they would reprove the sighs and glances which they pretended to see interchanged between the young squires and maidens of the table; but the admirer of the dame sometimes mistook this demeanour for the sign of a coquettish spirit, and left the lady to lament his dulness.[ ] the spirit of chivalry, which disposed the heart to all noble feelings, was not universal in its influence, and we accordingly read of ladies who were deformed by the mood of envy and detraction. "then was the lady of the house a proud dame and malicious, _hokerfull, iche mis-segging_[ ] squeamous and eke scorning."[ ] [sidenote: nobleness of the chivalric character.] but the subject need not be pursued further; for it is woman, as formed by chivalric principles, and not as uninfluenced by that noble spirit whose lineaments it is my purpose to pourtray. that lofty consideration in which she was held had, as we have seen, a remoter origin than the days of chivalry, and to that elevation much of her moral dignity may be ascribed. but chivalry saved her from being altogether oppressed into slavery and degradation under the tyranny of feudalism. that odious system endeavoured to bring under its sway even the very affections of the heart; for not only no woman of rank and estate could marry without the consent of her sovereign, but in some countries she was obliged to accept a husband at his nomination, unless for a large pecuniary payment he restored her to the privileges of her sex. by preserving woman in her noble state of moral dignity, chivalry prevented the harsh exercise of feudal rights. a sovereign who prided himself on his knighthood could never offend the inclinations of one of that sex which by his principles he was bound to protect and cherish. chivalry hung out the heart-stirring hope that beauty was the reward of bravery. a valiant, but landless knight was often hailed by the whole martial fraternity of his country as worthy the hand of a noble heiress, and the king could not in every case bestow her on some minion of his court. woman was sustained in her proud elevation by the virtues which chivalry required of her; and man paid homage to her mind as well as to her beauty. she was not the mere subject of pleasure, taken up or thrown aside as passion or caprice suggested, but being the fountain of honour, her image was always blended with the fairest visions of his fancy, and the respectful consideration which she, therefore, met with, showed she was not an unworthy awarder of fame. fixed by the gallant warriors of chivalry in a nobler station than that which had been assigned to her by the polite nations of antiquity, all the graceful qualities of her nature blossomed into beauty, and the chastening influence of feminine gentleness and tenderness was, for the first time in his history, experienced by man. chap. vi. tournaments and jousts. _beauty of chivalric sports ... their superiority to those of greece and rome ... origin of tournaments ... reasons for holding them ... practice in arms ... courtesy ... by whom they were held ... qualifications for tourneying ... ceremonies of the tournament ... arrival of the knights ... publication of their names ... reasons for it ... disguised knights ... the lists ... ladies the judges of the tournament ... delicate courtesy at tournaments ... morning of the sports ... knights led by ladies, who imitated the dress of knights ... nature of tourneying weapons ... knights wore ladies' favours ... the preparation ... the encounter ... what lance strokes won the prize ... conclusion of the sports ... the festival ... delivery of the prize ... knights thanked by ladies ... the ball ... liberality ... tournaments opposed by the popes ... the opposition unjust ... the joust ... description of the joust to the utterance ... joust between a scotch and an english knight ... jousting for love of the ladies ... a singular instance of it ... joust between a french and an english squire ... admirable skill of jousters ... singular questions regarding jousts ... an earl of warwick ... celebrated joust at st. inglebertes' ... joust between lord scales and the bastard of burgundy ... the romance of jousts ... the passage of arms ... use of tournaments and jousts._ [sidenote: beauty of chivalric sports.] [sidenote: superiority to those of greece and rome.] all our most delightful imaginings of chivalry are associated with the tournament. we see in fancy's mirror the gay and graceful knight displaying on his plumed steed the nobleness of his bearing, and the lady of his affections smiling upon his gallant skill, while the admiring people in rude and hearty joy shout their loud acclaims. those who were illustrious for ancestral or newly acquired renown met in the listed plain. the fierceness of war was mellowed into elegance, and even feudalism abated something of its sternness, when called on to perform tendance on the ladies and damsels who graced the scene. baronial pomp, knightly gallantry, woman's beauty, gay caparisons, rich attire, and feudal pageantry, throng the mind in wild and splendid confusion, when we hear the herald's trumpet-clang summoning the knights to achievement. it was in the tournament especially that the chivalric nations of europe asserted their superior claims to gracefulness and humanity; for though the greeks might vaunt their olympic games, yet in them woman's favour did not bestow the garland, and though matrons mingled with senators in the coliseum, and a virgin gave the signal for the commencement of the sports, yet the tortures and death of their fellow-creatures constituted the amusement. [sidenote: origin of tournaments.] our ancestors were so proud of the trojan descent which their historians deduced for them, that they even regarded the games which Æneas celebrated to the honour of his dead father, anchises, as the origin of their own knightly joust and tournament. but in those games there was no encounter of two lances as in the joust, and no courteous battle between two parties of warriors, as was the case in the tournament. this learned enthusiasm was needless and absurd; for the knights might have discovered in the nature and tendency of circumstances, and in the practice of their known and immediate forefathers, sufficient matter of originality. the romans were wont to exercise themselves in mock combats, and so were the goths[ ]; but it would be difficult to prove any chain of connection between these people. war was an art in the middle ages, and a long and painful education preceded the practice of it. it was the delight as well as the occupation of the world; for fame[ ], fortune, and woman's love[ ], could only be obtained by gallant bearing. hence we find that thoughts of war were not abandoned in times of peace, and that some softened images of battle formed the grace of festive solemnities. [sidenote: reasons for holding them.] [sidenote: practice in arms.] [sidenote: courtesy.] the martial spirit of the world was nourished by such customs, for kings were always eager to hold tourneys for the better training up of soldiers in feats of arms.[ ] it was the beneficial nature of tournaments to shed the amenities and courtesies of peace over the horrid front of war. thus there were rules for conducting these images of battle which no knight could violate without forfeiting his title to chivalry. the display of address, with as little danger as possible to life and limb, was the chief character of these encounters, and skill, therefore, in real war, became more esteemed than brute violence. to profit by the mischance of an adversary would, in the tournament, have been considered unknightly; and it followed that even in the most deadly encounters of nations no cavalier would avail himself of any accident happening to his foe. [sidenote: by whom they were held.] military exercises, when performed by two parties of cavaliers with hurtless weapons, were called tournaments. if the occasion were high and solemn, heralds repaired to different courts, announcing their sovereign's purpose of holding martial exercises at a particular time, and inviting all those who valued their knighthood, and respected dames and maidens, to repair to the appointed city, and prove their chivalry.[ ] in germany matters were somewhat different, and should be stated. except in saxony (which had its own tournaments), the germans who were entitled to appear in the tourneying lists were divided into four companies; namely, that of the rhine--of bavaria--of swabia--and of franconia. the assembled cavaliers were called the chivalry of the four countries. each country by rotation held the tournament, and chose its leader or judge of the sports, who appointed three ladies to give the arms to the knights, and three others to distribute the prizes. it was usual for one of the ladies to be a wife, another a widow, and the third a maiden.[ ] [sidenote: qualifications for tourneying.] originally, in most countries, no person could tourney unless he proved himself to be maternally a knight of gentle birth, by four descents, and displayed a legitimate coat-armour. but this regulation was every where relaxed in favour of hardy knights who could not boast of ancestral honours.[ ] in early times, knights, whether bannerets or bachelors, contended in the listed plain; but, subsequently, the squire (both the follower of the knight and the soldier of the third class of chivalry) was permitted to joust or tourney with knights. safe-conduct through hostile lands was always allowed to those who wished to tourney; and the silence and solitude of the country in those dark times were pleasingly relieved by bands of jolly and amorous cavaliers, with trains of squires and pages, riding apace to court to the tune of a merry roundelay. it was particularly the custom of newly-made knights to attend a tournament in order to show that they deserved their spurs, and to establish their prowess.[ ] nor did simple knights alone thus progress to the tournament. kings and princes pricked over the plain in gallant and graceful array; for though their rank excused them from performing many knightly observances, yet their chivalric spirit disdained the pride of their station, and their souls were inflamed with the noble desire of illustrating their royalty by deeds of high knighthood. [sidenote: ceremonies of the tournament.] [sidenote: arrival of the knights.] [sidenote: publication of their names.] [sidenote: reasons for it.] the knights were wont to arrive, at the respective hostels or tents assigned them by the kings-at-arms and the heralds somewhile before the day of tournament; and they affixed their armorial ensigns over the entrances, and raised their banners and pennons in front of their parades. the tourneying knights were known by their heraldry, and this publication of their names was made for a very noble purpose. if any one of them had been guilty of unchivalric deportment, the matter might be proved before the ladies or other judges of the tournament, and they would strike down his banner. none could tourney who had blasphemed god, or offended the ladies: he who had been false to gratitude and honour; he who had violated his word, or deserted his brother in arms in battle, was unworthy of appearing at the splendid show; and the high courtesy of chivalry was maintained by the law, that no one could tourney who had without warning assailed his enemy, or by indirect means had despoiled his territory.[ ] [sidenote: disguised knights.] these rules, however, were not always observed; for cavaliers were often permitted to partake of chivalric sports, though they declined to name themselves to the heralds. if they were novices in arms, and not very confident in their prowess, they would conceal their names till they had won renown; and if the chance of the game were against them, the spectators knew not who had failed to acquire honour. the baron who held the tournament might be the enemy of a gallant knight, who, from prudence, would not wish to make himself known, unless he could appear with the bold front of a conqueror. sometimes the persons of the knights were not concealed by common armour, but by the guise which fancy had thrown over the fabled knights of yore. a troop of cavaliers calling themselves king arthur and the knights of the round table often dashed into the lists; and their trumpet's defiance was answered by that of another band meeting them at speed from the other end, and calling themselves charlemagne and his paladins. this was a beautiful mode of realising the romances of chivalry. other disguises were not equally praiseworthy; and i can only state as an historical fact, without attempting to apologise for its madness and impiety, that at a tournament held at valladolid in the year , the king of castille was accompanied by twelve knights, who personated the twelve apostles.[ ] [sidenote: the lists.] the place of combat was the lists, a large space surrounded by ropes or railing in single or double rows. sometimes there was a wooden division in the lists or area to prevent the horses of the adverse knights from careening against each other.[ ] the lists were decorated with the splendid richness of feudal power. besides the gorgeous array of heraldic insignia near the champions' tents, the galleries, which were made to contain the proud and joyous spectators, were covered with tapestry, representing chivalry both in its warlike and amorous guise: on one side the knight with his bright faulchion smiting away hosts of foes, and on the other kneeling at the feet of beauty. [sidenote: ladies were the judges of tournaments.] the ladies were the supreme judges of tournaments; and if any complaint was raised against a knight, they adjudged the cause without appeal.[ ] generally, however, they deputed their power to a knight, who, on account of this distinction, was called the _knight of honour_. he bore at the end of his lance a ribbon or some other sign of woman's favour; and with this badge of power he waved the fiercest knights into order and obedience. the heralds read to the knights the regulations of the sport, and announced the nature of the prize they were to contend for. the dames and maidens sometimes proposed jewels of price, a diamond, a ruby, and a sapphire, as rewards of valour. but the meed of renown was often more military; and the reader of italian history remembers that at a tournament celebrated at florence in the year , lorenzo de' medici bore away the prize of a helmet of silver with a figure of mars as the crest. it was the general wont of tournaments for a vanquished knight to forfeit his armour and horse to his victor. [sidenote: delicate courtesy at tournaments.] nothing was more beautiful than the courtesy of chivalric times. at a martial game held in smithfield, during the reign of richard ii., the queen proposed a crown of gold as the reward of the best jouster, were he a stranger; but if an english knight had the praise, then a rich bracelet was to be his reward. the same polite preference of strangers influenced the chivalry of england, and they promised to give to the lord of best desert, if he were a foreign knight, a fair horse, with his trappings; but if he were one of their own land, then only a falcon should reward him. [sidenote: morning of the sports.] on the morning of the tournament, "when the day 'gan spring, of horse and harneis, noise and clattering, ther was in the hostelries all about."[ ] [sidenote: knights led by ladies,] the knights then trooped to the listed plain, with lords, ladies, and damsels, the chivalry and beauty of the country, mounted on gaily-caparisoned steeds and palfreys, whose housings swept the ground. sometimes a lady fair led the horse of her chosen knight, and in the song of the minstrel the bridle became a golden chain of love. at the day appointed for a merry tournament, in the reign of richard ii., there issued out of the tower of london, first, three-score coursers, apparelled for the lists, and on every one a squire of honour riding a soft pace. then appeared three-score ladies of honour, mounted on fair palfreys, each lady leading by a chain of silver a knight sheathed in jousting harness. the fair and gallant troop, with the sound of clarions, trumpets, and other minstrelsy, rode along the streets of london[ ], the fronts of the houses shining with martial glory in the rich banners and tapestries which hung from the windows. they reached smithfield[ ], where the queen of england and many matrons and damsels were already seated in richly adorned galleries. the ladies that led the knights joined them; the squires of honour alighted from their coursers, and the knights in good order vaulted upon them. [sidenote: who imitated the dress of knights.] this mode of conducting knights to the tournament was not the only pleasing prelude of the sports. as it was in perfect harmony with the general tone of chivalric feeling for knights to array themselves in weeds, which woman's taste had chosen or approved of, so dames and maidens, with equal courtesy, imitated in their attire the semblance of knights. they often rode to the tournament with their girdles ornamented with gold and silver, to resemble military belts, and, sportively, wielding short and light swords, embossed with emblems of love and war. [sidenote: nature of tourneying weapons.] when the knights reached the lists, their arms were examined by the constable; and such as were of a frame and fabric contrary to good chivalry were rejected. the lances were hurtless, the points being either removed altogether, or covered with broad pieces of wood, called _rockets_. the gallant manners of the age gave such lances the title of _glaives courtois_. the swords were blunted and rebated. instances are on record of knights encountering with swords made of whalebone, covered with parchment, the helmet and hauberk being made of leather. there existed very often, however, a disposition to convert tournaments into real battles. national rivalry broke through the restraints of knightly gentleness; envy of martial prowess, or of woman's love, had found an occasion of venting its passion; and, in spite of the authority of the king-at-arms and heralds to reject weapons of violence, bribery and power appear often to have introduced them. as the nature of offensive armour may be judged from the defensive harness, so in the laws of a country we may read the state of manners. the practice of converting the elegant tournament into a deadly fray occasioned an oath to be imposed on all knights that they would frequent tournaments solely to learn military exercises[ ]; and, by a law of england made towards the close of the thirteenth century, a broad-sword for tourneying was the only weapon that was allowed to the knight and squire; and there was a stern prohibition of a sword pointed, a dagger pointed, or a staff or mace. knights banneret and barons might be armed with mufflers, and cuishes, and shoulder-plates, and a scull-cap, without more. spectators were forbidden from wearing any armour at all, and the king-at-arms and heralds, and the minstrels, were allowed to carry only their accustomed swords without points. [sidenote: knights wore ladies' favors.] the tilting armour in which knights were sheathed was generally of a light fabric, and splendid. its ornaments came under a gentler authority than that of royal constables and marshals. if the iron front of a line of cavaliers in the battle-field was frequently gemmed with the variously coloured signs of ladies' favors, those graceful additions to armour yet more beseemed the tournament. damsels were wont to surmount the helmets of their knights with chaplets, or to affix streamers to their spears[ ], and a cavalier who was thus honoured smiled with self-complacency on the highly emblazoned surcoat of his rival in chivalry. the desire to please ladies fair formed the very soul of the tournament.[ ] every young and gallant knight wore the device of his mistress, while, indeed, the hardier sons of chivalry carried fiercer signs of their own achievements: but they were unmarked by the bright judges of the tourney, for their eyes could only follow through the press their own emblems of love. nothing was now to be heard but the noise and clattering of horse and armour. "ther mayst thou see devising of harneis so uncouth[ ], and so rich, and wrought so wele of goldsmithey, of brouding[ ], and of stele, the sheldes bright, testeres[ ], and trappures; gold hewn helms, hauberks, cote-armures; lords in paramentes[ ], on hir courseres, knights of retinue, and eke squires, nailing the speres, and helmes buckling, gniding[ ] of sheldes, with lainers[ ] lacing; ther as need is they were nothing idle: the fomy steeds on the golden bridle gnawing, and fast the armourers also with file and hammer pricking to and fro; yeomen on foot, and communes many on, with short staves, thick as they may gone; pipes, trompes, nakeres[ ], and clariounes, that in the bataile blowen blody sounes."[ ] [sidenote: the preparation.] after the arms had been examined, "_à l'ostelle, à l'ostelle_, to achievement knights and squires to achievement," was cried by the well-voiced heralds from side to side, and the cavaliers, making their obeisances to the ladies, retired within their tents to don their harness. at the cry, "come forth, knights, come forth," they left their pavilions, and mounting their good steeds, stationed themselves by the side of their banners. the officers-at-arms then examined their saddles; for though they might grow unto their seats, yet it could only lawfully be done by noble horsemanship, and not by thongs attaching the man and horse together.[ ] [sidenote: the encounter.] the ladies and gallant spectators being fairly ranged round the lists, and the crowds of plebeian gazers being disciplined into silence and order, the heralds watched the gestures of the knight of honour, and, catching his sign that the sports might begin, they cried, "_laissez aller_." the cords which divided the two parties were immediately slackened, and the cavaliers dressing their spears to their rests, and commending themselves to their mistresses, dashed to the encounter, while the trumpets sounded the beautiful point of chivalry, for every man to do his devoir.[ ] each knight was followed by his squires, whose number was, in england, by the ancient statute of tournaments already alluded to, limited to three. they furnished their lord with arms, arranged his harness, and raised him from the ground, if his foe had dismounted him. these squires performed also the more pleasing task of being pages of dames and damsels. they carried words of love to re-animate the courage and strength of the exhausted cavalier, and a ribbon drawn from a maiden's bosom was often sent to her chosen knight, when in the shock of spears her first favour had been torn from the place where her fair hand had fixed it.[ ] the chivalric bands were so well poised, that one encounter seldom terminated the sport. lances were broken, horses and knights overthrown, and the tide of victory flowed to either end of the lists. the air was rent with names of ladies. war-cries were changed for gentler invocations. each noble knight called upon his mistress to assist him, thinking that there was a magic in beauty to sustain his strength and courage. "on, valiant knights, fair eyes behold you!" was the spirit-stirring cry of those older warriors who could now only gaze at and direct the amusements of chivalry. the poursuivants-at-arms cried at every noble achievement, "honor to the sons of the brave!"[ ] the minstrels echoed it in the loudest notes of their martial music, and the chivalric spectators replied by the cry, "loyauté aux dames!" [sidenote: what lance-strokes won the prize.] the keen and well-practised eyes of the heralds noted the circumstances of the contest. to break a spear between the saddle and the helmet was accounted one point or degree of honour. the higher on the body the lance was attainted or broken, the greater was the consideration; and the difficulty of breaking it on the helmet was regarded as so considerable, that the knight who performed this feat was thought to be worthy of ten points. either to strike one of the opposite party out of his saddle, or to disable him so that he could not join the next course, was an achievement that merited three points. a curious question once arose at a tournament held in naples. a knight struck his antagonist with such violence as to disarm him of his shield, cuirass, and helmet, and in turn, he was unhorsed. the judges had some difficulty in determining who merited least reproach; and it was at length decided, quite in consonance with chivalric principles, that he who fell from his horse was most dishonoured, for good horsemanship was the first quality of a knight. hence it was thought less dishonourable for a tourneying cavalier to fall with his horse than to fall alone. he who carried his lance comelily and firmly was more worthy of praise, although he broke not, than he who misgoverned his horse, and broke. he who ran high and sat steadily, accompanying his horse evenly and gently, was worthy of all commendation. to take away the rest of his adversary's lance merited more honour than to carry away any other part of his harness. to break his lance against the bow or pommel of the saddle was accounted greater shame than to bear a lance without breaking. it was equally dishonourable to break a lance traverse, or across the breast of an opponent, without striking him with the point; for as it could only occur from the horse swerving on one side, it showed unskilful riding.[ ] the courtesies of chivalry were maintained by the laws that he who struck a horse, or a man, when his back was turned, or when he was unarmed, deserved no honor. any combatant might unhelm himself, and until his helmet was replaced, none could assail him.[ ] [sidenote: conclusion of the sports.] [sidenote: the festival.] [sidenote: delivery of the prize.] [sidenote: knights thanked by ladies.] when all the knights had proved their valiancy, the lord of the tournament dropped his warder[ ], or otherwise signed to the heralds, who cried "_ployer vos bannieres_." the banners were accordingly folded, and the amusements ended. the fair and noble spectators then descended from their galleries, and repaired to the place of festival. the knights who had tourneyed clad themselves in gay weeds of peace, and entering the hall amidst long and high flourishes of trumpets, sat under the silken banners whose emblazonings recorded the antique glory of their families. favourite falcons were seated on perches above their heads, and the old and faithful dogs of the chace were allowed to be present at this joyous celebration of their master's honor. sometimes the knights encircled, in generous equality, a round table. on other occasions the feudal long table with its dais, or raised upper end, was used; and to the bravest knights were allotted the seats which were wont to belong to proud and powerful barons.[ ] every preux cavalier had by his side a lady bright. the minstrels tuned their harps to the praise of courtesy and prowess; and when the merriment was most joyous, the heralds[ ] presented to the ladies the knights who had worthily demeaned themselves.[ ] she, who by the consent of her fair companions was called _la royne de la beaulté et des amours_, delivered the prizes to the kneeling knights.[ ] this queen of beauty and love addressed each of them with a speech of courtesy, thanking him for the disport and labour which he had taken that day, presenting to him the prize as the ladies' award for his skill, and concluding with the wish that such a valorous cavalier would have much joy and worship with his lady.[ ] "the victory was entirely owing to the favor of my mistress, which i wore in my helmet," was the gallant reply of the knight; for he was always solicitous to exalt the honor of his lady-love. as tournaments were scenes of pleasure, the knight who appeared in the most handsome guise was praised; and, to complete the courtesies of chivalry, thanks were rendered to those who had travelled to the lists from far countries.[ ] [sidenote: the ball.] [sidenote: liberality.] dancing then succeeded, the knights taking precedence agreeably to their feats of arms in the morning. and now, when every one's heart was exalted by the rich glow of chivalry, the heralds called for their rewards. liberality was a virtue of every true knight, and the officers-at-arms were more particular in tracing the lines of his pedigree, than in checking him from overleaping the bounds of a prudent and rational generosity. one day's amusement did not always close the tournament: but on the second morning the knights resigned the lists to their esquires, who mounted upon the horses, and wore the armour and cognisances of their lords. they also were conducted by young maidens, who possessed authority to adjudge and give the prize to the worthiest esquire. at the close of the day the festival was renewed, and the honours were awarded. on the third morning there was a mêlée of knights and esquires in the lists, and the judgment of the ladies was again referred to, and considered decisive.[ ] [sidenote: tournaments opposed by the popes.] [sidenote: the opposition was unjust.] such were the general circumstances and laws of tournaments during the days of chivalry. these warlike exercises even survived their chief purpose, for they formed the delight of nations[ ] after the use of artillery had driven the graceful and personal prowess of chivalry from the battle-field.[ ] in all the time of their existence they were powerfully opposed by the papal see, avowedly on the ground of humanity. there was some little excuse for this interference; for though the lances were headless, and the swords rebated, yet the shock of the career sometimes overthrew men and horses, and bruises were as deadly as the lances' wounds. the historians of the middle ages, who generally echoed the wishes of the vatican, carefully record every instance where a life was lost in a tournament; and, perhaps, a dozen such unfortunate events are mentioned by the chroniclers of all european nations during the fourteenth century: a number exceedingly small when we reflect upon the nature of the conflict; that the time now spoken of was the very noonday of chivalry; and that not a circumstance of public joy, not a marriage among the nobles and high gentry of the land, but was celebrated by a tournament. the vatican might thunder its denial of christian sepulture to those who fell in a tilting ground; but still the knights would don their gorgeous harness to win the meed of noble chevisance. while learned casuists were declaring from the pulpits that they who were killed at tournaments were most assuredly damned[ ], heralds' trumpets in every baronial court were summoning knights and squires to gentle exercise and proof of arms; and though fanatical monks might imagine visions where knights were perishing in hell flames[ ], yet gallant cavaliers, warm and joyous with aspirations for fame and woman's love, could not be scared by such idle phantasms. it was not, however, from any sincere considerations for humanity that the popes opposed themselves to the graceful exercises of the age; for, at the celebrated council held at lyons in , it was openly and for the first time declared, that tournaments were iniquitous, because they prevented the chivalry of europe from joining the holy wars in palestine. the shores of syria might drink torrents of christian blood, and the popes would bless the soil; but if in the course of several centuries a few unfortunate accidents happened in the lists of peace and courtesy, all the graceful amusements of europe were to be interdicted, and the world was to be plunged into the state of barbarism from which chivalry had redeemed it. tournaments were also interdicted on account of their expensiveness. wealth poured forth its treasures, and art exercised its ingenuity in apparelling the barons, knights, and ladies; and even the housings of the horses were so rich as to rival the caparisons of asiatic steeds: but the popes could see no advantage to the social state in all this gay and prodigal magnificence, and they wished that all the treasures of the west should be poured into the holy land.[ ] [sidenote: the joust.] the joust was the other chief description of military exercises. it was so far inferior to the tournament, that he who had tourneyed, and had given largess to the heralds, might joust without further cost; but the joust did not give freedom to the tournament, nor was it the most favourite amusement, for baronial pomp was not necessary to its display, and many a joust was held without a store of ladies bright distributing the prize. there were two sorts of jousts, the _joute à l'outrance_, or the joust to the utterance, and the _joute à plaisance_, or joust of peace. [sidenote: description of the joust to the utterance.] and, first, of the serious joust. the joust to the utterance expressed a single combat between two knights, who were generally of different nations. in strictness of speech, the judicial combat was a joust _à l'outrance_, and so was every duel, whether lawful or unlawful; but with such jousts chivalry has no concern.[ ] [sidenote: joust between a scotch and english knight.] in a time of peace, during the year , there were sundry jousts and combats between scots and englishmen, for proof of their valiant activity in feats of arms, and to win fame and honour. the most remarkable encounter was that which took place between sir david de lindsay, first earl of crawford, and the lord wells, in the presence of richard ii. and his court. they agreed[ ] to run certain courses on horseback, with spears sharply ground, for life or death. the place appointed for these jousts was london bridge; the day was the feast of st. george. the doughty knights appeared sheathed in armour of proof, and mounted on mighty war-horses. they ran together with all the fierceness of mortal hate; and though they attainted, yet both kept their saddles. lord crawford retained his seat with such remarkable firmness that the people cried out that assuredly he was locked in his saddle. incontinently that right noble knight leaped from his steed, and again, armed as he was, vaulted on his back, and amazed the beholders by his perfect horsemanship. the battle was renewed on foot; the skill of the scotsman prevailed, and the life of the lord wells was in his power. de lindsay now displayed the grace and courtesy of his chivalry, for he raised his foe from the ground, and presented him as a gift to the queen, wishing, like a true knight, that mercy should proceed from woman. the queen thanked the valiant and courteous scot, and then gave liberty to the lord wells.[ ] [sidenote: jousting for love of the ladies.] woman's love was as frequent a cause for a joust to the utterance as national rivalry. many a knight would sally from a besieged town during a suspension of general hostilities, and demand whether there was any cavalier of the opposite host who, for love of his lady bright, would do any deed of arms. "now let us see if there be any amorous among you[ ]," was the usual conclusion of such a challenger, as he reined in his fiery steed, and laid his spear in its rest. such an invitation was generally accepted; but if it passed unheeded, he was permitted to return to the gates of his town; for it would not have been thought chivalric to surround and capture a cavalier who offered to peril himself in so noble a manner. [sidenote: a singular instance of it.] two parties of french and english met by adventure near cherbourg, and, like valiant knights, each desired to fight with the other. they all alighted, except sir launcelot of lorrys, who sat firm and erect upon his horse, his spear in his hand, and his shield hanging from his neck. he demanded a course of jousting for his lady's sake. there were many present who right well understood him; for there were knights and squires of the english part in love as well as he was. all was bustle, and every man ran to his horse, anxious to prove his gallantry against the noble frenchman. sir john copeland was the first who advanced from the press, and in a moment his well-pointed ashen lance pierced through the side of lorrys, and wounded him to death. every one lamented his fate, for he was a hardy knight, young, jolly, and right amorous[ ]; and the death of a gallant cavalier was always lamented by his brethren in arms; for the good companionship of chivalry was superior to national distinctions. [sidenote: joust between a french and an english squire.] this noble feeling of knighthood was very pleasingly displayed in a circumstance that happened in france, during the year . the duke of brittany profited by the weakness and confusion consequent on the death of king john, and easily made his peace with the court of the new monarch. the duke of buckingham, uncle of richard ii. of england, had been acting as the ally of the duke of brittany; but now, as the war was over, he prepared to conduct most of his army home. he had been joined by some knights from cherbourg, then an english town, and in the new martial arrangements it was agreed that they should return to their garrison; but they were not allowed to wear their harness during their march. the constable of france, who was then at the castle of josselyn, gave them safe-conduct. after embracing their good companions at vannes, they mounted their palfreys, and commenced their course. an hour's riding brought them to josselyn, and they rested awhile in the town, without the castle, intending merely to dine there, and then depart. while they were at their lodging, certain companions of the castle, knights and squires, came to see them, as was the wont of men of war, and particularly englishmen and frenchmen. a french squire, named john boucmell, discovered among the stranger band a squire called nicholas clifford, with whom, on former occasions, he had often exchanged looks and words of defiance. thinking that a very fair opportunity for chevisance had presented itself, he exclaimed, "nicholas, divers times we have wished and devised to do deeds of arms together, and now we have found each other in place and time where we may accomplish it. let us now, in presence of the constable of france, and other lords, have three courses on foot with sharp spears, each of us against the other." nicholas replied, "john, you know right well that we are now going on our way by the safe-conduct of my lord your constable. what you require of me, therefore, cannot now be done, for i am not the chief of this safe-conduct, for i am but under those other knights who are here. i would willingly abide, but they will not." the french squire replied, "you shall not excuse yourself by this means: let your company depart, if they list, for i promise you, by covenant, that when the arms are performed between you and me, i will bring you to cherbourg without peril. make you no doubt of that." nicholas answered, that he did not mean to gainsay his courtesy, but that he could not fight, as he and the rest of the english were journeying without their armour. this objection was readily answered by the frenchman, who proffered his own stores of harness; and nicholas, though exceedingly indisposed to a joust, was obliged to say, that if the lords whom he accompanied would not permit the encounter there, he promised him, as soon as he arrived at cherbourg, and was apprised of john's arrival at boulogne, he would come to him, and deliver him of his challenge. "nay, nay," quoth john, "seek no respite: i have offered, and continue to offer, so many things so honourable, that you cannot depart and preserve your good name, without doing deeds of arms with me." the frenchmen then retired to the castle, leaving the englishmen to dine in their lodging. after dinner the travelling knights repaired to the castle, to require from the constable a troop of cavaliers to conduct them through brittany and normandy to cherbourg. the subject of the challenge had been much discussed by the frenchmen, and as the execution of it appeared to be within their own power, they earnestly requested their leader to forbid the further journey of the englishmen, while the deed of arms remained unaccomplished. the constable received the strangers sweetly, and then, softening the harshness of his words by the chivalric courtesy of his manner, he said to them, "sirs, i arrest you all, so that ye shall not depart this day; and to-morrow, after mass, you shall see deeds of arms done between our squire and yours; and you shall dine with me, and after dinner you shall depart with your guides to cherbourg." the english were right glad to be summoned to a chivalric sport, and, after drinking of the constable's wine, they took their leave, and returned to their lodging. on the next morning each squire heard mass, and was confessed. they then leapt on their horses, and, with the lords of france on one part, and the englishmen on the other, they rode all together to a fair plain, near the castle of josselyn. john boucmell had prepared, according to his promise, two suits of harness, fair and good, and offered the choice to nicholas; but the englishman not only waved his choice, but, with still further courtesy, assisted john to arm. the frenchman, in return, helped him to don the other suit of harness. when they were armed they took their spears, and advanced against each other on foot, from the opposite ends of the lists. on approaching they couched their spears, and the weapon of nicholas struck john on the breast, and, sliding under the gorget of mail, it entered his throat. the spear broke, and the iron truncheon remained in the neck. the english squire passed onwards, and sat down in his chair. the frenchman appeared transfixed to the spot, and his companions advanced to him in alarm. they took off his helmet, and, drawing out the truncheon, the poor squire fell down dead. grief at this event was general, but the saddest and sincerest mourners were nicholas and the earl of march, the former for having slain a valiant man of arms, and the other because john boucmell had been his squire. the constable spoke all the words of comfort to his noble friend which his kindness could prompt, and then made the knightly spectators repair to the castle, in whose hospitable hall every disposition to jealousy and revenge was discarded. after dinner the english troop bade farewell to the noble constable, and, under the conduct of the gentle knight, the barrois of barres, they resumed their course to cherbourg.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: jousts of peace.] i come now to describe the joust _à plaisance_. jousts of this friendly description often took place at the conclusion of a tournament; for a knight who had shown himself worthy of the tourneying prize caracoled his prancing steed about the lists; and, animated by the applauding smiles of dames and damsels, he called on the surrounding cavaliers by their valiancy, and for love of the ladies, to encounter him in three strokes with the lance. [sidenote: skill of jousters.] more frequently jousts were held at places appointed expressly for the occasion. when they were jousts of peace, the mode of combat was always specifically described. a knight would often challenge another for love of his lady to joust three courses with a spear, three strokes with a sword, three with a dagger, and three with an axe.[ ] it was the rule for knights to strike at each other only on the body, or within the four quarters, as the times phrased their meaning. the loss of his good name and the forfeiture of his horse and arms were the penalties of violating this usage. sometimes the weapons were similar to those used in tournaments; but more frequently they were weapons of war[ ]; and though the lances were sharp, and the bright swords were not rebated, seldom was blood shed in these jousts, so truly admirable was the military skill of the soldiers in chivalry. the tournaments are interesting in the general circumstances of their splendour and knightly gallantry; but the jousts give us a far more curious knowledge of ancient manners. [sidenote: singular questions regarding jousts.] but before i describe these martial amusements, let me call my reader's attention for a few moments to the subtlety of intellect with which questions respecting the circumstances that happened at jousts were discussed. two gentlemen agreed to fight on horseback, and he who first fell was to be deemed the vanquished man. by the chance of battle it happened that they both fell together, and the sage spirits of chivalry were agitated by the question, who should be accounted victorious. some thought that the defender ought to have the honour, for in all doubtful cases the challenged person should be favoured; others contended, that as the fall of the challenger might proceed from his own force, and not the virtue of the enemy, the judgment ought to lie dead: but the best and general decision was this:--if the combat were for trial of skill or love of the ladies, the challenger ought to lose the honour; but if it were for the decision of any mortal quarrel, the battle ought to be resumed some other day, because in combats of that kind no victory was gained until one of the parties were either slain or yielded himself prisoner, or had with his own mouth denied the words whereon the combat was occasioned. on another occasion, seven knights agreed with seven of their companions to run certain courses for honour and love of the ladies. when the joust took place, five of one side acquitted themselves right chivalrously, but their two brother-tilters were overthrown. on the other side, two only performed their courses well, the rest of that company lost many lances and ran very foul. it was then debated whether unto five well-doers and two evil, or unto two well-doers and five evil, the honour ought to be allotted. as the question did not regard the merit of any particular man, but which party in general best performed the enterprise, it was alleged that the party wherein were most well-doers ought to have the honour, notwithstanding the fall of two of their companions. this opinion was met by the acknowledged rule of arms, that the fall from horseback by the enemies' force or skill was the most reproachful chance that could happen to a knight. therefore it was contended that the misadventure of two men only might reasonably be the loss of honour to the rest.[ ] but further details of chivalric subtleties would afford little pleasure, and contenting myself with having shown that our ancestors' intellects were as sharp as their swords, we will progress to the tilting ground. [sidenote: an earl of warwick.] one of the earls of warwick went to france dressed in weeds of peace, but carrying secretly his jousting harness. in honour of his lady he set up three shields on three pavilions, and his heralds proclaimed his challenges, apparently from three different knights, among the lords, knights, and squires of honour in france. the devices on his shields and the names he assumed were emblematical of love and war. three skilful jousters of france on three successive days touched the shields, and the earl, dressed in different guises, overthrew them all. they now became his friends: he entertained them with chivalrique magnificence, and gave jewels of price to them all. for himself he had acquired renown, and that was all he wished; for he now could return to his lady, and showing how he had sped in his chivalric courses, could proudly claim the reward of valour.[ ] [sidenote: celebrated joust at st. ingelbertes.] "ye have heard oftentimes, it said, how the sport of ladies and damsels encourageth the hearts of young lusty gentlemen, and causeth them to desire and seek to get honour."[ ] such is froissart's beautiful and romantic prelude to his account of a very interesting joust. in the year , the king charles v. tarried several days at montpellier, delighting himself with the pastime of the ladies; and the gentlemen of his court were no bad imitators of his fancy. three cavaliers, in particular, were chiefly marked. they were the young sir boucicaut, sir raynold of roy, and the lord of st. pye. their valour was inspired by gallantry, and they resolved to achieve high feats of arms in the ensuing summer; and if it had been possible for a knight to entertain any other object in his imagination, than the favour of his sovereign lady, the gallant knights of france had a very noble motive to enterprise, for some reflections had lately been cast upon their honour by an english cavalier. the noble knighthood that was in them felt a stain like a wound; and this imputation on their honor gave the form and color to the joust they meditated; for they resolved to perform their deeds of arms in the frontier near calais, hoping that englishmen might be incited to meet them. the holding of the joust at such a place was not deemed courteous by some members of the king's council, for it was thought that the english would consider it presumptuous; and the more sage and prudent knights murmured their opinion, that it was not always right to consent to the purposes of young men, for incidents rather evil than good often sprang from them. the king, however, who was young and courageous, overruled all scruples, and ordered that the joust should proceed, because the knights had promised and sworn it before the ladies of montpellier. then the king sent for the three knights into his chamber, and said to them, "sirs, in all your doing regard wisely the honor of us and of our realm; and to maintain your estate, spare nothing, for we will not fail you for the expence of ten thousand franks." the three knights knelt before the king, and thanked his grace. so important to the national honor was this joust considered, that the challenge was not published till it had been revised by charles and his council. this was its form:--"for the great desire that we have to come to the knowledge of noble gentlemen, knights, esquires, strangers, as well of the nation of france, as elsewhere of far countries, we shall be at st. ingelbertes, in the marshes of calais, the th day of the month of may next coming, and there continue thirty days complete, the fridays only excepted, and to deliver all manner of knights and squires, gentlemen, strangers of any nation, whosoever they be, that will come thither for the breaking of five spears, either sharp or rockets, at their pleasure; and without our lodgings shall be the shields of our arms, both shields of peace and of war, and whosoever will joust, let him come or send the day before, and with a rod touch which shield he pleases. if he touch the shield of war, the next day he shall joust with which of the three he will; and if he touch the shield of peace, he shall have the jousts of peace and of war; so that whosoever shall touch any of the shields shall shew their names to such as shall be then limited by us to receive them. and all such stranger-knights as will joust shall bring each some nobleman on his part who shall be instructed by us what ought to be done in this case. and we require all knights and squires, strangers that will come and joust, that they think not we do this for any pride, hatred, or evil will, but that we only do it to have their honorable company and acquaintance, which with our entire hearts we desire. none of our shields shall be covered with iron or steel, nor any of theirs that will come to joust with us, without any manner of fraud or unfair advantage, but every thing shall be ordered by them to whom shall be committed the charge of governing the jousts. and because that all gentlemen, noble knights, and squires, to whom this shall come to knowledge, should be assured of its being firm and stable, we have sealed the present writing with the seals of our arms. written at montpellier the twentieth day of november, in the year of our lord god one thousand, three hundred, four-score and nine, and signed thus. raynolde du roy--boucicaut--st. pye." when this challenge was published, the knights and squires of england entertained great imaginations to know what to do; and most of them thought it would be deeply to their blame and reproach that such an enterprise should take place near calais, without their passing the sea. they therefore thanked the french chivalry for deporting themselves so courteously, and holding the joust so near the english marshes. accordingly, in the fresh and jolly month of may, when the spring was at its finest point, the three young knights of france mounted their gay steeds, and sportively held their course from paris to boulogne. they then progressed to the abbey of st. ingilbertes, and were right joyful to learn that a number of knights and squires of merry england had, like good companions, crossed the sea, and were arraying themselves for the joust. the frenchmen raised three green pavilions, in a fair and champaign spot, between st. ingilbertes and calais. to the entrance of each pavilion they affixed two shields, with the arms of the knights, one shield of peace, and the other of war; and again proclaimed that such knights as would do deeds of arms should touch one of the shields, or cause it to be touched, whichever mode pleased him, and he should be delivered according to his desire. on the day appointed for the jousts, all the respective chivalries of france and england poured from the gates of st. ingilberte and calais, eager for the gallant fray. such as proposed to be mere spectators met in friendly union, without regard to national differences. the king of france was present in a disguise.[ ] the three french knights retired within their pavilions, and squires donned their harness. the english jousters apparelled themselves, and took their station at the end of the plain, opposite the pavilions. a flourish of clarions proclaimed the commencement of the joust, and the herald's trumpet sounded to horse. when all was hushed in breathless expectation, sir john holland, earl of huntingdon, pricked forth with the slow and stately pace of high-born chivalry, from the end of the lists which had been assigned to the english strangers. he was a right gallant cavalier, and he commanded his squire to touch the war-shield of sir boucicaut. incontinently, that noble son of chivalry, ready mounted, left his pavilion with shield and spear. the knights marked each other well, and then spurred their horses to the encounter. the spear of sir boucicaut pierced through the shield of the english knight; but it passed hurtless over his arm, and their good steeds bounded to either end of the plain. this course was greatly commended. the second course was altogether harmless; and in the third course the horses started aside, and would not cope. the earl of huntingdon, who was somewhat chafed, came to his place, waiting for sir boucicaut taking his spear; but he did not, for he showed that he would run no more that day against the earl, who then sent his squire to touch the war-shield of the lord of st. pye. he issued out of his pavilion, and took his horse, shield, and spear. when the earl saw that he was ready, he spurred his horse, and st. pye did not with less force urge his own good steed. they couched their spears: at the meeting their horses crossed, but with the crossing of their spears the earl was unhelmed. he returned to his squires, and incontinently was rehelmed. he took his spear, and st. pye his, and they ran again, and met each other with their spears in the middle of their shields. the shock nearly hurled both to the ground, but they saved themselves by griping their horses with their legs, and returned to their places, and took breath. sir john holland, who had great desire to do honourably, took again his spear, and urged his horse to speed. when the lord of st. pye saw him coming, he dashed forth his horse to encounter him. each of them struck the other on the helms with such force that the fire flew out. with that attaint the lord of st. pye was unhelmed; and so they passed forth, and came again to their own places. this course was greatly praised, and both french and english said that those three knights, the earl of huntingdon, sir boucicaut, and the lord st. pye, had right well done their devoirs. again the earl desired, for love of his lady, to have another course; but he was refused, and he then mixed with the knights, and spectators, and gave place to others, for he had ran all his six courses well and valiantly, so that he had laud and honour of all parties. these noble jousts continued for four days.[ ] the gallant champions assembled after matins, and did not quit the course till the vesper-bell of the abbey summoned them to prayer. of the noble company of knights and squires there were few who did not add something to their fame; for if a knight happened to be unhelmed, yet perhaps he did not lose his stirrups, and he was admired for sustaining a severe shock. such was the noble chevisance of the jousters that no mortal wound was inflicted.[ ] the lance was the only weapon used. to unhelm the adverse knight by striking his frontlet was the chiefest feat of arms, and in the fierce career of opposing steeds, the firmest strength and the nicest skill could alone achieve it. helms struck fire, lances were splintered, and the lance-head was lodged in the shield: but sometimes the shield resisted the lance, and men and steeds reeled back to their several pavilions. each gallant knight, however, "grew unto his seat, and to such wond'rous doing brought his horse as he had been incorps'd and demi-natur'd with the brave beast." the knighthood and squirery of england sent forth nearly forty of their host to vindicate their chivalry, and right nobly did they deport themselves against the doughtiest lances of france. there was only one knight who disgraced the order of chivalry. by birth he was a bohemian, in station an attendant of the king of england. it was demanded of him with whom he would joust. he answered, with boucicaut. they then prepared themselves and ran together, but the bohemian struck a prohibited part of the armour, and he was greatly blamed that he demeaned his course so badly. by the laws of the joust he should have forfeited his arms and horse, but the frenchman, out of courtesy to the englishmen, forgave him. the bohemian to redeem his shame required again to joust one course. he was demanded against whom he would run; and he sent to touch the shield of sir raynolde du roy. that gallant knight was not long before he answered him. they met in the middle of their shields, and the french cavalier struck his antagonist from his horse; and the englishmen were not displeased that he was overthrown, because he had ran the first course so ungoodly. this sir raynolde du roy was one of the best jousters in all the realm of france, and no wonder; for our faithful and gallant chronicler reports that he lived in love with a young maiden, which availed him much in all his affairs.[ ] one of his most valiant antagonists was a gentle knight of england, young and fresh, a jolly dancer and singer, called sir john arundell. at the first course they met rudely, and struck each other on the shields, but they held themselves without falling, and passed forth their course. the second course they struck each other on the helms; the third course they crossed and lost their staves; the fourth course resembled the second; the fifth course they splintered their spears against their shields, and then sir john arundell ran no more that day. at the conclusion of the jousts the earl of huntingdon, and the earl marshal, and the lord clifford, the lord beaumont, sir john clinton, sir john dambreticourt, sir peter sherborne, and all other knights that had jousted those four days with the french knights, thanked them greatly for their pastime, and said, "sirs, all such as would joust of our party have accomplished their desires; therefore now we will take leave of you: we will return to calais, and so cross to england; and we know that whoever will joust with you will find you here these thirty days, according to the tenor of your challenge." the french knights were grateful for this courtesy, saying, that all new comers should be right heartily welcome; "and we will deliver them according to the rights of arms, as we have done you; and, moreover, we thank you for the grace and gallantry that you have shewn to us." thus in knightly manner the englishmen departed from saint ingilbertes, and rode to calais, where they tarried not long, for the saturday afterwards they took shipping and sailed to dover, and reached that place by noon. on the sunday they progressed to rochester, and the next day to london, whence every man returned to his home. the three french knights remained the thirty days at saint ingilbertes, but no more englishmen crossed the sea to do any deed of arms with them.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: joust between lord scales and the bastard of burgundy.] perhaps the most interesting joust in the middle ages was that which was held between lord scales, brother of the queen of edward the fourth, and the bastard of burgundy. many of the circumstances which attended it are truly chivalric.[ ] on the th of april, , the queen and some ladies of her court, in a mood of harmless merriment, attached a collar of gold, enamelled with the rich floure of souvenance[ ], to the thigh of that right worshipful and amorous knight, anthony woodville, lord scales, for an emprise of arms on horseback and on foot.[ ] the most renowned cavalier at that time was the bastard of burgundy, and accordingly lord scales addressed him in courteous wise, praising his prowess, and vowing before god and the ladies that his own great desire was to rival his fame. in order, then, that there might exist that love and fraternity between them which became knights of worship, he related the goodly adventure at the court of england, and requiring the bastard, in all affection for the honour of chivalry, to do him so much favour as to discharge him of his bond. the earl of worcester, lord high constable of england, certified the fact of the delivery of the floure of souvenance to the lord scales, and the king's permission for his herald to cross the seas to burgundy. the bastard received the letter on the last day of april, and with permission of his father, the duke of burgundy, he consented to assist the lord scales in accomplishing his emprise. lord scales and the court of england were right joyous and grateful at the news, and edward granted a safe-conduct to the adventurous burgundian, the earl of roche, and a thousand persons in his company, to come into england, to perform certain feats of arms with his dearly beloved brother anthony woodville, lord scales, and nucelles.[ ] the bastard accordingly set sail for england, nobly accompanied by four hundred of his father's prowest chivalry. by edward's command, garter king-at-arms met him at gravesend. the gallant squadron sailed towards london, and at blackwall it was joined by the earl of worcester, attended by a noble troop of lords, knights, and squires, and also by many of the aldermen and rich citizens of london. the lord of burgundy landed at billingsgate, and was welcomed by another party of the nobility and trades of england, (so general was the interest of the expected joust,) who conducted him on horseback through cornhill and cheap to the palace of the bishop of salisbury in fleet street, which royal courtesy had appointed for his abode. lord scales soon afterwards came to london, attended by the nobility and chivalry of his house, and the king assigned him the palace of the bishop of ely in holborn for his residence. the noble stranger was introduced to edward on his coming to london from kingston, in order to open the parliament. the ceremonies of the joust were then arranged by well experienced knights, and strong lists were erected in smithfield, one hundred and twenty yards and ten feet long, eighty yards and ten feet broad, with fair and costly galleries around. on the morning appointed for the gallant show, the king and queen with all the chivalry and beauty of the land, repaired to smithfield. the king sat under a richly canopied throne, at one end of the lists; on each side were lords and ladies, and underneath him were ranged the knights, the squires, and the archers of his train. the city magistrates then appeared; the lord mayor bowing, and the mace-bearer lowering his sign of authority, as they passed the king in their procession to the other end of the lists, where scaffolds of similar form, but inferior magnificence to the royal chambers, were erected for them. the eight guards of the lists entered on horseback, and received their charge from the earl marshal and lord high constable of england, who gently paced their horses to and fro beneath the throne. when every thing was fairly arranged, lord scales appeared at the gate of the lists. at the sound of his trumpet the constable advanced and demanded his purpose. the young lord, with the grace and modesty of chivalry, replied, that he solicited the honor of presenting himself before his sovereign liege the king, in order to accomplish his arms against the bastard of burgundy. the gate was then thrown open by command of the constable, and the lord scales entered the lists, followed by nine noblemen on horseback, bearing parts of his harness and arms, and nine pages riding on gaily caparisoned steeds. they advanced to the king, and after having made their obeisances, they retired to a pavilion at one end of the lists. with similar forms the lord of burgundy, attended by the chosen chivalry of his country, approached the king, and then repaired to his tent. the heralds commanded silence, and forbad any one, by the severest penalties, from intermeddling with the jousters. two lances and two swords were taken to the king, who, being satisfied of their fitness, commanded the lords who bore them to take them to the combatants. the stranger-knight made his election, and dressed his lance to its rest. lord scales prepared himself with equal gallantry, and they dashed to the encounter. their spears were sharp; but so perfect was their knowledge of chivalry, that no wounds were inflicted. the nicest judges could mark no difference of skill, and the noble knights jousted their courses, when the king dropped his warder, and the amusements ended. the next day the court and city repaired to smithfield, with their accustomed pomp, and the spectacle was varied by the jousters contending with swords. the sports were, however, untimely closed by the steed of lord scales with the spike of his chaffron overthrowing the bastard of burgundy and his horse; and the king would not allow the tourney to proceed, though the bruised knight gallantly asserted his wish not to fail his encounter companion. not wearied by two days' amusement, the chivalry and beauty of england assembled in the lists of smithfield on the third morning. the noblemen now fought on foot with pole-axes. at last the point of lord scales's weapon entered the sight of the burgundian's helmet, and there was a feeling of fear through the galleries that a joust of peace would have a fatal termination. but before it could be seen whether lord scales meant to press his advantage, the king dropped his warder, and the marshals separated them. the bastard of burgundy prayed for leave to continue his enterprise; and the lord scales consented. but the matter was debated by the assembled chivalry; and it was declared by the earl of worcester, then constable of england, and the duke of norfolk the marshal, that if the affair were to proceed, the knight of burgundy must, by the law of arms, be delivered to his adversary in the same state and condition as he was in when they were separated. this sentence was a virtual prohibition of the continuance of the joust, and the bastard therefore relinquished his challenge. the herald's trumpet then sounded the well known point of chivalry that the sports were over; but as the times were joyous as well as martial, the knights and ladies before they parted held a noble festival at mercer's hall.[ ] the feats of arms at st. ingilbertes displayed the martial character of the joust; and the emprise of lord scales shows how beautifully love could blend itself with images of war, and the interest which a whole nation could take in the circumstance of certain fair ladies of a court binding round the thigh of a gallant knight a collar of gold, enamelled with a floure of souvenance. [sidenote: the romance of jousts.] but the high romantic feeling of chivalric times is, perhaps, still more strikingly displayed in the following tale. in the beginning of the year , an esquire of spain, named michel d'orris, being full of valour and love, attached a piece of iron to his leg, and vowed that he would endure the pain till he had won renown by deeds of chivalry. the prowess of the english knights most keenly excited his emulation; and, as his first measure to cope with it, he journeyed from arragon to paris. he then issued his defiance to the english chivalry at calais, to perform exercises on foot with the battle-axe, the sword, and the dagger, and to run certain courses on horseback with the lance. a noble soldier, hight sir john prendergast, a companion of lord somerset, governor of calais, being equally desirous to gain honour and amusement, like a gentleman, to the utmost of his power, accepted the challenge in the name of god, of the blessed virgin mary, and of his lords saint george and saint anthony. like a true brother in chivalry, he expressed his wish to relieve the arragonian esquire from the pain he was suffering; and, agreeably to the nobleness and modesty of his profession, he avowed his joy at the occasion of making acquaintance with some of the french nobility[ ], and learning from them the honourable exercise of arms; and then, in a fine strain of gallantry, he concludes his acceptance of the challenge by praying that the author of all good would grant the gentle esquire joy, honour, and pleasure, and every description of happiness to the lady of his affection, to whom sir john prendergast entreated that those letters might recommend him. political affairs recalled orris to arragon, and the english knight, not knowing that circumstance, wrote to him at paris, pressing the performance of the emprise, reminding him how much his honour was concerned in the matter, and entreating cupid, the god of love, as orris might desire the affections of his lady, to urge him to hasten his journey.[ ] no answer was returned to this heart-stirring epistle; and, after waiting several months, prendergast again addressed orris, expressing his astonishment that the challenge had not been prosecuted, and no reason rendered for the neglect by the valiant esquire. he was ignorant if the god of love, who had inspired him with courage to undertake the emprise, had since been displeased, and changed his ancient pleasures, which formerly consisted in urging on deeds of arms, and in promoting the delights of chivalry. he was wont to keep the nobles of his court under such good government, that, to add to their honor, after having undertaken any deeds of arms, they could not absent themselves from the country where such enterprise was to be performed, until it was perfectly accomplished. anxious to preserve the favour of the god of love, and from respect to the ladies, sir john prendergast was still ready, with the aid of god, of saint george, and saint anthony, to deliver him whom he still hoped was the servant of cupid; and unless within a short time the emprise was accomplished, he intended to return to england, where he hoped that knights and esquires would bear witness that he had not misbehaved towards the god of love, to whom he recommended his own lady and the lady of orris.[ ] the esquire returned to paris, after he had finished his military duties in arragon, still wearing the painful badge of iron. he found at paris all the letters of prendergast. his chivalric pride was wounded at the thought that the god of love had banished him from his court, and made him change his mind; and he informed his noble foe that assuredly, without any dissembling, he should never, in regard to the present emprise, change his mind, so long as god might preserve his life; nor had there ever been any of his family who had not always acted in such wise as became honest men and gentlemen. notwithstanding the appeal of orris to the chivalry of prendergast no deeds of arms were achieved. the delay of answers to his letters had offended the english knight, and some misunderstanding regarding the petty arrangements of the joust abruptly terminated the affair.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: the passage of arms.] a very favourite description of joust was that which was called a passage of arms. a knight and his companions proclaimed that they would on a certain day guard a particular road or bridge from all persons of cavaleresque rank, who attempted to pass.[ ] those who undertook such an emprise had their arms attached to pillars at the end of the lists with some plain shields of different colours, in which were marked the nature of the adventure, and the description of arms that were to be employed, so that he, who repaired to the passage, with the design of trying his skill, chose his mode of combat by touching one of the shields whereon it was specified. officers at arms were in waiting to collect and register the names of such as touched the different shields, that they might be called out in the rotation of their first appearance. in the spring of the year , the lord of chargny, a noble knight of the court of burgundy, made known to all princes, barons, cavaliers, and esquires without reproach, that, for the augmentation and extension of the most noble profession and exercise of arms, it was his will and intention, in conjunction with twelve knights, squires, and gentlemen, of four quarterings, whose names he mentioned, to guard and defend a pass d'armes, situated on the great road leading from dijon toward exonne, at the end of the causeway from the said town of dijon, at a great tree called the hermit's tree, or the tree of charlemagne. he proposed to suspend on the tree two shields, (one black, besprinkled with tears of gold, the other violet, having tears of sable,) and all those who by a king at arms or pursuivant should touch the first shield should be bounden to perform twelve courses on horseback, with him the lord of chargny, or one of his knights and squires, with blunted lances; and if either of the champions, during their twelve courses, should be unhorsed by a direct blow with the lance on his armour, such person so unhorsed should present to his adversary a diamond of whatever value he pleased. those princes, barons, knights, and esquires, who should rather take their pleasure in performing feats of arms on foot, were to touch the violet shield, and should perform fifteen courses with battle-axes or swords, as might be most agreeable to them, and if during those courses any champion should touch the ground with his hand or knees he should be obliged to present to his adversary a ruby of whatever value he pleased. the lord of chargny was a right modest as well as a valiant knight, for he besought all princes, barons, knights, and esquires, not to construe his intention as the result of pride and presumption, for he assured them that his sole motive was to exalt the noble profession of arms, and also to make acquaintance by chivalric deeds with such renowned and valiant princes and nobles as might be pleased to honor him with their presence. for the forty days that followed the first of july, the passage of arms lasted, and right nobly did the burgundian chivalry comport themselves. their most skilful opponent was a valiant knight of spain, hight messire pierre vasque de suavedra, with whom the lord of chargny jousted on horseback and on foot, and the nicest eye of criticism could not determine which was the doughtiest knight. at the conclusion of the jousts the cavaliers repaired to the church of our lady at dijon, and on their knees offered the shields to the virgin.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: use of tournaments and jousts.] such were the martial amusements and exercises of preux chevaliers. all the noble and graceful virtues of chivalry were reflected in the tournament and joust, and the warrior who had displayed them in the lists could not but feel their mild and beneficent influence even in the battle-field. he pricked on the plain with knightly grace as if his lady-mistress had been beholding him: skill and address insensibly softened the ferocity of the mere soldier, and he soon came to consider war itself only as a great tournament. thus the tourneying lists were schools of chivalric virtue as well as of chivalric prowess, while the splendour and joyousness of the show brought all classes of society into kind and merry intercourse. through the long period of the middle ages tournaments were the elegant pastimes of europe, and not of europe only, but of greece; and knighthood had its triumph over classical institutions when the games of chivalry were played in the circus of constantinople. the byzantines learnt them from the early crusaders; and when the french and venetians in the twelfth century became masters of the east, chivalric amusements were the common pastimes of the people, and continued so even when the greeks recovered the throne of their ancestors; nor were they abolished until the mussulmans captured constantinople, and swept away every christian and chivalric feature.[ ] in the west the tournament and joust survived chivalry itself, whose image they had reflected and brightened, for changes in the military art did not immediately affect manners; and the world long clung with fondness to those splendid and graceful shows which had thrown light and elegance over the warriors and dames of yore. chap. vii. the religious and military orders of knighthood. _general principles of the religious orders ... qualifications for them ... use of these orders to palestine ... modern history of the knights templars ... their present existence and state ... religious orders in spain ... that of st. james ... its objects ... change of its objects ... order of calatrava ... fine chivalry of a monk ... fame of this order ... order of alcantara ... knights of the lady of mercy ... knights of st. michael ... military orders ... imitations of the religious orders ... instanced in the order of the garter ... few of the present orders are of chivalric origin ... order of the bath ... dormant orders ... order of the band ... its singular rules ... its noble enforcement of chivalric duties towards woman ... order of bourbon ... strange titles of orders ... fabulous orders ... the round table ... sir launcelot ... sir gawain ... order of the stocking ... origin of the phrase blue stocking._ such were the institutions by which the character of the true knight was formed; and we might now resume our historical course did not a matter of considerable interest detain us, which, as it belongs to chivalry in general, and not entirely to any state in particular, can no where be treated with so much propriety as in this place. it has been shown that from the union of religion and arms chivalry arose, and that the defence of the church and the promoting of its interests were among the chief objects of the new system of principles and manners. but knighthood had various duties to discharge, and the cavalier, who was sometimes distracted by their number, consecrated his life to the single purpose of upholding the cross of christ. thus orders called the religious orders of knighthood were founded, and in imitation of them, fraternities, called military orders, appeared, all being ranged within the general pale of chivalry. [sidenote: general principles of the religious orders.] the religious orders, as might be expected, were sanctioned by papal authority. they were both martial and monastic in their general principles, but their internal conduct was entirely regulated by the discipline of the cloister; and, like the establishments of monks, they took some existing rule of a favourite saint as their guide. theirs was a singular compound of the chivalric and the cloisteral characters, "the fine vocation of the sword and lance with the gross aims and body-bending toil of a poor brotherhood who walk the earth pitied."[ ] like the monks they were bound by the three great monastic vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience. the first of these matters needs no explanation[ ]; the second meant a total oblivion of individuality, the community and not a peculiar possession of property; and by the third, the members were confined to obey the head of their order, to the exclusion of all other authority. these general principles of the religious societies of knighthood gave way, however, and fitted themselves to the occasions and demands of society, for like the chain-mail, which was flexible to all the motions of the body, the orders of chivalry have varied with every change of european life. ascetic privations gave place to chivalric gallantry, the vow of chastity was mitigated into a vow of connubial fidelity; and when men of noble birth and high fortune became knights of the holy and valiant societies of saint john, the temple, or saint james, the vow of poverty was dispensed with, or explained away to the satisfaction of conscientious scruples. in the fraternity of the temple a knight was permitted to hold estates, so that at his death he bequeathed some portion of them to his order.[ ] in another very important respect the religious brotherhoods were moulded to the general frame of political society. their independence of civil authority was given up, as the papal power declined, and kings refused admittance of the bulls of rome into their states without their previous license. the knights of the religious fraternities became connected with the state by professing that their duties to god and their country were prior and paramount to the rules and statutes of the brotherhood; and they adopted this form of phrase rather to prevent the suggestions of malice than from any existing necessity, for they contended that the obligations of chivalry, instead of contravening the duty of a citizen, gave it strength, and dignity, and grace.[ ] [sidenote: qualifications for them.] in their origin all the military orders and most of the religious ones were entirely aristocratic; proofs of gentility of birth were scrupulously examined; and no soldier by the mere force of his valiancy could attain the honours of an order, though such a claim was allowed for his admission into the general fraternity of knighthood. these requisites for nobleness of birth kept pace with the political state of different countries, for the sovereigns of europe and chivalry did not accord upon any particular form. thus a french candidate for the knighthood of saint john of jerusalem must have shown four quarters of gentility on his coat-armour, but in the severer aristocracies of spain and germany no less than eight heraldic emblasonings were requisite. in italy, however, where commerce checked the haughtiness of nobility, it was not expected that the pedigree should be so proud and full, and at length the old families conceded, and the new families were satisfied with the concession, that the sons of merchants should be at liberty to enter into the religious orders. it would be tedious and unprofitable to detail the history of all these chivalric societies; and were i to repeat or abridge the usual books on the topic i should in many cases be only assisting to give currency to fraud, for the title, a religious order of knighthood, was often improperly bestowed on an establishment, while in truth it was only a fraternity of monks who maintained some soldiers in their pay: other associations obtained a papal sanction, but they were small and insignificant, and their history did not affect the general state of any country. [sidenote: use of these orders to palestine.] not so, however, the noble fraternities of saint john and the temple[ ], and next, though the intervening space of dignity was considerable, the teutonic knights. these religious orders of chivalry by their principles and conduct are strongly marked in the political history of the world, for they formed the firm and unceasing bulwark of the christian kingdom in palestine during the middle ages. they were its regular militia, and maintained the holy land in the interval between the departure of one fleet of crusaders and the arrival of another. generous emulation sometimes degenerated into envy, and the heats and feuds of the knights of saint john and the temple violated the peace of the country; but these dissensions were usually hushed when danger approached their charge, and the atabal of the muselmans was seldom sounded in defiance on the frontier of the kingdom without the trumpets of the military orders in every preceptory and commandery receiving and echoing the challenge. [sidenote: particularly of the templars.] the valiancy of the templars was particularly conspicuous in the moments of the kingdom's final fate; for when the christians of the holy land were reduced to the possession of acre, and two hundred thousand mameluke tartars from egypt were encamped round its walls, the defence of the city was entrusted to peter de beaujeau, grand master of the templars. and well and chivalrously did he sustain his high and sacred charge. acre fell, indeed, but not until this heroic representative of christian chivalry and most of the noble followers of his standard had been slain. the memory of the templars is embalmed in all our recollections of the beautiful romance of the middle ages, for the red cross knights were the last band of europe's host that contended for the possession of palestine. a few survived the fall of acre and retired to sis in armenia. they were driven to the island of tortosa, whence they escaped to cyprus, and the southern shore of the mediterranean no longer rang with the cry of religious war. the origin and peculiar nature of these three great religious orders have been detailed by me in another work, and also their history as far as it was connected with the crusades; but on one subject our present deductions may be carried further: for though the annals of the cavaliers of saint john and also of the teutonic knights are mixed with general european history, yet those of the templars stand isolated. in the history of the crusades, i described the circumstances of the iniquitous and sanguinary persecution of the brotherhood of the temple, the consequent suspension of their functions[ ], and the spoliation of all those possessions with which the respect of the world had enriched them. [sidenote: modern history of the templars.] but the persecution of the templars in the fourteenth century does not close the history of the order, for though the knights were spoliated the order was not annihilated. in truth, the cavaliers were not guilty, the brotherhood was not suppressed, and, startling as is the assertion, there has been a succession of knights templars from the twelfth century down even to these days; the chain of transmission is perfect in all its links. jacques de molai, the grand master at the time of the persecution, anticipating his own martyrdom, appointed as his successor, in power and dignity, johannes marcus larmenius of jerusalem, and from that time to the present there has been a regular and uninterrupted line of grand masters. the charter by which the supreme authority has been transmitted is judicial and conclusive evidence of the order's continued existence. this charter of transmission, with the signatures of the various chiefs of the temple, is preserved at paris, with the ancient statutes of the order, the rituals, the records, the seals, the standards, and other memorials of the early templars. the brotherhood has been headed by the bravest cavaliers of france, by men who, jealous of the dignity of knighthood, would admit no corruption, no base copies of the orders of chivalry, and who thought that the shield of their nobility was enriched by the impress of the templars' red cross. bertrand du guesclin was the grand master from till his death in , and he was the only french commander who prevailed over the chivalry of our edward iii. from to , we may mark robert lenoncourt, a cavalier of one of the most ancient and valiant families of lorraine. philippe chabot, a renowned captain in the reign of francis i., wielded the staff of power from to to . the illustrious family of montmorency appear as knights templars, and henry, the first duke, was the chief of the order from to . at the close of the seventeenth century the grand master was james henry de duras, a marshal of france, the nephew of turenne, and one of the most skilful soldiers of louis xiv. the grand masters from to were three princes of the royal bourbon family. the names and years of power of these royal personages who acknowledged the dignity of the order of the temple were louis augustus bourbon, duke of maine, - ; louis henry bourbon condé - ; and louis francis bourbon conty - . the successor of these princes in the grand-mastership of the temple was louis hercules timoleon, duke de cossé brissac, the descendant of an ancient family long celebrated in french history for its loyalty and gallant bearing. he accepted the office in , and sustained it till he died in the cause of royalty at the beginning of the french revolution. the order has now its grand master, bernardus raymundus fabré palaprat, and there are colleges in england and in many of the chief cities in europe. [sidenote: present existence and state of the templars.] thus the very ancient and sovereign order of the temple is now in full and chivalric existence, like those orders of knighthood which were either formed in imitation of it, or had their origin in the same noble principles of chivalry. it has mourned as well as flourished; but there is in its nature and constitution a principle of vitality which has carried it through all the storms of fate. its continuance, by representatives as well as by title, is as indisputable a fact as the existence of any other chivalric fraternity. the templars of these days claim no titular rank, yet their station is so far identified with that of the other orders of knighthood, that they assert equal purity of descent from the same bright source of chivalry. nor is it possible to impugn the legitimate claims to honorable estimation, which the modern brethren of the temple derive from the antiquity and pristine lustre of their order, without at the same time shaking to its centre the whole venerable fabric of knightly honor.[ ] [sidenote: religious orders in spain.] the holy land was not the only country which gave birth to the religious orders of knighthood. several arose in spain, and their arms were mainly instrumental in effecting the triumph of the christian cause over that of the moors. war with the usurpers was the pristine object of some of these societies, and in other cases it was based and pillared upon a foundation of charity. perpetual enmity to the arabian infidels was the motto of all. unlike the christian kings of spain, the orders never relaxed in their hostility; they never mingled with the moors in the delights of peace, and their character was formed by their own rules and principles, unaffected by the graceful softenings of oriental luxury and taste. [sidenote: that of st. james.] the most considerable of these spanish religious orders of knighthood was that of saint james, of compostella, which sprang from the association of some knights and monks in the middle of the twelfth century, for the protection of the pilgrims who flocked from all countries to bow before the relics of the tutelar saint of spain.[ ] the monks were of the society of st. eloy, a holy person of great fame among our english ancestors; for chaucer's demure prioress was wont to verify her assertions by appealing to his authority. "her greatest oath n'as but by st. eloy." the monks and knights lived in friendly communion, the prior of the convent regulating the spiritual concerns, and a grand master, chosen by the cavaliers, leading the soldiers. they were taken under the protection of the papal see, on their professing the vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience; but afterwards pope alexander the third sank the ascendancy of the monastic portion of their character, for he permitted an oath of connubial fidelity to be substituted for that of chastity. a descent of two degrees of gentle birth was required for admission into the order of saint james, and the christian blood must have been uncontaminated with any jewish or moorish mixture. [sidenote: its objects.] the guarding of the passages to the shrine of saint james from the incursions of the moors became extended into a general defence of the kingdom against the hostilities of those enemies of the christian name; and in time their active military operations far exceeded their defensive wars in consequence and splendour. the simple object of their association being forgotten, their glories became associated with the earliest struggles of the christians for the repossession of their inheritance; and they pretended to trace their line up to the ninth century, when saint james himself, riding on a white horse, and bearing a banner marked with a red cross in his hand, assisted them to discomfit the moors. a cross, finished like the blade of a sword, and the hilt crossleted, became the ensign of the order, and the order was then appropriately called _la orden de santiago de la espada_. the centre of the crosslet was ornamented with an escalop-shell, the badge of saint james; and nothing can more strongly mark the popularity of his shrine in the middle ages than the fact of the escalop-shell being the usual designation of an european palmer. the cross was worn on a white cross mantle, and was painted red, agreeably, as it might seem, to that on the banner already alluded to. but don rodrigo ximines, an archbishop of toledo, who dealt in allegories, observed the reason to be that the sword was red with the blood of the arabs, and that the faith of the knights was burning with charity. the grand master of the order of saint james had precedence over the grand masters of other spanish orders; but the internal government of the fraternity was in the hands of a council, whose decrees were obligatory, even on the grand master himself. the order of saint james had two great commanderies, one in leon and the other in castile; and to them all other establishments were subordinate. there were perpetual disputes for precedency between these commanderies, and the kings of castile and leon fomented them, thus preventing an union which might be dangerous to the state itself, and obtaining military aid in return for occasional interference. the gratitude of sovereigns enriched the order with various possessions; but it was its own good swords that won for it the best part of its territories. notwithstanding that, like all other religious orders of knighthood, the order of saint james had originally enjoyed independence of royal authority, yet in the course of time the kings of castile acquired the right of delivering to every newly-elected grand master the standard of the order. the obedience was only titular till the beginning of the sixteenth century, when the emperor charles v. obtained from popes leo x. and adrian vi. the supreme direction of all the affairs of the order, and, consequently, the dignity of grand master became attached to the crown. but the power of the king was not suffered to be absolute; for the popes compelled him to consent that the affairs of the order should be managed by a council, with a right of appeal to the pope himself. the power of the spanish kings then became a species of influence, rather than of direct prerogative. [sidenote: change of its objects.] the object of the association, the expulsion of the moors from spain, being accomplished, this religious order became an order of merit,--a feather in the plume of spanish dignity. it could be gained only by the nobility; for it then behoved every knight to prove the gentility of his descent, maternal and paternal, for four degrees. the old vows of poverty, obedience, and conjugal chastity were preserved, with a mental reservation regarding the two former. in the year , the knights of st. james as well as the knights of calatrava and alcantara, in the fervour of their zeal for what they called religion, added a vow to defend and maintain the doctrine of the immaculate conception of the virgin mary. the people of madrid were invited to three churches to witness the taking of the vows by the knights. after the celebration of the mass a cavalier in the name of all his brothers pronounced the vow[ ], and every one repeated it, placing his hand on the cross and the gospels. and thus an order, which in its origin was charitable, in its progress patriotic, had the bright glories of its days of honor sullied by superstition.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: order of calatrava.] the next station in the dignity of rank was occupied by the knights of calatrava, who, considering the circumstances of their origin, may be regarded as a more honourable fraternity than the brotherhood of st. james. about the year , alfonso king of spain recovered from the moors the fortress of calatrava, which was the key of toledo. the king committed it to the charge of the knights templars. that noble order of christian soldiers was then in the very infancy of its career of honour, and so few were the red crosses in spain, that they could not drive back the swelling tide of muselman power. after retaining it for only eight years, the templars resigned it into the hands of don sancho, successor of alfonso, who endeavoured to secure for it defenders, by proposing to accord calatrava and its lands in perpetual possession to such knights as would undertake the guarding of the fortress. the chivalry of spain, remembering that the brave militia of the temple had quailed before the moors, hung back in caution and dismay; and sancho already saw the fate of calatrava sealed in arabian subjection, when the cloisters of a convent rang with a cry of war which was unheard in the baronial hall. [sidenote: fine chivalry of a monk.] the monastery of santa maria de fetero in navarre contained a monk named diego velasquez, who had spent the morning of his life in arms, but afterwards had changed the mailed frock for a monastic mantle, for in days of chivalry, when religion was the master spring of action, such conversions were easy and natural. the gloom of a convent was calculated only to repress the martial spirit; but yet the surrounding memorials of military greatness, the armed warrior in stone, the overhanging banner and gauntlet, while they proved the frail nature of earthly happiness, showed what were the subjects wherein men wished for fame beyond the grave. the pomp of the choir-service, the swelling note of exultation in which the victories of the jews over the enemies of heaven were sung, could not but excite the heart to admiration of chivalric renown, and in moments of enthusiasm many a monk cast his cowl aside, and changed his rosary for the belt of a knight. and thus it was with velasquez. his chivalric spirit was roused by the call of his king, and he lighted a flame of military ardor among his brethren. they implored the superior of the convent to accept the royal proffer; and the king, who was at first astonished at the apparent audacity of the wish, soon recollected that the defence of the fortress of calatrava could not be achieved by the ordinary exertions of courage, and he then granted it to the cistertian order, and principally to its station at santa maria de fetero, in navarre. and the fortress was wisely betowed; for not only did the bold spirits of the convents keep the moors at bay in that quarter, but the valour of the friars caused many heroic knights of spain to join them. to these banded monks and cavaliers the king gave the title of the religious fraternity of calatrava, and pope alexander iii. accepted their vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity. the new religious order of knighthood, like that of saint james of compostella, was a noble bulwark of the christian kingdom. [sidenote: discipline of the order.] [sidenote: fame of this order.] nothing could be more perfect than the simplicity of the knights of calatrava. their dress was formed from the coarsest woollen, and the edges were not like those of many a monk of the time, purfiled or ornamented with vair or gris, or other sorts of rich fur. their diet, too, reproached the usual luxury of the monastery, for the fruits of the earth sustained them. they were silent in the oratory, and the refectory, one voice only reciting the prayers, or reading a legend of battle; but when the first note of the moorish atabal was heard by the warder on the tower, the convent became a scene of universal uproar. the caparisoning of steeds, and the clashing of armour, broke the repose of the cloister, while the humble figure of the monk was raised into a bold and expanded form of dignity and power. through all the mighty efforts of the christians for the recovery of their throne, the firm and dense array of the knights of calatrava never was tardy in appearing on the field; but the kingdom, as its power and splendour increased, overshadowed the soldiers of every religious order of chivalry. the grand mastership of the calatrava fraternity became annexed to the thrones of castile and leon by the decree of pope innocent viii., and the kings of spain kept alive the chivalry of their nation by using the crosses and other emblems of the ancient knighthood as signs of military merit.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: order of alcantara.] inferior in dignity and power to both these orders was the order of alcantara. it was formed soon after the establishing of the fraternity of saint james of compostella, at a town called saint julian of the pear-tree, near ciudad rodrigo. the ancient badge was a pear-tree, in allusion to the origin of the order. the knights of the pear-tree were so poor in worldly estate and consideration, that the knights of calatrava took them under their protection, and gave them the town of alcantara. the knights of the pear-tree then quitted their humble title for a name of loftier sound, though ideas of dependence were associated with it. for nearly two centuries the cavaliers of alcantara remained the vassals and retainers of the knights of calatrava; but the spirit of independence gradually rose with their prowess in the field; and about the year their martial array was led to battle by their own grand master. until the union of the spanish crowns in the persons of ferdinand and isabella, they rivalled their former lords and the knights of saint james in power and rank: the crown then placed them within its own control, and like the other fraternities, the main object of whose institution had been the expulsion of the moors from spain, the cross of the order of alcantara became a mere decoration of nobility.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: knights of our lady of mercy.] co-existent with these religious brotherhoods was a charitable establishment, which completed the blessings of chivalry in spain. experience of the wretchedness of imprisonment taught james i. of arragon to sympathise with the hapless fate of others; and about the year he associated several valiant knights and pious ecclesiastics in barcelona, whose whole thoughts and cares were to have for their chief end and aim the applying of the alms of the charitable towards the liberation of christian captives. knights of our lady of mercy was their title; and every cavalier at his inauguration professed his heart's resolve to observe the vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty, to apply the whole energies of his mind and feelings to succour such of his unhappy countrymen as, by the chance of battle, were in moorish prisons, and if necessary to remain a slave in the hands of the saracens rather than abandon his duty of procuring the redemption of captives. the general course of their lives was directed by the rule of saint benedict, for a knight as a monk,-- "when he is reckless,[ ] is like to a fish that is waterless."[ ] so zealous were the spaniards in promoting the noble objects of this order, that within the first six years of its institution no less than four hundred captives were ransomed. originally the government of the order was in the hands of the knights, afterwards the priests obtained a share of the command, and finally they usurped it altogether, a matter of little reprehension, considering that the purpose of the institution had no military features. after the complete triumph of the christian cause the scene of charity was changed from spain to africa; and it is curious to observe, that the order sullied the impartiality of its principle by releasing first the monks who had fallen into the hands of the african moors, and then, but not before, the laity.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: knights of st. michael.] superstition as well as charity gave birth to some religious orders of knighthood. the knights of the wing of saint michael, in portugal, a very honourable order in chivalric times, had their origin in the opinion of alfonso, king of portugal, that saint michael the archangel assisted him in to gain a great victory over the moors. only persons of noble birth could be admitted members of this order. the knights lived in their monastery agreeably to the rule of saint benedict. their most anxious care in private life was to discharge the chivalric duty of protecting widows and orphans, and when they marched into the field of battle, the support of the catholic faith was the motto on their standard.[ ] [sidenote: military orders.] but it would be profitless to pursue the subject; for the religious orders of knighthood are only worthy of enquiry as far as they are connected with the defence of the holy land, and the expulsion of the moors from spain. "turn we now all the matere, and speke we of" the military orders founded in imitation of those whose history has just been related; not that i shall transcribe their statutes or paint their costume,--such matters belong to the herald. it is the part of the historian to notice their existence, to trace the principles which gave rise to them, and to mark such parts of their rules or their annals as reflect the state of manners. though knights were often created before battle, for the purpose of stimulating them to achieve high exploits, yet many were invested after they had fought, and proved themselves worthy of their spurs. but knighthood was so much diffused through society, that it almost ceased to be a distinction; and kings and other rulers who wished to shew their power or their gratitude were obliged to give a new form to chivalric dignity. the religious orders of knighthood presented a fair example of the benefits of close fraternity; and as those societies often gave a patriotic direction to chivalric feelings, so kings found the orders of military merit which they established admirable means of uniting in a bond of brotherhood their high-spirited nobles. when louis, king of hungary, avenged the murder of his brother andrew, he endeavoured to unite the hungarian and neapolitan nobles by associating them in a fraternity called the order of the knot. the order did not live long. there were some singular provisions in this order of the knot: there was to be an annual meeting of the knights on the day of pentecost; and each knight was obliged to deliver to the chaplain of the order a written account of his adventures in the preceding year. the chaplain delivered it to the king and council, who ordered such parts as they approved of to be registered in the great book of the order. the order of the argonautes of saint nicholas, at naples, was instituted by charles the third, for the avowed purpose of fraternising his lords; and in the year , when indeed the days of chivalry may be considered as past, the order of the holy ghost was established in france: the friendly union of the nobility and prelates of the land was declared to be a great purpose of the order. the throne of france had already been strengthened by the order of saint michael, founded about a century before by louis xi., to draw the affections of the nobility to himself. knights who were associated under one title, and lived under one code of regulations, were in truth companions in arms; and, like any two cavaliers who had vowed to live in brotherhood, the banded knights were united for weal or woe, and were bound to assist each other with council and arms, as if a perfect community of interest existed. this was the general principle, but it was relaxed in favour of knights of foreign countries. kings frequently interchanged orders, stipulating at the same time that in case of war they should be at liberty to return them. instances of this nature occur repeatedly in the history of the middle ages; and in the last days of chivalry the principle of the companionship of knights was very artfully applied by henry vii. to the support of his own avarice. the french king wished to borrow from him a sum of money in order to prosecute a war with the king of naples; but henry replied that he could not with honour aid any prince against the sovereign of naples, who had received the garter, and was therefore his companion and ally. to give such assistance would be to act contrary to the oath which he had taken to observe the statutes of the order.[ ] [sidenote: imitations of the religious orders.] [sidenote: instanced in the garter order.] the rewarding of noble achievements in the higher classes of society was a principle that ran through all the martial orders, but they were not exclusively aristocratic when simple knighthood fell into disuse, and the military brotherhood represented the ancient chivalry. these associations of merit adopted many of the principles and usages of the religious orders of knighthood. notwithstanding the real causes of their foundation, religious objects were always set forth. fraternisation and the reward of military merit were undoubtedly the reasons for instituting the most noble order of the garter; and yet in the statutes the exaltation of the holy faith, catholic, is declared to be the great purpose of the brotherhood. this is expressed in the statutes of the order promulgated in the reign of henry the eighth, and the words are evidently copied from earlier authorities.[ ] as the exaltation of the roman catholic religion is certainly not in the minds of the modern members of the garter, i may adduce these facts in proof of my position in an early part of this chapter, that the orders of knighthood have always been flexible to the change of society. the military, like the religious orders, had their establishments of priests. thus, to the knights companions of the garter were added a prelate, a chancellor, and the chapel of saint george at windsor, with its dean and chapter. prayers and thanksgivings were perpetually to be offered to heaven, and masses were ordered to be celebrated for the souls of deceased companions. some military orders, like their religious exemplars, forgot not the promotion of charitable objects, and edward the third, with particular propriety, connected with that most noble order which he founded, a number of poor or alms-knights, men who through adverse fortune were brought to that extremity, that they had not of their own wherewith to sustain them, or live so richly and nobly as became a military condition.[ ] every military fraternity had a cross of some shape or other among its emblems. to the highest order of merit in england a cross, as well as a garter, was assigned; but the silver star of eight points, which charles i. with so little propriety, and with such wretched taste, commanded the knights to wear, renders insignificant the original chivalric designation of the order. the associations of nobles were always expressed to have been formed to the honor of god, or of some of his saints. thus, even in the present days, a knight of the garter is admonished at his installation to wear the symbols of his order, that, by the imitation of the blessed martyr and soldier of christ, saint george, he may be able to overpass both adverse and prosperous adventures; and that, having stoutly vanquished his enemies, both of body and soul, he may not only receive the praise of this transitory combat, but be crowned with the palm of eternal victory. [sidenote: few of the present orders are of chivalric origin.] considering the fact that many of the honours of the present day have a chivalric form, we might expect that most of our military orders could be traced to the splendid times of knighthood. attempts to prove so high an origin have been often made. knights of the order called the most ancient order of the thistle justly think that a foundation in the sixteenth century scarcely merits so august a title. they have ascended, therefore, to the days of charlemagne himself; and, boasting an union between their king fergus and that emperor, have contended that the order of the thistle was founded to commemorate the glorious event. the supporters of this hypothesis tread with timid steps the sombre walks of antiquity; others, with bolder march, have ascended several centuries higher, and fancied that they saw a great battle between the scots and the english, when the former won the victory by the aid of saint andrew, and that an equestrian order, properly called the order of st. andrew, and vulgarly, the order of the thistle, was founded. with equal extravagance, the order of st. michael, in france, pretends to the possession of a regular descent from michael the archangel, who, according to the enlightened judgment of french antiquarians, was the premier chevalier in the world, and it was he, they say, who established the earliest chivalric order in paradise itself. but, in simple truth, the order of saint michael was founded by louis xi., king of france in the year , and the name of michael was used, for he stood as high in favour in france as saint george did in england. except the orders of the garter and the golden fleece, the one established in , the other in , and the order of st. michael already mentioned, a chivalric origin cannot be successfully claimed for any of the institutions of knighthood. thus, the order of saint stephen was founded in , that of saint michael, in germany, in , and those of the holy ghost in , and of saint louis in ; and none of these years dates with the age of chivalry. a view, therefore, of most of the military orders that now flourish comes not within the scope of the present work. on one of them, however, a few words may be said. [sidenote: order of the bath.] england, above all other countries, can pride herself on the chivalric nature of her military rewards; for her most honourable order of the bath is a revival of an institution of chivalry, while her most noble order of the garter has suffered no suspension of its dignity. in tracing the progress of chivalry in england, i shall show that the knighthood of the bath was an honour distinct from that which constituted the ordinary knighthood of the sword; and that from very early times to the days of charles ii. it was conferred on occasions of certain august solemnities, with great state, upon the royal issue male, the princes of the blood-royal, several of the nobility, principal officers, and other persons distinguished by their birth, quality, and personal merit. george i., in the year , not only revived that order of knighthood, but converted it into a regular military order. the curious ceremonies regarding the bath itself were dispensed with; but in many other respects the imitation was sufficiently exact. it was ordained that a banner of each knight was to be placed over, and a plate of his crest, helmet, and sword, was to be affixed to his stall in the chapel of henry vii. in westminster abbey. all the romantic associations of early times were pleasingly attended to; for on the seal of the order were to be represented three imperial crowns _or_, being the arms usually ascribed to the renowned king arthur. the lady-love of chivalric times was to be commemorated in the collar; for its seventeen knobs, enamelled white, which linked imperial crowns of gold and thistles, were intended to represent the white laces mentioned in the ancient ceremonial of conferring knighthood of the bath, and which were worn till the knight had achieved some high emprise, or till they had been removed by the hand of some fair and noble lady. the collar, however, is an honorary distinction of the order, whereas the white laces were regarded as a stigma. the form of the old oath was also strictly preserved, even with the singular clause that a knight would defend maidens, widows, and orphans, in their rights; and, as it had been said in old times, a newly-made companion was admonished to use his sword to the glory of god, the defence of the gospel, the maintenance of his sovereign's right and honour, and of all equity and justice, to the utmost of his power. at the close of the ceremony, and without the door of the abbey, the king's master-cook made the usual admonition to him, viz. "sir, you know what great oath you have taken; which, if you keep it, will be great honour to you; but if you break it, i shall be compelled, by my office, to hack off your spurs from your heels." * * * * * [sidenote: dormant orders.] of those orders, which are either dormant or extinct, the account needs only be brief; for their history contains little matter that is either fanciful or instructive. an enlightened curiosity could find no satisfaction in investigating the annals of the extinct order of saint anthony of hainault, or of the order of the sword of cyprus, and a thousand others, whose history, presenting only a list of grand masters, and the ceremonies of knightly inauguration, adds nothing to our pleasure or our knowledge. [sidenote: order of the band.] [sidenote: its singular rules.] a few exceptions may be made to this opinion. in the year alphonso xi., king of spain, attached many of the nobility to his interests by founding an order of merit, which from the circumstance of every knight wearing a red ribbon three inches broad across the breast and shoulder was called the order of the band or scarf. some of the rules of the institution are exceedingly interesting, as reflecting the state of manners and opinions in spain during the fourteenth century. not only were the duties of patriotism and loyalty inculcated by the statutes of the order, but, singular as it may seem in the history of spain, virtue was to be cultivated at court, for every knight was charged to speak nothing but truth to his sovereign, and to abhor dissimulation and flattery. he was not to be silent whenever any person spoke against the king's honour, upon pain of being banished from the court, and deprived of his band: but he was to be always ready to address the king for the general good of the country, or on the particular affairs of any individual; and supposing that his patriotic virtue might be checked by his attachment to his sovereign, the punishment for neglecting this duty was a forfeiture of all his patrimony, and perpetual banishment. of the two extremes, taciturnity was to be preferred to loquaciousness: he was to be rather "checked for silence" than "taxed for speech;" and if in his conversation he uttered an untruth, he was to walk in the streets without a sword for a month. he was bound to keep his faith to whomever he had pledged it; but he was to associate only with men of martial rank, despising the conversation of mechanics and artisans. every knight was enjoined always to have good armour in his chamber, good horses in his stable, good lances in his hall, and a good sword by his side; nor was he to be mounted upon any mule nor other unseemly hackney, nor to walk abroad without his band, nor to enter the king's palace without his sword; and he was to avoid all ascetic practices, for he was particularly enjoined not to eat alone. the vices of flattery and of scoffing were to be shunned; and the penalty for committing them was for the knight to walk on foot for a month, and to be confined to his house for another month. boasting and repining were both prohibited: the reproof of the grand master and the neglect of him by his companions were to punish the offender. a knight was not permitted to complain of any hurt[ ]; and even while he was being mangled by the surgeons of the times, he was to deport himself with stoical firmness. in walking, either in the court or the city, the gait of the knight was to be slow and solemn; and he was exhorted to preserve a discreet and grave demeanour, when any vain and foolish person mocked at and scorned him. [sidenote: duties to women.] chivalric duties to women were more insisted upon in this order than in any other. if a knight instituted an action against the daughter of a brother-knight, no lady or gentlewoman of the court would ever afterwards be his lady-love, or wife. if he happened, when he was riding, to meet any lady or gentlewoman of the court it was his duty to alight from his horse, and tender her his service, upon pain of losing a month's wages and the favour of all dames and damsels. the circumstance was scarcely conceived to be possible, but the statutes of the order, to provide for every imaginable as well every probable offence, decreed that he who refused to perform any service which a fair lady commanded should be branded with the title, the discourteous knight. the statutes echoed the voice of nature in all her appeals to the heart; and thus every cavalier was enjoined to select from the ladies of the court some one upon whom his affections might rest, some one who was to be to him like a light leading him forward in the noble path of chivalry. there was no penalty for disobedience to this command, for disobedience seems to have been thought impossible. all the higher acts of chivalric devotion to his lady-love were presumed to be performed by the knight; and to show that his daily duties to his order were to give way to his attention to his mistress, it was commanded that whenever she pleased to walk, he was to attend upon her on foot or on horseback, to do her all possible honour and service. when by his valiant feats against the moors he had proved himself worthy of her love, the day of his marriage was a festival with his brother-knights, who made rich presents to the lady, and honoured the nuptials with cavaleresque games and shows. nor did this generous consideration for woman stop here; for when a knight died, his surviving brothers were bound to solicit the king to make such grants of land and money to the family as would enable the widow to maintain her wonted state, and would furnish the marriage-portions of his daughters. the band of the deceased knight was, agreeably to the general usage of the military orders, to be re-delivered to the king, who was to be solicited to bestow it upon one of the sons of its last wearer. the king was to select the knights from among the younger sons of men of station in the country, but no elder brother or other heir-apparent could be received; for it was the purpose of the founder to advance the fortunes of the nobly born, but indifferently provided, gentlemen of his court. only one species of exception was made to this form of introduction. the honor of the order was conferred upon any stranger-knight who overcame one of the companions in the joust or tournament. this regulation was made for the general honor of chivalry, and the promotion of noble chevisance among the knights of the band. it was a bold defiance, and was seldom answered.[ ] the order of bourbon, called of the thistle, and of our lady, must not pass unnoticed. it was instituted at moulins, in the bourbonnois, in the year , by louis ii., duke of bourbon, who was named, on account of his virtues, the good duke. it had for its object the winning of honor by acts of chivalry. the device of the order was a golden shield; and when it was given to knights they were exhorted to live as brethren, and die for each other if occasion should require it. they were told that every good action which beseemed chivalry ought to be performed by the knights of bourbon. above all things, they were exhorted to honor ladies, not permitting any man to speak slanderous matters of them, because, after god, comes from them all honor which men can acquire. nothing could be more base than to vilify that sex which had not the strength to redress its wrongs. the knights were charged not to speak evil of each other, for that was the foulest vice which a nobleman or gentleman could be taxed with; and in conclusion, as the summary of their duty, they were exhorted to practise faith and loyalty, and to respect each other as became knights of praise and virtue.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: strange titles of orders.] the occasions of the titles of many of the military orders are more interesting than a view of the external marks of their chivalry. notwithstanding the haughtiness of knighthood, one of the most celebrated orders took its name from no chivalric source. the order was instituted by philip duke of burgundy, who named the fraternity the knights of the golden fleece, in gratitude to the trade in woollens by which he and his family had been so much enriched. in the fifteenth century, the order of the porcupine was highly celebrated in france; and it was furnished with its singular title from the fancy of the founder (louis duke of orleans, second son of charles v. king of france), that by such a sign he should commemorate the fact, that he had been abandoned by his friends in adversity, and that he was able to defend himself by his own weapons. while the porcupine was a favourite order in france, that of the dragon-overthrown was famous in germany; and by this ferocious title, the emperor sigismond intended to express his conquest over heresy and schism. the dukes of mantua fancied that they possessed three drops of our saviour's blood; and an order of knighthood was instituted in the year , which took for its title the order of the precious blood of our saviour jesus christ, at mantua. * * * * * [sidenote: fabulous orders.] the chivalric nations of europe attached as much consequence to orders which existed only in their own fervid imagination as to those whose lineage was certain. to constantine the great was ascribed the honor of inventing the first military order of knighthood. the great captains of his court were said to have been associated under the title of the order of the constantinian angelic knights of saint george, that saint being in greece, as well as in england, the patron of military men. the grand-mastership resided in the imperial family. after the fall of the eastern empire, the order passed into italy; and the knights of that country imagined the existence of papal bulls, which permitted the grand masters to sit at the same table with the popes, to coin money, and to confer titles of honor, whether in nobility or learning, and exercise every prerogative of independent princes. but it would be in vain to enquire after the names of any of these mensal companions of the pope; and no cabinet of curiosities contains any coins which they struck in attestation of their power. the memory of charles martel's great victory over the moors was preserved in the middle ages of france, by the belief that the conqueror had established an order of knighthood called the order of the gennet; and lists of cavaliers were drawn out, and statutes imagined, attesting only the love of the french for chivalric distinctions. the spaniards delighted to imagine that their early victories over the moors were commemorated by an order called the order of the oak in navarre, and founded on occasion of the holy cross, adored by an infinite number of angels, appearing to a gothic chief who led the christians. [sidenote: the round table.] but of all these imaginary orders none is so interesting as that of the round table, instituted by uther pendragon, king of great britain, and which reached its perfection of martial glory in the reign of his son arthur. while our ancient historians exaggerated into heroism the patriotic efforts of the last of the british kings, the minstrels who sang in the baronial halls superadded the charms of chivalric circumstance. since the time of adam, god hath not made a man more perfect than arthur, was the favourite opinion; and when his remains were discovered in the abbey of glastonbury, in the year , the people from their idea that prowess always corresponded with size of limb fancied that his bones were of gigantic frame.[ ] the court of arthur was supposed to be the seminary of military discipline of knights of all countries; and it was thought that his hundred and fifty[ ] good companions felt it their chief devoir to protect widows, maidens, and orphans[ ], not only in england, but in every country whither they might be invited. they were champions of the public weal, and like lions repulsed the enemies of their country. it was their duty to advance the reputation of honor, and suppress all vice, to relieve people afflicted by adverse fortune, to fight for holy church, and protect pilgrims. they were likewise supposed to be enjoined to bury soldiers that wanted sepulture, to deliver prisoners, ransom captives, and heal men who had been wounded in the service of chivalry and their country. independently of these patriotic and humane charges, they were thought to have formed a standing court for the redress of injuries; for arthur, in case of any complaint being laid before him, was bound to send one of his knights to redress it. [sidenote: sir launcelot.] the virtues of the knights of the round table were the mirror in which the chivalry of england arrayed themselves. these virtues are admirably described in the lamentation of sir ector over the dead body of sir launcelot of the lake, the prowest of all the companions of arthur:--"thou wert never matched of none earthly knight's hands; and thou wert the curtiest knight that ever bare shield; and thou wert the truest friend to thy lover that ever bestrode horse; and thou wert the truest lover of a sinful man that ever loved woman; and thou wert the kindest man that ever struck with sword; and thou wert the goodliest person that ever came among press of knights; and thou wert the meekest man and the gentlest that ever ate in hall among ladies; and thou wert the sternest knight to thy mortal foe that ever put spere in the rest."[ ] next in rank to sir launcelot was his friend sir tristram, the history of whose emprises and love entered so largely into the fancies and conversation of our ancestors. then came sir gawaine, a nephew of arthur, the bright exemplar of courtesy, the virtue which was so highly prized in chivalric times. chaucer makes a very pleasing allusion to him in his squire's tale. describing the entrance of the strange knight, our old bard says that he "salueth king and lordes alle by order as they sat in the hall, with so high reverence and observance, as well in speech as in his countenance, that gawain with his old courtesy, though he were come agen out of faerie, ne coude him not amenden with a word."[ ] the most prominent of all the chivalric virtues which the institutions of arthur shadowed forth was that of fraternity: for it was believed that round one vast and mysterious table, the gift of the enchanter merlin, arthur and all his peerage sat in perfect equality; and to this idea may be traced the circumstance that the friendly familiarity of a chivalric round table broke down the iron distinctions of feudal haughtiness, and not only "mitigated kings into companions, but raised private men to be fellows with kings." localities unlock the gates of memory, whether the stores within be treasured there by imagination or the sterner powers of the mind; and with a more serious interest than that with which the modern traveller follows don quixote in the sierra morena our ancestors were wont to mark winchester and windsor, camelot in somersetshire, carlion in monmouthshire, where "uther's son, begirt with british and armoric knights," held his solemn feasts about the round table. [sidenote: order of the stocking.] [sidenote: origin of the phrase blue stocking.] many of the orders whose histories fill the pages of works on knighthood have no claims to their places; for they were only associations of cavaliers without royal or pontifical authority, and wearing no badge or cross, except in the imagination of the writer. only one of these fraternities merits mention here. the society de la calza (of the stocking) was formed at venice in the year , to the honor of the inauguration of the doge, michele steno. the employments of the members were conversation and festivity; and so splendid were the entertainments of music and dancing, that the gay spirits of other parts of italy anxiously solicited the honor of seats in the society. all their statutes regarded only the ceremonies of the ball or the theatre; and the members being resolved on their rigorous performance, took an oath in a church to that tendency. they had banners and a seal like an authorised order of knighthood. their dress was as splendid and elegant as venetian luxury and taste could fashion it; and, consistently with the singular custom of the italians of marking academies and other intellectual associations by some external signs of folly, the members when they met in literary discussion were distinguished by the colours of their stockings. the colours were sometimes fantastically blended, and at other times one colour, particularly the _blue_, prevailed. the society de la calza lasted till the year [ ] when the foppery of italian literature took some other symbol. the rejected title then crossed the alps, and found a congenial soil in the flippancy and literary triflings of parisian society, and particularly branded female pedantry as the strongest feature in the character of french pretension. it diverged from france to england, and for a while marked the vanity of the small advances in literature of our female coteries. but the propriety of its application is now gradually ceasing; for we see in every circle that attainments in literature can be accomplished with no loss of womanly modesty. it is in this country, above all others, that knowledge asserts her right of general dominion, or contends that if she be the sustaining energy of one sex, she forms the lighter charm, the graceful drapery of the other. chap. viii. progress of chivalry in england, from the norman conquest to the close of the reign of edward ii. _chivalry connected with feudalism ... stipendiary knights ... knighthood a compulsory honour ... fine instance of chivalry in the reign of edward i ... effect of chivalry in stephen's reign ... troubadours and romance writers in the reign of henry ii ... chivalric manners of the time ... coeur de lion the first chivalric king ... his knightly bearing ... john and henry iii ... edward i ... his gallantry at a tournament ... his unchivalric cruelties ... he possessed no knightly courtesy ... picture of ancient manners ... edward ii ... chivalric circumstance in the battle of bannockburn ... singular effect of chivalry in the reign of edward ii._ in the first chapter we traced, by the help of the few lights which yet remain, the rise of chivalry in europe. we may now mark its progress, and, in order to avoid the inconvenience of frequent transitions, it will be better to follow the historical train in each chivalric country, than to attempt to form one general collection of knightly events. and first, of its influence in england. * * * * * many chivalric principles and customs were known to the anglo-saxons[ ], and affected, in some degree, the character of the nation.[ ] many of the elements of chivalry were brought into england by the normans, and, in the course of time, they were framed, by the energy which was involved in them, into a fair and noble system. the adventurousness of knighthood comported well with a people who, quitting the inhospitable shores of scandinavia, had impressed their conquests on france, italy, and even greece. the norman nation was one vast brotherhood, and therefore it was natural for them to nourish the principles of chivalric fraternity.[ ] it is recorded of them that they brought from the north a love of splendor, and having learnt courtesy of manner from the french, they were fitted to admire the shows and the gallantry of knighthood.[ ] they affected, indeed, to despise the religious parts of the saxon ceremonies of initiation into knighthood, but they soon adopted them; for we find that william rufus himself was knighted by archbishop lanfrank.[ ] [sidenote: chivalry connected with feudalism.] [sidenote: stipendiary knights.] chivalry became established as part of the national constitution when william the conqueror divided the country into about sixty thousand knights' fees, with the tenure of military service. the clergy, as well as the laity, were compelled to furnish armed knights, on horseback, as the price of their possessions, when the king went abroad against his enemies; and, consequently, knights became attached to every ecclesiastical foundation. these servants of the church were generally younger members of baronial families; and as there was constant occasion for them, chivalry became a military profession. in england, as in every country, the feudal array was found insufficient for foreign wars, and wide-spread domestic rebellions; for few contests could be finished in forty days,--and that was the brief space which, in the earliest simplicity of feudal times, had been fixed for the duration of military service. as petty states swelled into kingdoms, and their public operations became extensive, many a martial enterprise was broken up before achievement, because the time of service had expired. so frequent were the calls on the holders of knights' fees, that they were glad to compromise for attendance by pecuniary penalties. the sovereigns were exorbitant in their exactions, in order to be able to pay the stipendiary substitutes; but one of the most important provisions of magna charta gave to parliament alone the power of imposing this escuage or military tax.[ ] when the custom of escuage arose is a matter which no antiquarian researches have settled. the clause in magna charta shows not only its existence, but its being used as an instrument of tyranny; and under this aspect of chivalric history, the reign of john is important. most of these stipendiary subsidiaries were knights, with their equipments of men-at-arms and archers; and the sovereign was accustomed to contract with his barons for their attendance upon him in his foreign expeditions. chivalry and feudal tenure were, therefore, no longer convertible terms; yet the spirit of knighthood long survived the decay of the forms of feudal obligation; for the practice of escuage was fully established in the days of edward iii.; and that was the brightest era of english chivalry. [sidenote: knighthood a compulsory honor.] in england, knighthood was always regarded as the necessary distinction of people of some substance and estate.[ ] in the reigns of our three first edwards the qualification for knighthood varied from land of the yearly value of forty to that of fifty pounds. the king was the sovereign and supreme judge of chivalry, and he might confer knighthood on whomsoever he chose. he could compel men of worth to be knights, for knighthood was honourable to the kingdom. like the performance of every other duty in all states of society, that of knighthood could be commuted for by money; and the royal invitation to honour was so extensive as to be inconvenient; for a statute was passed in the reign of edward ii. whereby the king respited for some time the payment of the fines of such persons whose station in the world made knighthood a necessary part of their consequence. besides all these ways of forming the knighthood of england, must be added the custom of elevating to chivalric dignities men who had gained renown by martial exploits. this was indeed a mode more pure in principle, and, therefore, more honourable than any we have mentioned. the military necessities of many of our sovereigns favoured the growth of chivalry. william rufus invited to his court the prowest cavaliers from every country[ ]; for as his father had effected the subjugation of harold not merely by the feudal force of normandy, but by hired soldiers, it was the natural policy of the kings of the norman line to attach to their person valiant men who were not connected by ties of nature with the people. [sidenote: fine instance of chivalry in reign of henry i.] the principles and feelings of chivalry were firmly established in england in the reign of henry i., and gave the tone and character to our foreign military warfare. this state of things is proved in an interesting manner by a circumstance that occurred during the war of henry with louis the french king. the reader remembers that the latter had espoused the cause of william the son of robert, henry's elder brother, who was kept by his uncle from his rightful inheritance of normandy. the chivalric anecdote is this: the two armies were approaching each other near audelay, when, instead of rushing to the conflict with their whole masses, five hundred knights on the english side and four hundred on the french prepared for an encounter, a joust to the utterance. about eighty normans, friends of the french king, charged the centre of henry's line with true chivalric fire. the english monarch was severely wounded in the head, but the normans could not pierce the firm line of the english, and they were all taken prisoners. the three hundred remaining knights of louis made a fine attempt to redeem their companions in arms. again the english line was impenetrable, and the recoil of the shock scattered the french. henry's soldiers now were assailants; and so fiercely did they press their advantage, that even the french king scarcely escaped with life.[ ] [sidenote: effect of chivalry in stephen's reign.] the knightly character had an important effect on england during the troublous reign of stephen. as he was deserted by his barons, he called in foreign cavaliers to assist him in his resistance to the empress maud. their valour was rewarded by the grant of estates; and thus a new order of nobility arose to shake the arrogance of the old; and new opinions, feelings, and manners, became blended with english habits. [sidenote: troubadours and romance writers,--reign of henry ii.] [sidenote: chivalric manners of the time.] the arms of chivalry grew rusty in the long and unwarlike reign of henry ii.; but many of the milder graces of knighthood were cultivated in consequence of the love of letters entertained by the sovereign and his queen. the troubadours found royal and, from the force of example, noble, patronage in england; and, however offensive to a classic ear their conceits and bombast may sound, yet, since they treated love as an affair of the fancy rather than as an appetite, they contributed to purify the manners of the age. by another channel literature promoted the cause of arms. romance with her bold fictions and splendid colouring inspired the tamest hearts with the love of adventure. such of the traditions and fables regarding arthur and the knights of the round table as dwelt in the memory of the people of britanny (that ancient colony of england) were collected by an archdeacon walter, of oxford, and formed part of a latin history of great britain that was written in the time of henry i. by jeffry of monmouth. wace, the translator-general of the age, turned it into anglo-norman verse, mingling with it all the stories of his hero that were floating in the english mind. the subject was fitted to the martial taste of the time; and as the book was now rendered into the language of the upper classes of life, it found its way into the baronial hall and the lady's bower. this was the earliest of the french metrical romances; and before the close of the twelfth century nothing was read by the nobility but romances of arthur and his knights. and the sports and exercises of the time nourished the chivalric spirit. a writer of those days has given us a graphic description of them. "every sunday in lent, immediately after dinner, crowds of noble and sprightly youths, mounted on war-horses, admirably trained to perform all their turnings and evolutions, ride into the fields in distinct bands, armed with lances and shields, and exhibit representations of battles, and go through all their martial exercises. many of the young nobility, who have not yet received the honour of knighthood, issue from the king's court, and from the houses of bishops, earls, and barons, to make trial of their courage, strength, and skill in arms. the hope of victory rouses the spirits of these noble youths; their fiery horses neigh and prance, and champ their foaming bits. at length the signal is given, and the sports begin. the youths, divided into opposite bands, encounter one another. in one place some fly, and others pursue, without being able to overtake them. in another place, one of the bands overtakes and overturns the other."[ ] [sidenote: coeur de lion, the first chivalric king.] martial daring, thus fostered and promoted, broke out with fresh vigour in the reign of richard coeur de lion; and england, which hitherto had but partially and occasionally engaged in the crusades, now took up those sacred and perilous enterprises with the ardour of the french. richard was the first king of england of knightly character; for i cannot, with some writers, place william rufus among our chivalric sovereigns. i cannot with them see any thing magnanimous in his receiving under his banners an enemy's soldier who had unhorsed him, and who had foreborne to slay him because he declared himself king of england. the conduct of the soldier merited reward; and william acted only with common selfishness in taking so good a soldier into his service. rufus had mere brutal courage, but that quality was not the character of chivalry. his bravery was not directed either by religion or the love of fame, nor was it tempered into virtue by the charities of life. when with robert he besieged his brother henry in his castle, rufus was guilty of one of the most unchivalric acts on record. henry's supply of water was exhausted, and he solicited some from his brothers on the true knightly principle that valour should decide a triumph, and that it was unworthy of a soldier's pride to gain a victory merely by the circumstance of his antagonists being in want of the common necessaries of life. robert, with fine chivalric generosity, supplied his brother, much to the regret of william, who ridiculed and was angry at his simplicity.[ ] [sidenote: his knightly bearing.] but in richard the whole knightly character appeared in all its martial dignity and splendor. his courage was not the mere savage confidence in superior strength, but the fine display of chivalric exercises. such was the might of his arm, and such the fierceness of his spirit, that he could sweep from the field whole squadrons of knights. when we see his javelin transfixing a turk on the walls of acre[ ], the exploits of grecian heroes appear to be no longer poetical fictions; and when he appears on the plains of palestine, grasping his lance and riding from wing to wing of the saracenian host without meeting an enemy who dared to encounter his career, the stories of arthur and the round table seem the calm relations of truth. no one was more attentive than richard to the regulations of chivalry. in the course of his crusade he was assailed by some rustics, against whom it was unlawful for a knight to use his sword. he beat them with the flat part of it till it broke, and he then took up stones, and drove them away.[ ] richard's mind was framed in the finest spirit of chivalric liberality. his largesses, both to his own soldiers and those of his ally, philip augustus, while in sicily during their voyage to palestine, were so magnificent, that it was acknowledged he had given more treasure in a month than his predecessors in a year.[ ] like the knights of romance, he revelled in gorgeousness and splendour, and his court resounded with the minstrel's lay. one of the provençal poets followed him into palestine: nor did he entirely want the minds of others to soften into grace his martial spirit; for often his own fancy played with poetical images. in the history of chivalric amusements, richard is an important character. all his predecessors in sovereignty had forbidden jousts and tournaments; and their absurd regulations had only been violated in the time of stephen. when richard was in the holy land, he observed the inferiority of the english chivalry to that of the french: his own knights were rude soldiers, with none of the dexterity and skill of their crusading brethren, which could only be acquired in tournaments, the schools of war. richard broke through the jealousy of adopting foreign customs, and, like a politic monarch, he allowed and encouraged his soldiers to practise martial exercises.[ ] these circumstances and the various other events of his chivalric life, which i have described at length in another work complete the authentic character of our lion-hearted king, for i dare not invest the severe simplicity of history with those golden fictions, which romance has delighted to throw over the story of his eastern atchievements. [sidenote: john and henry iii.] there was nothing chivalric in the character and conduct of his brother and successor king john, or he would not have suffered the foreign possessions of england's crown to be wrested from it. in the reign of henry iii. the flame of chivalry was kept alive by some english knights, who assisted the emperor in his milanese wars, and whose prowess was the most distinguished of the day. the crusades to the holy land were not altogether forgotten; but the page of our history is marked with the peculiar disgrace that english knights assisted the french in their inhuman war on the albigenses. [sidenote: edward i.] [sidenote: his gallantry at a tournament.] there was much of the chivalric character in edward i. he was a diligent reader of the ancient romances; and, as soon as he was invested with knighthood, he went to foreign courts, in order that he might display his prowess.[ ] for the sake of acquiring military fame, he exposed his person in the holy land, and, during his journey homeward, though ill and forespent with travel, he displayed remarkable heroism at a tournament in savoy.[ ] the challenger was the count of chalons; but if pontifical authority could have destroyed chivalry, the knights never would have met. the pope feared that some hostility was menaced, and earnestly dissuaded edward from the tournament. he warned him of his danger: he exhorted him, as a son of the church, to decline these encounters, which the church had forbidden; and he added, that as edward now was king, he might decline the challenge, as kings were not wont to risk their persons in these perilous shocks. but most of these reasons were so many stimulants of his courage: the more danger, the greater share of honour, and it was beneath the gallantry of his bearing to have thrown his rank as a shield before his knighthood. followed by a thousand men-at-arms, and archers on horseback and on foot, edward pressed his bounding steed upon the chosen plain, and the count of chalons met him with equal spirit, and nearly twice the number of companions. the english king soon found that no lofty courtesy, no love of chivalric exercises, had influenced the french lord. the graceful tournament soon became a deadly fray. the cause of honour triumphed, and the knights of chalons were either slain or driven from the field. after many cavaliers on each side had been disabled, the lords of either host encountered. their lances met and shivered; and if chalons had been a courteous knight, he would have passed to the other end of the plain, and seized a new lance to continue his emprise; but, maddened at his weapon failing, he threw himself upon edward, endeavouring to crush him by his prodigious weight. at that moment edward's horse started forwards, and the count was thrown on the ground. his companions raised him; but he was so much bruised by the fall that he cried for mercy. his conduct had put him without the pale of chivalry, and edward, therefore, treated him like a base-born churl. he beat him with the flat part of his sword; and, refusing to take him as his prisoner, he compelled him to surrender himself to a man of mean condition.[ ] [sidenote: his unchivalric cruelties.] [sidenote: he possessed no knightly courtesy.] edward's love of chivalric exercises was imitated by his nobility. tournaments and jousts were held in various parts of the country; and kenilworth is particularly marked as famous for its round table, to which knights from every nation flocked.[ ] in his scotch wars, therefore, his armies were not deficient in chivalric bravery. at the battle of falkirk the strength of the scots was foot, as that of the english was horse; and the repeated charges of edward's chivalry decided the fate of that memorable day. in his welsh wars he had sullied his reputation for knightly generosity by making a public exhibition of the head of his worsted foe, llewelyn ap gryffyth, the last sovereign of wales[ ]; and his well-known conduct to wallace betrayed such an absence of all nobleness of mind, that he forfeited his claims to knightly consideration. the beautiful parts, the embellishments of chivalry, were subservient to his ambition. before his second war in scotland he vowed, in wesminster abbey, by god, and also by two swans which were introduced into the assembly with great pomp and splendour, that he would punish the scottish nation for their breach of faith, and for the death of comyn. nor did any of the courtesies of chivalry grace edward: the queen of bruce and her ladies fell into his power, and in defiance of all chivalric gallantry, he treated them as prisoners. there was something peculiarly ferocious in his treatment of the countess of buchan, who was also his captive. her offence was, that she had crowned bruce. edward exclaimed, with the deliberation of malignity, "as she has not used the sword, she shall not perish by the sword; but for her lawless conspiracy, she shall be shut up in a stone and iron chamber, circular as the crown she gave; and at berwick she shall be suspended in the open air, a spectacle to travellers, and for her everlasting infamy."[ ] and the english tamerlane did not relent.[ ] [sidenote: picture of ancient manners.] the close of the reign of edward i. is remarkable for a very splendid scene illustrative of the ancient mode of creating knights, and of the chivalric manners of our forefathers. before his last and fatal journey to scotland, edward caused proclamation to be made throughout england, that all persons who were entitled to the honour of knighthood by custom of hereditary succession, or who had estates sufficient to support the dignity, should, at the next feast of pentecost, repair to westminster, and that to every one would be delivered out of the king's wardrobe, at the king's expence, the festive and inauguratory dress of a knight. accordingly, at the time and place appointed, there was a fair and gallant show of three hundred young gentlemen, sons of earls, barons, and knights, and among these aspirants to chivalry were distributed in ample measure, according to their different ranks, purple, fine linen, furs, and mantles embroidered with gold. the royal palace, though magnificently spacious, could not accommodate all these young esquires with their retinue of yeomen and pages. many of them repaired to the new temple, where, cutting down the trees and levelling the walls of the garden, they set up their tents and pavilions in brave emulation of actual war. they performed their vigils in the temple church, while the prince of wales, by command of the king his father, passed the night in prayer in westminster abbey. on the following day, the king invested his son with the military belt, and assigned to him the duchy of aquitaine. the prince, being knighted, went to the abbey that he might confer the like military honor on his companions. so close was the press of spectators round the high altar, that two knights were stifled, and several fainted, though each was supported by three knights of experienced prowess. the prince, accompanied by his father and the chief nobility, at length reached the altar, and his guards made a passage for his friends to receive knighthood at his hands. after he had dubbed and embraced them all, his attendants introduced two swans covered with golden nets, which were adorned and embossed with studs of gold. this was the most joyous part of the ceremony in the eyes of the people, and their rude and joyous shouts drowned the clangor of the trumpets. the king, as before stated, vowed by heaven and the swans that he would go to scotland; and even if he should die in the enterprise, he would avenge the death of comyn and the violated faith of the scots. he then adjured the prince and the nobles, and his band of knights by their fealty and chivalry, that if he should die in his journey to scotland, they would carry his body forwards, and never bury it till his son had established his dominion. every heart assented to this high resolve, and the ceremony closed. the knights were feasted that day at the royal palace; and while they were quaffing muscadel in honour of chivalry and the ladies, the minstrels in their songs reminded them of their duty to pledge themselves before the swans to perform some rare feats of arms. the prince vowed that he would never rest two nights in one place until he had performed his father's high behests; and the other knights made various fantastic vows for the promotion of the same object.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: edward ii.] [sidenote: chivalric circumstances in the battle of bannockburn.] the defeat of the english chivalry at the battle of bannockburn, ( th june, ,) was the most remarkable circumstance in the reign of edward ii. on the preceding day, douglas[ ] and sir robert keith, marshal of scotland, were dispatched by robert bruce from the main body of his army to descry whether the enemy was approaching. "and soon the great host have they seen, where shields shining were so sheen, and basinets burnished bright, that gave against the sun great light. they saw so fele[ ] brawdyne[ ] baners, standards, and pennons, and spears, and so fele[ ] knights upon steeds, all flaming in their weeds. and so fele[ ] bataills[ ], and so broad, and too so great room as they rode that the maist host, and the stoutest of christendom, and the greatest should be abaysit[ ], for to see their foes into such quantity." the bruce, vol. ii. p. . the english vanguard, commanded by the earls of gloucester and hereford, soon came in general sight. the appearance of edward's army is described by barbour in a rich chivalric style. "the sun was bright, and shined clear, and armouris that burnished were, so blomyt[ ], with the sun's beam, that all the land was in a leme[ ], banners right fairly flawinand[ ], and pensels to the wind wawand."[ ] barbour, xi. - . bruce was riding on a palfrey and marshalling his men, when sir henry de bohun started from the opposite host, and careered his horse against him. sir henry was a fierce rather than a gallant knight, or he would not have pressed his war-steed upon a foe who was riding on a palfrey.[ ] but his want of chivalric gallantry was justly punished. "and when glosyter and hertfurd were, with their battle approaching near, before them all there come riding, with helm on head and spear in hand, sir henry boune, the worthy, that was a wight knight, and a hardy; and to the earl of hertfurd cousin; armed in arms good and fine; come on a steed, a bow-shot nere, before all other that there were. and knew the king, for that he saw him so range his men in row; and by the crown, that was set also upon his bacinet, and towards him he went on haste. and the king so apertly saw him come, forth all his feres[ ] in hy[ ] to him the horse he steers. and when sir henry saw the king come on forouting abaysing,[ ] to him he rode in full great hy[ ] he thought that he should well lightly win him and have him at his will, since he him horsed saw so ill. sprent[ ] they came unto a ling,[ ] sir henry missed the noble king. and he, that in his stirrups stood, with the axe, that was hard and good, with so great mayn[ ] reached him a dint, that neither hat nor helm might stynt, the hewy dusche[ ] that he him gave, that near the head to the harness clave. the hand-axe shaft fruschyt[ ] in tow; and he down to the yird gan go all flatlyngs[ ], for him failed might. this was the first stroke of the fight." barbour, vol. ii. p. . the fine generousness of chivalry was very nobly displayed in another circumstance which preceded the great battle. it was a main object with the english to throw succours into the castle of stirling; and edward, therefore, commanded sir robert clifford and eight hundred horsemen to make a circuit by the low grounds to the east, and approach the castle. bruce, in anticipation of the englishmen's purpose, had charged randolph who commanded his left wing to prevent stirling from being relieved; and when he saw the english troops holding on their gallant course unchecked, he cried, "a rose has fallen from thy chaplet, randolph,"[ ] and bitterly reproached him for his want of vigilance. nothing but the utmost desperateness of valour could efface this shame; and gathering round him a few hundred bold spirits, the scottish general advanced against the english. clifford, in his pride of chivalry, thought that he could soon disperse a band of lightly armed troops of foot-soldiers, who were now being marshalled into a circle with their spears resting on the ground, the points protruded on every side. the english charged, but the resistance was more gallant than what they had foreseen. still, however, the scots seemed gradually sinking under the force of numbers; and douglas, who saw the peril, requested the king's permission to go and join him. "you shall not move from your ground," cried the king: "let randolph extricate himself as he best may. i will not alter my order of battle, and lose the advantage of my position." but douglas reiterated his request, and wrung leave from the king. he flew to the assistance of his friend. but before he reached him he saw that the english were falling into disorder, and that the perseverance of randolph had prevailed over their impetuous courage. "halt," cried douglas, like a generous knight, "these brave men have repulsed the enemy; let us not diminish their glory by sharing it." of the battle of bannockburn itself little need be said by me, because there was not much chivalric character about it. some historians describe the defeat of the english as having been principally occasioned by the scottish cavalry throwing the rear of their archers into confusion. others affirm that bruce, seeing the inadequacy of his own cavalry to cope with that of the english, formed the battles or divisions of his army entirely of foot-soldiers, and dug trenches before his line, slightly covering them with turf and hurdles. the gallant knights of england, with the sun streaming on their burnished helms and gilt shields, advanced to charge the bristled front of the scots: but the turf sunk beneath the pressure of their horses' feet, and men and their steeds lay at the mercy of their enemy. one or other of these circumstances turned the event of the battle, and the scotch reserve being judiciously brought up, completed the victory. in every way the generalship of bruce was admirable: but the fate of the battle reflects nothing on the personal character of the english chivalry; for they were not worsted in an encounter of lance to lance, and horse to horse. the bravery of one english knight must not pass unrecorded. sir giles d'argentyn, upon seeing some of his friends around him pause in alarm, cried that he was not used to fly, and spurring his war-steed into the thickest of the press, gallantly perished. nor was this a solitary instance of courage; and even edward seemed for a moment to be inspired with the fire of the plantagenets. he dashed into the enemy's lines, and was by force drawn away by the earl of pembroke, when courage was evidently unavailing.[ ] [sidenote: singular effect of chivalry in his reign.] though the chivalric character was only for one moment of his life sustained by edward ii., yet it was too deeply fixed in the national mind to die on account of its neglect by any particular monarch. there is a singular circumstance on record illustrative of the power of this feeling. during his war with the barons, which his system of unprincipled favouritism had provoked, one of the lords refused the queen the hospitality of his castle. this act of individual insult had general consequences. disgusted with a cause which was blended with so much uncourtesy, barons and knights immediately flocked round the standard of the king; his arms completely triumphed, and the spencers were recalled.[ ] end of the first volume. london: printed by a. & r. spottiswoode. new-street-square. footnotes: [ ] the history of italy, from the fall of the western empire to the commencement of the wars of the french revolution. by george perceval, esq. vols. vo. . [ ] a third volume was added in the year , which also bears the title "mémoires sur l'ancienne chevalerie;" though more than half of the volume relates to the sport of hunting, which is a baronial or feudal rather than a chivalric subject. [ ] the troubadour, &c. by l. e. l., author of the improvisatrice. mo. [ ] jean froissart, called sir jean froissart, (the title, sir, being in the middle ages common to all who were either in the holy orders of the church or in the holy order of knighthood,) was born at valenciennes in the year , and died in . [ ] the prologue of froissart--lord berners' translation. [ ] i subjoin schultens' latin version of the arabic passage in bohadin, vita et res gestæ saladini, c. . p. . "cupere anglum ut almalichus aladilus sororem ipsius in matrimonium duceret (eam e sicilia cujus functo domino nupta fuerat, secum avexerat frater, quum insulam illam trajiceret)." [ ] reiske's latin version of abulfeda is this:--"illuc commeabant francorum pacis causa legati, eam offerentes conditionem, ut malec-al-adel, frater sultani sororem regis angliæ in matrimonium, et hierosolymas in regnum acciperet." abulfeda, vol. iv. p. . [ ] tacitus germania, sec. . cæsar de bello gallico, lib. i. s. . [ ] tacitus germania, s. . mallet's northern antiquities, vol. i. p. . [ ] tacitus germania. cæsar, lib. . s. . [ ] ammianus marcellinus, lib. . c. . [ ] chron. saxon, , &c. florence, ad an. . william of malmsbury, . [ ] athenæus, lib. iv. c. . [ ] treatise on the virtue of the female sex. [ ] tacitus germania, s. . c. . [ ] ibid. [ ] strabo, lib. iv. tacitus historia, lib. iv. c. . . pomponius mela, lib. iii. c. . [ ] tacitus, hist. lib. iv. c. . life of agricola, s. . germania, s. . [ ] barthol. p. . as cited by warton, dissert. i. of the origin of romantic fiction in europe, in the first volume of the late admirable edition of his history of english poetry. [ ] it is also curious that this blow was said to have been customary.--"dato eisdem, sicut consuetudinis est, manu colapho." [ ] not exactly according to the form, for by this time a belt with a sword inserted was girded round the military candidate, instead of delivering a javelin to him. see the preceding page. [ ] william of malmsbury, lib. ii. c. . [ ] ingulph, p. . [ ] caxton, fayts of arms and chivalry, chapter entitled "of the honor that ought to be done to a knight." [ ] spencer's fairy queen, book v. canto . st. . the romance of the morte d'arthur says, that in early times there were no hermits, but who had been men of worship and prowess; "and the hermits held great household, and refreshed people that were in distress." lib. . c. . [ ] the reader will find in johnson's dictionary the etymology of _sir_. when this word, acknowledging power and superiority, was first used as the title of chivalry, i do not know. instances exist as high as the reign of henry ii. [ ] coke, instit. . in the reports of the lords' committees respecting the peerage, (printed d july ), doubts are often expressed regarding the meaning of the word banneret. a little attention to the difference between the personal nobility of chivalry, and the nobility which arose as a franchise appurtenant to land, would have prevented the entertaining of such doubts, and the conclusion might have been drawn from principles, instead of being guessed from precedent, that the title of banneret had no relation to the dignity of lord of parliament. the lords' committees seem surprised that barons should sometimes have had the addition of knights, and at other times of bannerets but in truth chevalier was the title which comprehended all others, and, like the word 'lord,' was used in a general sense. [ ] see du cange, dissertation . on joinville. this learned commentator seems inclined to confound knights-banneret with barons, chivalry with nobility; and a herd of subsequent writers, refining on his error, have gravely placed knights-banneret as an order or class of society mediate between nobility and knighthood. [ ] some fortune was, however, always thought necessary for the support of the dignity of knight-banneret. in the th of edward iii. john de cobham was made a banneret, and had a grant of an annuity of marks, out of the issues of the county of norfolk, expressly for the better support of that dignity. dugdale's baronage, vol. ii. p. . many similar instances are mentioned in the parliamentary rolls. [ ] a note of waterhouse on fortescue will illustrate this. "the title of franklein is 'good man;' and yet they have oft knights' estates. many are called by courtesy 'masters,' and even 'gentlemen;' and their sons are educated in the inns of court, and adopted into the orders of knights and squires." [ ] illegitimacy seems not to have been a matter of the slightest consequence. froissart. ii. . [ ] favyn. i. . [ ] when don quixote was dubbed a knight, the landlord asked him whether he had any money. "not a cross," replied the knight; "for i never read in any history of chivalry, that any knight-errant ever carried money about him."--"respondio don quixote que no traia blanca, porque él nunca habia leido en las historias de los caballeros andantes, que ninguno los hubiese traido." this was a very singular error in cervantes, for in amadis de gaul, which he characterizes as the best work of its class, and which is evidently one of his textbooks, we read that the queen gave adrian the dwarf enough money to last amadis de gaul his master for a whole year. book iii. c. . [ ] froissart, i. c. . [ ] froissart, ii. c. . [ ] thus, as bracton observes, if a villain be made a knight, he is thereby immediately enfranchised, and consequently accounted a gentleman, l. iv. f. . b. [ ] froissart, i. . [ ] du cange says, the third order of chivalry consisted of the esquires; but he evidently thinks they were the personal attendants of knights, for he calls them infancons or damoiseaux. he does not seem to have thought that a grave old squire ever existed. [ ] ----"mais le dit escuyer s'excusa; et dit qu'il ne pouvoit trouver son bacinet."--froissart, i. . [ ] favour. [ ] soon. [ ] diligently. [ ] attempted. [ ] against. [ ] rule. [ ] the minstrelsy art. [ ] went. [ ] knew. [ ] geste of kyng horn, v. . [ ] mr rose's note on the romance of partenopex of blois, p. . [ ] caxton, fayt of armes and of chyvalrye, c. ., mémoires du bon messire jean le maingre, dit boucicaut, maréchal de france, c. , . in the sixth volume of the large collection of french memoirs. [ ] l'histoire de guerin de montglaive. [ ] l'histoire et plaisante cronicque du petit jehan de saintré, vol. . c. - . i have the authority of sir walter scott and other able writers on chivalry, to cite this romance as good evidence for the laws and manners of knighthood. it was written in ; the first edition was printed in gothic characters in , and it was reprinted in three volumes, mo. in . [ ] caxton, fayt of armes and chevalrye, c. . [ ] _damoisel_ et eescuyer sont arrivés à novandel demandant chivalarie, lequel layant reçu n'est plus appellé de tels tiltres, ains seulement des tiltre de chevalier.--amadis de gaul, liv. . c. . [ ] fauchet de l'origine des chevaliers, liv. . ch. . monstrelet, vol. . c. . l'histoire de bertrand du guesclin, c. . [ ] paulus warnefridus, lib. . c. . [ ] eximinus petri salonava justitia arragonum. lib. de privilegiis baronum et riccorum hominum. [ ] froissart, vol. . c. . [ ] froissart, vol. . c. . the earl of oxenford had reason to repent of his arrogance. sir john chandos, observes froissart, marked well all the matter between his squire and the earl, and remained quiet till the prince was gone from them, and then coming to the earl, he said, "sir thomas, are you displeased that i drank before you? i am constable of this country; i may well drink before you, since my lord the prince, and other lords here, are content therewith. it is of truth that you were at the battle of poictiers; but all who were there do not know so well as i what you did. i shall declare it. when my lord the prince had made his voyage in languedock and carcassone to narbonne, and was returned hither to his town of bourdeaux, you chose to go to england. what the king said to you on your arrival i know right well, though i was not present. he demanded of you whether you had finished your voyage, and what you had done with his son the prince. you answered, that you had left him in good health at bourdeaux. then the king said, 'how durst you be so bold as to return without him? i commanded you and all others when ye departed, that you should not return without him, and you thus presume to come again to england. i straitly command you, that within four days you avoid my realm and return again to him, and if i find you within this my realm on the fifth day, you shall lose your life, and all your heritage for ever.' and you feared the king's words, as it was reason, and left the realm, and so your fortune was good, for truly you were with my lord the prince four days before the battle of poictiers. on the day of the battle you had forty spears under your charge, and i had fourscore. now you may see whether i ought to drink before you or not, since i am constable of acquitain." the earl of oxenford was ashamed, and would gladly have been thence at the time; but he was obliged to remain and hear this reproof from that right noble knight, sir john chandos. [ ] fairy queen, book . canto . st. . [ ] froissart, . c. . m. paris, . [ ] "les prisons firent arreter, et en lieu seur tourner, a leurs escuyers les liverent et à garder les commandement." [ ] ulrich von lichtenstein, p. . ulrich was a german knight, who lived in the fourteenth century, and wrote his own memoirs. they often give us curious glimpses into ancient chivalry. [ ] chaucer, in drawing his squire, had certainly in mind a passage from his favourite poem, "the romaunt of the rose:"-- "si avoient bien a bachalier, que il sache de vieler, de fleuter et de danser." i do not notice this circumstance on account of the literary coincidence, but to shew that the squire of france and the squire of england were in chaucer's view the same character. [ ] du cange, dissert. . au joinville, and menage, dict. et. in verb. [ ] fairy queen, book . canto . st. . "so to his steed he got, and 'gan to ride, as one unfit therefore, that all might see he had not trained been in chivalry; which well that valiant courser did discern; for he despised to tread in dew degree, but chaf'd and foam'd with courage fierce and stern, and to be eas'd of that base burthen still did erne." in the old poem called the siege of karvalerock, a knight is praised for not appearing on horseback like a man asleep. "ki kant seroit sur le cheval, ne sembloit home ki someille." [ ] chaucer, prologue to the canterbury tales. selden, titles of honour, part . c. , . [ ] froissart, vol. . c. . 'the lord langurant did that day marvels in arms, so that his own men and also strangers had marvels of his deeds. he advanced himself so much forward that he put his life in great jeopardy, for they within the town (against whose walls he was standing on a ladder,) by clean force raised his helm from his head, and so had been dead without remedy, if a squire of his had not been there, who followed him so near that he covered him with his target, and the lord and he together descended down the ladder by little and little, and in their descending they, received on their target many a great stroke. they were greatly praised by all that saw them.'--berner's froissart. [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . [ ] rigordus in du chesne, vol. . p. . mr. maturin, in that powerful and magnificent romance, the albigenses, has made a very fine use of the instance related above of the squirehood of philip augustus. [ ] this strange practice prevailed, says mr. ellis, (specimens of early english poetry, vol. i. p. .) at a time when the day-dress of both sexes was much warmer than at present, it being generally bordered, and often lined with furs; insomuch that numberless warrens were established in the neighbourhood of london for the purpose of supplying its inhabitants with rabbit skins. "perhaps," continues mr. ellis, in his usual style of pleasantry, "it was this warmth of clothing that enabled our ancestors, in defiance of a northern climate, to serenade their mistresses with as much perseverance as if they had lived under the torrid zone." [ ] this circumstance was satirised, as the reader must remember, by cervantes, who did not always spare chivalry itself in his good humoured satire of the romances of chivalry. [ ] du cange, articles barbani radere, and capilli. the complete shaving of the head was not often submitted to by knights. it was generally thought sufficient if a lock of hair was cut off. [ ] in the fabliau of the order of knighthood the exhortation is somewhat different, and necessarily so, for the candidate was a saracen. it was not to be expected that he would vow to destroy his erring brethren. the exhortation deserves to be extracted, for it contains some particulars not noticed in the one which i have inserted in the text. whether specially mentioned or not, attendance at church and serving the ladies were always regarded as essentials of a knight's duty. "still to the truth direct thy strong desire, and flee the very air where dwells a liar: fail not the mass, there still with reverend feet each morn be found, nor scant thy offering meet: each week's sixth day with fast subdue thy mind, for 'twas the day of passion for mankind: else let some pious work, some deed of grace, with substituted worth fulfil the place: haste thee, in fine, where dames complain of wrong, maintain their right, and in their cause be strong. for not a wight there lives, if right i deem, who holds fair hope of well-deserv'd esteem, but to the dames by strong devotion bound, their cause sustains, nor faints for toil or wound." way's _fabliaux_, vol. i. p. . the expressive conciseness of the exhortation to the duties of knighthood in the romance of ysaie le triste is admirable. "chevalier soies cruel a tes ennemys, debonnaire a tes amys, humble a non puissans, et aidez toujours le droit a soustenir, et confons celluy qui tort a vefves dames, poures pucelles et orphelins, et poures gens aymes toujours a ton pouvir, et avec ce aime toujours saincte eglise." [ ] the more distinguished the rank of the aspirant, the more distinguished were those who put themselves forward to arm him. the romances often state that the shield was given to a knight by a king of spain, the sword by a king of england, the helmet from a french sovereign, &c. [ ] the word dub is of pure saxon origin. the french word adouber is similar to the latin adoptare, not adaptare, for knights were not made by adapting the habiliments of chivalry to them, but by receiving them, or being adopted into the order. many writers have imagined that the accolade was the last blow which the soldier might receive with impunity: but this interpretation is not correct, for the squire was as jealous of his honour as the knight. the origin of the accolade it is impossible to trace, but it was clearly considered symbolical of the religious and moral duties of knighthood, and was the only ceremony used when knights were made in places (the field of battle, for instance,) where time and circumstances did not allow of many ceremonies. [ ] caxton, fayt of armes and chivalry, c. . favyn theatre of honour, liv. i. c. . daniel, hist. de la milice francaise, liv. i. c. . [ ] froissart, vol. i. c. . the romance writers made strange work of this disposition of candidates for chivalry to receive the wished for honours from the hands of redoubted heroes. in one of them a man wanted to be knighted by the famous sir lancelot of the lake. he however happened to be dead, but that circumstance was of no consequence, for a sword was placed in the right hand of the skeleton, and made to drop upon the neck of the kneeling squire, who immediately rose a knight. [ ] pinkerton's history of scotland, vol. i. p. . [ ] favyn, liv. iii. c. . monstrelet, vol. vi. p. . honoré, dissertations historiques et critiques sur la chevaliere. to. paris. . p. . [ ] selden likens the degradation of a knight to the degradation of a clergyman by the canon law, previously to his being delivered over to the secular magistrate for punishment. the order of the clergy and the order of knighthood were supposed to be saved from disgrace by this expulsion of an unworthy member. selden, titles of honour, p. . [ ] segar, of honour, lib. ii. c. . [ ] stow's chronicle. [ ] the iron of poictou was particularly famous for making admirable lance-heads; nor was it disliked as a shield. thus an old french poet says,-- "et fu armé sor le cheval de pris, d'aubere, et d'iaume, d'escu poitevin." du cange, art. ferrum pictavense. the iron of bourdeaux is frequently mentioned by froissart as of excellent use in armour. liv. . c. . . . and the old chronicle of bertrand du guesclin says,-- "un escuier y vint qui au comte lanca d'une espée de bourdeaux, qui moult chier li cousta." [ ] menage, diction. etym. in verb. [ ] it is not worth while to say much about mere words. i shall only add that the banner was sometimes called the gonfanon. "li barons aurent gonfanons li chevaliers aurent penons." [ ] this battle-axe is very amusingly described in the metrical romance of richard coeur de lion:-- "king richard i understond, or he went out of englond, let him make an axe for the nones, to break therewith the sarasyns bones. the head was wrought right wele, therein was twenty pounds of steel, and when he came into cyprus land, the ax he took in his hand. all that he hit he all to-frapped, the griffons away fast rapped natheless many he cleaved, and their unthanks there by lived, and the prison when he came to, with his ax he smot right thro, dores, barres, and iron-chains, and delivered his men out of pains." line , &c. [ ] monstrelet. johnes' edit. vol. . p. . [ ] thus pandaro the giant in palmerin of england carried a huge mallet:--but i need not multiply instances. [ ] en loyal amour tout mon coeur, was a favourite motto on the shank of a spur. [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. . p. . [ ] chronicle of the cid. p. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. . p. . [ ] hoveden. [ ] pellicer's note on don quixote, edit. madrid, . dillon's travels in spain, p. . [ ] robert of brune. [ ] wormius, lit. run. p. . hickes thes. vol. . p. . [ ] the notion of applying the word jocosé to a sword is thus pleasantly dilated on by st. palaye. "ils ont continuellement repandu sur toutes les images de la guerre un air d'enjouement, qui leur est propre: ils n'ont jamais parlé que comme d'une fête, d'un jeu, et d'un passe-temps. _jouer leur jeu_, ont-ils dit, les arbalétriers qui faisoient pleuvoir une grêle de traits. _jouer gros jeu_, pour donner battaile. _jouer des mains_, et une infinité d'autres façons de parler semblables se recontrent souvent dans la lecture de recits militaires nos écrivains." [ ] ellis' metrical romances. . . [ ] the shield therefore was fitted by its shape to bear a wounded knight from the field, and to that use it was frequently applied. another purpose is alluded to in the spirited opening to the lay of the gentle bachelor. "what gentle bachelor is he sword-begot in fighting field, rock'd and cradled in a shield, whose infant food a helm did yield." [ ] malmsbury, p. . [ ] dr. meyrick, in his huge work on armour, divides the sorts of this early mail into the rustred, the scaled, the trellissed, the purpointed, and the tegulated. the grave precision of this enumeration will amuse the curious enquirer into the infinite divisibility of matter. [ ] in a masterly dissertation upon ancient armour, in the sixtieth number of the quarterly review, it is said, that "though chain-mail was impervious to a sword-cut, yet it afforded no defence against the bruising stroke of the ponderous battle-axe and martel; it did not always resist the shaft of the long or cross bow, and still less could it repel the thrust of the lance or the long-pointed sword."--there is a slight mistake here. all good coats of mail were formed of duplicated rings, and their impenetrability to a lance thrust was an essential quality. "induitur lorica incomparabili, quæ maculis duplicibus intexta, nullius lanceæ ictibus transforabilis haberetur." mon. l. . ann. . [ ] froissart describes sir john chandos as dressed in a long robe, which fell to the ground, blazoned with his arms on white sarcenet, argent a field gules, one on his breast, and another on his back. [ ] du cange, dissert. the first on joinville. the extravagance of people in the middle ages on the subject of furs is the theme of perpetual complaint with contemporary authors. by two statutes of the english parliament, holden at london in and , all persons who could not expend one hundred pounds a-year were forbidden to wear furs. [ ] du cange, ubi supra. [ ] montfaucon, pl. . xiv. . and gough i. . [ ] fairy queen, book i. canto vii. st. , . [ ] shakspeare, henry v. act iii. sc. . [ ] fairy queen, book i. c. . st. . [ ] lay of the knight and the sword. [ ] froissart, livre i. c. . [ ] ellis's specimens of metrical romances, i. . . [ ] monstrelet, johnes's edition, vol. v. p. . ., et prestement un nommé olivier layet à l'ayde de pierre frotier lui bouta une espée par dessoules son haulbergeon tout dedans le ventre, &c.--en apres le dessusdit duc mis à mort, comme dit est fut tantost par les gens du daulphin desuestu de sa robbe, de son haulbergeon, &c. monstrelet, vol. i. c. , . [ ] books of military costume may illustrate the truth, how important every man's occupation is in his own eyes. the old french writer, fauchet, has devoted some pages to a description of the regular process of dressing, and his example has been followed by some of our english antiquarians. [ ] in dr. meyrick's three ponderous quartos on armour there is one interesting point: he shews that the celebrated title of the black prince, which the prince of wales gained for his achievements at the battle of cressy, did not arise, as is generally supposed, from his wearing black armour on that day, nor does it appear that he ever wore black armour at all. plain steel armour was his usual wear, and the surcoat was emblazoned with the arms of england labelled. when he attended tournaments in france or england he appeared in a surcoat with a shield, and his horse in a caparison all black with the white feathers on them; so that the colour of the covering of the armour, and not of the armour itself, gave him his title. dr. meyrick thinks the common story an erroneous one, that the ostrich feathers in the crest of our princes of wales arose from young edward's taking that ornament from the helmet of the king of bohemia, who was slain by him at the battle of cressy. he contends that the feathers formed a _device_ on the banner of the monarch, and were not worn on the helmet, because plumes of feathers were not used as crests till the fifteenth century. that dr. meyrick has not been able to find any instance of their being thus worn goes but very little way to prove the negative. on the other hand, we know that the swan's neck, the feathers of favourite birds, such as the peacock and pheasant, were devices on shields, and also at the same time continually surmounted the helmet, and the ostrich feathers, which ever since the crusades the western world had been familiar with, might in all probability have been used in this twofold manner. how the king of bohemia wore his we do not know with historic certainty, but it is very difficult to believe that he, or our chivalric ancestors, with their love of splendid ornament, would have been contented with placing the ostrich feathers as a mere device on a shield, and not have also fixed it where they set every thing peculiarly graceful, on the summit of the helm. [ ] a very singular instance of the inconvenience of heavy armour occurred in the year , during a war between the milanese and the venetians. carmagnola, the venetian general, had skilfully posted his army behind a morass, the surface of which, from the dryness of the season, was capable of bearing the weight of infantry. he irritated the enemy (the milanese) to attack him, by capturing the village of macalo before their eyes, but their heavy cavalry had no sooner charged along the causeway intersecting the marshy ground, which he purposely left unguarded, than his infantry assailed them with missiles on both flanks. in attempting to repulse them the milanese cuirassiers sank into the morass: their column was crowded on the narrow passage, and thrown into confusion, and the infantry of carmagnola then venturing among them on the causeway, and stabbing their horses, made prisoners of the dismounted cuirassiers to the number of eight thousand, as they lay helpless under the enormous weight of their own impervious armour. perceval's history of italy, vol. ii. p. . [ ] quarterly review, no. lx. p. . [ ] in marking the progress of chivalry through italy i shall again have occasion to notice the excellence of the milanese armour. [ ] note . on marmion, canto . [ ] grose, ii. . [ ] caxton, fayt of armes and of chyvalrye, c. , &c. if the reader be curious for information on the subject of the allegories which were formed from the armour and dress of the knights of the garter and the bath, he will find it in anstis's register of the garter, p. , , and his history of the knighthood of the bath, p. - . [ ] asturco dextrarius est, astur caput ejus nam prius astur equum dextrandi repperit usum. ebrardus betuniensis in græcismo, c. . [ ] an arabian horse. [ ] weak. [ ] lockhart's spanish ballads, p. . [ ] william of newbridge, c. . lib. ii. brunetus in thesauro, ms. part . c. , says "il y a chevaus de plusieurs manieres, à ce que li un sont déstreir quant pour li combat, li auter sont palefroy pour chevaucher à l'aise de son cors pour li autres son roueis pour sommes porter," &c. and the continuator of nangis says, "et apres venoient les grans chevaux et palefrois du roy tres rechement ensellez, et les valets les menaient en dextre sur autres roussins." [ ] history of the crusades, vol. i. p. . note. [ ] lest the reader's mind should wander in conjecture regarding the purpose of barding a horse, i will transcribe, for his instruction and illumination, a few lines from dr. meyrick's chronological inquiry into ancient armour, vol. ii. p. . "the principal reason for arming the horse in plate as well as his rider was to preserve his life, on which depended the life or liberty of the man-at-arms himself; for when he was unhorsed, the weight of his own armour prevented him from speedily recovering himself or getting out of the way, when under the animal. besides this, by thus preserving the horse, the expence of another was saved." wonderful! [ ] statutes of the templars, c. . [ ] vincent de beauvais, hist. lib. . c. . [ ] from the loka lenna, or strife of loc, cited in the notes on sir tristrem, p. .; st. palaye, "memoires sur l'ancienne chevaliere," partie .; du cange, twenty-first dissertation on joinville; glossary, arma mutare, companionship in weal and woe sanctioned by religious solemnities, still exists among the albanians and other people of the eastern shore of the adriatic. the custom is wrought into a very interesting story in the tale of anastasius, vol. i. c. . [ ] juv. des ursins anno . vraye fraternité et compagnie d'armes, is the frequent expression in old writers for this chivalric union. [ ] kennet's parochial antiquities, p. . cited in henry's history of england, vol. iii. p. . to. [ ] the romance of amys and amylion. it is abridged by mr. ellis in the third volume of his specimens of early english metrical romances, and inserted at length by mr. weber in the second volume of his collection. the reader may be amused to learn that the mother of the children was so complaisant to her husband as to approve of his having cut their little throats. "o lef lief! she said tho, god may send us children mo! of them have thou no care. and if it were at my heart's root, for to bring thy brother boot, my life i would not spare. there shall no man our children sene, for to morrow they shall buried ben, as they fairly dead were. thus that lady, fair and bright, comforted her lord with her might, as ye may understand sin[a] they went both right to sir amylion, that gentle knight, that ever was fre to fonde[b] when sir amylion awaked tho, all his foulehead away was go through grace of god's son. then was he as fair a man as ever he was ere than since he was been in londe." the conclusion of the story shows the belief of the writer that heaven approved of such sacrifices to friendship. "then were they all blithe, their joy could no man kithe, they thanked god that day. as ye may at me liste and lythe.[c] into the chamber they went swythe.[d] ther as the children lay. without wern[e], without wound, all whole the children there they found, and lay together in play. for joy they went there, they stood and thanked god with mild mode their care was all away." [a] after. [b] that ever could be met with. [c] now you must listen to me. [d] quickly. [e] scar. [ ] it may be as well to notice that the barriers of a town, or its outer fortification, are described by froissart as being grated pallisades, the grates being about half a foot wide. [ ] the remainder of this knight's story should be told, although it does not relate to the matter of the text. "in the suburbs he had a sore encounter, for, as he passed on the pavement, he found before him a bocher, a big man, who had well seen this knight pass by, and he held in his hands a sharp heavy axe, with a long point; and as the knight returned, and took no heed, this bocher came on his side and gave him such a stroke between the neck and shoulders, that he fell upon his horse, and yet he recovered; and then the bocher struck him again, so that the axe entered into his body, so that, for pain, the knight fell to the earth, and his horse ran away, and came to the squire who abode for his master at the streets; and so the squire took the horse, and had great marvel what was become of his master, for he had seen him ride to the barriers, and strike thereat with his glaive, and return again. then he rode a little forth thitherward, and anon he saw his master laying upon the earth between four men, who were striking him as they would strike an anvil. and then the squire was so affrighted he durst not go farther, for he saw he could not help his master. therefore he returned as fast as he might; so there the said knight was slain. and the knights that were at the gate caused him to be buried in holy ground." lord berners's froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, vol. i. c. . [ ] froissart, c. .; gray's descent of odin.; herbert's icelandic translations, p. ; scott's minstrelsy, vol. . p. . [ ] froissart c. . [ ] froissart, c. . "et si avoit entre eux plusieurs jeunes bacheliers, qui avoient chacun un oeil couvert de drap, à fin qu'ils n'en puissent veoir; et disoit on que ceux là avoient voué, entre dames de leur pais, que jamais ne verroient que d'un oeil jusques à ce qu'ils auroient fait aucunes prouesses de leur corps en royaume de france." the disposition of knights to make vows was an excellent subject for cervantes' raillery. "tell her," continued i, (don quixote) "when she least expects it, she will come to hear how i made an oath, as the marquis of mantua did, when he found his nephew baldwin ready to expire on the mountains, never to eat upon a table-cloth, and several other particulars, which he swore to observe, till he had revenged his death. so in the like solemn manner will i swear, never to desist from traversing the habitable globe, and ranging through all the seven parts of the world, more indefatigably than ever was done by prince pedro of portugal, till i have freed her from her enchantment." don quixote, part . c. . [ ] every true knight said like him in the morte d'arthur, "though the knight be never so false, i will never slay him sleeping; for i will never destroy the high order of knighthood." and again, "well, i can deem that i shall give him a fall. for it is no mastery, for my horse and i be both fresh, and so are not his horse and he, and weet ye well that he will take it for great unkindness, for every one good is loth to take another at disadvantage." [ ] the true son of chivalry was like banquo, of whom macbeth says, "'tis much he dares; and, to that dauntless temper of his mind, he hath a wisdom that doth guide his valour to act in safety." sir philip sidney excellently well describes the nature of chivalric courage. "their courage was guided with skill, and their skill was armed with courage; neither did their hardiness darken their wit, nor their wit cool their hardiness: both valiant as men despising death, and both confident as unwonted to be overcome. their feet steady, their hands diligent, their eyes watchful, and their hearts resolute." arcadia, p. . edit. . [ ] morte d'arthur. . . [ ] argentré, histoire de la bretagne, p. . [ ] limoges had revolted on account of a tax which had been imposed on the english dominions in france, to pay the expences of the war, which had had for its object the restoration of peter the cruel. [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . "then the prince, the duke of lancaster, the earl of cambridge, the earl of pembroke, sir guiscard dangle, and all the others, with their companies, entered into the city, and all other footmen ready apparelled, to do evil, and to pillage and rob the city, and to slay men, women, and children; for so it was commanded them to do. it was great pity to see the men, women and children that kneeled down on their knees to the prince for mercy, but he was so inflamed with ire, that he took no heed to them, so that none was heard; but all put to death as they were met withal, and such as were nothing culpable. there was no pity taken of the poor people who wrought never no manner of treason; yet they bought it dearer than the great personages, such as had done the evil and trespass. there was not so hard a heart within the city of limoges, and if he had any remembrance of god, but that wept piteously for the great mischief that they saw before their eyes: for more than three thousand men, women and children were slain that day. god have mercy on their souls, for i trow they were martyrs." lord berners' translation. [ ] romance of guy of warwick. [ ] romance of sir otuel. and in the morte d'arthur it is said, "and thus by assent of them both, they granted either other to rest, and so they set them down upon two mole hills there beside the fighting place, and either of them unlaced his helmet, and took the cold wind, for either of their pages was fast by them to come when they called to lace their harness, and to set them on again at their commandment." morte d'arthur. lib. . c. . [ ] romance of sir ferumbras. [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . this story of froissart reminds one of mortimer, "when on the gentle severn's sedgy bank, in single opposition, hand to hand, he did confound the best part of an hour in changing hardiment with great glendower: three times they breath'd, and three times did they drink, upon agreement, of swift severn's flood; who then, affrighted with their bloody looks, ran fearfully among the trembling reeds, and hid his crisp head in the hollow bank, blood-stain'd with these valiant combatants." henry iv. part . act . sc. iii. [ ] froissart liv. . c. . [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . . [ ] froissart, liv. . c. . . liv. . c. . [ ] thus don quixote pleasantly says in his enumeration of chivalric qualities, "whoever possesses the science of knight errantry ought to be learned in the laws, and understand distributive and commutative justice, in order to right all mankind." [ ] fairy queen, book iii. canto . st. .; and tasso, with equal attention to truth, thus describes the duty of a knight. premer gli alteri, e sollevar gli imbelli, defender gli innocenti, e punir gli empi, fian l'arti lor. la ger. lib. . . [ ] piers ploughman, first vision. [ ] m. paris. . [ ] matthew of westminster, p. . [ ] froissart, . c. . . . . . [ ] froissart, . . [ ] fairy queen, book ii. canto c. st. . [ ] even so judicious a writer as mr. dunlop says, (hist. of fiction, vol. ii. p. .) that vigor of discipline was broken by want of unity of command. st. palaye, in whom want of acquaintance with the subject is less excusable, says, "si le pouvoir absolu, si l'unité du commandement est le seul moyen d'entretenir la vigueur de la discipline, jamais elle ne dut être moins solidement établie, et plus souvent ébranlée que du temps de nos chevaliers. quelle confusion, en effet, ne devoient point apporter tant d'especes de chefs, dont les principes, les motifs et les interêts n'etoient pas toujours d'accord, et qui ne tiroient point d'une même source le droit de se faire obeir?" memoires sur l'ancienne chevalerie, partie . [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] "then said the gud erl of derby, lo! here a fair sight sykkyrly. a fairer sight how may man see, than knight or squire which ever he be, in-til his helm him thus got schryive? when i shall pass out of this life, i would god of his grace would send to me a like manner to end." wyntown's cronykil of scotland, book viii. c. . [ ] caxton, fayt of armes and chevalrie, fol. . [ ] ibid. c. . [ ] malmsbury, p. . [ ] lai of aucassin and nicolette. [ ] froissart, livre . c. . the romances of chivalry are full of tales expressive of this feature of the knightly character. as amusing a story as any is to be found in the morte d'arthur. "there came into the court a lady that hight the lady of the lake. and she came on horseback, richly bysene, and saluted king arthur, and asked him a gift that he promised her when she gave him the sword. 'that is sooth,' said arthur, 'a gift i promised you. ask what ye will, and ye shall have it, an it be in my power to give it.'--'well,' saith the lady, 'i ask the head of the knight that hath wore the sword, or the damsel's head that brought it. i take no force though i have both their heads, for he slew my brother, a good knight and a true, and that gentlewoman was causer of my father's death.'--'truly,' said king arthur, 'i may not grant either of their heads with my worship, therefore ask what ye will else, and i shall fulfill your desire.'--'i will ask none other thing,' said the lady. when balyn was ready to depart, he saw the lady of the lake, that by her means had slain balyn's mother, and he had sought her three years; and when it was told him that she asked his head of king arthur, he went to her streyte, and said, 'evil be you found, you would have my head, and therefore shall lose yours,' and with his sword lightly he smote off her head before king arthur. 'alas! for shame,' said arthur, 'why have you done so? you have shamed me and all my court; for this was a lady that i was beholden to, and hither she came under my safe-conduct. i shall never forgive you that trespass.'--'sir,' said balyn, 'me forthinketh of your displeasure; for this same lady was the untruest lady living, and by enchantment and sorcery she hath been the destroyer of many good knights, and she was causer that my mother was burnt through her falsehood and treachery.'--'what cause soever ye had,' said arthur, 'you should have forborne her in my presence; therefore, think not the contrary, you shall repent it, for such another despite had i never in my court, therefore withdraw you out of my court in all haste that you may.'" morte d'arthur, lib. ii. c. . [ ] malmsbury, p. . quem cuilibet, quamvis infestissimo inimico negare, laudabilium militum mos non est. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] froissart, ii. . [ ] this was part of the exhortation of a king of portugal, on knighting his son, according to a portuguese historian, cited in lord lyttleton's history of henry ii., vol. ii. p. . to. [ ] morte d'arthur; first book of sir tristram, c. . [ ] caxton, c. . [ ] the necessity of courtesy of manner was so important in the minds of the old poets that they ascribed it not only to every favourite hero, but even to animals, whether real or imaginary. our moral poet gower thus gravely sets forth the politeness of a dragon. "with all the cheer that he may, toward the bed there as she lay, till he came to her the beddes side, and she lay still and nothing cried; for he did all his things fair, and was courteous and debonair." confessio amantis, lib. . fol. . [ ] extrait de l'histoire de du gueslin, par p. h. du chastelet, p. , &c. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . it is difficult to fancy the extravagant degree of estimation in which hawks were held during the chivalric ages. as mr. rose says in one of his notes to the romance of partenopex of blois, they were considered as symbols of high estate, and as such were constantly carried about by the nobility of both sexes. barclay, in his translation from brandt, complains of the indecent usage of bringing them into places appropriated to public worship; a practice which, in the case of some individuals, appears to have been recognized as a right. the treasurer of the church of auxerre enjoyed the distinction of assisting at divine service on solemn days, with a falcon on his fist; and the lord of sassai held the privilege of perching his upon the altar. nothing was thought more dishonorable to a man of rank, than to give up his hawks, and if he were taken prisoner, he would not resign them even as the price of liberty. [ ] romance of ipomydon. [ ] froissart, vol. i. c. ; and sir walter scott's note to the romance of sir tristrem, p. . [ ] this statement of the objects of the minstrelsy art, is taken from a manuscript cited by tyrwhitt, chaucer ii. . it is the railing of a sour fanatic, who wished to destroy all the harmless pleasures of life. but we may profit by his communication, while we despise his gloom. i shall add another description of the various subjects of minstrelsy from the lay le fraine. "some beth of war and some of woe, and some of joy and mirth also; and some of treachery and of guile, of old adventures that fell while; and some of jests and ribaudy; and many there beth of fairy; of all things that men see, most of love, forsooth, there be." [ ] sir orpheo. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . . . in dr. henderson's history of wines, p. , it is stated that our ancestors mixed honey and spices with their wine, in order to correct its harshness and acidity, and to give it an agreeable flavour. true, but it should also have been remarked that the spices were not always mixed with the wine, but that they were served up on a plate by themselves. this custom is proved from an amusing passage in froissart, which involves also another point of manners. describing a dinner at the castle of tholouse, at which the king of france was present, our chronicler says, "this was a great dinner and well stuffed of all things; and after dinner and grace said, they took other pastimes in a great chamber, and hearing of instruments, wherein the earl of foix greatly delighted. then wine and spices were brought, the earl of harcourt served the king of his spice plate, and sir gerrard de la pyen served the duke of bourbon, and sir monnaut of nouailles served the earl of foix." vol. ii. c. . another passage is equally expressive: "the king alighted at his palace, which was ready apparelled for him. there the king drank and took spices, and his uncles also; and other prelates, lords, and knights." thus too, at a celebration of the order of the golden fleece, at ghent, in , olivier de la marche, describing the dinner, says, "longuement dura le disner et le service. là jouerent et sonnerent menestries et trompettes; et herauts eurent grans dons, et crierent largesse; et tables levées furent les espices aportées, et furent les princes et les chevaliers servis d'espices et de vins, &c." memoires, d'olivier de la marche, in the vol. ix. c. . of the great collection of french memoirs: and in the morte d'arthur it is said they went unto sir persauntes pavilion, and drank the wine and ate the spices. [ ] he was a great personage, if wealth could confer dignity. the hospital and priory of st. bartholomew in smithfield, london, were founded by royer or raherus, the king's minstrel, in the third year of the reign of henry i. a. d. . percy, essay on the ancient minstrels, p. . the serjeant of the minstrels was another title for the head of the royal minstrelsy. a circumstance that occurred in the reign of edward iv. shews the confidential character of this officer, and his facility of access to the king at all hours and on all occasions. "and as he (king edward iv.) was in the north country in the month of september, as he lay in his bed, one, named alexander carlisle, that was _serjeant of the minstrels_, came to him in great haste, and bade him arise, for he had enemies coming." this fact is mentioned by warton, on the authority of an historical fragment. ad calc. sportti chron. ed. hearne, oxon, . [ ] wordsworth's excursion, book ii. [ ] wood, hist. antiq. un. oxon. . . sub anno ; and percy, notes on his essay on the ancient minstrels, p. . [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . writers on chivalry have too often affirmed, that the minstrels besides singing, reciting, and playing on musical instruments, added the entertainments of vaulting over ropes, playing with the pendent sword, and practising various other feats of juggling and buffoonery. that this was sometimes the case during all the ages of the minstrelsy art, is probable enough, for the inferior minstrels were in a dreadful state of indigence. but the disgraceful union of poetry and juggling was not common in the best ages of chivalry. chaucer expressly separates the minstrel from the juggler. "there mightest thou karols seen, and folk dance, and merry ben, and made many a fair tourning upon the green grass springing. there mightest thou see these flouters. minstrallis and eke jugelours." romaunt of the rose, l. , &c. other passages to the same effect are collected in anstis order of the garter, vol. i. p. ; and warton, history of english poetry, vol. ii. p. . as chivalry declined, minstrelsy was discountenanced, and its professors, fallen in public esteem, were obliged to cultivate other arts besides those of poetry and music. [ ] dunlop, history of fiction, vol. i. p. . [ ] wace, a canon of bayeux, and one of the most prolific rhimers that ever practised the art of poetry, continually reminded the great of the benefits which accrued to themselves from patronising poets. "bien entend conuis e sai que tuit morrunt, e clerc, e lai; e que mult ad curte decrée, en pres la mort lur renumee; si per clerc ne est mis en livre, ne poet par el dureement vivre. * * * * suvent aveient des barruns, e des nobles dames beaus duns, pur mettre lur nuns en estroire, que tuz tens mais fust de eus memoire." ms. bib. reg. iv. c. . cited by mr. turner, history of england, vol. i. p. . to. [ ] this description (spenser's) of chivalric manners, has sadly puzzled his commentators. they are quite agreed, however, on one point, namely, that to kiss the hand of a fair lady (which the word basciomani signified) was not a custom indigenous to england, but that it was imported hither from italy or spain. a preux chevalier of the olden time would have been indignant at this insult to the originality of his gallantry. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] the life of ipomydon, fytte, . [ ] thus in the romance of perceforest (cited by ellis, notes to way's fabliaux, vol. i. p. ) it is said, "there were eight hundred knights all seated at table, and yet there was not one who had not a dame or damsel at his plate!" in the tale of the mule without a bridle, it is said, "fill'd with these views the attendant dwarf she sends: before the knight the dwarf respectful bends; kind greetings bears as to his lady's guest, and prays his presence to adorn her feast. the knight delays not; on a bed design'd with gay magnificence the fair reclin'd high o'er her head, on silver columns rais'd, with broidering gems her proud pavilion blaz'd. herself, a paragon in every part, seem'd sovereign beauty deck'd with comeliest art. with a sweet smile of condescending pride she seats the courteous gawaine by her side, scans with assiduous glance each rising wish, feeds from her food the partner of her dish!" [ ] m. le grand, in his valuable histoire de la vie privée des français, has given us some very curious information regarding the mode of dressing this distinguished bird. "it was generally," he says, "served up roasted. instead of plucking the bird (observes the complete housekeeper of former times) skin it carefully so as not to damage the feathers; then cut off the feet, stuff the body with spices and sweet herbs; roll a cloth round the head, and then spit your bird. sprinkle the cloth, all the time it is roasting, to preserve its crest. when it is roasted enough, tie the feet on again; remove the cloth; set up the crest; replace the skin; spread out the tail, and so serve it up. some people, instead of serving up the bird in the feathers, carry their magnificence so far as to cover their peacock with leaf gold: others have a very pleasant way of regaling their guests. just before they serve up, they cram the beak of their peacock with wool, rubbed with camphor: then, when the dish is placed upon the table, they set fire to the wool, and the bird instantly vomits out flames like a little volcano." [ ] du chesne, house of montmorencí, liv. i. p. , &c. m. de couci, (c. .) , &c. olivier de la marche, p. . hist. de boucicaut, ed. de godefroi. [ ] like sir guiscard dangle, earl of huntingdon, who, according to froissart, possessed all the noble virtues that a knight ought to have, for "he was merry, true, amourous, sage, sweet, liberal, preux, hardy, adventurous, and chivalrous," vol. i. c. . [ ] see the verses of des escas, a troubadour at the court of the king of arragon. [ ] knight of the tower, chap. "how goodly women ought to maintain themselves courteously." [ ] sir tristram, fytte second, st. . and scott's note. [ ] squire of low degree. [ ] sir degore. [ ] romance of guy of warwick. [ ] knight of the tower, chap. "how young maidens ought not lightly to turn their heads here and there." [ ] knight of the tower, chap. intitled, "of them that will not wear their good clothes on high feasts and holy-days," and, "how the daughter of a knight lost her marriage." memoires de louis de la tremouille, cap. xii. p. , &c. in the th vol. of the great collection of french memoires. [ ] fairy queen, book ii. canto . st. . [ ] the manners of his times might, perhaps, have been the origin of this picture, for even so late as the reign of elizabeth, it is mentioned among the accomplishments of the ladies of her court, that the eldest of them are skilful surgeons. harrison's description of england, prefixed to holinshed. [ ] fairy queen, book iii. canto . st. . . [ ] before the year , when coaches were first used in england, as percy observes, ladies rode chiefly on horseback, either single on their palfreys, or double behind some person on a pillion. not but in case of sickness, or bad weather, they had horse-litters, and even vehicles called chairs, and carrs or charres. note on the northumberland household book. [ ] it is evident that the good king of hungary was a boon companion, and we will fancy that it was from a very common and natural feeling, that he supposed his daughter's inclinations similar to his own. of the formidable list of wines which he gives, some names declare their growths very clearly; of the rest, i believe, that rumney wine means the wine from la romanée, a vineyard of burgundy. dr. henderson, however, suggests that it was an andalusian growth. malmesyne was a greek wine, from malvagia in the morea, the original seat of the malmsey grape. vernage was perhaps a tuscan wine. osey was alsatian wine. respice, (vin rapé) was the produce of unbruised grapes, and bastard was a sweet spanish wine. [ ] baked meats were the usual food of our ancestors. thus chaucer says of his frankelein (the modern country squire), "withoutin bake-mete never was his house." [ ] station. [ ] two species of hawks. [ ] sewed or quilted. [ ] rennes in brittany was highly famous for its manufacture of linen. [ ] inlaid with jewels. [ ] a modern princess, as mr. ellis says (specimens of the early english poets, vol. i. p. ), might possibly object to breathe the smoke of pepper, cloves, and frankincense during her sleep; but the fondness of our ancestors for those, and indeed for perfumes of all kinds was excessive. mr. ellis adds, that in the foregoing description of diversions, the good king of hungary has forgotten one, which seems to have been as great a favorite with the english and french as ever it was with the turkish ladies; this is the bath. it was considered, and with great reason, as the best of all cosmetics; and mr. strutt has extracted from an old ms. of prognostications, written in the time of richard ii., a medical caution to the women, against "going to the bath _for beauty_" during the months of march and november. women also often bathed together for purposes of conversation. the reader knows that the public baths were not always used for such healthful and innocent purposes. [ ] "vos, modo venando, modo rus geniale colendo ponitis in varia tempora longa mora. aut fora vos retinent, aut unctæ dona palæstræ; flectitis aut fræno colla sequaris equi. nunc volucrem laqueo, nunc piscem ducitis hamo. diluitur posito serior hora mero. his mihi submotæ, vel si minus acriter utar, quod faciam, superest, præter amare, nihil. quod superest, facio; teque, o mi sola voluptas, plus quoque, quam reddi quod mihi possit, amo." ovid. ep. hero leandro. [ ] don quixote affirmed, that no history ever made mention of any knight errant that was not a lover; for were any knight free from the impulses of that generous passion, he would not be allowed to be a lawful knight, but a misborn intruder, and one who was not admitted within the pale of knighthood at the door, but leaped the fence, and stole in like a thief and a robber. vivaldo, who was talking with the don, asserted in opposition to this opinion and statement, that don galaor, the brother of amadis de gaul, never had any mistress in particular to recommend himself to, and yet for all that he was not the less esteemed. don quixote, after borrowing one of sancho's proverbs, that one swallow never makes a summer, replied that he knew don galaor was privately very much in love; and as for his paying his addresses wherever he met with beauty, this was an effect of his natural inclination, which he could not easily restrain. it was an undeniable truth, concluded the don, that galaor had a favourite lady whom he had crowned empress of his will; and to her he frequently recommended himself in private, for he did not a little value himself upon his discretion and secrecy in love. this defence of galaor is very amusing, and vivaldo submitted to it. but he ought to have adduced the opinions of that mad knight and merry talker of the round table, sir dynadan, who marvelled what could ail sir tristram and many others of his companions, that they were always sighing after women. "why," said la belle isaud, "are you a knight and no lover? you cannot be called a good knight, except you make a quarrel for a lady." "god defend me!" replied dynadan, "for the joy of love is so short, and the sorrow thereof and what cometh thereof endureth so long." morte d'arthur, lib. i. c. . [ ] fairy queen, book iv. canto . st. . [ ] gower's confessio amantis, book iv. p. , &c. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. and . [ ] essais histor. sur paris, by st. foix, vol. iii. p. , cited by strutt. sports and pastimes, &c. "as it happened, sir palomydis looked up towards her (la belle isaud) where she lay in the window, and he espied how she laughed, and therewith he took such a rejoicing that he smote down what with his spear and with his sword all that ever he met, for through the sight of her he was so enamoured of her love, that he seemed at that time, that had sir tristrem and sir launcelot been both against him, they would have won no worship of him." morte d'arthur, book x. c. . [ ] lovelier. [ ] lived. [ ] romance of ywaine and gawin. [ ] froissart, c. . "le duc de lancastre avoit de son heritage en champaigne: c'estassavoir un chastel entre troye et chalons, qui s'appelait beaufort, et duquel un escuyer anglais (qui se nommoit le poursuivant d'amour) estait capitaine." [ ] froissart, liv. i. c. . [ ] barbour's bruce, book vi. hume's (of godscroft) history of the house of douglas, p. , &c. the description of the good lord james of douglas, in barbour's bruce, is not uninteresting. "in visage was he some deal gray, and had black hair, as i heard say, but then he was of limbs well made, with bones great and shoulders braid. his body well made and lenzie, as they that saw him said to me. when he was blyth he was lovely and meek and sweet in company. but who in battle might him see another countenance had he. and in his speech he lispt some deal, but that set him right wonder well." the bruce, p. . [ ] spenser's fairy queen, book i. canto . st. . [ ] "e se la us fa gelos e us en dona razo, e us ditz c'ancre no fo de so que dels huelhs vis, diguatz don. en suy fiz que vos disetz vertat, mas yeu vay simiat." the name of the gentleman who thus consented to distrust the evidence of his senses was amanieu des escas, a favourite troubadour in spain during the thirteenth century. one of the "statutes" in the court of love is, according to chaucer's report of it, pretty much in the same strain: "but think that she, so bounteous and fair, could not be false, imagine this algate, and think that tongues wicked would her appair, slandering her name, and worshipful estate, and lovers true to settin at debate, and though thou seest a fault, right at thine eye, excuse it blith, and gloss it prettily." chaucer, urry's edit. fol. . [ ] mr. skottowe, in his essays on shakspeare (essays which have done more for the right understanding of the great dramatist than all the works of his commentators from theobald to malone), observes that, in the play of troilus and cressida, a courtly knight of chivalry is often seen under the name of a trojan hero. the following challenge of hector is conceived and executed in the true chivalric spirit. "kings, princes, lords, if there be one, among the fair'st of greece, that holds his honour higher than his ease; that seeks his praise more than he fears his peril; that knows his valour, and knows not his fear; that loves his mistress more than in confession, (with truant vows to her own lips he loves,) and dare avow her beauty and her worth, in other arms than hers,--to him this challenge. hector, in view of trojans and of greeks, shall make it good, or do his best to do it. he hath a lady, wiser, fairer, truer, than ever greek did compass in his arms; and will to-morrow with his trumpet call, midway between yon tents and walls of troy, to rouse a grecian that is true in love: if any come, hector shall honour him; if none, he'll say in troy, when he retires, the grecian dames are sun-burn'd, and not worth the splinter of a lance." troilus and cressida, act i. sc. . [ ] cronique de saintré, vol. iii. c. . [ ] this society of the penitents of love is mentioned by the chevalier of the tower, whose book i have so often quoted in illustration of the chivalric character. [ ] the lai of sir gruélan. [ ] way's fabliaux, vol. ii. p. . the _moral_ of the lay of aristotle brings to mind voltaire's two celebrated lines under a statue of cupid:-- "qui que tu sois, tu vois ton maitre, il l'est, le fut, ou le doit être." [ ] illustrations of northern antiquities, p. , &c. [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] lai of the canonesses and the gray nuns. [ ] l'histoire et plaisante cronicque du petit jehan de saintré, vol. i. c. . [ ] lai of the countess of vergy. [ ] romance of guy of warwick. [ ] illustrations of northern antiquities, p. . [ ] romance of sir bevis. in ariosto, the heroine bradamante wishes rugiero to be baptized; and he replies, with great gallantry, that he would put his head not only into water, but into fire, for the sake of her love. non che nell' acqua, disse, ma nel foco per tuo amor porre il capo mi fia poco. orlando furioso, canto xxii. st. . [ ] don quixote himself was not a greater idolater of the ladies, than was the valiant marshal boucicaut, who, however, carried his fear of impertinent intrusion to a more romantic pitch than perhaps the ladies liked, for he would not even permit the knights of his banner to look a second time at a window where a handsome woman was seated. mémoires, partie . c. . [ ] boucicaut, mémoires, partie i. c. , . the commencement of the letters of those knights of the lady in the green field is worthy of insertion on account of its chivalric tone. "a toutes haultes et nobles dames and damoiselles, et à tous seigneurs, chevaliers, et escuyers, apres tous recommendations, font á sçavoir les treize chevaliers compagnons, portans en leur devise l'escu verd à la dame blanche. premièrement pour ce que tout chevalier est tenu de droict de vouloir garder et deffendre l'honneur, l'estat, les biens, la renommée, et la louange de toutes dames et damoiselles de noble lignée, et que iceulx entre les autres sont tres desirans de le vouloir faire, les prient et requierent que il leur plaise que si aulcune ou aulcunes est ou sont par oultraige, ou force, contre raison diminuées ou amoindries des choses dessus dictes, que celle ou celles à qui le tort ou force en sera faicte veuille ou veuillent venir ou envoyer requerir l'un des dicts chevaliers, tous ou partie d'iceulx, selon ce que le cas le requerra, et le requis de par la dicte dame ou damoiselle, soit un, tous ou partie, sont et veulent estre tenus de mettre leurs corps pour leur droict garder et deffendre encontre tout autre seigneur, chevalier, ou escuyer, en tout ce que chevalier se peut et doibt employer au mestier d'armes, de tout leur pouvoir, de personne à personne, jusques au nombre dessus dicts et au dessoutes, tant pour tant. et en breifs jours après la requeste à l'un, tous ou partie d'iceulx, faicte de par les dictes dames ou damoiselles, ils veulent presentement eulx mettre en tout debovir d'accomplir les choses dessus dictes, et si brief que faire se pourra. et s'il advenoit, que dieu ne veuille que celuy au ceulx qui par les dictes dames ou damoiselles seroient requis, eussent essoine raisonnable; a fin que leur service et besongne ne se puisse en rien retarder qu'il ne prist conclusion, le requis ou les requis seront tenus de bailler prestement de leurs compaignons, par qui le dict faict seroit et pouvoit estre mené à chef et accomply." [ ] the knight's tale, l. , &c. the following is dryden's version of the above lines. the spirit of the last two lines of chaucer is entirely lost. "beside the champions, all of high degree, who knighthood lov'd and deeds of chivalry, throng'd to the lists, and envy'd to behold the names of others, not their own, enroll'd. nor seems it strange, for every noble knight who loves the fair, and is endu'd with might, in such a quarrel would be proud to fight." [ ] monstrelet, vol. vi. p. . boucicaut, memoirs, c. . [ ] froissart, liv. i. c. . [ ] froissart, liv. ii. c. .; liv. i. c. , . "puis passerent oultre destruisans le pais d'entour et vindrent ainsi jusques au chastel de poys: ou il y avoit bonne ville, et deux beaux chasteaux: mais nul des seigneurs n'y estait, fors deux belles damoiselles, filles au seigneur de poys: qui tost eussent esté violees, si n'eussent esté deux chevaliers d'angleterre; messire jehan chandos, et le sire de basset: qui les deffendirent: et pour les garder les menerent au roy: qui pour honneur leur fit bonne chere, et leur demanda ou elles voudroyent estre, si disent à corbie. là les fit le roi conduire sans pareil." [ ] i have taken this story from gibbon, (antiquities of the house of brunswick, miscellaneous works, vol. iii. p. ,) who says it is told (if he is not mistaken) by the spectator, and may certainly be supported by ancient evidence. [ ] fairy queen, book iii. canto . st. . [ ] ibid. book iii. canto . st. . [ ] another writer says, "ah! well was he that he forebore to blame; misfortune be his lot and worldly shame, nor, dying, let him taste of heavenly bliss whoe'er of dame or damsel speaks amiss; and sure no gentle clerk did ever vex with foul discourtesy the gentle sex, but churl or villain, of degenerate mind, brutal and base, the scandal of his kind." s. rose's partenopex of blois, canto ii. and in a similar strain of courtesy is the beginning of the fabliau of constant du hamel, as translated by m. le grand. "je ne pardonne pas qu'on se moque des dames. on doit toute sa vie les honorer et les servir et ne leur parler jamais que pour leur dire choses courtoises. qui agit autrement est un vilain." [ ] as the romance of the rose says, "les chevaliers mieux en valoient, les dames meilleures etoient et plus chastement en vivoient." [ ] caxton's chevalier of the tower, cap. "how every good woman ought to keep her renommèe." [ ] ord. vit. p. , &c. [ ] harleian ms. no. . . p. . cited in retrospective review. no. . p. . [ ] froissart, liv. i. c. . lord hailes is not pleased that the queen should have shared in the honour of the battle, and wishes to doubt her presence, because froissart is the _only_ writer who states it. upon which mr. turner (history of england, vol. . p. , vo.) very judiciously observes, that, if we disbelieve all the facts of this reign, for which we have _only_ froissart's authority, our scepticism must take a large sweep. [ ] wyntown's cronykil of scotland, book viii. c. . lord hailes, vol. . p. , . border antiquities, vol. ii. p. . [ ] avesbury, p. . froissart, liv. i. c. . [ ] la comtesse de montfort avoit courage d'homme et coeur de lion. elle estoit en la cité de rénes, quand elle entendit que son seigneur fut prins; et, combien qu'elle eust grand dueil au coeur, elle reconfortoit tous ses amis vaillamment, et tous ses soudoyers: et leur monstroit un petit fils (qu'elle avoit appelé jehan, comme son pere) et leur disoit, haa, seigneurs, ne vous ébahissez mie de monseigneur, que nous avons perdu. ce n'estoit qu'un homme. veez cy mon petit enfant, qui sera (si dieu plaist) son restorier, et vous sera des biens assez et j'ai de savoir à planté; si vous en donneraz assez, et vous pourchaceray tel capitaine, parquoy vous serez tous reconfortes. froissart, liv. i. c. . [ ] mrs. charles stothard, in her interesting tour through normandy and brittany, observes (p. .) that the massive walls which once surrounded the town of hennebon, remain in many places entire, and must have been impregnable in their strength and construction. [ ] froissart, c. . lors descendit la comtesse du chastel, à joyeuse chere, et vint baiser messiu gautier de manny et ses compaignons, les uns apres les autre, deux fois ou trois, comme vaillante dame. [ ] spenser, vision of the world's vanity, st. . [ ] like gonzalo in the tempest. "now would i give a thousand furlongs of sea for an acre of barren ground, long heath, brown furze, any thing. the wills above be done; but i would fain die a dry death." act i. sc. . [ ] the principal facts in the heroic life of the countess of mountfort are recorded by froissart, c. , , , , &c. lobineau, histoire de bretagne, vol. i. p. , &c. argentré, histoire de bretagne, liv. vii. c. , . [ ] hist. gen. de la france, l. . [ ] see the chronicle of m. villani in the th vol. of muratori, rerum scrip. ital.; and sismondi, histoire des rep. ital. tom. vi. c. . italy has not many romantic associations, and there are now no remains of cesena to awaken the admiration of the traveller to the heroism of marzia. forsyth, remarks on italy, vol. ii. p. . [ ] fairy queen, book iii. canto , st. . [ ] ibid, book iii. canto ii. st. . [ ] "the lady's heart was on him cast, and she beheld him wonder fast; ever on him she cast her eye, ipomydon full well it seye[f]; anon it gave him in his thought, to loke again let would be not. nor no more coward thought he to be of his looking than was she. the lady perceived it full well, of all his looking every dell, and therewith began to shame, for she might lightly fall in blame, if men perceived it any thing, betwixt them two such looking, then would they say all bydene[g], that some love were them between; then should she fall in slander, and lose much of her honour. she thought to warn him privily, by her cousin that set him by. 'jason,' she said, 'thou art to blame, and therewith the ought to shame, to behold my maid in vain; every man to other will sayne, that betwixt you is some sin, of thy looking, i rede[h], thou blynne[i].' ipomydon him bethought anon, then that she blamed jason, without deserving every dell: but the encheson[j] he perceived well. down he looked and thought great shame, that jason bore for him the blame. still he sat, and said no more, he thought to dwell no longer there." romance of sir ipomydon. [f] saw. [g] together. [h] council. [i] cease. [j] occasion. [ ] full of frowardness, each mis-saying or reviling, as ellis renders the passage. [ ] lai le fraine. [ ] du cange gravely quotes saint isidore for this truth; and it is credible even upon less solemn authority. [ ] thus holingshed, speaking of a royal joust and martial tournament, held at smithfield in , says, "and so many a noble course and other martial feats were achieved in those four days, to the great contentation and pleasure of many a young bachelor desirous to win fame." p. . edit. . [ ] the objects and tendencies of tournaments are extremely well expressed by jeffry of monmouth:--"many knights famous for feats of chivalry were present, with apparel and arms of the same colour and fashion. they formed a species of diversion, in imitation of a fight on horseback; and the ladies being placed on the walls of the castles, darted amorous glances on the combatants. none of these ladies esteemed any knight worthy of her love but such as had given proof of his gallantry in three several encounters. thus the valour of the men encouraged chastity in the women, and the attention of the women proved an incentive to the soldier's bravery." lib. ix. c. . [ ] holingshed, vol. ii. p. . reprint. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . . [ ] the german nation, as it may be easily supposed, were more strict than other people regarding the nature of the birth-right which authorised a man to tourney. if any person be curious enough to enquire into the fantastic subtleties of german heraldry about this matter, i refer him to the ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . . [ ] m. westm. p. . [ ] segar of honor, lib. ii. c. . ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . there was a singular law in germany, prohibiting from the tournament those who had been the cause of imposing taxes or duties, or had used their endeavours to get them imposed. ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . [ ] croneca del conde d. pero nino, p. ., cited in the notes to the preface to the reprint of the morte d'arthur, p. . [ ] monstrelet, vol. vi. p. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . [ ] chaucer, knight's tale, l. , &c. so froissart says, "on the next day you might have seen in divers places of the city of london squires and varlettes going about with harness, and doing other business of their masters." vol. ii. p. . [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] smithfield was famous many years earlier, both as the place of sports and the horse-market of london. fitzstephen, who wrote in the time of henry ii., says, "without one of the gates is a certain field[k], plain (or smooth) both in name and situation. every friday, except some greater festival come in the way, there is a brave sight of gallant horses to be sold: many come out of the city to buy or look on, to wit, earls, barons, knights, citizens, all resorting thither." [k] smethfield, as it were smoothfield. [ ] du cange, dissertation . on joinville. [ ] memoires d'olivier de la marche, liv. i. c. . [ ] this feeling is exceedingly well expressed in a challenge given by some foreign knights in england to the english chivalry. "ever in courts of great kings are wont to come knights of divers nations, and more to this court of england, where are maintained knighthood and feats of arms valiantly for the service of ladies in higher degrees and estates than in any realm of the world: it beseemeth well to don francisco de mendoza, and carflast de la vega, that here, better than in any place, they may shew their great desire that they have to serve their ladies." antiquarian repertory, vol. i. p. . [ ] elegant. [ ] embroidery. [ ] head-pieces. [ ] ornamented dresses. [ ] rubbing. [ ] straps. [ ] brazen drums. [ ] chaucer, the knight's tale, line , &c. chaucer must have had in his imagination one of the splendid tournaments of the days of edward iii. when he wrote these spirited lines; for there is much more circumstance in his description than could have belonged to a simple joust between the two knights, palamon and arcite. [ ] du cange (diss. . on joinville) on the authority of an ancient ms. regarding tournaments; and ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . [ ] harleian mss. no. . [ ] hist. de charles vi. vol. ii. p. . fol. . as every thing regarding the ladies of chivalric as well as of other times is interesting, no apology will be required for my hazarding a conjecture, that the colour of the ribbon mentioned in the text was blue, the emblem of constancy. "lo, yonder folk, quoth she, that kneel in blue! they wear the colour ay and ever shall, in sign they were and ever will be true, withouten change." chaucer's court of love, l. , &c. the author of the romance of perceforest has made a strange exaggeration of the custom of ladies sending favours to knights during the heat of a tournament. he says, that at the end of one of those martial games, "les dames étoient si dénues de leur atours, que la plus grande partie étoit en pur chef (mie tête) car elles s'en alloient les cheveux sur leurs epaules gisans, plus jaunes que fin or, en plus leurs cottes sans manches, car tous avoient donné aux chevaliers pour eux parer et guimples et chaperons, manteaux et camises, manches et habits: mais quand elles se virent à tel point, elles en furent ainsi comme toutes honteuses; mais sitost qu'elles veirent que chacune étoit en tel point, elles se prirent toutes a rire de leur adventure, car elles avoient donné leurs joyaux et leurs habits de si grand coeur aux chevaliers, qu'elles ne s'appercevoient de leur dénuement et devestemens." [ ] the reader may wonder at this form of expression; but it proceeded from the very noble principle of teaching young knights to emulate the glories of their ancestors, and from the peculiar refinement and delicacy of chivalry which argued that there was no knight so perfect, but who might commit a fault, and so great a one as to efface the merit of all his former good deeds. heralds, therefore, observes monstrelet, do not at jousts and battles cry out, "honour to the brave!" but they exclaim, "honour to the sons of the brave!" no knight can be deemed perfect, until death has removed the possibility of his committing an offence against his knighthood. "il n'est nul si bon chevalier au monde qu'il ne puisse bien faire une faute, voire si grande que tous les biens qu'il aura faits devant seront adnihillez; et pour ce on ne crie aux joustes ne aux batailles, aux preux, mais on crie bien aux fils des preux après la mort de leur pere car nul chevalier ne peut estre jugé preux se ce n'est après le trépassement." monstrelet, vol. i. p. . [ ] "to break across," the phrase for bad chivalry, did not die with the lance. it was used by the writers of the elizabethan age to express any failure of wit or argument. to the same purpose, celia, in "as you like it," says of orlando, tauntingly, "o that's a brave man. he writes brave verses, speaks brave words, swears brave oaths, and breaks them bravely, quite traverse, athwart the heart of his lover, as a puny tilter, that spurs his horse but on one side, breaks his staff like a noble goose." [ ] the old english ordinances, fortunately, have been preserved, and are exceedingly curious. the ordinances, statutes, and rules, made and enacted by john earl of worcester, constable of england, by the kinge's commandement, at windsor, the th day of may, in the seventh year of his noble reign (edward iv.), to be observed and kept in all manner of justes of peace royal, within this realm of england, before his highness or lieutenant, by his commandment or licence, had from this time forth, reserving always to the queen's highness and to the ladies there present, the attribution and gift of the price, after the manner and form accustomed, the merits and demerits attribute according to the articles following:-- first, whoso breaketh most spears, as they ought to be broken, shall have the price. item, whoso hitteth three times in the helm shall have the price. item, whoso meteth two times coronel to coronel, shall have the price. item, whoso beareth a man down with stroke of spear shall have the price. how the price should be lost. first, whoso striketh a horse shall have no price. item, whoso striketh a man, his back turned, or disarmed of his spear, shall have no price. item, whoso hitteth the toil or tilt thrice shall have no price. item, whoso unhelms himself twice shall have no price without his horse fail him. how spears broken shall be allowed. first, whoso breaketh a spear between the saddle and the charnel of the helm shall be allowed for one. item, whoso breaketh a spear from the charnel upwards shall be allowed for two. item, whoso breaketh a spear so as he strike him down or put him out of his saddle, or disarm him in such wise as he may not run the next course, shall be allowed for three spears broken. how spears broken shall be disallowed. first, whoso breaketh on the saddle shall be disallowed for a spear breaking. item, whoso hits the toil or tilt over shall be disallowed for two. item, whoso hitteth the toil twice, for the second time shall be abased three. item, whoso breaketh a spear within a foot of the coronall, shall be judged as no spear broken, but a good attempt. for the price. first, whoso beareth a man down out of the saddle, or putteth him to the earth, horse and man, shall have the price before him that striketh coronall to coronall two times. item, he that striketh coronall to coronall two times shall have the price before him that striketh the sight three times. item, he that striketh the sight three times shall have the price before him that breaketh the most spears. item, if there be any man that fortunately in this wise shall be deemed he bode longest in the field helmed, and ran the fairest course, and gave the greatest strokes, helping himself best with his spear. antiquarian repertory, l. , &c. [ ] olivier de la marche, a hero of burgundy in the fifteenth century, thus describes a warder:--"et tenoit le duc de bourgogne un petit blanc baton en sa main pour jetter et faire séparer les champions, leurs armes achivees, comme il est de coustume en tel cas." memoires, p. . [ ] walsingham, p. . in early times, in england, those tournament festivals were held about a round table, and therefore the tournaments themselves were often called round tables. walter hemingford, vol. i. p. . ed. hearne. [ ] this was the address of the heralds after a tournament in the days of edward iv.:-- "oyez, oyez, oyez, we let to understand to all princes and princesses, lords, ladies, and gentlewomen of this noble court, and to all others to whom it appertaineth, that the nobles that this day have exercised the feats of arms at the tilt, tourney, and barriers, have every one behaved themselves most valiantly, in shewing their prowess and valour worthy of great praise. "and to begin, as touching the brave entry of the lord ----, made by him very gallantly, the king's majesty more brave than he, and above all, the earl ----, unto whom the price of a very rich ring is given by the queen's majesty, by the advice of other princesses, ladies, and gentlewomen of this noble court. "and as touching the valiantness of the piques, the duke of m. hath very valiantly behaved himself, the earl of p. better than he, and above all others, the earl of d., unto whom the price of a ring of gold with a ruby is given, by the most high and mighty princess the queen of england, by the advice aforesaid. "and as touching the valiantness of the sword, ---- knight hath very well behaved himself, the earl of n. better than he, and sir j. p., knight, above all the rest, unto whom is given the price of a ring of gold with a diamond, by the queen's most excellent majesty, by the advice of other princesses, ladies, and gentlewomen. "and as touching the valiantness of the sword at the foil, sir. w. r., knight, hath very valiantly behaved himself, the marquis of c. better than he, and above all others, the king's majesty, unto whom was given the price of a ring of gold with a diamond, by the queen's majesty, by the advice of other princesses, ladies, and gentlewomen. "finally, touching the valiancy of the pique, the point abated, thomas p. hath well and valiantly behaved himself, charles c. better than he, and above all others, z. s., unto whom was given by the queen's majesty a ring of gold, by the advice of other princesses, ladies, and gentlewomen." [ ] knights are always mentioned as good or unskilful tilters, according to the judgment of the ladies. froissart, vol. ii. c. . monstrelet, vol. i. c. .; and see the last note. [ ] the account of every tournament in our grave old chronicles warrants the sentence in the romance of perceforest, "pris ne doit ne peult estre donne sans les _dames_; car pour elles sont toutes les prouesses fautes." [ ] this form of thanks prevailed also at the joust, as we learn from an account of one in the days of edward iv. see lansdowne mss., british museum, no. . art. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . [ ] a tournament of this three-fold description took place at st. denys, in the year . [ ] the love of our ancestors for tournaments is evident in a curious passage of an ancient satirical poem, which strutt has thus rendered: "if wealth, sir knight, perchance be thine, in tournaments you're bound to shine; refuse--and all the world will swear, you die not worth a rotten pear." [ ] mr. sharon turner (history of england, vol. i. p. . to. edit.) says, that nothing could break the custom (of holding tournaments) but the increased civilisation of the age. this is a mistake, for tournaments increased in number as the world became more civilised. there were more tournaments in the fourteenth century than in the thirteenth, and even so late as the reign of henry viii. the whole of england seems to have been parcelled out into tilting grounds. [ ] "de his vero qui in torneamentis cadunt, nulla quæstio est, quin vadant ad inferos, si non fuerint adjuti beneficio contritionis." du cange on joinville, dissert. . [ ] still more absurd is the story of matthew paris, that roger de toeny, a valiant knight, appeared after death to his brother raoul, and thus addressed him: "jam et pænas vidi malorum, et gaudio beatorum; nec non supplicia magna, quibus miser deputatus sum, oculis meis conspexi. væ, væ mihi, quare unquam torneamenta exercui, et ea tanto studio dilexi?" [ ] thus lambert d'ardres writes: "cum omnino tunc temporis propter dominici sepulchri peregrinationem in toto orbe, interdicta fuissent torneamenta." du cange, diss. . on joinville. [ ] du cange calls any combat between two knights preliminary to a general battle, a joust to the utterance. he might as well have called the battle itself a joust. [ ] the agreement was made in legal form, as we learn from wyntown. sir david de lindsay had a safe-conduct for his purpose, and came to london with a retinue of twenty-eight persons,-- "where he and all his company was well arrayed, and daintily, and all purveyed at device. there was his purpose to win prize: with the lord of the wellis he thought til have done there a _journée_ (day's battle), for both they were by _certane taillé_ obliged to do there that deed, _sauf faillie_ (without fail)." macpherson says, that challenges of this sort were called taillés indentures, because they were bonds of which duplicates were made having indentures taillés answering to each other. [ ] holingshed, history of scotland, p. . ed. . wyntown's cronykil of scotland, book ix. c. . the sir david de lindsay, mentioned above is the knight of whom sir walter scott tells an amusing story in his notes to marmion, canto i. note . [ ] "or verra l'on s'il y a nul d'entre vous anglois, qui soit amoureux." froissart, vol. ii. c. . lyons's edit. [ ] froissart, i. . [ ] berners' froissart, vol. i. c. . [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] some writers, confounding the joust with the duel, have said that bearded darts, poisoned needles, razors, and similar weapons, were lawful in the jousts. the instance to support this assertion is the challenge of the duke of orleans to henry iv. of england, recorded by monstrelet, vol. i. c. ., where the duke declined to use them. but orleans challenged lancaster to a duel, and not to a chivalric joust. [ ] segar, of honor, lib. iii. c. . [ ] i do not know when exactly this truly chivalric circumstance occurred. the story is told in a manuscript, in the lansdowne collection, british museum, no. . it is described as the challenge of an ancestor of the earl of warwick, and the ms. bears date in the days of edward iv. [ ] vous savez, et bien l'avez oui dire et recorder plusieurs fois, que les ebatemens des dames et damoiselles encouragent voulontiers les coeurs des jeunes gentils-hommes, et les elevent, en requerant et desirant tous honneur. froissart, vol. iv. c. . ed. lyons, . [ ] "ye may know well that charles the french king was sore desirous to be at those jousts: he was young and light of spirit, and glad to see new things. it was shewed me that from the beginning to the ending he was there present, disguised as unknown, so that none knew him but the lord of garansyers, who came also with him as unknown, and every day returned to marquise." froissart, vol. i. c. . [ ] as the weather was bright, according to froissart, i wonder he did not, in his fondness for detail, mention the number of barrels of water that were every evening poured on the dusty plain. on one occasion he says, "the knights complained of the dust, so that some of them said they lost their deeds by reason thereof. the king made provision for it: he ordained more than two hundred barrels of water that watered the place, whereby the ground was well amended, and yet the next day they had dust enough, and too much." vol. ii. p. . [ ] du cange (dissertation . on joinville) is incorrect in saying that a joust seldom terminated without some knights being slain, or very grievously wounded. the jousts at st. ingilberte were on the most extensive scale, and nothing worse than a flesh-wound or a bruise from falling was felt, even by the most unskilful or unlucky knight. froissart perpetually describes jousts of three courses with lances, three strokes with axes, three encounters both with swords and daggers; and generally concludes with saying, "and when all was done, there was none of them hurt." "you should have jousted more courteously," was the reproach of the spectators to a knight, when his lance had pierced the shoulder of the other jouster. froissart, vol. ii. c. . du cange preserved no clear idea in his mind of the difference between the joust _à la plaisance_ and the joust _à l'outrance_, and most subsequent writers have only blindly followed him. i shall notice in this place another popular error on the subject of jousts. mr. strutt, (sports and pastimes of the people of england, book iii. c. .) and an hundred writers after him, assert that the authority of the ladies was more extensive in the joust than in the tournament. mr. strutt says, that "in the days of chivalry jousts were made in honor of the ladies, who presided as judges paramount over the sports." now there are many jousts mentioned in froissart and other chivalric historians that were held only in the presence of knights. but i can find no instance of a tournament being held without ladies. the joust was a martial exercise; but the tournament was connected with all the circumstances of domestic life. [ ] "et si aimoit, par amour, jeune dame: dont en tous estats son affaire en valoit grandement mieux." froissart, vol. iii. c. . edit. lyons, . [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . . . memoires du mareschal de boucicaut, partie i. c. . the writer of those memoirs, a contemporary of boucicaut's, in his zeal for his hero, gives all the honor to the french knights. juvenal des ursins (p. , &c.) is more modest, and he makes certain judges of the court compliment many of the knights for their valiancy. [ ] most of these circumstances are unnoticed by our historians. i can pardon their unacquaintance with the lansdowne manuscripts, for those are but recently acquired national treasures: but every scholar is supposed to know the biographia britannica,--and in the article caxton, some of the chivalric features of the joust in question are mentioned. [ ] a very amusing little volume might be made on the romance of flowers, on the tales which poetry and fancy have invented to associate the affections and the mind with plants, thus adding the pleasures of the feelings and the imagination to those of the eye. the reader remembers the love in idleness, in shakspeare's midsummer night's dream. the floure of souvenance, the forget-me-not, is an equally pleasing instance. the application of this name to the myosotis scorpioidis of botanists is of considerable antiquity: the story in the text proves that the plant with its romantic associations was known in england as early as the days of our edward iv. the following tale of the origin of the fanciful name has been communicated to me by my friend anthony todd thomson, whose lectures on the elements of botany, at once scientific and popular, profound and elegant, take a high place in the class of our most valuable works. "two lovers were loitering on the margin of a lake, on a fine summer's evening, when the maiden espied some of the flowers of myosotis growing on the water, close to the bank of an island, at some distance from the shore. she expressed a desire to possess them, when her knight, in the true spirit of chivalry, plunged into the water, and, swimming to the spot, cropped the wished-for plant, but his strength was unable to fulfil the object of his achievement, and feeling that he could not regain the shore, although very near it, he threw the flowers upon the bank, and casting a last affectionate look upon his lady-love, he cried, 'forget-me-not,' and was buried in the waters." "there are three varieties of the plant," mr. thomson adds; "the one to which the tradition of the name is attached is perennial, and grows in marshes and on the margins of lakes." [ ] the lord scales was a right good knight of worship, in spite of the reflections on his courage which edward iv. once threw out against him. "the kyng hathe sayd of hym that even wyr he hathe most to do, then the lord scalys wyll soonest axe leve to depart, and the kyng weenyth that it is mist because of kowardyese." paston letters, vol. iv. p. . [ ] rymer, foedera, tom. ii. p. . [ ] besides holingshed, stow, and other chroniclers, i have consulted for this very interesting joust a curious collection of contemporary documents, among the lansdowne manuscripts (no. .) in the british museum. the chevalier de la marche accompanied the bastard of burgundy to england, and his memoirs furnish a few particulars not noticed by english writers. his account of the joust itself differs from that of our chroniclers, (whom i have followed,) for he makes all the advantage lie with his own knight. it is neither possible nor important to discover the truth. the spirit of the age which gave birth to the challenge and the general interest excited by the joust are the points that deserve to be marked. there is also much confusion regarding the dates of most of the circumstances, and i hold my readers in too much respect to enter into any arguments touching such trifling matters. such few dates as are undoubted i have mentioned. let me add hawkins's conjecture (origin of the english drama, vol. iii. p. .), that the word _burgullian_ or burgonian meaning a bully, a braggadochio, was derived from this joust. this is by no means unlikely, observes mr. gifford, (note on every man in his humour, act iv. sc. .) for our ancestors, who were not over delicate, nor, generally speaking, much overburdened with respect for the feelings of foreigners, had a number of vituperative appellations derived from their real or supposed ill qualities, of many of which the precise import cannot now be ascertained. [ ] prendergast mistook orris for a french knight. orris afterwards refused the honor intended him, expressing, however, very high compliments to the chivalry of france, and merely stating his arragonese descent, on the ground, that no honest man ought to deny his country. [ ] "si prie au dieu d'amour qu'ainsi comme vous desirez l'amour de ma dame la vostre, il ne vous l'ait de vostre dicte venue." monstrelet, vol. i. p. . ed. . [ ] lest it should be thought that i am drawing from a romance, i subjoin part of the original letter from the grave old chronicler monstrelet. "je ne scay se le dieu d'amours qui vous enhorta et meit en couraige de vosdictes, lettres quand les envoyes, ait en aucune chose esté si despleu: parquoy il ait changé ses conditions anciennes, qui souloient estre telles que pour esbaudir armes et à cognoistre chevalerie. il tenoit les nobles de sa court en si royalle gouvernance, que pour accroissement de leur honneur, apres ce qu'ils avoient fait leur dicte emprise, jusques à tant que fin en fut faicte: ne aussi ne faisoient leurs compagnons frayer, travailler, ne despendre leurs biens en vain. non pourtant que n'y voudroye pas qu'il trouvast celle deffaute en moy, si qu'il eut cause de moy bannir de sa court. je vueil encores demourer par deça jusques au huictiesme jour de ce present mois de may preste a l'ayde de dieu, de st. george, et de st. anthoine à vous deliverir, ainsi que ma dame et la vostre le puissent scavoir que pour reverence d'icelles j'ai voulenté de vous aiser de vostre griefue: qui par long temps vous a desaisié comme vosdictes lettres contiennent: pourquoy aussi vous avez cause de desirer vostre allegeance. apres le quel temps se venir ne voulez, je pense au plaisir de dieu de m'enretourner en angleterre par devers nos dames: ausquelles j'ai espai en dieu que sera tesgmoigné par chevaliers et escuyers que je n'ai en riens mesprins envers le dit dieu d'amours: le quel vueille avoir lesdits madame et la vostre pour recommandées, sans avoir desplaisir envers elles pour quelque course qui soit advenue." [ ] monstrelet, vol. i. c. . [ ] the phrase, the passage of arms, is used in the romance of ivanhoe as a general expression for chivalric games. but this is incorrect; for the defence of a particular spot was the essential and distinguishing quality of the exercise in question. now there was no such circumstance in the affair near ashby-de-la-zouche. five knights challengers undertook to answer all comers, but it was not expected that those comers should attempt to pass any particular place. the encounters which were the consequences of the challenges were simple jousts, and constituted the first day's sport, on the second day there was a general tourney or mélée of knights, and as in chivalric times the tournament was always regarded as the chief military exercise, the amusements at ashby-de-la-zouch were a tournament, and by that name, indeed, the author of ivanhoe has sometimes called them. [ ] the challenge of the lord of chargny is contained in monstrelet, vol. viii. c. , . the description of the passage of arms is given by olivier de la marche in his mémoires, c. . there are many other passages of arms recorded in the histories of the middle ages, but there is only one of them of interest, and it will find a place in my description of the progress of chivalry in spain. [ ] nicetas, hist. byzant. . iii. c. . johannes cantacuzenus, . i. c. . [ ] wordsworth. [ ] i may observe, however, that the ancient templars were so dreadfully afraid of their virtue, that they forbad themselves the pleasure of looking in a fair woman's face; at least the statutes attempted to put down this instinct of nature. no brother of the temple was permitted to kiss maid, wife, or widow, his sister, mother, or any relation whatever. the statute gravely adds, that it behoves the knights of jesus christ to avoid the kisses of women, in order that they may always walk with a pure conscience before the lord. i shall transcribe the statute in the original latin, and i hope that it will not be perused with that levity which an allusion to it during rebecca's trial at temple-stowe excited in the younger members of the valiant and venerable order of the temple. the title is sufficiently ascetic,--ut omnium mulierum oscula fugiantur. it proceeds thus:--"periculosum esse credimus omni religioni, vultum mulierum nimis attendere, et ideo nec viduam, nec virginem, nec matrem, nec sororem, nec amitam, nec ullam aliam foeminam aliquis frater osculari præsumat. fugiat ergo foeminea oscula christi militia, per quæ solent homines sæpe periclitari, ut pura conscientia, et secura vita, in conspectu domini perenniter valeat conversare." cap. . [ ] statutes, c. . . [ ] "i was a scotsman ere i was a templar," is the assertion of vipont in the dramatic sketch of halidon hill,--a sentiment confessedly borrowed from the story of the venetian general, who, observing that his soldiers testified some unwillingness to fight against those of the pope whom they regarded as father of the church, addressed them in terms of similar encouragement:--"fight on--we were venetians before we were christians." [ ] the templars find no favour in the eyes of the author of ivanhoe, and tales of the crusaders. he has imbibed all the vulgar prejudices against the order; and when he wants a villain to form the shadow of his scene, he as regularly and unscrupulously resorts to the fraternity of the temple, as other novelists refer to the church, or to italy, for a similar purpose. [ ] the pope (clement v.) committed the glaring absurdity of making a provisional decree to be executed in perpetuity. the bull which he issued at the council of vienne, without asking the judgment of the assembled bishops and others, declares, that although he cannot of right, consistently with the inquisition and proceedings, pronounce a definitive sentence, yet by way of apostolical provision and regulation, he perpetually prohibited people from entering into the order and calling themselves templars. the penalty of the greater excommunication was held out as a punishment for offending. [ ] i add a complete list of the grand masters of the temple, from the time of jacques de molai to these days. (manuel des chevaliers de l'order du temple. paris. .) a.d. johannes marcus larmenius, hierosolymetanus thomas theobaldus, alexandrinus arnaldus de braque johannes claromontanus bertrandus du guesclin johannes arminiacus bernardus arminiacus johannes arminiacus johannes croyus bernardus imbaultius, vic. mag. afric. (regens.) robertus lenoncurtius galeatius de salazar philippus chabotius gaspardus de salceaco, tavannensis henricus de montmorenciaco carolus valesius jacobus ruxellius de granceio jacobus henricus de duroforti, dux de duras philippus, dux de aurelianensis ludovicus-augustus borbonius, dux de maine ludovicus-henricus borbonius, condæus ludovicus-franciscus borbonius, conty ludovicus-henricus timoleo de cossé brissac claudius mathæus radix de chevillon, vic. mag. europ. (regens.) bernardus-raymundus fabré palaprat [ ] "i would fain know," quoth sancho, "why the spaniards call upon that same st. james, the destroyer of the moors: just when they are going to give battle, they cry, st. jago and close spain. pray is spain open, that it wants to be closed up? what do you make of that ceremony?"--"thou art a very simple fellow, sancho," answered don quixote. "thou must know, that heaven gave to spain this mighty champion of the red cross, for its patron and protector, especially in the desperate engagements which the spaniards had with the moors; and therefore they invoke him, in all their martial encounters, as their protector; and many times he has been personally seen cutting and slaying, overthrowing, trampling, and destroying the moorish squadrons; of which i could give thee many examples deduced from authentic spanish histories." don quixote, part ii. c. . [ ] the words are these:--y asi mesmo hago voto, detener, voto defender, y guardar en publico, y en secreto, que la vergen maria madre de dios, y senora nuestra, fue concebida sin mancha de peccato original. [ ] favyne. theat. d'honneur, l. . c. . carode torres, hist. de las ordines militares, l. . mariana, l. . c. . [ ] mennenius, delic. equest. p. , &c. marquez tesoro milit. de cavale., p. . favyn, theat. de l'honneur, lib. . [ ] mennen. delic. equest. p. , &c. miræus, and fr. caro de torres, in locis. [ ] without rule. [ ] chaucer's prologue to the canterbury tales. [ ] reman, hist. gen. de la ordere de la mercie, passim. mennen. del. eq. p. . [ ] marquez, tesoro milit. , &c. [ ] caligula. d. . in bib. cott. (cited in anstis, register of the most noble order of the garter, vol. i. p. .) "que le roy ne povoit avec son honneur bailler aide et assistence a icelluy son bon frere et cousin a l'encontre du roy de naples, qui estoit son confrere et allye, veu et considere qu'il avoit prins et receu l'ordre de la jarretiere. et si le roi autrement faisoit ce seroit contrevenir au serment, qu'il a fait par les statuz du dit ordre," &c. [ ] this assertion may be supported by some lines in a poem which chaucer addressed to the lords and knights of the garter. he says to them, "do forth, do forth, continue your succour, hold up christ's banner, let it not fall." and again: "ye lordis eke, shining in noble fame, to which appropred is the maintenance of christ 'is cause; in honour of his name, shove on, and put his foes to utterance." [ ] ashmole on the garter, c. iv. s. . [ ] this rule did not escape cervantes. "if i do not complain of the pain," says don quixote, after the disastrous chance of the windmills, "it is because a knight-errant must never complain of his wounds, though his bowels were dropping out through them."--"then i have no more to say," quoth sancho; "and yet, heaven knows my heart, i should be glad to hear your worship hone a little now and then when something ails you; for my part, i shall not fail to bemoan myself when i suffer the smallest pain, unless, indeed, it can be proved, that the rule of not complaining extends to the squires as well as knights." don quixote, part i. book . c. . [ ] favyn, lib. vi. mariana, lib. xvi. c. . [ ] favyn, lib. iii. c. . [ ] giraldus says, that the leg-bone of arthur was three fingers longer than that of the tallest man present at the opening. selden, in his illustrations of drayton, gives a very interesting account of the discovery of great arthur's tomb. "henry ii., in his expedition towards ireland, was entertained by the way, in wales, with bardish songs, wherein he heard it affirmed, that in glastonbury (made almost an isle by the river's embracements) arthur was buried betwixt two pillars; he gave commandment to henry of blois, then abbot, to make search for the corpse; which was found in a wooden coffin some sixteen foote deepe; but, after they had digged nine foot, they found a stone, on whose lower side was fixt a leaden cross with his name inscribed, and the letter-side of it turned to the stone. he was then honored with a sumptuous monument; and, afterwards, the skulls of him and his wife guinever were taken out (to remain as separate reliques and spectacles) by edward longshanks and eleanor. the bards sang, that, after the battle of camlan, in cornwall, where traitorous mordred was slain, and arthur wounded, morgan le fay conveyed the body hither to cure it; which done, arthur is to return (yet expected) to the rule of his country." [ ] at the high feast, evermore, there should be fulfilled the hole number of an hundred and fifty, for then was the round table fully accomplished. morte d'arthur, lib. vii. c. . [ ] the general objects of the knights of the round table are exceedingly well stated in the following fine passage of genuine, expressive old english:--"then king arthur stablished all his knights, and to them that were of lands not rich he gave them lands, and charged them never to do outrageouste, nor murder, and always to flee treason. also by no means to be cruel, but to give mercy unto him that asketh mercy, upon pain of forfeiture of their worship and lordships to king arthur, for evermore; and always to do ladies, damsels, and gentlewomen, succour, upon pain of death. also, that no man take no battles in a wrongful quarrel for no law, nor for no world's goods. unto this were all the knights sworn of the table round, both old and young. and every year were they sworn at the high feast of pentecost." morte d'arthur, lib. iv. c. last. [ ] morte d'arthur, lib. ult. cap. ult. [ ] ashmole, p. . [ ] pp. . . . ante. [ ] the exact degree of this influence it is impossible to ascertain now. the author of the romance of ivanhoe appears to deny it altogether; and while he represents the normans as perfectly chivalric, he describes, for the sake of contrast, the anglo-saxons as totally unadorned with the graces of knighthood. this is a sacrifice of historic truth to dramatic effect, and materially detracts from the merit of ivanhoe as a faithful picture of ancient manners. [ ] glaber rod. c. . [ ] snorre. malmsbury, p. . [ ] ingulf, p. . order. vit. p. . , &c. malmsbury, passim. dudo, p. . [ ] magna charta, cl. xiv. [ ] lord lyttleton gives no higher date to this compulsory knighthood than the reign of henry iii. but it surely must have existed earlier, as it seems the natural consequence of the change of constitution, effected by william i., by his uniting chivalry to feudalism. [ ] wace tells us that william rufus never could hear a knight of prowess spoken of without endeavouring to engage his services. "li reis ros fu de grant noblesce proz, et de mult grant largesce. n'oist de chevalier parler, qui de proesse oist loer, qui en son breif escrit ne fust, et qui par an del soen n'eust." [ ] h. huntingdon, p. . order. vit. , &c. [ ] stephan. descrip. lond. p. . [ ] malmsbury, p. . [ ] vinesauf, p. . [ ] hoveden, p. . this principle of chivalric pride did not escape the good-humoured ridicule of cervantes. "as for myself," answered the bruised don quixote, after his battle with the yanguesian carriers, "i must own i cannot set a term to the days of our recovery; but it is i who am the fatal cause of all this mischief; for i ought not to have drawn my sword upon a company of fellows, upon whom the honor of knighthood was never conferred; and i do not doubt, but that the lord of hosts suffered this punishment to befall me for thus transgressing the laws of chivalry. therefore, friend sancho, observe what i am going to tell thee, for it is a thing that highly concerns the welfare of us both: it is, that, for the future, whenever thou perceivest us to be any ways abused by such inferior fellows, thou art not to expect i should offer to draw my sword against them, for i will not do it in the least; no, do thou then draw, and chastise them as thou thinkest fit; but if any knights come to take their parts, then will i be sure to step between thee and danger, and assault them with the utmost vigour and intrepidity." don quixote, part i. book . c. . [ ] hoveden, p. . [ ] william of newbridge, lib. v. c. . [ ] m. of westminster, p. . [ ] walsingham, p. . [ ] matthew of westminster, p. . hemingford, p. . [ ] walsingham, p. . leland's collectanea, p. . [ ] he sent the head up to london, adorned in derision with a silver crown, that it might be exhibited to the populace in cheapside, and fixed upon the tower. knyghton, p. . mr. sharon turner (history of england, vol. ii. p. .) judiciously contrasts the conduct of edward with the reprimand of william the conqueror, to the knight who had wounded the dead body of harold. [ ] matthew of westminster, p. . [ ] the chamberlain of scotland was directed by edward i., a. d. , to fit up one of the turrets of the castle of berwick-upon-tweed, and therein to build a strong cage of lattice-work, constructed with stout posts and bars, and well strengthened with iron. the countess was prohibited from speaking with any person, scotch or english, except the keeper of the castle and a woman or two of the town of berwick, appointed by him to deliver her food. the sister of robert bruce was prisoner at the same time, and treated in the same manner. lord hailes's observation on this passage is amusing. "to those who have no notion of any cage but one for a parrot or a squirrel, hung out at a window, i despair of rendering this mandate intelligible." [ ] matthew of westminster, p. , &c. trevet, p. . [ ] this was the good lord james of douglas, of whom see p. ante. [ ] many. [ ] displayed. [ ] many. [ ] battalions. [ ] alarmed. [ ] gleamed. [ ] flame of fire. [ ] flowing. [ ] waving. [ ] sir walter scott has made king edward the author of this unknightly conduct "'knows't thou,' he said, 'de argentine, yon knight who marshals thus their line?'-- 'the tokens on his helmet tell the bruce my liege: i know him well.'-- 'and shall the audacious traitor brave the presence where our banners wave?'-- 'so please my liege,' said argentine, 'were he but hors'd on steed like mine, to give him fair and knightly chance, i would adventure forth my lance.'-- 'in battle-day,' the king replied, 'nice tourney rules are set aside. --still must the rebel dare our wrath? set on--sweep him from our path.' and at king edward's signal, soon dash'd from the ranks sir henry boune." the lord of the isles, canto vi. st. . [ ] companions. [ ] haste. [ ] without shrinking. [ ] haste. [ ] spurred. [ ] line. [ ] moan. [ ] heavy clash. [ ] broken. [ ] flat. [ ] "for the king had said him rudely, that a rose off his chaplet has fallen; for quhar[l] he was set to kep the way these men were past." barbour, vol. ii p. - . [l] where. [ ] mon. malms., p. , &c. moor, p. . fordun, vol. xii. p. . scala chronica, p. . dalrymple, vol. ii. p. , &c. [ ] trokelowe in hearne, p. . moor in camden, angl. norm. p. . the history of the national flag of the united states of america. by schuyler hamilton, capt. by brvt. u.s.a. philadelphia, lippincott, grambo & co. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by lippincott, grambo, and co., in the office of the clerk of the district court of the united states in and for the eastern district of pennsylvania. philadelphia: t. k. and p. g. collins, printers. this research as to the origin and meaning of the devices combined in the national flag of the united states of america, is respectfully dedicated to major-general winfield scott, as a slight tribute of respect for his distinguished services, and as a mark of personal gratitude, by his friend and aide-de-camp, schuyler hamilton, _captain by brevet, u.s.a._ preface. as nearly as we can learn, the only origin which has been suggested for the devices combined in the national colors of our country is, that they were adopted from the coat of arms of general washington. this imputed origin is not such as would be consonant with the known modesty of washington, or the spirit of the times in which the flag was adopted. we have, therefore, been at some pains to collect authentic statements in reference to our national colors, and with these, have introduced letters exhibiting the temper of those times, step by step, with the changes made in the flag, so combining them as to form a chain of proof, which, we think, must be conclusive. should, however, the perusal of the following account of the origin and meaning of the devices in the national flag of our country, serve no other purpose than that of impressing more strongly upon the mind of the reader the importance and the prominence those who achieved our liberties and founded our government attached to the idea of union, its preparation will not have been a futile labor. emblems and devices, adopted under high excitement of the public mind, are chosen as epitomes of the sentiments prevailing at the time of their adoption. those of the days of our revolution afford proofs far more striking than the most elaborate arguments, that, in the estimation of our forefathers, union, and existence as a nation, were inseparable. the prosecution of our subject has made it necessary for us to dwell upon those devices, and to develop those proofs. introduction. as a not uninteresting introduction to our research, we will glance at the history of standards, from their inception to the present time. we shall find that man's faculty of imitation has here, as elsewhere, found employment, modified in its operation by some cause peculiar to the nation whose standard chances to be under consideration. fosbroke, in his _dictionary of antiquities_, has furnished us with most of the information on this subject which is pertinent to our design. we shall add such comments as will tend to illustrate our conclusions. under the head of standards, he writes:-- "the invention began among the egyptians, who bore an animal at the end of a spear; but among the græco-egyptians, the standards either resemble, at top, a round-headed knife, or an expanded semicircular fan. among the earlier greeks, it was a piece of armor at the end of a spear; though agamemnon, in homer, uses a purple veil to rally his men, &c. afterwards, the athenians bore the olive and owl; the other nations the effigies of their tutelary gods, or their particular symbols, at the end of a spear. the corinthians carried a _pegasus_, the messenians their initial [mu], and the lacedæmonians, [lambda]; the persians, a golden eagle at the end of a spear, fixed upon a carriage; the ancient gauls, an animal, chiefly a bull, lion, and bear. sir s. r. meyrick gives the following account of the roman standards. 'each _century_, or at least each _maniple_ of troops, had its proper standard, and standard-bearer. this was originally merely a bundle of hay on the top of a pole; afterwards, a spear with a crosspiece of wood on the top; sometimes the figure of a hand above, probably in allusion to the word _manipulus_; and below, a small round or oval shield, generally of silver or of gold. on this metal plate were anciently represented the warlike deities mars or minerva; but after the extinction of the commonwealth, the effigies of the emperors or their favorites. it was on this account that the standards were called _numina legionum_, and held in religious veneration. the standards of different divisions had certain letters inscribed on them, to distinguish the one from the other. the standard of a legion, according to dio, was a silver eagle, with expanded wings, on the top of a spear, sometimes holding a thunderbolt in its claws; hence the word _aquila_ was used to signify a legion. the place for this standard was near the general, almost in the centre. before the time of marius, figures of other animals were used, and it was then carried in front of the first maniple of the _triarii_. the _vexillum_, or flag of the cavalry (that of the infantry being called _signum_; an eagle on a thunderbolt, within a wreath, in meyrick, pl. , fig. ), was, according to livy, a square piece of cloth, fixed to a crossbar on the end of a spear. the _labarum_, borrowed by the greek emperors from the celtic tribes, by whom it was called _llab_, was similar to this, but with the monogram of christ worked upon it. thus sir s. r. meyrick. the dragon, which served for an ensign to barbarous nations, was adopted by the romans, probably from the mixture of auxiliaries with the legions. at first, the dragon, as the general ensign of the barbarians, was used as a trophy by the romans, after trajan's conquest of the dacians. the dragons were embroidered in cotton, or silk and purple. the head was of metal, and they were fastened on the tops of spears, gilt and tasselled, opening the mouth wide, which made their long tails, painted with different colors, float in the wind. they are seen on the trajan column and the arch of titus, and are engraved. the _draconarii_, or ensigns, who carried them, were distinguished by a gold collar. from the romans, says du cange, it came to the western empire, and was long, in england, the chief standard of our kings, and of the dukes of normandy. matthew paris notes its being borne in wars which portended destruction to the enemy. it was pitched near the royal tent, on the right of the other standards, where the guard was kept. stowe adds, that the dragon-standard was never used but when it was an absolute intention to fight; and a golden dragon was fixed, that the weary and wounded might repair thither, as to a castle, or place of the greatest security. thus far for the dragon-standard. to return, vigetius mentions _pinnæ_, perhaps _aigrettes_ of feathers, of different colors, intended for signals, rallying-points, &c. animals, fixed upon plinths, with holes through them, are often found. they were ensigns intended to be placed upon the ends of spears. "count caylus has published several; among others two leopards, male and female. ensigns upon colonial coins, if accompanied with the name of the legion, _but not otherwise_, show that the colony was founded by the veterans of that legion. there were also standards called _pila_, or _tufa_, consisting of bucklers heaped one above the other. "the ancient franks bore the tiger, wolf, &c., but soon adopted the eagle from the romans. in the second race, they used the cross, images of saints, &c. the _fleur-de-lis_ was the distinctive attribute of the king. "ossian mentions the standard of the kings and chiefs of clans, and says that it (the king's) was blue studded with gold. this is not improbable, for the anglo-saxon ensign was very grand. it had on it _the white horse_, as the danish was distinguished by the _raven_. they were, however, differently formed from the modern, being parallelograms, fringed, and borne, sometimes at least, upon a stand with four wheels. a standard upon a car was, we have already seen, usual with the ancient persians. sir s. r. meyrick admits that it was of asiatic origin, first adopted by the italians, and introduced here in the reign of stephen. that of stephen is fixed by the middle upon a staff, topped by a cross _pattée_ (wider at the ends than in the middle), has a cross _pattée_ itself on one wing, and three small branches shooting out from each flag. it appears from drayton, that the main standard of henry v. at the battle of agincourt was borne upon a car; and the reason which he assigns is, that it was too heavy to be carried otherwise. sir s. r. meyrick adds, that it preceded the royal presence. edward i. had the arms of england, st. george, st. edmond, and st. edward, on his standards. the flag or banner in the hands of princes, upon seals, denotes sovereign power, and was assumed by many lords in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries." we observe that the invention of standards is ascribed to the egyptians. layard, in "nineveh, and its remains," says of the standards of the assyrians:-- "standards were carried by the charioteers. in the sculptures, they have only two devices: one, a figure (probably that of the divinity) standing on a bull, and drawing a bow; the other, two bulls running in opposite directions," probably, as is stated in a note, the symbols of war and peace. "these figures are inclosed in a circle, and fixed to the end of a long staff ornamented with streamers and tassels." here we see the early use of pendants as emblems of supreme authority. in our own day, we frequently hear, commodore ----'s broad pendant was hoisted on the ship ----. in queen anne's time, on the union of england and scotland, we find the use of pendants by the ships of her subjects, expressly prohibited in the following words: "_nor any kind of pendants whatsoever_, or any other ensign than the ensign described in the side or margent hereof, which shall be worn instead of the ensign before this time [ ] usually worn in merchant vessels." in reference to the flags of the national vessels, the following language is used: "our flags, jacks, and pendants, which, _according to ancient usage_, have been appointed to a distinction for our ships." every one will observe the distinction made in the case of the pendants, which were absolutely prohibited to the subjects. we return now to the consideration of the standards of the assyrians. "the standards seem to have been partly supported by a rest in front of the chariot, and a long rod or rope connected them with the extremity of the pole. in a bas-relief of khorsabad, this rod is attached to the top of the standard."[ ] [ ] "standards, somewhat similar to those represented on the assyrian bas-reliefs, were in use in egypt. some sacred animal or emblem was also generally placed upon them." the reader will have observed what fosbroke says of the introduction into england of a standard borne on a car, that it was in imitation of the eastern nations. in the case of the romans, the force of this habit was even more strikingly illustrated. they at first used a bundle of bay or straw; as they extended their conquests over the neighboring colonists from greece, and doubtless from egypt, they assumed the wolf and other animals. the wolf, perhaps, referred to the foster-mother of romulus. as they extended their conquests further, they borrowed the custom of the greeks, of placing a shield with the image of a warlike deity upon it on a spear, still, however, retaining the reference to the _manipulus_ in the hand, above it. in the time of marius, they adopted the eagle with the thunderbolt in its claws, the emblem of jove. we are also told that different divisions had certain letters, frequently the name of the commander, inscribed on their standards. this practice was also introduced among the romans from greece. it was introduced among the grecians by alexander the great, who observed it among the persians and other eastern nations. intoxicated with his triumphs, when he began to claim for himself a divine origin, he caused a standard to be prepared, inscribed with the title of "son of ammon," and planted it near the image of hercules, which, as that of his tutelary deity, was the ensign of the grecian host. in the same way, the franks borrowed the eagle from the romans. the same holds good of the dragon-standard, which, borrowed from the dacians and other barbarians, was for a long time the standard of the western empire, of england, and of normandy. after the crusades, however, the cross seems to have taken a prominent place on the standards and banners of european nations. the double-headed eagle of russia and austria originated among the romans, to indicate the sovereignty of the world. when the empire of the cæsars was divided into the western and eastern empires, this standard continued to be used in both those divisions. from the eastern empire it passed into the standard of russia, on the marriage of ivan i. with a grecian princess. from the western, with the title of roman emperor, it passed to austria. from the above, we cannot fail to perceive, in the past as well as in the present, the tendency, throughout the world, to imitation, in the adoption of national ensigns; also, that the adoption of a particular ensign marked some epoch in the history of the particular nation which adopted it. thus the various changes in the roman standard marked the epochs of their conquest, first of the greeks, then of the barbarians. the adoption of the eagle by the franks, their conquest of the romans. the cross, the era of the crusades. the double-headed eagle of russia, the marriage of the czar to the heiress of the eastern empire. that of austria, the investiture of the emperors of germany with the title of roman emperor. the present union of the crosses of st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick, in the british ensign, reverting to the crusades, in the members composing it, more directly refers to the union, first, of england and scotland into the united kingdom of great britain, and more recently, to the union of the kingdoms of great britain and ireland, and hence is called _the great union_. the eagle of france, marked her republican era. having thus observed, in the adoption of ensigns by the principal nations of the world, the prevalence of certain general rules, viz.: a reference to their deity; the habit of imitating the ensigns of nations from which they sprung, or which they conquered; the custom of marking, by their standards, some epoch in their history; or these customs in combination, may we not expect to find, in the adoption of our national ensign, that it is not wholly an exception to these general rules? the national flag of the united states of america. adopting these general principles, we find ourselves, in attempting to give a satisfactory account of the origin, adoption, and meaning of the devices embodied in the national flag of the united states, obliged to describe the principal flags displayed during the revolution, which resulted in the independence of those states; to give some account of the flags used by the colonists prior to that revolution; and to notice, though in a cursory manner, the national flag of the mother country. to facilitate the consideration of our subject, we shall arrange the flags, mention of which we have met with, as displayed during our revolution, in a table, chronologically; and shall number them, according to the date of the notice of them, , , , , &c., beginning in . in this table, we shall give their distinguishing devices; noticing them, when necessary, more at length as we proceed. table of the above flags. . "union flags."[ ]--these flags are very frequently mentioned in the newspapers, in , but no account is given of the devices upon them. to establish these devices, will be one of the principal objects of this inquiry. [ ] siege of boston, frothingham, p. , _note_. . the standard of the connecticut troops.--a letter, dated wethersfield, connecticut, april , , says: "we fix upon our standards and drums the colony arms, with the motto, '_qui transtulit sustinet_,' round it, in letters of gold, which we construe thus: 'god, who transplanted us hither, will support us.'"[ ] the standards of the different regiments were distinguished by their color. act of provincial congress of connecticut, july , : "one standard for each regiment _to be distinguished by their color, as follows, viz.: for the seventh, blue; for the eighth, orange_."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. ii. p. . [ ] ibid. p. . . the flag unfurled by general israel putnam, on prospect hill, july , , which is thus described in a letter, dated "cambridge, july , . "last saturday, july , the several regiments quartered in this town being assembled upon the parade, the rev. dr. langdon, president of the college, read to them 'a declaration, by the representatives of the united colonies of north america now met in general congress at philadelphia, setting forth the causes and necessity of taking up arms.' it was received with great applause; and the approbation of the army, with that of a great number of other people, was immediately announced by three huzzas. his excellency, the general, with several other general officers, &c., were present on the occasion." "last tuesday morning, july , according to orders issued the day before by major-general putnam, all the continental troops under his immediate command assembled at prospect hill, when the declaration of the continental congress was read; after which, an animated and pathetic address to the army was made by the rev. mr. leonard, chaplain to general putnam's regiment, and succeeded by a pertinent prayer, when general putnam gave the signal, and the whole army shouted their loud _amen_ by three cheers; immediately upon which a cannon was fired from the fort, and the standard lately sent to general putnam was exhibited, flourishing in the air, bearing this motto; on one side, 'an appeal to heaven,' and, on the other side, '_qui transtulit sustinet_.' "the whole was conducted with the utmost decency, good order, and regularity, and the universal acceptance of all present; and the _philistines_, on bunker's hill, heard the shout of the _israelites_,[ ] and, being very fearful, paraded themselves in battle array."[ ] [ ] general putnam was named _israel_. [ ] american archives, th series, vol. ii. p. . this flag bore on it the motto of connecticut, "_qui transtulit sustinet_," and the motto, "an appeal to heaven;" the latter of which is evidently adopted from the closing paragraph of the "address of the provincial congress of massachusetts, to their brethren in great britain," written shortly after the battle of lexington, which ended thus: 'appealing to heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to die or be free;' and which motto, under the form 'appeal to heaven,' combined with a pine-tree, constituted the motto and device on the colors of the massachusetts colonial cruisers. in this combination of the mottoes of connecticut and massachusetts, one can scarcely fail to perceive the germ of the emblem of union which was introduced into the flag, which, january , , replaced the flag we have described above, on prospect hill. from the following notice of the flag displayed by general putnam, july , , we learn that it was a red flag. before, however, giving the notice, we will state that, as early as the time of the romans, a red flag was the signal of defiance or battle; thus, we are told: "when a general, after having consulted the auspices, had determined to lead forth his troops against the enemy, a red flag was displayed on a spear from the top of the _prætorium_,[ ] which was the signal to prepare for battle."[ ] this accords with the account given of the display of the above flag, and corroborates the fact mentioned in the following extract from a letter of a captain of an english transport to his owners in london:-- "boston, jan. , . "i can see the rebels' camp very plain, whose colors, a little while ago, were entirely red; but, on the receipt of the king's speech (which they burnt), they have hoisted the union flag, which is here supposed to intimate the union of the provinces."[ ] he probably could not perceive the mottoes referred to in the preceding letter, owing to the distance. [ ] the general's tent. [ ] adams's roman antiquities, p. . [ ] american archives, th series, vol. iv. p. . . the flag used at the taking of fort johnston, on james's island, september , .--"colonel moultrie, september [ ], received an order from the council of safety for taking fort johnston, on james's island." [s.c.] "a flag being thought necessary for the purpose of signals, colonel moultrie, who was requested by the council of safety to procure one, had a large blue flag made, with a crescent in one corner, to be in uniform with the troops. this was the first american flag displayed in south carolina."[ ] [ ] holmes's annals, vol. ii. p. . of the crescent, we have the following interesting account:-- "as is well known, the crescent, or, as it is usually designated, the _crescent montant_, has become the symbol of the turkish empire, which has thence been frequently styled the empire of the crescent. this symbol, however, did not originate with the turks. long before their conquest of constantinople, the crescent had been used _as emblematic of sovereignty_, as may be seen from the still-existing medals struck in honor of augustus, trajan, and others; and it formed from all antiquity the symbol of byzantium. on the overthrow of this empire by mohammed ii., the turks, regarding the crescent, which everywhere met their eye, as a good omen, adopted it as their chief bearing."[ ] it was, doubtless, "as the emblem of sovereignty," that it was adopted by colonel moultrie. [ ] brande's dictionary of literature, &c. _crescent._ . the flag of the floating batteries.--colonel joseph reed to colonel glover and stephen moylan, says: "head-quarters, october , : please to fix upon some particular color for a flag, and a signal by which our vessels may know one another. what do you think of a flag with a white ground, a tree in the middle, the motto, 'appeal to heaven?' this is the flag of our floating batteries."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. iii. p. . . the flag called _the great union flag_, hoisted january , , the day which gave being to the new army.--general washington's letter of january , , to joseph reed.[ ] this flag, which we shall designate in this way, was the basis of our national flag of the present day. [ ] ibid. vol. iv. p. . . the flag presented by colonel gadsden, a member of the naval committee of the continental congress, to the provincial congress of south carolina, february , , as the standard to be used by the commander-in-chief of the american navy, "being a yellow field, with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in the middle, in the attitude of going to strike; and the words underneath, don't tread on me."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. v. p. . . the flag of the cruisers of the colony of massachusetts.--"and the colors to be a white flag with a green pine-tree, and an inscription, 'appeal to heaven.'"--resolution of massachusetts provincial congress, april , .[ ] [ ] ibid. vol. v. p. . . the national flag of the united states, "the stars and stripes," adopted as such by a resolution of congress, passed june , .--"_resolved_, that the flag of the thirteen united states be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars, white, in a blue field, representing a new constellation."[ ] [ ] journal of congress, vol. ii. p. . this resolution, though passed june , , was not made public until september , .[ ] [ ] boston gazette and country journal, sept. , . with this table before us, we shall proceed to consider certain badges intimately connected with the devices on the national flag of england, afterwards embodied in the national flag of great britain, a modification of which we shall show was, for a time, the flag of the united states, and the basis of the "stars and stripes." "in the first crusade, the scots, according to sir george mackenzie, were distinguished by the cross of st. andrew; the french, by a white cross; and the italians, by a blue one. the spaniards, according to columbiere, bore a red cross, which, in the third crusade (a.d. ), was appropriated by the french, the flemings using a green cross, and the english a white one. the adherents of simon montfort, the rebellious earl of leicester, assumed the latter as their distinguishing mark, thus making the national cognizance the badge of a faction. [illustration: pl. i.] "the cross of st. george has been the badge, both of our kings and the nation, at least from the time of edward iii. its use was for a while nearly superseded by the roses, but revived upon the termination of the wars between the rival houses. it still continues to adorn the banner of england."[ ] [ ] parker. terms used in british heraldry, p. . of the arms and banner of st. george, we have the following account: "saynte george, whyche had whyte arms with a red cross." (fig. , plate i.) "this blessed and holy martyr saynte george is patrone of the realme of england; and ye crye of men of warre."[ ] [ ] parker. terms used in british heraldry, p. . "with reference to the cross of st. george, sir n. h. nicholas observes: 'that in the fourteenth and subsequent centuries, even if the custom did not prevail at a much earlier period, every english soldier was distinguished by wearing that simple and elegant badge over his armor.' "the following extract," he adds, "from the ordinances made for the government of the army with which richard ii. invaded scotland in , and which were also adopted by henry v., will best show the regulations on the subject. "also, that everi man of what estate, condition, or nation thei be of, so that he be of oure partie, bere a signe of the armes of saint george, large, both before and behynde, upon parell that yf he be slayne or wounded to deth, he that hath so done to him shall not be put to deth, for default of the cross that he lacketh. and that non enemy do bere the same token or cross of st. george, notwithstanding if he be prisoner, upon payne of deth." "the banner of st. george is white, charged with the red cross."[ ] [ ] ibid. p. . "banner. a banner is a square flag painted or embroidered with arms, and of a size proportioned to the rank of the bearer."[ ]--see the banner of st. george, fig. , plate i. [ ] parker. terms used in british heraldry, p. . we now come to the description of the arms and banner of saint andrew. the cross of st. andrew is called a saltire, and is thus described:-- "saltire, or _saltier_. this honorable ordinary probably represents the cross whereon st. andrew was crucified."[ ] [ ] ibid. p. . "andrew, s., the apostle: the patron saint of scotland. "the arms attributed to him, and emblazoned on the banner bearing his name, are azure, a saltire argent."[ ]--see fig. , plate i., arms of saint andrew; and for the banner of saint andrew, fig. , plate i. [ ] ibid. p. . "union jack: the national flag of great britain and ireland. "the ancient national flag of england was the banner of st. george (argent, a cross gules), to which the banner of st. andrew (azure, a saltire argent), was united (instead of being quartered, according to ancient custom), in pursuance of a royal proclamation, dated april , . an extract from this proclamation follows:-- "whereas, some difference hath arisen between our subjects of south and north britain, travelling by seas, about the bearing of their flags: for the avoiding of all such contentions hereafter, we have, with the advice of our council, ordered, that henceforth all our subjects of this isle and kingdom of great britain, and the members thereof, shall bear in their maintop the red cross, commonly called st. george's cross, and the white cross, commonly called st. andrew's cross, joined together, according to a form made by our heralds, and sent by us to our admiral, to be published to our said subjects; and in their foretop our subjects of south britain shall wear the red cross only, as they were wont; and the subjects of north britain, in their foretop, the white cross only, as they were accustomed."[ ] [ ] parker. terms used in british heraldry, p. . the union of the crosses described above may naturally be called the _king's colors_, though in fact, as james was king both of scotland and england, the national flags of either of those kingdoms would also be the king's colors, in an extended sense; but would be likely to be designated as the red or white crosses, or the crosses of st. george or st. andrew, while this form prepared by the heralds, and only prescribed for "subjects travelling by seas," would be by those subjects called, _par excellence_, the king's colors. "there is," says sir n. h. nicholas, "every reason to believe that the flag arranged by the heralds on this occasion was the same as, on the union with scotland [ ], became the national banner." it may be emblazoned azure, a saltire argent surmounted by a cross gules, edged of the second. (see fig. , plate i.) the white edging was no doubt intended to prevent one color from being placed upon another; but this precaution was, to say the least, unnecessary; for surely no heraldic rule would have been broken, if the red cross had been placed upon the white satire. the contact of the red cross and blue field would have been authorized by numerous precedents. this combination was constituted the national flag of great britain by a royal proclamation, issued july , .[ ] [ ] note by author.--this white edging would, however, show the union of the two flags, which otherwise might not have been apparent. we are told, in de foe's history of the union, that great jealousy for the ancient banners of their respective kingdoms, was shown both by scots and english. "no further change was made until the union with ireland, january , , previous to which instructions were given to combine the banner of st. patrick (argent, a saltire gules) with the crosses of st. george and st. andrew. in obedience to these instructions, the present national flag of great britain and ireland was produced."[ ]--see fig. , plate i. we would observe that, as this last form of the _union_ was only adopted in , which was the first time that a change was made in the flags proscribed in , it is only of interest as completing the account of the union jack. "the word jack is most probably derived from the surcoat, charged with a red cross, anciently used by the english soldiery. this appears to have been called a jacque, whence the word jacket, anciently written jacquit."[ ] [ ][ ] parker. terms used in british heraldry, pp. - . we desire to impress this last remark upon the mind of the reader, as, in the course of our inquiry, we shall meet more than once with allusions to the "jack," the "st. george's jack," &c., and to invite special attention to the fact that the badge on the clothes of the soldiery furnished a badge to the flag of their country. thus the cross of st. andrew, worn by the scots, was emblazoned on the banner of scotland, and the cross of st. george, worn by the english soldiery, was emblazoned on the banner of england. this last, the national flag of england, the red cross flag, has now, for us, especial interest. a singular circumstance furnishes us with proof that this red cross flag was in use in the colonies. we find in the "journal of john winthrop, esq., the first governor of the colony of massachusetts bay," the following memoranda in reference to it:-- "anno , november .] at the court of assistants, complaint was made by one of the country (viz., richard brown, of watertown, in the name of the rest), that the ensign at salem was defaced, viz.: one part of the red cross taken out. upon this, an attachment was issued against richard davenport, ensign-bearer, to appear at the next court to answer. much matter was made of this, as fearing it would be taken as an act of rebellion, or of like high nature, in defacing the king's colors;" [_i.e._ the banner of st. george;] "though the truth were, it was done upon this opinion, that the red cross was given to the king of england, by the pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a superstitious thing, and a relic of antichrist. what proceeding was hereupon, will appear after, at next court in the first month; for by reason of the great snows and frosts, we used not to keep courts in the three winter months."[ ] [ ] winthrop's new england, vol. i. p. . "anno , mo. , .] a general court at newtown." "mr. endecott was called to answer for defacing the cross in the ensign; but, because the court could not agree about the thing, whether the ensigns should be laid by, in regard that many refused to follow them, the whole case was deferred till the next general court; and the commissioners for military affairs gave order, in the mean time, that all ensigns should be laid aside," &c.[ ] [ ] ibid. vol. i. pp. - . "anno , mo. , .] a general court was held at newtown, where john haynes, esq., was chosen governor; richard bellingham, esq., deputy governor; and mr. hough, and mr. dummer, chosen assistants to the former; and mr. ludlow, the late deputy, left out of the magistracy. the reason was, partly, because the people would exercise their absolute power, &c., and partly by some speeches of the deputy, who protested against the election of the governor as void, for that the deputies of the several towns had agreed upon the election before they came, &c. but this was generally discussed, and the election adjudged good."[ ] [ ] ibid. vol. i. pp. . "mr. endecott was also left out, and called into question about the defacing the cross in the ensign; and a committee was chosen, viz.: every town chose one (which yet were voted for by all the people), and the magistrates chose four, who, taking the charge to consider the offence, and the censure due to it, and to certify the court, after one or two hours time, made report to the court, that they found the offence to be great, viz.: rash and without discretion, taking upon him more authority than he had, and not seeking advice of the court, &c.; uncharitable, in that he, judging the cross, &c., to be a sin, did content himself to have reformed it at salem, not taking care that others might be brought out of it also; laying a blemish, also, upon the rest of the magistrates, as if they would suffer idolatry, &c., and giving occasion to the state of england to think ill of us. for which they adjudged him worthy admonition, and to be disabled for one year from bearing any public office; declining any heavier sentence because they were persuaded he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not of evil intent."[ ] [ ] winthrop's new england, vol. i. p. . "the matter of altering the cross in the ensign was referred to the next meeting (the court having adjourned for three weeks), it being propounded to turn it to the red and white rose, &c." [we have seen, under our first notice of the cross of st. george, that "its use was, for a while, nearly superseded (in england) by the roses, but revived upon the termination of the wars between the rival houses."] "and every man was to deal with his neighbors to still their minds, who stood so stiff for the cross, until we should fully agree about it, which was expected, because the ministers had promised to take pains about it, and to write into england to have the judgment of the most wise and godly there."[ ] [ ] winthrop's new england, vol. i. p. . "anno , mo. , .] at the last general court it was referred to the military commissioners to appoint colors for every company; who did accordingly, and left out the cross in all of them, appointing the king's arms to be put into that of castle island, and boston to be the first company."[ ] [ ] ibid. vol. i. p. . "anno , mo. , .] here arrived a ship called the st. patrick, belonging to sir thomas wentworth [afterwards the great earl of strafford], deputy of ireland [_i.e._ viceroy], one palmer, master. when she came near castle island, the lieutenant of the fort went aboard her and made her strike her flag, which the master took as a great injury, and complained of it to the magistrates, who, calling the lieutenant before them, heard the cause and declared to the master that he had no commission so to do. and because he had made them strike to the fort (which had then no color abroad), they tendered the master such satisfaction as he desired, which was only this, that the lieutenant, aboard their ship, should acknowledge his error, that so all the ship's company might receive satisfaction, lest the lord deputy should have been informed that we had offered that discourtesy to his ship which we had never offered to any before." "mo. , .] one miller, master's mate in the hector, spake to some of our people aboard his ship, that, because we had not the king's colors at our fort, we were all traitors and rebels, &c. the governor sent for the master, mr. ferne, and acquainted him with it, who promised to deliver him to us. whereupon, we sent the marshal and four sergeants to the ship for him, but the master not being aboard they would not deliver him; whereupon, the master went himself and brought him to the court; and, the words being proved against him by two witnesses, he was committed. the next day the master, to pacify his men, who were in a great tumult, requested he might be delivered to him, and did undertake to bring him before us again the day after, which was granted him, and he brought him to us at the time appointed. then, in the presence of all the rest of the masters, he acknowledged his offence, and set his hand to a submission, and was discharged." we will break the thread of this extract to introduce this curious paper, which, taken from the _colonial record,_ i. , we, find given at length in a note to winthrop's _new england_. "whereas i, thomas millerd, have given out most false and reproachful speeches against his majesty's loyal and faithful subjects, dwelling in the massachusetts bay in america, saying that they were all traitors and rebels, and that i would affirm so much before the governor himself, which expressions i do confess (and so desire may be conceived) did proceed from the rashness and distemper of my own brain, without any just ground or cause so to think or speak, for which my unworthy and sinful carriage being called in question, i do justly stand committed. my humble request, therefore, is that, upon this my full and ingenuous recantation of this my gross failing, it would please the governor and the rest of the assistants to accept of this my humble submission, to pass by my fault, and to dismiss me from further trouble; and this, my free and voluntary confession, i subscribe with my hand, this th june, ." we now resume our extract from winthrop. "then the governor desired the masters that they would deal freely, and tell us, if they did take any offence, and what they required of us. they answered, that in regard they should be examined upon their return, what colors they saw here; they did desire that the king's colors might be spread at our fort. it was answered, we had not the king's colors. thereupon, two of them did offer them freely to us." this was about june, , and we have seen that it was only in the year , that the commissioners for military affairs had ordered the red cross ensigns to be laid aside; hence, it is altogether improbable that they could not have procured one of these, but, what we have styled the king's colors _par excellence_, being prescribed only for ships, was not likely to be owned by the colonial authorities. its device, a modification of the cross, about which the question had arisen, might possibly have served as a device to relieve the tenderness of the consciences of the authorities, and would also enable the masters to say, on their return, that they had seen the king's colors spread at the castle at boston. as we see above, "it was answered we had not the king's colors. thereupon, two of them did offer them freely to us. we replied, that for our part, we were fully persuaded that the cross in the ensign was idolatrous, and, therefore, might not set it up in our ensign; but, because the fort was the king's, and maintained in his name, we thought his own colors might be spread there. so the governor accepted the colors of captain palmer, and promised they should be set up at castle island. we had conferred over night with mr. cotton, &c., about the point. the governor, and mr. dudley, and mr. cotton, were of opinion that they might be set up at the fort upon this distinction, that it was maintained in the king's name. others, not being so persuaded, answered that the governor and mr. dudley, being two of the council, and being persuaded of the lawfulness, &c., might use their power to set them up. some others being not so persuaded, could not join in the act, yet would not oppose, as being doubtful, &c."[ ] [ ] winthrop's new england, vol. i. p. . "anno , mo. , .] the governor, with consent of mr. dudley, gave warrant to lieutenant morris, to spread the king's colors at castle island, when the ships passed by. it was done at the request of the masters of the ten ships which were then here; yet with this protestation, that we held the cross in the ensign idolatrous, and, therefore, might not set it up in our own ensigns; but this being kept as the king's fort, the governor and some others were of opinion that his own colors might be spread upon it. the colors were given us by captain palmer, and the governor, in requital, sent him three beaver-skins."[ ] [ ] winthrop's new england, vol. ii. p. . the following order of the court of massachusetts, leads us to conclude that these colors, or those containing the king's arms, were continued in use until they were likely to bring the colony under the displeasure of the parliament of england, which, in arms against the king, used the red cross flag, or st. george's banner. we then find the colony of massachusetts giving orders on this matter as follows:-- "massachusetts records, .[ ] "forasmuch as the court conceives the old english colors now used by the parliament of england to be a necessary badge of distinction betwixt the english and other nations in all places of the world, till the state of england shall alter the same, which we much desire, we being of the same nation, have, therefore, ordered that the captain of the castle shall presently advance the aforesaid colors of england upon the castle upon all necessary occasions." [ ] hazard, vol. i. p. . these extracts show the importance attached to _colors_ in those times. [illustration: pl. ii. this question, and indeed all questions, as to the flags to be used both at sea and land by the subjects of great britain, and the dominions thereunto belonging, were, however, set at rest, by the st article of the treaty of union between scotland and england, from which fact the flags then prescribed were called _union flags_. "act of parliament ratifying and approving the treaty of the two kingdoms of scotland and england, jan. , ." "i. article. that the two kingdoms of scotland and england shall, upon the first day of may next, ensuing the date hereof, and forever after, be united into one kingdom by the name of great britain; and that the ensigns armorial of the said united kingdom be such as her majesty shall appoint; and the crosses of st. andrew and st. george be conjoined in such manner as her majesty shall think fit, and used in _all_ flags, banners, standards, and ensigns, both at sea and land."[ ] [ ] history of the union of scotland and england, by danl. de foe, p. . under the head of union jack, we have shown how these crosses were conjoined. we now give a portion of the proclamation of july , , referred to in that account of the union jack. "by the queen: proclamation. "declaring what ensigns and colors shall be borne at sea in merchant ships, and vessels belonging to any of her majesty's subjects of great britain, and the dominions thereunto belonging. "anne r. "whereas, by the first article of the treaty of union, as the same hath been ratified and approved by several acts of parliament, the one made in our parliament of england, and the other in our parliament of scotland, it was provided and agreed that the ensigns armorial of our kingdom of great britain be such as we should appoint, and the crosses of st. george and st. andrew conjoined in such manner as we should think fit, and used in all flags, banners, standards, and ensigns, both at sea and land, we have therefore thought fit, by, and with the advice of our privy council, to order and appoint the ensign described on the side or margent hereof [see fig. , plate i.], to be worn on board of all ships or vessels belonging to any of our subjects whatsoever; and to issue this, our royal proclamation, to notify the same to all our loving subjects, hereby strictly charging and commanding the masters of all merchant ships and vessels belonging to any of our subjects, whether employed in our service or otherwise, and all other persons whom it may concern, to wear the said ensign on board their ships and vessels. and whereas, divers of our subjects have presumed, on board their ships, to wear our flags, jacks, and pendants, which, according to ancient usage, have been appointed to a distinction for our ships, and many times thinking to avoid the punishment due for the same, have worn flags, jacks, and pendants in shape and mixture of colors, so little different from ours, as not without difficulty to be distinguished therefrom, which practice has been found attended with manifold inconveniences: for prevention of the same for the future, we do, therefore, with the advice of our privy council, hereby strictly charge and command all our subjects whatsoever, that they do not presume to wear on any of their ships or vessels, our jack, commonly called the union jack, nor any pendants, nor any such colors as are usually borne by our ships without particular warrant for their so doing from us, or our high admiral of great britain, or the commissioners for executing the office of high admiral for the time being; and do hereby further command all our loving subjects, that, without such warrant as aforesaid, they presume not to wear on board their ships or vessels, any flags, jacks, pendants, or colors, made in imitation of ours, or any kind of pendant, whatsoever, or any other ensign, than the ensign described in the side or margent hereof, which shall be worn instead of the ensign before this time usually worn in merchant vessels. saving that, for the better distinction of such ships as shall have commissions of letters of mart or reprisals against the enemy, and any other ships or vessels which may be employed by principal officers and commissioners of our navy, the principal officers of our ordnance, the commissioners for victualling our navy, the commissioners for our customs, and the commissioners for transportation for our service--relating particularly to those offices our royal will and pleasure is, that all such ships as have commissions of letters of mart and reprisals, shall, besides the colors or ensign hereby appointed to be worn by merchant ships, wear a red jack, with a union jack described in a canton at the upper corner thereof, next the staff [see fig. , plate ii.], and that such ships and vessels as shall be employed for our service by the principal officers and commissioners of our navy, &c. [same enumeration as before], shall wear a red jack with a union jack in a canton at the upper corner thereof, next the staff, as aforesaid; and in the other part of the said jack, shall be described the seal used in such of the respective offices aforesaid, by which the said ships and vessels shall be employed. [this flag was the same as fig. , plate ii., except the seal of the office by which employed.] and we do strictly charge and command, &c., (and the residue orders, seizure of vessels not obeying this proclamation, by wearing other ensigns, &c., and to return the names of such ships and vessels, and orders strict inquiry into any violation of the proclamation, and then directs it to take effect in the channel or british seas and in the north sea, after twelve days from the date of the proclamation, and from the mouth of the channel unto cape st. vincent after six weeks from the date, and beyond the cape, and on this side the equinoctial line, as well in the ocean and mediterranean as elsewhere, after ten weeks from the date, and beyond the line, after the space of eight months from the date of these presents.) "given at our court at windsor, the th day of july, in the sixth year of our reign.[ ] "god save the queen." [ ] the boston news letter, no. , from monday, jan. , to monday, jan. , . in a description of boston harbor, in , thirteen years after the date of this proclamation, we learn that, "to prevent any possible surprise from an enemy, there is a light-house built on a rock appearing above water, about three long leagues from the town, which, in time of war, makes a signal to the castle, and the castle to the town, by hoisting and lowering the union flag so many times as there are ships approaching."[ ] [ ] neal's history of new england, p. . after having given the first article of the treaty, and the above proclamation, this description is only useful as proving that the term "union flag" was the familiar one applied to describe the flags established under the union, as well in the colonies as the mother country, and explains the following note in frothingham's _siege of boston_. frothingham says: "in , there are frequent notices of union flags in the newspapers, but i have not met with any description of the devices on them."[ ] after the history of union flags already given, this will not appear surprising; for who, in our day, speaking of the "stars and stripes," would pause to describe its devices. we, however, are inclined to the opinion that the flags spoken of in the newspapers, referred to by mr. frothingham, were the ensigns described in the proclamation of queen anne, as being the common ensign of the commercial marine of "great britain, and the dominions thereof." for, as such, they must have been more easily procurable than the union jacks, and more familiar to the people, and therefore would appeal with most force to the popular sentiment. [ ] siege of boston, p. , note. that this was the case in the colony of new york, we learn from the following: "in march, , 'a union flag with a red field' was hoisted at new york upon the liberty-pole, bearing the inscription 'george rex, and the liberties of america,' and, upon the reverse, 'no popery.'"[ ] with the exception of the mottoes, this was the same flag as is represented, fig. , plate i. [ ] t. westcott, notes and queries. literary world, oct. , . frothingham gives us to understand that they were displayed on liberty-poles and on the famous "liberty tree" on boston common. in this connection, we will quote a few lines from a letter, dated philadelphia, december , , to show the temper of the public mind at that time, and to indicate the name given to the colonies, whose flag we are now about to consider. "to the people of north america: "philadelphia, december , . "those who have the general welfare of the united english colonies in north america sincerely at heart, who wish to see peace restored, and her liberties established on a solid foundation, may, at present, be divided into two classes, viz.: those who 'look forward to an independency as the only state in which they can perceive any security for our liberties and privileges,' and those who 'think it not impossible that britain and america may yet be united.' "if the present struggle should end in the total independence of america, which is not impossible, every one will acknowledge the necessity of framing what may be called the 'constitution of the united english colonies.' if, on the other hand, it should terminate in a reunion with great britain, there yet appears so evident a necessity of such a constitution that every good man must desire it."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. iv. p. . this letter shows the importance the union of the colonies, lately entered into, held in the mind of the public. prior to its being entered into, its necessity was thus forcibly indicated to the public mind. the newspapers commonly bore the device of a disjointed snake, represented as divided into thirteen portions. each portion bearing the initials of one of the colonies, and under it the motto, "join, or die." thus impressed, we can readily perceive how naturally they seized upon the flag in use in the mother country and its dominions, as an emblem of union among the members of that mother country, to indicate the necessity of it among the colonies, and, by displaying it from liberty-poles, &c., indicated the object for which union was necessary, viz.: to secure the liberty of british subjects. the first authentic account of the display of the union flag, as the flag of the united colonies, is from the pen of general washington, in a letter addressed to colonel joseph reed, his military secretary. "cambridge, january , . "dear sir: we are at length favored with a sight of his majesty's most gracious speech, breathing sentiments of tenderness and compassion for his deluded american subjects. the echo is not yet come to hand, but we know what it must be; and, as lord north said (and we ought to have believed and acted accordingly), we now know the ultimatum of british justice. the speech i send you. a volume of them was sent out by the boston gentry; and, farcical enough, we gave great joy to them, without knowing or intending it; for, on that day, the day which gave being to the new army, but before the proclamation came to hand, we had hoisted the union flag in compliment to the united colonies. but, behold! it was received in boston as a token of the deep impression the speech had made upon us, and as a signal of submission. so we hear, by a person out of boston, last night. by this time, i presume, they begin to think it strange that we have not made a formal surrender of our lives." [from _philadelphia gazette_], note to the above, in _american archives_. "philadelphia, january , . "our advices conclude with the following anecdote: that, upon the king's speech arriving at boston, a great number of them were reprinted and sent out to our lines on the d of january, which, being also the day of forming the new army, the great union flag was hoisted on prospect hill, in compliment to the united colonies. this happening soon after the speeches were delivered at roxbury, but before they were received at cambridge, the boston gentry supposed it to be a token of the deep impression the speech had made, and a signal of submission. that they were much disappointed at finding several days elapse without some formal measure leading to a surrender, with which they had begun to flatter themselves." we observe, in general washington's letter, that the americans, "farcical enough," "without knowing or intending it," led the boston gentry to imagine them about to surrender, because a union flag was displayed, which was only displayed in compliment to the united colonies on the day the army, organized under the orders of congress, _subsequent_ to the union of the thirteen colonies, came into being. and, in the extract from the newspaper account of this, that the flag was displayed on prospect hill, and that it must have been a peculiarly marked union flag, to be called the great union flag. as this was the name given to the national banner of great britain, this indicates this flag as the national banner of the united colonies. lieutenant carter, a british officer, very naturally explains both these circumstances. he was on charlestown heights, and says: january , : "the king's speech was sent by a flag to them on the st inst. in a short time after they received it, they hoisted an union flag (above the continental with thirteen stripes) at mount pisgah; their citadel fired thirteen guns, and gave the like number of cheers."[ ] [ ] siege of boston, p. . this account of the flag, from lieut. carter, is corroborated by the following from the captain of an english transport, to his owners in london, when taken in connection with the extract subjoined to it, taken from the _british annual register_ for . the captain writes:-- "boston, jan. , . "i can see the rebels' camp very plain, whose colors, a little while ago, were entirely red; but, on the receipt of the king's speech (which they burnt), they have hoisted the union flag, which is here supposed to intimate the union of the provinces."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. iv. p. . the _annual register_ says: "the arrival of a copy of the king's speech, with an account of the fate of the petition from the continental congress, is said to have excited the greatest degree of rage and indignation among them; as a proof of which, the former was publicly burnt in the camp; and they are said, on this occasion, to have changed their colors from a plain red ground, which they had hitherto used, to a flag with thirteen stripes, as a symbol of the number and union of the colonies."[ ] [ ] british annual register, , p. . we have already shown that the first flag spoken of in both the above accounts (flag no. ) in our table, bore certain mottoes; and not being precise in the description of the flag, which for months had been displayed before their eyes, we may expect inaccuracies in the description of a flag newly presented to them, and which, even to an officer on charlestown heights, who, as appears, was at some pains to describe it, appeared to be _two_ flags; and remembering that this flag was supposed to be displayed on the receipt of the king's speech, the following account of the colors of british regiments explains why it was especially regarded by the british as a token of submission. "the kings, or _first_ color of every regiment, is to be the great union throughout. "the _second_ color is to be the color of the facing of the regiment, with the union in the upper canton, except those regiments which are faced with red, white, or black. "the first standard, guidon, or color of regiments of the line, is not to be carried by any guard but that of the king, queen, prince of wales, commander-in-chief, or admiral of the fleet, being of the royal family; and, except in those cases, it is always to remain with the regiment."[ ] [ ] king's regulations for the british army, colors, &c. from the above we see that, to the mind of a british officer, the union flag, supposed to have been displayed in connection with the receipt of the king's speech, above a flag with thirteen stripes, would indicate an acknowledgment of the supremacy of the king over the united colonies, supposed to be represented in the thirteen stripes. without further proof, therefore, we may conclude that the "union" flag, displayed by general washington, was the union of the crosses of st. george and st. andrew, with thirteen stripes through the field of the flag. (see fig. , plate ii.) on the evacuation of boston by the british, this standard was, on the entrance of the american army into boston, carried by ensign richards.[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. v. p. . while we may fairly infer from general washington's letter, that this emblem of union had presented itself to his mind as such, we may also infer from his not describing its accompanying devices, to mark the compliment to the united colonies, that he supposed colonel joseph reed, his military secretary, fully acquainted with them; and from this we may conclude colonel reed had something to do with its preparation. this conclusion is strengthened by the fact, that colonel joseph reed was secretary to the committee of conference sent by congress to arrange with general washington the details of the organization of the army, which went into being january , . and, at the very time that committee was in session at the camp at cambridge, we find colonel reed having the subject of flags under consideration. to the reply to a letter written by him at that time, we may possibly trace the origin of the use of a modification of the british ensign, a drawing of which is given under queen anne's proclamation before quoted, as the flag of the united colonies. and we shall give good reasons to conclude that this modification consisted in applying to its red field a sufficient number of white stripes, to divide the whole into thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, as above shown; and we will show the propriety of this by establishing the fact that a _stripe_ was the badge of rank in the ununiformed army that assembled about boston in defence of liberty. colonel joseph reed, secretary to the committee of conference from congress, and military secretary of general washington, the committee being then in session, wrote, october , : "please fix upon some particular color for a flag and a signal by which our vessels may know one another.[ ] what do you think of a flag with a white ground, a tree in the middle, the motto, 'appeal to heaven?' this is the flag of our floating batteries." to which colonels glover and moylan replied, october , : "that as broughton and selman, who sailed that morning, had none but their old colors, they had appointed the signal by which they could be known by their friends to be 'the ensign up to the maintopping lift."[ ] [ ] from this, we may justly conclude that the committee of conference, composed of dr. franklin, mr. lynch, and mr. harrison, had the subject of the flag under consideration, and that the flag prepared under their supervision was the one displayed as the flag of the united colonies, on the day the army organized by them, general washington, &c., went into being. [ ] siege of boston, p. . this ensign, which is called their "old colors," must have been the ensign spoken of and described in queen anne's proclamation. (see fig. , plate i.) since we have seen _one_ ensign prescribed , for the merchant ships and vessels of great britain, and the dominions thereunto belonging, and that no change was made until . this being the case, the ensign of the colonial cruisers, inasmuch as they were armed merchant vessels, must have been the british ensign displayed at the maintopping lift. there were several reasons for this; the most forcible of which were, that it being usual to have no special place for the display of the national ensign at sea, but the custom being to exhibit it in such part of the vessel from which it could be most conveniently observed by the strange sail (on which occasion only it was worn at sea), to adopt a particular place for its display would be to give it a new character; one peculiarly happy for the then state of affairs, as it would betray the _english_ transports to the colonial cruisers, and would not betray the _colonial_ cruisers to the british ships of war, as "the maintopping lift" must have been such a position as would not attract the attention of those not in the secret. this reply of the gentlemen charged with the continental or colonial cruisers, would readily have suggested a modification of the british ensign for the ensign of the united colonies of north america; for the transition, in the adoption of a flag, from a particular place for the display of a particular flag, to some modification of the same flag, was both natural and easy; especially, as a slight modification of this flag would enable them to indicate the number of colonies, while the emblem of union would happily indicate the union of those colonies, and at the same time would have justified them in saying, in their address of december , , "allegiance to our king. our words have ever avowed it, our conduct has ever been in keeping with it," as having acknowledged their dependence on the mother country, even in the flag with which they were to struggle against her. before we proceed to consider the origin of the stripes, we shall give an account of the same flag as displayed on the fleet fitted out at philadelphia about this time, so as to fix, beyond a doubt, this emblem of _union_. as a preliminary, we will give a short extract of the sailing orders given to benedict arnold's fleet,[ ] when he set out on his expedition to canada. they may be found at length in major meigs's journal of that expedition. [ ] mass. historical collections, d series, vol. ii. p. . " st signal." "for speaking with the whole fleet, _ensign_ at maintopmast head." " d signal." "for chasing a sail, ensign at foretopmast head." " th signal." "for boarding any vessel, jack at maintopmast head, and the whole fleet to draw up in a line as near as possible." the jack, or union, or union jack, as it was and is called, was and is, to this day, in the navy of great britain, the flag of the admiral of the fleet; and was probably, as such, worn by the vessel of the commander-in-chief of this expedition, and its use probably suggested the adoption of a standard for the commander-in-chief of the first american fleet, flag no. , in our table. the date of sailing of the above fleet was sept. , , before the letter of colonels glover and moylan, speaking of the "old colors," was written (the date of the latter was oct. , ), and the use of the terms jack and ensign strengthens the conclusion that the term "old colors" meant british colors, for we shall find, in the orders of the first american fleet, that the ensign and jack are called the striped ensign and jack. in this connection, we give a few extracts from the sailing orders of the first american fleet, "given the several captains in the fleet, at sailing from the capes of delaware, feb. , ."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. iv. p. . "sir: you are hereby ordered to keep company with me, if possible, and truly observe the signals given by the ship i am in." "in case you are in any very great danger of being taken, you are to destroy these orders and your signals." signals for the american fleet by day. "for chasing: for the whole fleet to chase, a red pennant at the foretopmast head." we have already said that, since the time of the romans, a red flag has been the signal to prepare for battle. "for seeing a strange vessel: hoist the ensign, and lower and hoist it as many times as you see vessels, allowing two minutes between each time." supposing this _ensign_ to be a union flag, observe the similarity between this signal and that for the lighthouse and castle in boston harbor in ; "the lighthouse," as we have already stated, "in time of war makes a signal to the castle, and the castle to the town, by hoisting and lowering the union flag so many times as there are ships approaching." "for the providence to chase: a st. george's ensign with stripes at the mizzen peak." "for a general attack, or the whole fleet to engage, the standard at the maintopmast head, with the _striped_ jack and ensign at their proper places." now let us look at some of the descriptions of the colors of this fleet, both by american and british writers. sailing of the first american fleet. "newbern, north carolina, february , . "by a gentleman from philadelphia, we have received the pleasing account of the actual sailing from that place of the first american fleet that ever swelled their sails on the western ocean, &c. "this fleet consists of five sail, fitted out from philadelphia, which are to be joined at the capes of virginia by two more ships from maryland, and is commanded by admiral hopkins, a most experienced and venerable sea captain." "they sailed from philadelphia amidst the acclamations of thousands assembled on the joyful occasion, under the display of a union flag, with thirteen stripes in the field, emblematical of the thirteen united colonies."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. iv. p. . and the following extract from a letter, dated new providence, west indies, of which island admiral hopkins took prisoner the governor, &c.[ ] [ ] ibid. vol. v. p. . this letter was kindly furnished by colonel peter force, editor of the _american archives_, and may be found in the _london ladies' magazine_, vol. vii. july , p. . "new providence, may , . "the colors of the american fleet were striped under the _union_, with thirteen strokes, called the united colonies, and their standard, a rattlesnake; motto--'don't tread on me.'" the following extract was furnished by the same gentleman, to whom i cannot too warmly return my thanks for the facilities and assistance he has afforded me. "williamsburg, va., april , . "the roebuck [a british cruiser] has taken two prizes in delaware bay, which she decoyed within her reach, by hoisting a _continental union flag_." reference to this letter not obtained, but in support of its correctness, see affidavit of mr. barry, master's mate, ship grace, captured by the roebuck, to be found in the _pennsylvania evening post_, june , , vol. ii. no. . it is unnecessary to multiply proof on this subject. the term _union_, in these accounts, both by american and british writers, at sea and land, by the interpretation we give it, explains and harmonizes all of them. we therefore proceed to consider the other and what may be called the distinctive devices--we mean the stripes on this continental union flag. under the head of ensign (_brande's dictionary_), we are told: "men of war carry a red, white, or blue ensign, according to the color of the flag of the admiral." by the st article of the union between england and scotland, we have seen that the ensigns, both "at sea and land," were to embody the union of the crosses of st. george and st. andrew conjoined; hence the colors, red, white, &c., only apply to the field of the ensign. in the extract from the king's regulations for the british army, we have shown that the ensign of the different regiments differed in color according as the facings of the uniforms of the particular regiments to which they belonged differed. we have seen, in the crusades, the different nations were distinguished by different colored crosses on their surcoats, from which the particular colored cross was transferred to the national banners of at least scotland and england. here the striking distinction was color. the same practice prevailed at the time of the revolution in the colonies.--see the proceedings of the provincial congress of connecticut, "july , . one standard for each regiment, distinguished by their color, as follows, viz.: for the seventh, blue; for the eighth, orange."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. ii. p. . with this practice of nations, then, before them, and evidently applied by them, viz.: that of applying some badge of distinction in use in their armies to their national banner, combined with that of indicating different portions of their armies by different colors for their flags; and of two nations, when uniting, adopting as a common ensign something to indicate their union, and still preserve the original banners (both as to devices and color), under which they had respectively achieved signal triumphs, especially as this last example was that of the mother country, we may expect to see the colonies carrying out this practice in their union flag. they were british colonies: and, as we have shown, they used the british union, but now, they were to distinguish their flag by its color from other british ensigns, preserve a trace of the colors under which they had previously fought with success, and, at the same time, represent this combination in some form peculiar to themselves. the mode of distinction by color could not well be applied by the united colonies in a single color, as the simpler and most striking were exhausted in application to british ensigns; but, if applied, must have been used in a complex form or combination of colors. this being the case, stripes of color would naturally be suggested as being striking, as enabling them to show the number and union of the colonies, _as preserving the colors of the flags previously used by them_; and also the badge of distinction, which, at the time of the adoption of this flag, marked the different grades in the ununiformed army before boston. hence, probably, the name, _the great union flag_, given to it by the writer in the _philadelphia gazette_, before quoted, doubtless colonel joseph reed, inasmuch as this flag indicated, as respected the colonies, precisely what the great union flag of great britain indicated respecting the mother country. the only point that now remains for us to establish is, that a stripe or ribbon was the badge in common use in the army of the colonists before boston. in proof of this, we quote the following extracts from the orders of general washington. "head-quarters, cambridge, july , . ("countersign, inverness. parole, halifax.) "there being something awkward as well as improper in the general officers being stopped at the outposts, asked for passes by the sentries, and obliged, often, to send for the officer of the guard (who, it frequently happens, is as much unacquainted with the persons of the generals as the private men), before they can pass in or out, it is recommended to both officers and men, to make themselves acquainted with the persons of all officers in general command, and, in the mean time, to prevent mistakes, the general officers and their aides-de-camp will be distinguished in the following manner: the commander-in-chief, by a light blue ribbon worn across his breast, between his coat and waistcoat; the majors and brigadiers general by a pink ribbon worn in like manner; the aides-de-camp, by a green ribbon."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. ii. p. . "head-quarters, cambridge, july , . ("parole, brunswick. countersign, princeton.) "as the continental army have unfortunately no uniforms, and consequently many inconveniences must arise from not being able always to distinguish the commissioned officers from the non-commissioned, and the non-commissioned from the privates, it is desired that some badges of distinction may be immediately provided; for instance, the field officers may have red or pink colored cockades in their hats, the captains yellow or buff, and the subalterns green. they are to furnish themselves accordingly. the sergeants may be distinguished by an epaulette or stripe of red cloth sewed upon the right shoulder, the corporals by one of green."[ ] [ ] american archives, th series, vol. ii. p. . "head-quarters, cambridge, july , . ("parole, salisbury. countersign, cumberland.) "it being thought proper to distinguish the majors from brigadiers general, by some particular mark for the future, the majors general will wear a broad purple ribbon." having thus established the use of the stripe as a badge of distinction, we have completed our proofs in reference to the union flag displayed by general washington before boston, january , . and to perceive how simple and natural is the deduction of the ensign of the army and fleet of the united english colonies of north america, from the national ensign of great britain, it is only necessary to compare fig. , plate i. and fig. , plate ii. having made some observations in reference to the mottoes on several of the flags given in our table, we would now invite attention to the religious character of those on the colonial flags, viz.: _qui transtulit sustinet_, and an "appeal to heaven." in the famous effort of colonial vigor, which, resulting in the capture of louisburg, surprised the world in , we learn, from belknap's _history of new hampshire_, vol ii. p. , that the flag used bore the motto, _nil desperandum christo duce_. a motto furnished by the celebrated george whitfield. this last flag, under the treaty of union, must have been an union flag, probably, similar to the british ensign above given, or perhaps with a white field, to which color the new england people were partial (see the colors of the massachusetts cruisers, flag no. , in our table), with the motto above given inscribed on the field. may we not conclude that, when the flags embodying such mottoes were dispensed with, some reference to them would still be preserved, as would be the case by preserving in the flag which replaced them the colors of the flags laid aside? the rattlesnake union flag. the letter previously quoted, dated new providence, may , , says: "and their standard, a rattlesnake;" motto--"don't tread on me." this _standard_ is thus described, viz.:-- "in congress, february , . "colonel gadsden presented to the congress an elegant standard, such as is to be used by the commander-in-chief of the american navy, being a yellow field, with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in the middle, in the attitude of going to strike, and the words underneath, 'don't tread on me.'[ ] "_ordered_, that the said standard be carefully preserved and suspended in the congress room." [ ] american archives, th series, vol. v. p. . south carolina provincial congress. before i proceed, i shall offer one or two remarks on this device of the rattlesnake, to show that it also, as well as the british crosses, was an emblem of union, and that it was seized upon as one _then_ (december, ) in use, and familiar. in , in the _philadelphia gazette_, when benjamin franklin was editor of that paper, an article appeared, urging _union_ among the colonies as a means of insuring safety from attacks of the french. this article closed with a wood-cut of a snake divided into parts, with the initials of one colony on each division, and the motto, "join, or die," underneath, in capital letters.[ ] (see fig. , plate ii.) [ ] franklin's works, vol. iii. p. . when union among the colonies was urged, in - , as a mode of securing their liberties, this device, a disjointed snake, divided into _thirteen_ parts, with the initials of a colony on each division, and the motto, "join, or die," was adopted as the head-piece of many of the newspapers. when the union of the colonies took place, this was changed, for the head-pieces of the newspapers, into the device adopted on the standard, viz.: a rattlesnake in the attitude of going to strike, and into an _united_ snake. (under both forms of this device, was the motto, "don't tread on me.") the seal of the war department is the only public instrument in use, exhibiting evidence of the rattlesnake's having played an important part as a device in the american revolution. the old seal of , and the more modern seal now in use, both bear the rattlesnake (with its rattles as the emblem of union), and a _liberty cap_ in contiguity with it; the _liberty cap_ enveloped by the body, so that the opened mouth may defend the _rattles_, and liberty cap, or _union_ and liberty, with the motto, "this we'll defend." (see fig. , plate ii.) the following account of this device, supposed to be from the pen of benjamin franklin, indicates fully why it was adopted, and will be found in the _american archives_, vol. iv. p. . "philadelphia, december , . "i observe on one of the drums belonging to the marines now raising, there was painted a rattlesnake, with this motto under it, 'don't tread on me.' as i know it is the custom to have some device on the arms of every country, i suppose this may have been intended for the arms of america; and, as i have nothing to do with public affairs, and as my time is perfectly my own, in order to divert an idle hour, i sat down to guess what could have been intended by this uncommon device. i took care, however, to consult, on this occasion, a person who is acquainted with heraldry, from whom i learned that it is a rule, among the learned in that science, 'that the worthy properties of the animal, in the crest-born, shall be considered;' he likewise informed me that the ancients considered the serpent as an emblem of wisdom; and, in a certain attitude, of endless duration--both which circumstances, i suppose, may have been had in view. having gained this intelligence, and recollecting that countries 'are sometimes represented by animals peculiar to them,' it occurred to me that the rattlesnake is found in no other quarter of the world beside america, and may, therefore, have been chosen on that account to represent her. "but then, 'the worthy properties' of a snake, i judged, would be hard to point out. this rather raised than suppressed my curiosity, and having frequently seen the rattlesnake, i ran over in my mind every property by which she was distinguished, not only from other animals, but from those of the same genus or class of animals, endeavoring to fix some meaning to each, not wholly inconsistent with common sense. "i recollected that her eye excelled in brightness that of any other animal, and that she has no eye-lids. she may, therefore, be esteemed an emblem of vigilance. she never begins an attack, nor, when once engaged, ever surrenders. she is, therefore, an emblem of magnanimity and true courage. as if anxious to prevent all pretensions of quarrelling with her, the weapons with which nature has furnished her she conceals in the roof of her mouth; so that, to those who are unacquainted with her, she appears to be a defenceless animal; and even when those weapons are shown and extended for defence, they appear weak and contemptible; but their wounds, however small, are decisive and fatal. conscious of this, she never wounds till she has generously given notice, even to her enemy, and cautioned him against the danger of treading on her. was i wrong sir, in thinking this a strong picture of the temper and conduct of america? "the poison of her teeth is the necessary means of digesting her food, and at the same time is certain destruction to her enemies. this may be understood to intimate that those things which are destructive to our enemies, may be to us not only harmless, but absolutely necessary to our existence. i confess i was wholly at a loss what to make of the rattles, till i went back and counted them; and found them just thirteen, exactly the number of the colonies united in america; and i recollected, too, that this was the only part of the snake which increased in number. "perhaps it might be only fancy, but i conceited the painter had shown a half-formed additional rattle; which, i suppose, may have been intended to represent the province of canada. 'tis curious and amazing to observe how distinct and independent of each other the rattles of this animal are, and yet how firmly they are united together, so as never to be separated but by breaking them to pieces. one of these rattles singly is incapable of producing sound; but the ringing of thirteen together is sufficient to alarm the boldest man living. the rattlesnake is solitary, and associates with her kind only, when it is necessary for their preservation. in winter, the warmth of a number together will preserve their lives: while, singly, they would probably perish. the power of fascination attributed to her, by a generous construction, may be understood to mean, that those who consider the liberty and blessings which america affords, and once come over to her, never afterwards leave her, but spend their lives with her. she strongly resembles america in this, that she is beautiful in her youth, and her beauty increaseth with her age, 'her tongue also is blue, and forked as the lightning, and her abode is among impenetrable rocks.' "having pleased myself with reflections of this kind, i communicated my sentiments to a neighbor of mine, who has a surprising readiness at guessing at everything which relates to public affairs; and indeed, i should be jealous of his reputation in that way, was it not that the event constantly shows that he has guessed wrong. he instantly declared it as his sentiments, that the congress meant to allude to lord north's declaration in the house of commons, that he never would relax his measures until he had brought america to his feet; and to intimate to his lordship, that if she was brought to his feet, it would be dangerous treading on her. but, i am positive he has guessed wrong, for i am sure that congress would not condescend, at this time of day, to take the least notice of his lordship, in that or any other way. in which opinion, i am determined to remain, your humble servant." the yellow flag, with the rattlesnake in the middle, and the words underneath, "don't tread on me," (see fig. , plate ii.,) the standard for the commander-in-chief of the american navy, was probably the flag referred to by paul jones, in his journal. paul jones was commissioned first of the first lieutenants in the continental navy. "this commission, under the united colonies, is dated the th of december, , as first lieutenant of the alfred. on board that ship, before philadelphia, mr. jones hoisted the flag of america, with his own hands, the first time it was ever displayed, as the commander-in-chief embarked on board the alfred." (page , _life and correspondence of paul jones_.) from the foregoing account, it will be perceived that the first flag adopted by the army of the colonists before boston, was a red flag, with the mottoes, _qui transtulit sustinet_, and "an appeal to heaven." by the combination of these mottoes, the union of massachusetts and connecticut, in defence of their outraged liberties, was doubtless intimated; and, taken in connection with those mottoes, the color of the flag indicated that, trusting in the god of battles, they defied the power of the mother country. about this time, too, the floating batteries, the germ of the navy subsequently organized, bore a white flag, with a green pine-tree, and the motto, "appeal to heaven." these flags were adopted before the union of the _thirteen_ colonies was effected. after that union, and upon the organization of the army and fleet, these flags were supplanted by one calculated to show to the world the union of the north american colonies among themselves, and as an integral part of the british empire, and as such demanding the rights and liberties of british subjects. and a flag combining the crosses of st. george and st. andrew united (the distinctive emblem of the united kingdom of great britain), with a field composed of thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, the combination of the flags previously used in the camp, on the cruisers, and the floating batteries of the colonies, was adopted for this purpose, and called the great union flag. the union implied both the union of the colonies represented in the striped field, which was dependent upon it, and the nationality of those colonies. the thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, constituting the field of the flag, represented the body of that union, the number of the members which composed it, as well as the union of the flags, which had preceded this great union flag. we assume that the colors of those stripes were alternate red and white, inasmuch as those were the colors in the first flag of the united states, and we presume no change, not absolutely necessary, was made, in altering the flag of the united colonies to that of the united states. there is no evidence of their being of that color, except the universally received tradition that such was the case. the colors of those stripes, alternate red and white, indicated on the part of the colonies, thus represented as united, the defiance to oppression, symbolized by the red color of the flag of the army, and red field of the flag of the continental cruisers together, with the purity implied by the white flag of the floating batteries, of which the motto was, "appeal to heaven." lest these conclusions should seem far fetched, we would again advert to the fact, that in the present union, or national flag of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, not only are the crosses of st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick united, but the colors of the fields of the banners of st. george, of england, st. andrew, of scotland, and st. patrick, of ireland, are preserved. in the case of the colonies, everything that tended to call to mind previous triumphs would have been studiously preserved, and the red and white flags were identified with the successes of bunker hill, (for tradition says the flag on that occasion was red, and that a whig told general gage that the motto was, "come, if you dare,")[ ] and the various successes of the siege of boston, prior to jan. , . [ ] frothingham's siege of boston. the use of the stripes, besides indicating the union of the above flags, for the purpose before indicated, would, as a badge of distinction for the great union flag of the colonies, have carried the minds of those who were marshalled under it back to the moment when the tocsin of war sounded at lexington--called them, "generals" as well as "private men,"--in the garbs in which they were pursuing their peaceful avocations, to arms in defence of liberty. and we of the present day should regard them as hallowed, by having been employed by general washington as the first step towards introducing subordination into the army, which achieved our independence. in those stripes we may perceive the necessity indicated of the subordination of each state to the union, while their equality under the union is also intimated, by there being nothing to indicate that any particular state was represented by any particular stripe. there being seven red stripes, doubtless arose from that being the color of the principal flags represented in the combination of colors, for certainly the flags of the army and cruisers must have had pre-eminence over that of the floating batteries. the striped union flag was the colonial colors, both at sea and land, but there was also, as we have seen, a standard such as was used by the commander-in-chief of the american navy, being a yellow field, with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in the middle, in the attitude of going to strike, and the words underneath, "don't tread on me." the color of the snake, as represented, was dark. this circumstance goes strongly to prove the correctness of our conclusion, that the example of the mother country was followed in the preparation of the flags of this period--for the quarantine flag of the mother country was a _yellow_ flag with a dark spot, a representation of the plague-spot in the middle--those colors were, doubtless, chosen for the rattlesnake flag, to indicate the deadly character of the venom of the rattlesnake, and the danger of treading on it. but we have before stated that the rattlesnake first appeared as a snake divided into thirteen parts, each part marked with the initials of the colony to which it corresponded, and beneath them the motto, "join, or die," indicating the necessity of union. and that, the union being effected, the initials on the parts were dropped (thus indicating the equality of the colonies under the union), and the parts were united in the form indicated in this standard, and beneath it the words, "don't tread on me," implying the consciousness of strength derived from that union, of which, we have seen, the rattlesnake was an emblem indigenous to america, while at the same time the serpent implies eternal duration. this, then, may properly be called the rattlesnake union standard, and the other, the great union, or striped union flag; and together they indicated that existence as a people was inseparable from union--the strength resulting from that union--the necessary subordination of each colony to the whole union, the intimate connection of the colonies composing the union, their equality and perpetuity under it, and the power of fascination in the union and harmony in the colonies, which would draw everybody to america, and cause those who had once tasted the liberty and blessings she enjoys, never to leave her, but to "spend their lives with her." having thus described the flags of the united colonies, and shown that they were emblematic of union, and hence called union flags, in imitation of the prevailing custom of the mother country, we now proceed to consider the flag of the united states, described in the following resolution of congress, passed june , :-- "_resolved_, that the flag of the thirteen united states be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white: that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation." this resolution was made public september , ; and colonel trumbull represents the flag made in pursuance of it as used at burgoyne's surrender, october , . from the above resolution and what has preceded, it is apparent that the object of that resolution was simply to give the authorization of congress to a color existing, so far as the stripes and part of the flag called the union were concerned; but it is worthy of remark that the character of the new emblem for that union is specially described as representing "a new constellation." the use of some emblem of union different from the british crosses, the united states having declared themselves free and independent states, was eminently natural, but the description of the emblem substituted for them as "representing a new constellation," involves the idea that some constellation, in some way emblematic of union, had been presented to the minds of those adopting this resolution. it may be said that the adoption of a star, as the representative of a state, would naturally lead to the idea of a constellation; but, as the emblem to be altered was one of union, we are inclined to think that the first idea suggested was that of some constellation, which of itself implied union, and that the representation of a state by a star was involved in it. the question that now arises is, was there any constellation which implied union? the answer is, there was the constellation lyra. the next point is, to ascertain if the first flag displayed under this resolution bore that constellation. if not, in what form the stars were presented on that flag, and whether any connection can be traced between it and the constellation lyra. let us first consider the fitness of the constellation lyra to indicate union. in charles anthon's _dictionary of greek and roman antiquities_, we find the following account of the lyra. he says:-- "lyra. the latin name _fides_, which was used for a lyre as well as a cithara, is probably the same as the greek [greek: sphides], which, according to hesychius, signifies gut-strings; but festus takes it to be the same as _fides_ (faith), _because the lyre was the symbol of harmony and unity among men_." the quotation from the astronomicon of manilius, presented in the following letter from mr. charles francis adams, grandson of mr. john adams, confirms the attributes above ascribed to the lyre, and its corresponding constellation "lyra." quincy, may , . dear sir: your letter of the fourth came upon me unprepared to answer it without investigations, which i have ever since been hoping to pursue, but thus far in vain. not a moment has been at my command since i received it, and as i am now expecting every moment to depart for washington, i fear that i must give up all idea of doing more hereafter, at least in season for any object of yours. with the exception of a few letters to and from generals green, sullivan, parsons, and ward, there are no memorials remaining in my hands of my grandfather's services while chairman of the board of war. he had no time to copy or record papers, so that very few are left. i am not aware of the existence of any journal or other record of the action of the body, nor of any further history of it than is given in his lately published diary. i am, therefore, wholly unable to give you any light upon the question of the origin of the american colors. with regard to the other design, of the eagle, with the lyre on its breast, and the stars of the constellation lyra, i can only say that i possess the seal which was the original form in which the device was presented. there it has the motto, _nunc sidera ducit_, taken from the astronomicon of manilius, describing the effect of the lyre of orpheus, "at lyra diductis per coelum cornibus inter sidera conspicitur, qua quondam ceperat orpheus omne quod attigerat, cantu, manesque per ipsos fecit iter, domuit que infernas carmine leges. hinc coelestis honos, similisque potentia causæ: tunc silvas et saxa trahens, nunc sidera ducit, et rapit immensum mundi revolubilis orbem." ii. - . it is my opinion that, although this last line does not appear, my father had it in his mind when applying the device to the american passport, but i have not had the leisure to look for any explanation he may have himself left of it. his papers are voluminous, and i have barely as yet glanced at any part of their contents. this must be my apology for sending you so unsatisfactory a reply. i am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, (signed,) charles francis adams. the following is a translation of the above quotation:-- conspicuous among the stars, its horns wide spread over the heavens, is the lyre, with which orpheus was wont to captivate everything to which he addressed his song, and even made a journey through hades itself, and put to sleep the infernal laws. hence, its celestial honor; and, by the same power with which it then drew rocks and trees along, it now leads the stars, and _whirls along the immense orb of the revolving world_. this last line shows that the constellation lyra, as an emblem of union for the united states, would have been an amplification of the attribute of "fascination" ascribed to the rattlesnake, as an emblem of union for the united states, in the account we have already given of the rattlesnake as such, in describing the standard of the commander-in-chief of the american navy; for the constellation lyra would not only imply "that those who consider the liberty and blessings which america affords, and once come over to her, never afterwards leave her, but spend their lives with her," but that by their union and harmony the united states would "whirl along the immense orb of the revolving world," to follow their example in their forms of government. having thus shown how appropriate the constellation lyra would have been as an emblem of the union of the united states, we proceed to ascertain if the first flag displayed under the resolution of june , , bore that constellation. in trumbull's picture of the surrender of burgoyne, and peale's picture of washington, the thirteen stars are represented as arranged in a circle; it now remains to show the existence of some record exhibiting a connection between the constellation lyra and the circle of thirteen stars. we find this record on a form for a passport of the united states, prepared under mr. john quincy adams, when secretary of state, in , which form is now in use. in adopting the form in question, the arms of the united states, previously used on u.s. passports, were replaced by a circle of thirteen stars surrounding an eagle, holding in his beak the constellation lyra, and the motto, _nunc sidera ducit_. mr. w. j. stone, of washington city, gives the following account of the preparation of the device above described, and presented in the vignette to the title-page. in it, the constellation lyra is represented as radiating into a circle of thirteen stars. mount pleasant, washington city, may , . my dear sir: i find, on examination, that on the th of august, , i engraved for the department of state, by order of j. q. adams, secretary of state, a plate for a passport, at the head of which was a spread eagle, drawn to encompass the constellation lyra. the drawing was made by me, according to particular verbal directions given by mr. adams. i have a distinct recollection of having submitted the drawing to mr. adams, for approval, previous to engraving. very respectfully, your obedt. servt. (signed,) w. j. stone. had not this device been substituted, on the form for a united states passport, for the arms of the united states, by mr. john quincy adams, we should not consider the constellation lyra, radiating into a circle of thirteen stars, as having any special meaning; but as, at the time the circle of thirteen stars was introduced into the flag of the united states as an emblem of union, his father, mr. john adams, was chairman of the board of war, we think it has. on page , vol. iii. of the _life and writings of john adams_, we find the following entry in his journal:-- "the duties of this board kept me in continual employment, not to say drudgery, from the th of june , till the th of november ." again: "other gentlemen attended as they pleased, but, as i was chairman, or as they were pleased to call it, president, i must never be absent." a change being contemplated in the emblem of union in the flag, the board of war would, doubtless, have had charge of the preparation of the substitute; and from the above, we perceive the chairman must have been particularly connected with its preparation. we have thus presented the data upon which is based the conclusion that the constellation lyra was originally proposed for the union of our flag, in , at the time the circle of thirteen stars was adopted. the reasons for that conclusion are the following:-- [illustration: pl. iii.] it was a union flag that was to be altered. the united states having become independent of great britain, the british emblem of union was no longer appropriate; some other emblem of union was to be substituted. the constellation lyra was a time-honored emblem of union. the language of the resolution of june , , evidently has reference to such an emblem, representing a constellation. the lyra was not adopted. a circle of thirteen stars was. at this time, mr. john adams was chairman of the board of war. mr. john adams's son became secretary of state in . striking out the arms of the united states, he presented on the passport a device, representing the constellation lyra radiating into a circle of stars--the stars thirteen in number. at this time there were twenty-one states in the union--hence this circle of thirteen stars referred to an earlier day. the first instance of a circle of thirteen stars being used as a national device, was in the u. s. flag, and its being presented on the passport must have referred to that use of it, as constituting it a well-known emblem of the united states, indicative of their union, while the constellation lyra, occupying the centre of this circle, indicates the origin of the circle of stars, as an emblem of union "representing a new constellation," in that time-honored emblem of union. the other circumstances we have adduced point to mr. john adams as the source from which his son derived his information. we suppose the circle of stars was preferred to the lyra because it indicated the perpetuity of the union, which was distinctly intimated by the rattlesnake standard, laid aside when the flag of the united states, commonly called the stars and stripes, was adopted. it may not be improper to observe that these deductions are in keeping with the general rules, presented in our introduction, as deduced from the practices of nations relative to national emblems. compare fig. , plate ii., the flag of the united states, as first presented under the resolution of june , , with fig. , plate iii., the flag as we suppose it to have been proposed when mr. john adams was chairman of the board of war, and both of the above with the vignette to the title-page, the device introduced into the passport in _lieu_ of the arms of the united states, by mr. john q. adams, when secretary of state. in making these comparisons, the eagle, only adopted for the arms of the united states in , must be kept out of view, or rather considered as having no part in the question about the stars. in the preceding pages, we have established the origin of the part of the flag called "the union," also that of the circle of stars as an emblem for that union, together with that of the stripes, as clearly as analogy will enable us so to do. as corroborating the views we have advanced, we now present to the reader the reports on the adoption of the arms of the united states, copied by permission from unpublished records of the state department, from which it appears that certain of those who prepared the devices for the flag of the united states, were also engaged in the preparation of the device for a great seal. "journals of congress." " --_page_ . "_july ._ dr. franklin, mr. j. adams, and mr. jefferson, be a committee to prepare a device for a great seal for the united states of america. " --_page_ . "_aug. ._ the committee appointed to prepare the device for a great seal for the united states brought in the same, with an explanation thereof; ordered to lie on the table. "no. . _copy of a report made aug. , ._ "the great seal should on one side have the arms of the united states of america, which arms should be as follows:-- "the shield has six quarters, parts one, _coupé_ two. the st or, a rose, enamelled gules and argent for england; the d argent, a thistle proper, for scotland; the d verd, a harp or, for ireland; the th azure a _flower-de-luce_ or, for france; the th or, the imperial eagle, sable, for germany; and the th or, the belgic lion, gules for holland, pointing out the countries from which the states have been peopled. the shield within a border gules entwined of thirteen scutcheons argent, linked together by a chain or, each charged with initial letters sable as follows: st, n.h.; d, m.b.; d, r.i.; th, c.; th, n.y.; th, n.j.; th, p.; th, d.e.; th, m.; th, v.; th, n.c.; th, s.c.; th, g., for each of the thirteen independent states of america. "supporters dexter the goddess liberty, in a corselet of armor, alluding to the present times; holding in her right hand the spear and cap, and with her left supporting the shield of the states, sinister, the goddess justice, bearing a sword in her right hand, and in her left a balance. "crest. the eye of providence in a radiant triangle, whose glory extends over the shield and beyond the figures. motto: _e. pluribus unum_. "legend round the whole achievement. seal of the united states of america, mdcclxxvi. "on the other side of the said great seal should be the following device:-- "pharaoh sitting in an open chariot, a crown on his head and a sword in his hand, passing through the divided waters of the red sea in pursuit of the israelites. rays, from a pillar of fire in the cloud, expressive of the divine presence and command, beaming on moses, who stands on the shore, and, extending his hand over the sea, causes it to overthrow pharaoh. motto: _rebellion to tyrants is obedience to god_." in regard to this report, we observe mr. john adams was one of those engaged in preparing it. the emblems to represent countries were the rose for england, the thistle for scotland, the harp for ireland, &c. may not this train of ideas have suggested to his mind the lyre and its corresponding constellation to mark the union of the united states of america in the flag of those states? we observe the reference to the sacred volume in the device for the reverse of the proposed seal. may not the idea of stars, as the representatives of dependent states, have been borrowed from the same source, and applied in the case of the flag as states dependent upon union, and thus constituting a constellation? "_march , _--_page_ . "_ordered_, that the report of the committee on the device of a great seal for the united states, in congress assembled, be referred to a committee of three--lovell, scott, houston." this committee made a report, may . _vide no. ._ "original report of may , . no. ." "the seal to be four inches in diameter. "on one side, the arms of the united states, as follows: the shield charged on the field, with thirteen diagonal stripes, alternate red and white. supporters dexter, a warrior holding a sword; sinister, a figure representing peace, bearing an olive-branch. the crest, a radiant constellation of thirteen stars. the motto: _bello vel pace_. the legend round the achievement, _seal of the united states_. "on the reverse: the figure of liberty, seated in a chair, holding the staff and cap. the motto: _semper_. underneath, mdcclxxvi." "_may , _--_page_ . "the report of the committee on the device of a great seal was taken into consideration, and, after debate, "ordered that it be recommitted." "report no. , on the great seal, as altered after recommitment. "the committee to whom was referred, on the th of march last, the report of a former committee on the device of a great seal of the united states, in congress assembled, beg leave to report the following description:-- "the seal to be three inches in diameter. "on one side, the arms of the united states, as follows: the shield charged in the field azure, with thirteen diagonal stripes, alternate rouge and argent, supporters; dexter, a warrior holding a sword; sinister, a figure representing peace, bearing the olive-branch. the crest, a radiant constellation of thirteen stars. the motto. _bello vel pace_. the legend round the achievement, _the great seal of the united states_. "on the reverse: the figure of liberty, seated in a chair, holding the staff and cap. the motto: _virtute perennis_. underneath, mdcclxxvi. "a drawing of the seal is annexed. no. , may , . "a miniature of the face of the great seal to be prepared, of half the diameter, to be affixed as the less seal of the united states." we have not thought it worth while to present the drawing above referred to. "_device for an armorial atchievement for the united states of north america, blazoned agreeably to the laws of heraldry, proposed by mr. barton, a.m._ "arms.--paleways of [ ]thirteen pieces, argent and gules; a chief azure: the escutcheon placed on the breast of an american (the bald-headed) eagle, displayed proper; holding in his beak a scroll, inscribed with the motto, viz.:-- '_e pluribus unum_'-- and in his dexter talon a palm or an olive-branch; in the other a bundle of thirteen arrows; all proper. [ ] "as the pales or pallets consist of an uneven number, they ought in strictness to be blazoned--argt. pallets gules; but as the thirteen pieces allude to the thirteen states, they are blazoned according to the number of _pieces paleways_." "for the crest.--over the head of the eagle, which appears above the escutcheon, a glory, or, breaking through a cloud, proper, and surrounding thirteen stars forming a constellation, argent on an azure field. "in the exergue of the great seal-- "jul. iv. mdcclxxvi." "in the margin of the same-- "_sigil. mag. reipub. confoed. americ._" "_remarks._--the escutcheon is composed of the chief and pale, the two most honorable ordinaries; the latter represent the several states, all joined in one solid compact entire, supporting a chief, which unites the whole and represents congress. the motto alludes to the union. the colors or tinctures of the pales are those used in the flag of the united states. white, signifies purity, innocence; red, hardiness and valor. the chief denotes congress. blue is the ground of the american uniform, and this color signifies vigilance, perseverance, and justice. "the meaning of the crest is obvious, as is likewise that of the olive-branch and arrows. "the escutcheon being placed on the breast of the eagle is a very ancient mode of bearing, and is truly imperial. the eagle _displayed_, is another heraldric figure; and, being borne in the manner here described, supplies the place of supporters and crest. the american states need no supporters but their own virtue, and the preservation of their union through congress. the pales in the arms are kept closely united by the chief, which last likewise depends on that union, and strength resulting from it, for its own support--the inference is plain. w. b." "_june , ._" mr. barton also presented the following:-- "a device for an armorial atchievement for the great seal of the united states of america, in congress assembled, agreeably to the rules of heraldry, proposed by william barton, a.m. "arms.--barry of thirteen pieces, argent and gules, on a canton azure, and many stars disposed in a circle of the first; a pale or, surmounted of another, of the third; charged in chief, with an eye surrounded with a glory proper; and in the fess-point, an eagle displayed on the summit of a doric column, which rests on the base of the escutcheon, both as the stars. "crest.--or, an helmet of burnished gold damasked, grated with six bars, and surmounted of a cap of dignity, gules, turned up ermine, a cock armed with gaffs proper. "supporters.--on the dexter side; the genius of america (represented by a maiden with loose auburn tresses, having on her head a radiated crown of gold encircled with a sky-blue fillet, spangled with silver stars; and clothed in a long loose white garment, bordered with green. from her right shoulder to her left side a scarf, _semé_ of stars, the tinctures thereof the same as in the canton; and round her waist a purple girdle, fringed or embroidered argent, with the word 'virtue'--resting her interior hand on the escutcheon, and holding in the other the proper _standard of the united states_, having a dove argent perched on the top of it. "on the sinister side: a man in complete armor, his sword-belt azure, fringed with gold, his helmet encircled with a wreath of laurel, and crested with one white and two blue plumes; supporting with his dexter hand the escutcheon, and holding in the interior a lance, with the point sanguinated, and upon it a banner displayed, vert., in the fess-point an harp stringed with silver, between a star in chief, two _fleurs-de-lis_ in fess, and a pair of swords, in saltier, in basses, all argent. the tenants of the escutcheon stand on a scroll, on which is the following motto:-- '_deo favente_,' which alludes to the _eye_ in the arms, meant for the eye of providence. "over the crest, in a scroll, this motto:-- '_virtus sola invicta_,' which requires no comment. "the thirteen pieces, barways, which fill up the field of the arms, may represent the several states; and the same number of stars, upon a blue canton, disposed in a circle, represent a new constellation, which alludes to the new empire formed in the world by the confederation of those states. their disposition in the form of a circle, denotes the perpetuity of its continuance, the ring being the symbol of eternity. the eagle displayed, is the symbol of supreme power and authority, and signifies the congress; the pillar upon which it rests is used as the hieroglyphic of fortitude and constancy, and its being of the doric order (which is the best proportioned and most agreeable to nature), and composed of several members, or parts, all taken together, forming a beautiful composition of strength, congruity, and usefulness, it may, with great propriety, signify a well-planned government. the eagle being placed on the summit of the column is emblematical of the sovereignty of the government of the united states; and as further expressive of that idea, those two charges, or five and six azure, are borne in a pale which extends across the thirteen pieces into which the escutcheon is divided. the signification of the eye has been already explained. the helmet is such as appertains to sovereignty, and the cap is used as the token of freedom and excellency. it was formerly worn by dukes; says guillien, _they had a more worthy government than other subjects_. the cock is distinguished for two most excellent qualities, viz., _vigilance_ and _fortitude_. "the genius of the american confederated republic is denoted by the blue scarf and fillet glittering with stars, and by the tag of congress which she displays. her dress is white edged with green, colors emblematical of innocence and truth. her purple girdle and radiated crown indicate her sovereignty; the word "virtue," on the former, is to show that that should be her principal ornament; and the _radiated_ crown, that no earthly crown shall rule her. the dove, on the top of the american standard, denotes the mildness and purity of her government. "the knight in armor, with his bloody lance, represents the military genius of the american empire, armed in defence of its just rights. his blue belt and blue feathers, indicate his country, and the white plume is in compliment to our gallant ally. the wreath of laurel round his helmet is expressive of his success. "the green field of the banner denotes youth and vigor; the harp[ ] [with thirteen strings], emblematical of the several states acting in harmony and concert; the star _in chief_ has reference to america, as _principal_ in the contest; the two _fleurs-de-lis_ are borne as a grateful[ ] testimony of the _support_ given to her by france, and the two swords, crossing each other, signify the state of war. this tenant and his flag relate totally to america at the time of her revolution. (signed,) "wm. barton." [ ] the pen is run through the words, "with thirteen strings," in the original. [ ] "in the arms of scotland, as manifested in the royal atchievement, the double fressure which surrounds the lion is borne _flory_ and _counter-flory_ (with _fleurs-de-lis_), which is in consequence of a treaty that was entered into between charlemagne, then emperor and king of france, and achius, king of scotland; to denote that the french lilies should guard and defend the scottish lion." mr. middleton, mr. boudinot, and mr. rutledge, reported a modification of this, june , , which was referred to the secretary of the united states, in congress assembled, to take order. device for a great seal, as adopted june , . "the secretary of the united states in congress assembled, to whom was referred the several reports of committees on the device of a great seal to take order, reports:-- "that the device for an armorial atchievement, and reverse of a great seal for the united states in congress assembled, is as follows:-- "arms.--paleways, of thirteen pieces, argent and gules, a chief azure. the escutcheon on the breast of the american bald eagle, displayed proper, holding in his dexter talon an olive-branch, and in his sinister a bundle of thirteen arrows, all proper, and in his beak a scroll, inscribed with this motto: _e pluribus unum_. "for the crest.--over the head of the eagle, which appears above the escutcheon, a glory, or, breaking through a cloud proper, and surrounding thirteen stars forming a constellation, argent on an azure field. "reverse.--a pyramid unfinished. in the zenith, an eye in a triangle, surrounded with a glory proper. over the eye these words, _annuit coeptis_. on the base of the pyramid, the numerical letters, mdcclxxvi., and underneath the following motto: '_novus ordo seclorum._' "_remarks and explanations._--the escutcheon is composed of the chief and pale, the two most honorable ordinaries. the pieces paly, represent the several states all joined in one solid compact entire, supporting a chief, which unites the whole and represents congress. the motto, alluding to this union. the pales in the arms are kept closely united by the chief, and the chief depends on that union, and the strength resulting from it, for its support, to denote the confederacy of the united states of america, and the preservation of their union through congress. "the colors of the pales are those used in the flag of the united states of america; white, signifies purity and innocence; red, hardiness and valor; and blue, the color of the chief, signifies vigilance, perseverance, and justice. the olive-branch and arrows denote the power of peace and war, which is exclusively vested in congress. the constellation denotes a new state taking its place and rank among the sovereign powers. the escutcheon is borne on the breast of the american eagle, without any other supporters, to denote that the united states of america ought to rely on their own virtue. "reverse.--the pyramid signifies strength and duration. the eye over it, and the motto, allude to the many and signal interpositions of providence in favor of the american cause. the date underneath is that of the declaration of independence; and the words under it signify the beginning of the new american era, which commences from that date." in most of the above reports, a reference will be perceived to the devices and colors of the flag of the u. states, and many of the ideas presented in them are drawn from it, viz., the chief azure corresponding to the union of the flag, the pales corresponding to the stripes, which together constitute a whole; the constellation of stars also taken from the flag, and indicating a new state (composed of thirteen states) dependent upon their union. as these are the principal ideas presented in the arms of the united states, may we not reasonably conclude that, being borrowed from the flag, they are the views that prevailed at the time of its adoption, presented under another guise? the reference to eternity, in the arms, was indicated by the circle of stars in the flag; the reference to providence, in the eye, was in the flag presented in the field of thirteen stripes, a combination of the red and white flags, which bore the mottoes: "_qui transtulit sustinet_," and an "appeal to heaven." it is intimated, in some of these reports, that the colors for the flag were adopted apart from other reasons, as implying certain virtues; of the fact of their implying them there can be no doubt, but that they were not immediately adopted into the flag for that reason, but rather because they were already in use, with these meanings attached to them, at least so far as the red and white colors were concerned, we think we have conclusively shown. we shall presently offer some suggestions relative to the blue color, which will indicate a more direct reason for its adoption than the virtues implied by it. but to return to the account of the flag. we remarked, under the head of the great union flag of the colonies, that the stripes in the field of the flag were not only designed to show the union of the thirteen colonies, but also the number of members which composed it, and their dependence as a whole upon the union. the first change in the flag of the united states, shows that this conclusion was a correct one. it was directed in the following resolution:-- "_be it enacted_, &c., of may, anno domini one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, the flag of the united states be fifteen stripes, alternate red and white. that the union be fifteen stars, white in a blue field." approved january , . (see fig. , plate iii.) this was the flag of the united states during the war of - . in , the flag of the united states was again altered, and, as we are informed, on the suggestion of the hon. mr. wendover, of new york, a return was made to the thirteen stripes; as it was anticipated the flag would become unwieldy if a stripe was added on the admission of each state; and, moreover, by the plan proposed, the union of the old thirteen states, as well as the number of members composing the existing union, would be presented by the flag of the united states. mr. w. also proposed the arrangement of the stars in the union into the form of a single star. in this, there was a departure from the original design, as the perpetuity of the union ceased to be indicated by the flag, as it had previously been in the circle of stars, except so far as indicated by the several stars forming one large star. the resolution of was as follows:- "_be it enacted_, &c., that from and after the fourth day of july next, the flag of the united states be thirteen horizontal stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be twenty stars, white, in a blue field. "and, that, on the admission of a new state into the union, one star be added to the union of the flag; and that such addition shall take effect on the fourth day of july next succeeding such admission." approved april , . the flag planted on the national palace of the city of mexico had thirty stars in the union. the following compliment was paid to this flag. june , , "mr. drayton submitted the following resolution; which was considered, by unanimous consent, and agreed to:-- "_resolved_, that the vice-president be requested to have the flag of the united states first erected by the american army upon the palace in the capital of mexico, and now here presented, deposited for safe-keeping in the department of state of the united states."--page , journal of the senate - . the union of the united states flag at present contains thirty-one stars. (see fig. , plate iii.) we have, in the preceding pages, offered many reasons for concluding that the devices in the flag, its colors, and the manner in which they were combined, originated in some circumstance directly connected with the history of the colonies, or in some practice which prevailed in the mother country. particularly was this the case in the adoption of the emblem of union from the mother country. this leads us to make a few remarks as to the prominence given to the color blue in the reports on the adoption of the device for a great seal of the united states, and in its being the ground of the uniform of the united states. we have previously stated that its adoption was due to other circumstances directly, than its being typical of the virtues of perseverance, vigilance, and justice, though indirectly this meaning was involved in its adoption. first, blue was a favorite color in the colonies, as is proved by the fact of its being the uniform of the south carolina troops in . for we have seen that colonel moultrie caused a large blue flag to be made, with a crescent in one corner, to be uniform with the troops; and by the fact that the pine-tree flag of new england was a blue field, containing in the upper canton, next the staff, a st. george's cross on a white ground, and a pine-tree represented in the upper square formed by the cross. a reason for this color being a favorite in new england, may perhaps be found in the circumstance, that, in , when the banner of the league and covenant was raised in scotland, it was a red flag, the borders of which were edged with blue.[ ] borders of different color from the body of the flag, or from the shield of the coat of arms, are in heraldry, a common distinction, and as such was doubtless applied by the covenanters (blue being the color of the field of the banner of scotland, as we have seen), to indicate by whom this red flag was raised, and thus the blue color became identified with the league and covenant. after the defeat of bothwell's bridge, many of those people fled to the colonies, particularly to new england and new jersey. [ ] walter scott's old mortality, vol. ii. p. . that feelings kindred to those excited among the covenanters were aroused among the colonists, is shown by the mottoes on "the union flag with a red field," already spoken of as displayed on a liberty-pole in new york city in . those mottoes were, "no popery," and "george rex and the liberties of america." it was probably in reference to his being commander of the armies of the colonies, united in a solemn league and covenant in defence of civil and religious liberty, that general washington adopted as his badge a light blue riband, which had already been identified with a similar league and covenant in scotland. at a later day, on the adoption of an union flag as the flag of the united colonies, the color of the field of the union (derived, as was the blue border of the red flag of the covenanters, from the banner of scotland) being blue, this color became identified with that which gave nationality to the colonies, viz., their union, and on this account was adopted as the ground of the national uniform, and as the color for the chief or union, both in the arms of the united states and in their flag. that the prevailing colors of the uniforms of the army at that time corresponded to the colors of the flag, is a well-known fact. thus the facings of the blue coats were red, the color of the plumes white, tipped with red, &c. the buff and blue, commonly regarded as the continental uniform, was that of the general officers, and not of the body of the troops. in the navy, the same was the case. the prevailing colors of the uniform of the officers of the navy were blue and red; those of the uniform of the marine officers, green and white: the colors of the flag of the united states, and of the flag of the floating batteries, before given, viz., white, with a green tree in the middle, &c. &c. that such considerations operate in the selection of colors for uniforms, is proved by the fact that the uniform of the united states corps of cadets, a corps instituted and kept up with a view to foster and preserve military knowledge in our country, instead of being of the national color, blue, is gray trimmed with black. this color for the uniform of that corps was chosen in , out of compliment to the services of the brigade commanded by general scott at chippewa, &c., in the war of - . the embargo and the war having cut off the supply of blue cloths, the commissary-general of purchases was forced temporarily to supply that brigade with a substitute of gray, trimmed with black. as this, then, was the origin of the color of the uniform of the corps of cadets, may we not conclude that, for the reasons assigned, blue was adopted as our national color, out of compliment to the union, with which, as we have shown, it was intimately connected. having given the preceding account of our national flag, we now add the names of those connected with its different phases. st. general washington. d. benjamin franklin, mr. lynch, and mr. harrison; the committee of conference, with general washington, on the organization of the army, of which colonel joseph reed was secretary. d. the marine committee; mr. bartlett, mr. hancock, mr. hopkins, mr. deane, mr. lewis, mr. crane, mr. r. morris, mr. read, mr. chase, mr. r. h. lee, mr. hewes, mr. gadsden, and mr. houston. th. the board of war; mr. j. adams, mr. sherman, mr. harrison, mr. wilson, and mr. e. rutledge. with this array of names before us, of those who, with others, established our liberty and union, and the idea we have developed, that the devices adopted by them for the national ensign of our country were intended to intimate the perpetuity of that country's union, may we not truly say of washington and his compeers, now resting in their graves, as connected with those devices, there is neither speech nor language, but their voices are heard among them. their sound has gone out into all lands, and their words into the ends of the world, proclaiming their trust in providence, that that union should only perish, when the sun and moon shall be darkened, and the stars shall withdraw their light. generously made available by the internet archive.) the history of chivalry or knighthood and its times. by charles mills, esqr. author of the history of the crusades in two volumes vol: ii. [illustration: engraved by a. le petit from a sketch by r. h. sievier.] london. printed for longman, hurst, rees, orme, brown and green. mdcccxxv. contents of the second volume. page chap. i. state of chivalry in england during the reign of edward the third. tournaments ... the round table ... order of the garter ... courtesy of edward ... prevalence of chivalric taste among all classes ... english archers ... the black prince ... story of the king's chivalry ... england regarded as the seat of honour ... instance of this ... chivalric heroes in this reign ... the gestes and prowesses of sir walter manny ... chivalric vow of sir walter ... he fights for the love of his lady ... his rescue of two brother knights ... instance of his joyous adventurousness ... his gallantry before auberoche ... his filial piety ... story of chivalric manners ... the gentle disposition of manny ... his importance at edward's court ... his remarkable sagacity ... his liberality ... his death in ... buried in the charter-house ... heroism of sir james audley ... his generosity ... memoir of sir john chandos ... his gallantry to ladies ... amusing instance of the pride of knighthood ... the importance of his counsel at poictiers ... his exploits in brittany ... and in spain ... is made a knight banneret ... quits the black prince ... but returns ... the remarkable generousness of his conduct to lord pembroke ... the last circumstance of his life ... general grief at his death chap. ii. progress of chivalry in great britain, from the reign of richard ii. to that of henry viii. complaints of the unchivalric state of richard's court ... influence of chivalry on the national character ... scottish chivalry ... chivalric kindness of robert bruce ... mutual chivalry between the scotch and english courts ... french knights' opinions of scottish chivalry ... courtesies between english and scottish knights ... chivalric battle of otterbourn ... hotspur and the douglas ... a cavaleresque story ... reign of henry iv. ... chivalric parley between him and the duke of orleans ... henry's unchivalric conduct at shrewsbury ... henry v. ... knights of the bath ... henry's love of chivalric books ... his chivalric bearing ... commencement of the decline of chivalry ... the civil wars injured chivalry ... caxton's lamentation ... he exaggerates the evil ... many gallant english knights ... character of henry viii. with reference to chivalry ... tournaments in his reign ... field of the cloth of gold ... introduction of italian literature favoured romance ... popularity of chivalric literature ... english knights continued to break lances for ladies' love ... state of scottish chivalry at this period ... james iv. ... chivalric circumstances at flodden field chap. iii. the last years of chivalry in england. the chivalric feelings of the nation supported by spenser ... and by sir philip sidney ... allusions to sidney's life ... particularly his kindly consideration ... chivalric politeness of the age of elizabeth ... the earl of oxford ... tilts in greenwich park ... sir henry lee ... chivalry reflected in the popular amusements ... change of manners ... reign of james the first ... tournaments ceased on prince henry's death ... life of lord herbert of cherbury ... chivalric fame of his family ... his character ... his inferiority to the knights of yore ... decline of chivalric education ... important change in knighthood by the parliament of charles the first ... application of chivalric honours to men of civil station ... knights made in the field ... carpet knights ... knights of the bath ... full account of the ancient ceremonies of creating knights of the bath chap. iv. progress of chivalry in france. chivalry in baronial castles ... chivalry injured by religious wars ... beneficial influence of poetry and romance ... chivalric brilliancy of the fourteenth century ... brittany ... du guesclin ... romantic character of his early years ... his knightly conduct at rennes ... gallantry at cochetel ... political consequences of his chivalry ... he leads an army into spain ... and changes the fortunes of that kingdom ... battle of navaret ... du guesclin prisoner ... treatment of him by the black prince ... ransomed ... is made constable of france ... recovers the power of the french monarchy ... companionship in arms between du guesclin and olivier de clisson ... du guesclin's death before randon ... his character ... decline of chivalry ... proof of it ... little chivalry in the second series of french and english wars ... combats of pages ... further decay of chivalry ... abuses in conferring knighthood ... burgundy ... its chivalry ... the romantic nature of the burgundian tournaments ... last gleams of chivalry in france ... life of bayard ... francis i. ... extinction of chivalry chap. v. progress of chivalry in spain. general nature of spanish chivalry ... religion and heroism ... gallantry ... blending of spanish and oriental manners ... its beneficial tendencies ... peculiarities of spanish chivalry ... forms of knighthood ... various ranks of knights ... spanish poetry ... heroes of chivalry ... pelayo ... bernardo del carpio ... and incidentally of charlemagne's expedition into spain ... the life of the cid ... his early ferocious heroism ... singular marriage ... enters the service of king ferdinand ... the cid's chivalric gallantry ... he is knighted ... death of king ferdinand ... the cid becomes the knight of sancho, king of castile ... mixture of evil and good in the cid's character ... supports the king in his injustice ... the cid's romantic heroism ... sancho's further injustice opposed by him ... death of sancho ... instance of the cid's virtuous boldness ... character of alfonso, successor of sancho ... story of his chivalric bearing ... the cid's second marriage ... is banished from alfonso's court ... becomes the ally of the moors ... but recalled ... is banished again ... singular story of the cid's unknightly meanness ... fortunes of the cid during his exile ... the cid's chivalric nobleness and generosity ... is recalled by alfonso ... the cid captures toledo ... and valentia ... story of spanish manners ... the cid's unjust conduct to the moors ... the unchivalric character of the cid's wife and daughters ... the cid recalled by alfonso ... the marriages of his daughters ... basely treated by their husbands ... cortez at toledo to decide the cause ... picture of ancient manners ... death of the cid ... his character ... fate of his good horse ... spanish chivalry after his death ... gallantry of a knight ... the merits of missals decided by battle ... passage of arms at orbigo ... knights travel and joust for ladies' love ... extinction of spanish chivalry chap. vi. progress of chivalry in germany and italy. chivalry did not affect the public history of germany ... its influence on imperial manners ... intolerance and cruelty of german knights ... their harshness to their squires ... avarice of the germans ... little influence of german chivalry ... a remarkable exception to this ... a female tournament ... maximilian, the only chivalric emperor of germany ... joust between him and a french knight ... edict of frederic iii. destroyed chivalry ... chivalry in italy: ... lombards carried chivalry thither ... stories of chivalric gallantry ... but little martial chivalry in italy ... condottieri ... chivalry in the north ... italians excellent armourers but bad knights ... chivalry in the south ... curious circumstances attending knighthood at naples ... mode of creating knights in italy generally ... political use of knighthood ... chivalric literature ... chivalric sports chap. vii. on the merits and effects of chivalry the history of chivalry. chap. i. state of chivalry in england during the reign of edward the third. _tournaments ... the round table ... order of the garter ... courtesy of edward ... prevalence of chivalric taste among all classes ... english archers ... the black prince ... story of the king's chivalry ... england regarded as the seat of honour ... instance of this ... chivalric heroes in this reign ... the gestes and prowesses of sir walter manny ... chivalric vow of sir walter ... he fights for the love of his lady ... his rescue of two brother knights ... instance of his joyous adventurousness ... his gallantry before auberoche ... his filial piety ... story of chivalric manners ... the gentle disposition of manny ... his importance at edward's court ... his remarkable sagacity ... his liberality ... his death in ... buried in the charter-house ... heroism of sir james audley ... his generosity ... memoir of sir john chandos ... his gallantry to ladies ... amusing instance of the pride of knighthood ... the importance of his counsel at poictiers ... his exploits in brittany ... and in spain ... is made a knight banneret ... quits the black prince ... but returns ... the remarkable generousness of his conduct to lord pembroke ... the last circumstance of his life ... general grief at his death._ [sidenote: tournaments.] the sun of english chivalry reached its meridian in the reign of edward iii., for the king and the nobles all were knightly, and the image of their character was reflected in the minds of the people.[ ] tournaments and jousts, for the amusement and in honour of the ladies, were the universal fashion of the time. in little more than one year, chivalric solemnities were held with unparalleled magnificence at litchfield, bury, guildford, eltham, canterbury, and twice at windsor.[ ] the gay character of edward and his court was pleasingly displayed in the spring of the year , three years after the battle of poictiers. a solemn tournament of three days' duration was proclaimed in london, and the lord mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen, proposed to keep the field against all comers. the time arrived, the martial games were held, and all the honor of arms appeared to be of right due to the officers of the city. the victors then threw aside their shields and surcoats impressed with the city's bearings, removed their beavers, and king edward, the black prince, the princes lionel, john, and edmund, and nineteen noble barons, were recognised.[ ] [sidenote: the round table.] [sidenote: order of the garter.] the round table at kenilworth already mentioned was not a solitary instance of the love of romantic grandeur and gallantry among the people of england. mortimer kept a round table of knights in wales professedly in imitation of arthur,[ ] and afterwards edward iii. endeavoured to realise the golden imaginations of fable which had assigned one hundred and fifty knights as the complement of arthur's chivalry.[ ] we are assured that the round table which edward established at windsor in described a circumference of six hundred feet: but it is more interesting to know, that the nobility and knighthood of france, germany, spain, and other countries flocked to england on the invitation of the king, and that the chivalric bands at windsor were graced by the presence of queen philippa and three hundred english ladies, who, in honour of the friendly union of knights, were all arrayed in splendid dresses of one form and fashion, and looked like the sisters of a military order. policy was mixed with chivalric pride in edward's plan; for he wished to retain in his service some of the foreign knights who repaired to the tournament at windsor. but his intention to strengthen his chivalry was defeated by his rival philip of valois, who established also a round table, to which the cavaliers of the continent could more easily repair than to that of edward.[ ] the knights of france were expressly forbidden by their king to attend the festivities of the round table at windsor. the english monarch found, too, that he could not secure the attachment of stranger knights. that great chivalric principle, the companionship in weal or woe of men forming one society, was never regarded by them. edward's table at windsor was surrounded by gay cavaliers, who talked and sang of war and love, and then merrily returned to their own country full of courtesy to their royal host for his gallant bearing, but not disposed to renounce the chivalric associations of their native land. edward then changed his design, and wished to establish an order of merit, that so "true nobility, after long and hazardous adventures, should not enviously be deprived of that honour, which it hath really deserved, and that active and hardy youth might not want a spur in the profession of virtue, which is to be esteemed glorious and eternal."[ ] he accordingly assembled the nobility and knighthood of his realm, and showed them his intention of forming an especial brotherhood of knights, to be called knights of the blue garter, and of ordaining that a feast should be kept yearly at windsor, on saint george's day. the barons and cavaliers of england joyously agreed to his pleasure; for they were animated by this encouragement to military feats, and they saw that great amity and love would grow and increase among them. twenty-five of the most valiant men of the kingdom were then chosen.[ ] the most noble order of saint george, named the garter, had, therefore, its origin in romance, in the wish to restore the chivalric dignity and splendour of ancient britain. that view was afterwards blended with objects of policy which also were soon abandoned, and a fraternity of companions in arms was established for the promotion of chivalric honour. but though gallantry did not, as is commonly thought, actually found the order, yet perhaps it caused the union to receive the last clause of its title. froissart describes the passion of edward for the countess of salisbury, but is altogether silent on the story of her garter, a silence decisive of the incorrectness of the vulgar tale; for froissart was intimately acquainted with the court of the english king, and his attention was always awake to circumstances of a gallant and romantic nature. it was quite in the spirit of those days for a band to be regarded as an excellent symbol of the friendly union which ought to exist between the knights companions; and if love had not been a chief feature in chivalry, the order might have been only called the order of the band. but gallantly came in, and claimed some share of chivalric honours. ages of fastidious delicacy would have thought of a zone or girdle, but our simple minded ancestors regarded the garter as the wished for symbol. the well known motto of the garter (_honi soit qui mal y pense_) seems to apply, as sir walter scott conjectures, to the misrepresentations which the french monarch might throw out respecting the order of the garter, as he had already done concerning the festival of the round table.[ ] on the collar of the order something should be said. warton appears to think that the earliest collar worn by the knights of the garter was a duplication of the letter s, in allusion to the initial letter of the fair lady's name who, he supposes, gave rise to the fraternity of the most noble order of the garter. but in truth no evidence exists that originally the members of the order wore any collar at all as knights of the garter, though they certainly wore golden collars in their character of knights bachelors and knights banneret. the favourite badge of the lancastrian family was the letter s. sometimes single, and sometimes double, and the golden collar of esses became in time the general collar of english knights, and the silver collar of esses was worn by squires. the letter s. was the initial letter of the sentence, "_soveigne vous de moy_." this was a very favourite motto in the fourteenth century, and was afterwards frequently introduced into collars which were formed of the fleur-de-souvenance, the forget-me-not of modern times. whether at any period the golden collar of esses distinguished the knights of the garter we know not. the collar worn in the present days, composed of garters with the image of saint george dependent thereon, cannot be traced higher than the reign of henry viii. the order was founded in honour of god, the virgin mary, saint george the martyr, and saint edward, king and confessor. the two saints were regarded as the particular patrons of the knights companions. the person that our ancestors understood by the name saint george is a point of doubt. some modern writers have called him a sufferer in the persecutions of diocletian, and others the flagitious george of cappadocia, the arian successor of athanasius in the archbishoprick of alexandria.[ ] it is equally difficult to discover how the saint became invested with military glory. but, leaving such questions to martyrologists and legend-makers, it is sufficient for our purpose to observe that a person called saint george was in very early ages regarded as the tutelary saint of england, and became therefore very naturally one of the heads of the new military order. his brother-protector saint edward soon fell from his lofty station: but at the time concerning which i am writing he was high in fame, for edward iii. was wont to invoke both him and the other patron-saint with perfect impartiality; and when he was cutting his way through a press of knights, one stroke of his sword was accompanied by the exclamation, "ha, saint edward," and another by the cry, "ha, saint george." [sidenote: courtesy of edward.] to pursue, however, the general course of the chivalry of our edward iii. nothing could be more beautiful than his courtesy on all occasions. it was particularly shown in his treatment of the hostages of the french king for the due performance of the treaty of bretigny. he commanded his officers to deport themselves to those lords and their company courteously and favourably; and, accordingly, the french strangers sported without peril in london at their pleasure, and the great lords went hunting and hawking, and rode over the country, and visited ladies and damsels, without any control, so courteous and amiable was the king of england to them.[ ] during all the tournaments that were held in his reign, he permitted his french, scotch, and other prisoners, to share in the games, and sometimes he even furnished them with tourneying harness out of the royal armoury.[ ] [sidenote: prevalence of chivalric taste among all classes.] the taste for chivalry among classes of people apparently little susceptible of its influence may be learned from the masquerading tournament of edward; for knightly games must have been well known to the citizens of london, or the proclamation would not have been issued, that the lord mayor, aided by the court of aldermen and the sheriffs, would, on a certain day, hold a solemn tournament. the same taste was proved some years before, when the black prince entered london, with king john of france as his prisoner. the outsides of the houses were covered with hangings, wrought over with battles in tapestry, and the citizens exposed, in their shops, windows, and balconies, an incredible quantity of bows and arrows, shields, helmets, corselets, breast and back pieces, coats of mail, gauntlets, umbraces, swords, spears, battle-axes, armour for horses, and other armour.[ ] it is also curious to notice, that on the evening preceding candlemas-day, in the year , one hundred and thirty citizens of london, for the entertainment of the young prince, richard, son of the nation's idol, the black prince, rode, disguised as knights, from newgate to kennington, where the court resided, attended with an innumerable multitude, bearing waxen torches, and playing various instruments of music.[ ] as the principal wars of edward's time were waged with a chivalric people, the circumstances which surrounded them favoured the developement of the chivalric qualities of the english character. i shall not repeat the political events of our glorious contests with france, nor describe, for the thousandth time, the battles of cressy and poictiers: but it may be mentioned, that the admirable marshalling of edward's force on the field of cressy was a high proof of his chivalric sageness, and mainly contributed to his victory over the forces of the king of france. [sidenote: english archers.] the battles of cressy and poictiers, however, were not entirely gained by the chivalry of england: the bow was a most important weapon in the english army. it had characterised the normans, and been mainly instrumental in winning for them the battle of hastings. it was afterwards used by the small landholder, the tenant in soccage, and the general mass of the people, while the lance was the weapon of the lord and the knight. the bow was the emblem of freedom, and the pre-eminence of our archers shows that the political condition of england was superior, in the fourteenth century, to that of any continental nation.[ ] the arrow was of the remarkable length of a cloth-yard. the expression in the old ballad of chevy-chase, "an arrow of a cloth-yard long up to the head drew he," marks the usage of our early ancestors; and that sentence of lear, in shakspeare's play, "draw me a clothier's yard," shows that in the sixteenth century the national character had not been lost. it was fostered by every proper means: by royal command archery was practised in towns on holidays, after church; while coits, cock-fighting, and amusements with the ball, were strictly prohibited. other nations drew the bow with strength of arm, but englishmen with their whole vigour: they laid their body in the bow[ ], as an old writer has forcibly expressed the usage; and when in amusement they were exercising their skill, eleven-score yards was the least distance at which the mark was set up. no one could better shoot an arrow than a yeoman in the days of edward iii.: they were the most powerful attendants which our knights could boast of. "a yeoman had he, and servants no mo, at that time, for him lust to ride so; and he was clad in coat and hood of green. a sheaf of peacocks' arwes bright and keen under his belt he bare full thriftily. well coude he dress his takel yemanly. his arwes drooped not with feathers lowe, and in his hand he bare a mighty bowe. a not-hed[ ] had he with a brown visage. of wood-craft coude he well all the usage. upon his arm he bare a gay bracer, and by his side a sword and a bokeler; and on that other side a gay dagger, harnessed well, and sharp as point of spere; a cristofere on his breast of silver shene; an horn he bare, the baudrick was of green. a forster was he, soothly as i guess."[ ] the reader scarcely needs to be informed that the loss of the battle of cressy by the french began with the confusion among the genoese cross-bow men. the english archers then stepped forth one pace, and, as froissart says, let fly their arrows so wholly, and so thick, that it seemed snow was piercing through heads, arms, and breasts. the french cavaliers rushed in to slay the genoese for their cowardice, but the sharp arrows of the english slew them, and their horses too. the chivalry of the black prince decided the victory: the earls of flanders and alençon broke through his archers, but deeper they could not penetrate; and in the personal conflict of the chivalries of the two nations, the english were conquerors.[ ] at the battle of poictiers the english archers threw the french cavalry into confusion, by slaying the unmailed horses. true to say, as froissart observes, the archers did their company that day great advantage; for when the black prince descended the hill on which he had posted himself, the archers were mingled with his chivalry, in true knightly fashion, and shot so closely together, that none durst come within danger.[ ] [sidenote: the black prince.] the well-known conduct of the black prince to his prisoner, king john, after the battle,--his waiting on him at table, saying that he was not sufficient to sit at the board with so great a man as the king,--his riding through london to the savoy, the french monarch mounted on a white and superbly-equipped war-horse, while the prince rode by his side on a little black palfrey,--all this beautiful deportment proceeded from the modesty, the self-abasement of true chivalry, and from that kindly consideration which one knight always showed to his brother in arms.[ ] there were many circumstances in edward's wars amply deserving of notice, as illustrative of national and personal character, but which have been passed over altogether, or but slightly regarded, by the general historians of england; some of whom, in their anxiety for chronological exactness, and others in their desire to make the matter in hand merely illustrative of a few political principles, have very ingeniously contrived to strip their subject of all its splendor, interest, and variety. [sidenote: story of the king's chivalry.] three years after the battle of cressy had given the town of calais to the english, the lord geffray charney, of france, endeavoured to regain it, by bribing the governor, amery de puy, a lombard. edward, hearing of the treaty, sent for his officer from calais to westminster. when the king saw him, he took him apart, and said, "thou knowest well i have given thee in keeping the thing in the world i love best next my wife and children, namely, the town and castle of calais; and thou hast sold it to the frenchmen; wherefore thou deservest to die." then the lombard kneeled down, and said, "noble king, i cry you mercy: it is true what you say; but, sir, the bargain may well be broken, for as yet i have received never a penny." the king, who had warmly loved the governor, replied, "amery, i will that thou goest forward in thy bargain, and the day that thou appointest to deliver the town, let me have knowledge thereof before; and on this condition i forgive thee thy trespass." accordingly amery returned to calais, and continued the negotiation with lord geffray charney. it was finally agreed between them that the surrender of calais should take place on the night of the new year; and the governor, faithful to his allegiance, communicated the progress of the plot to edward. the king immediately rode from london to dover, with three hundred men-at-arms, and six hundred archers, and, crossing the sea, he reached calais in the evening, and secretly lodged his men in the chambers and towers of the castle. he did not wish to head the emprise himself; and selecting sir walter manny from his gallant band, as the prowest chevalier, he told him that he and his son, the prince, would fight under his banner. when the time for surrendering calais approached, the lord geffray, having heard from amery that matters were ripe, advanced from arras, and sent before him twelve knights, and an hundred men-at-arms, to take possession of the castle. amery admitted them over the bridge of the postern, receiving, at the same time, a bag containing twenty thousand crowns, the price of his treachery. he led the soldiers towards the donjon of the castle; and immediately king edward and an hundred men, with swords and axes, furiously poured from it, shouting the war-cry, "manny, manny, to the rescue!" the frenchmen were panic-struck by this wild sweep of war, and incontinently yielded themselves prisoners. edward advanced to the boulogne gate, where he found the lord geffray, who was anxiously expecting it to be opened; and his companions were driving away the tedious moments, by supposing that amery, like a subtle and suspicious lombard, was busy in counting his crowns. the cry, "manny to the rescue!" disturbed their jocularity, and grasping their swords they saw a band of armed men issuing from the gate. in an instant the king, the black prince, the staffords, the suffolks, the salisburys, the beauchamps, the berkeleys, all the pride and flower of english chivalry stood before them. the frenchmen did not decline the combat; and it was chivalrously maintained till a winter's return of morn. the english were finally victors. of the single combats in which the cavaliers signalised their valiancy, the fiercest occurred between the king and the lord eustace of rybamount, a strong and hardy knight. twice was edward struck on his knees; but at last eustace was worsted; and he yielded his sword to the king, saying, not knowing his royal quality, "sir knight, i yield me your prisoner." the king treated his captives like brethren in arms, giving them a noble entertainment, and sitting at the table with them, while the prince, the lords, and the knights of england, acted as attendants. after supper, and when the tables were removed, the king talked a while with his own knights, and then conversed with the frenchmen. he gently reproved the lord geffray of charney for an enterprise so unworthy of nobility and knighthood; and then going to sir eustace of rybamont, he said to him, with all the fine frank joyousness of chivalry, "sir eustace, you are the knight in the world that i have seen most valiantly assail his enemies and defend himself; and i have never found a knight that ever gave me so much ado body to body as you have done this day, and therefore i give you the prize above all the knights of my own court." the king thereupon took from his head a chaplet of pearls, fair, goodly, and rich, and presented it to the knight, with the remark, "sir eustace, i give you this chaplet, for the best doer in arms this day of either party, and i desire you to wear it this year for the love of me. i know that you are fresh and amorous, and oftentimes among ladies and damsels. say wheresoever you go that i gave it you; and i free you from prison, and renounce your ransom. to-morrow, if it so please you, you shall depart."[ ] here chivalry appeared in all its generousness, elegance, and refinement. how beautifully contrasted is edward's deportment to sir eustace de rybamont with his feelings towards eustace de st. pierre and his five fellow-burgesses, three years before, at the surrender of calais to the english. edward had no sympathy with their magnanimous devotion of themselves to save the lives of their fellow-citizens; no consideration of knightly mercy softened his mind; and it was only the supplication of his queen, who was in a state to move the sternest soul to grant her wishes, that restored his better nature. before edward's chivalry, however, be generally and finally condemned, let it be remembered that his severe losses of his own men had sorely grieved his mind against the people of calais, and that at the commencement of the siege, when the captain of the town had driven from its gates all the poor and impotent, edward not only granted them a free passage through his army, but gave them meat and drink and money.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: england regarded as the seat of honor.] the court of the english king was regarded as the very judgment-seat of honour; an opinion of which a very curious proof exists. in the year , a fierce war raged between the soldan of babylon and constantine, king of armenia; the former invading the dominions of the armenian prince with vast and numerous armies, and the latter endeavouring, by the united strength of his own subjects, and the cypriots and rhodians, to repel the violence of the heathen invaders, or at least to arrest their progress, which then began to threaten all christendom. among the many great men who, together with the christian princes, were engaged in this holy war, were a cypriot knight named john de visconti, a relation of the king of cyprus, and a knight of france called thomas de la marche, bastard-brother to john de valois, the french king. both these knights held high commands in the christian army. from certain information, or from jealousy, john de visconti charged the bastard of france with treason; with having agreed, in consideration of a certain sum of gold to be paid unto him beforehand, in part of a greater sum to be paid afterwards, to betray the christian army to the turk. thomas de la marche, with all the confidence of virtue, boldly denied the charge; it was repeated, and again flung back in the accuser's face; opprobrious epithets were interchanged, and a challenge to mortal combat was given and accepted. the friends of the two knights, dreading the displeasure of the king of cyprus and the king of france, and fearing that the consequences of a duel might be felt among themselves, compelled john de visconti and thomas de la marche to agree to stand to the award which should be determined by the confederates in council. the judgment was, that they should carry letters importing their cause fully and clearly from the said christian princes unto king edward of england, and to submit themselves to be tried by combat before him, as the most worthy and honorable prince in all christendom; they swearing to remain as perfect friends until that time. soon afterwards, they set sail for england, where they arrived in the beginning of september, and forthwith presented unto king edward, in the names of the kings of armenia and cyprus and the rest of the princes and captains of the christians, their letters, which contained a narrative of the whole dispute, and the conclusion, that the matter should be determined by combat before him as their judge. in the presence of the king and his court, sir john de visconti accused sir thomas de la marche of his treasonable intent and purpose, challenging to prove it upon his body, and thereupon flinging down his gauntlet. sir thomas boldly took it up, and accepted the challenge in proof of his innocency. king edward having read the letters, and seriously considered the whole matter, appointed a day for the decision of their quarrel in close field within the lists at his palace of westminster. on the day appointed they met accordingly, armed at all points, on horseback, the king, the prince of wales, and the whole court of england being spectators. presently, upon sound of trumpet, a most gallant combat commenced between the two stranger knights. both their spears were broken into splinters upon each other's shield, yet neither of them was cast from his saddle. instantaneously, and, as it were, by mutual consent, they alighted, and drawing their good swords, renewed the combat on foot, till having with equal valour and discretion fought a considerable while, both their weapons became useless, and they were obliged to come to close grapple, and at length by wrestling both fell locked together, still contending for the victory. it was gained by sir thomas de la marche, by means which, though lawful in the duel, would not have been permitted in the courtly joust and tournament. he had armed the joints of his gauntlet with sharp pricks of steel called gadlings, and he struck them with such force and frequency through the small distant bars of his antagonist's visor, that visconti was compelled to call for mercy. the king thereupon threw down his warder, the marshal cried ho! and the combat ceased. edward adjudged the victory to the frenchman, declaring that the vanquished was at his mercy, agreeably to the laws of arms.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: chivalric heroes of edward's time.] the court of edward and his son was as chivalric as that of arthur, and of much more interesting contemplation, from the pleasure of finding that the beauties of the chivalric character were not imaginary. if the round table boasted its sir tristram and its sir launcelot of the lake, the order of the garter possessed its sir walter manny and its sir john chandos, whose lives were so brilliant and glorious that the golden age of chivalry seems not like the golden age of nations, a poet's dream. [sidenote: the gestes and prowesses of sir walter manny.] [sidenote: chivalric vow of sir walter.] in the suite of philippa, daughter of the count of hainault, when in the year she came to england to be married to edward iii., was a gentleman of baronial rank, named walter of manny[ ]; and it was not thought that he lost any quality of his birth by serving at her table as her carver.[ ] he had been educated as a cavalier, and his military accomplishments were soon noticed by edward.[ ] he was knighted, and the ceremony was splendid, the dresses being selected from the royal wardrobe.[ ] when the chance of a war with france was freely talked of in london, and every man's mind was filled with hopes of honor, sir walter vowed before dames and lords of the court, that he would be the first knight to enter the enemy's territory[ ], and win either town or castle, and do some deeds of arms. he then went to flanders, and on the defiances being declared between the french and english nations, he got together about forty spears, and, by riding through brabant night and day, he soon reached hainault. mortaigne was, he heard, in the realm of france; and passing with the utmost speed through the wood of blaton, he arrived at the wished for town before the sun arose, and by good chance he found the wicket of the gate open. leaving a few of his company to keep the entrance, he went into the high street with his pennon before him, and reached the castle. he was then espied by the watch, who blew his horn, and shouted "treason, treason!" it would have been the extreme of rashness for such a little troop as that of sir walter to have attempted to storm the castle. they therefore contented themselves with setting fire to some houses, and then quitted the town; and thus that noble and gentle knight sir walter manny performed the vow which he had made to the dames and lords of england.[ ] [sidenote: he fights for the love of his lady.] afterwards, (in the year ,) being high in favour with edward, he was sent into brittany, with a proud display of knights and archers, to aid the countess of mountfort, at that time besieged in her castle by the french. he was not long before he made a sally on the enemy, and with such effect, that he destroyed all their great engines of assault. the french knights, not anticipating so bold a measure, lay at some distance from their machines; but they soon advanced in formidable numbers. the english and bretons retreated, however, fairly and easily, though the french pursued them with infuriate violence. it would not have been knightly for sir walter to have left the field without having right valiantly acquitted himself; and he exclaimed, "let me never be beloved by my lady, unless i have a course with one of these followers."[ ] he then set his spear in its rest, and so did many of his companions. they ran at the first comers. then legs were seen turned upwards, knights were taken and rescued, and many rare deeds of arms were done by both parties. afterwards the english slowly retired to the castle, and the french to their tents.[ ] [sidenote: his rescue of two brother-knights.] sir walter, in all his measures of succour to the countess of brittany, showed himself one of the prowest knights of the age; but no act of his valor was so interesting as his rescue of two brother-knights, whom an uncourteous cavalier, called sir loyes of spain, had condemned to death.[ ] sir walter said to his companions, "it would be great honor for us if we could deliver out of danger yonder two knights; and even if we should fail when we put it in adventure, yet king edward, our master, will thank us, and so will all other noble men. at least, it shall be said, how we did our utmost. a man should peril his body to save the lives of two such valiant knights." so generous an emprise was willingly undertaken: the greatest part of his force attacked the enemy's camp, while sir walter himself, with a chosen band, went round to the quarter where, by the custom of war, the prisoners were kept. he found there the two knights, and he immediately set them upon good steeds, which he had brought with him for their use, and, shaking them by the hand, he made them gallop to a place of safety.[ ]--the object of his expedition into france, namely, the succour of the countess of montfort, being accomplished[ ], sir walter recrossed the seas, and went to london. [sidenote: instance of his joyous adventurousness.] in the year he was dispatched into gascony with the earl of derby and lancaster, the earl of pembroke, and other noble peers of england, as one of the marshals of the host. manny inspired and directed every enterprise. from the reports of his spies regarding bergerac, he thought the place was pregnable. being one day at dinner with the earl of derby, he exclaimed, with a cup of rich gascon wine in his hand, "if we were good men-of-arms, we should drink this evening with the french lords in bergerac." this bold and manly sentiment was loudly applauded by his brother-knights: tables and benches were overthrown in their haste to quit the hall and don their harness, and in a few moments they bestrode their noble steeds. the earl of derby was right joyous at the sight of the gallant assemblage, and crying, "let us ride to our enemies in the name of god and saint george," banners were displayed, and the english cavaliers urged their horses to speed. they soon reached the fortress of bergerac. the pleasant wish of sir walter was not realised; for night closed upon the combatants, without their drinking the wines of gascony together. all the next day was spent, likewise, in manoeuvres, and in jousts _à l'outrance_, and in the evening the french men-at-arms stole away from bergerac. the common people sent their submissions to the earl of derby, who saying, "he that mercy desireth mercy ought to have," made them swear faith and homage to the king of england.[ ] [sidenote: his gallantry before auberoche.] no circumstance in this war was of more importance than the relief of the castle of auberoche, then beleaguered by the french. the earl of derby had with him only three hundred spears, and six hundred archers, the rest of his force being dispersed over the country. the french could count about ten or twelve thousand; but the english, undismayed by numbers, thought it was a great disgrace to abandon their friends in auberoche. the earl of derby and his knights were then in a wood, two little leagues from auberoche; and while waiting for the earl of pembroke, they left their horses to pasture. while they were loitering in the fields, in this state of restlessness, sir walter manny said to his companions, "let us leap on our horses, and wend our way under the covert of this wood till we arrive at the side which joins the frenchmen's host; and then let us put our spurs into our horses, and cry our cries. our enemy will then be at supper, and, not expecting us, you shall see them so discomfited, that they shall not be able to preserve any array." a scheme so adventurous was readily embraced: every man mounted his horse; and the troop coasted the wood till they came near the french, who were going to supper, and some, indeed, were already seated at the tables. the scene of festivity was broken up when the english displayed their banners and pennons, and dashed their spurs into their horses, and raising the cry, "a derby, a derby!" rushed among them, overthrowing tents and pavilions. when the french recovered from their astonishment, they mounted their steeds, and rode into the field in military array; but there they found the english archers ready to receive them, and those bold yeomen shot so fiercely that they slew many men and horses. on the other side of the castle there was a noble display of french chivalry; and the englishmen, having overcome those who were near the tents, dashed boldly among them. many noble deeds of arms were done, knights were taken and rescued, and the english cause triumphed; for the knights of the castle had armed themselves, and now issued forth, and rushed into the thickest of the press. then the englishmen entered into auberoche; and the earl of derby gave a supper to the earls and viscounts who were prisoners, and to many of the knights and squires, lauding god, at the same time, that a thousand of his own nation had overcome many thousands of their enemies, and had rescued the town of auberoche, and saved their companions that were within, who, in all likelihood, would have been taken within two days. the next morning, at sunrise, the earl of pembroke reached the castle with his company of three hundred spears, and four thousand archers; and his personal chivalry was mortified that so fine a deed of knighthood had been done without him; and he said to the earl of derby, "certainly, cousin, you have shown me great uncourtesy to fight with our enemies without me. you sent for me, and might have been sure i would not fail to come." "fair cousin," quoth the earl of derby, "we greatly desired to have had you with us: we tarried all day till it was far past noon, and when we saw that you did not come, we did not dare to abide any longer; for if our enemies had known of our coming, they would have had great advantage over us, but now we have the advantage over them." the earl of pembroke was well contented with this fair reply, and gallantly fought with his brother noble during the remainder of the war.[ ] [sidenote: his filial piety.] we need not describe sir walter's feats of arms before la reole, besieged by the earl of derby; but when the town surrendered, a little circumstance occurred beautifully illustrative of the character of our knight. his father had been murdered near that place, as he was making a pilgrimage to the shrine of st. james, in spain, and had been buried in a little chapel in the field which then was without the town of la reole, but was inclosed within the walls when the earl of derby conquered it. sir walter enquired if there was any one who could show him his father's tomb, offering an hundred crowns for his knowlege and labour. a man, grey and bent with age, went to the knight and declared, "sir, i think i can bring you near the place where your father was buried." manny then, in his joy at the promise, answered, "if your words be true, i will keep covenant, and more." the townsman led him to the place of sepulture; and they found a little tomb of marble which the servants of the deceased pilgrim had respectfully lain over him. the old man, pointing to it, exclaimed, "sir, under that tomb lies your father." then the lord of manny read the scripture on the tomb, which was in latin[ ]; and finding that his guide had declared the truth, he gave him his reward. he afterwards caused the bones of his father to be taken up, and removed to valenciennes, in the county of hainault. there his obsequies were right sacredly performed: the helmet, the sword, the gauntlet, the spurs, and the tabard, were hung over his grave, and as long as the family of manny lived in that country, sad and solemn priests yearly chanted masses for his soul.[ ] [sidenote: story of chivalric manners.] sir walter so manfully defended the castle of aguillon, that the duke of normandy was compelled to raise the siege. the battle of cressy had just been fought, and our knight was anxious to visit his sovereign, edward. he fell into communication with a cavalier of normandy, who was his prisoner, and demanded of him what money he would pay for his ransom. the knight answered, he would gladly give three thousand crowns. "well," quoth sir walter, "i surely know that you are a kinsman to the duke of normandy, and so warmly beloved by him, that, were i to press you, i wot in sooth he would gladly pay ten thousand crowns; but i shall deal otherwise with you. you shall go to the duke, your lord, upon your faith and promise, and get a safe-conduct for myself and twenty of my companions to ride through france to calais, paying courteously for all our expences; and if you can procure this from the duke, or the king, i will willingly remit your ransom, for i greatly desire to see the king my master. if you cannot do this, return hither in a month, and consider yourself as my prisoner." the knight was well contented, and went to paris to the duke, his lord; and having obtained the passport, he returned with it to sir walter, who acquitted him of his ransom. manny commenced his journey, and proceeded safely till he reached orleans, where he was seized by the officers of the king of france and taken to paris. this circumstance was reported to the duke of normandy, who went to the king, his father, and entreated him, for the honour of chivalry, to release sir walter. he was for a long while inexorable, for he wished to destroy him whom he called his greatest foe; but, at last, good counsel prevailed with him, and manny was delivered out of prison. he dined with the french monarch, who deported himself with knightly generosity. he entertained the englishman right nobly, and gave him a distinguished seat on the dais. he also presented to him jewels to the value of a thousand florins; which sir walter received, only upon the condition of having liberty to return them, if his master, the king of england, did not approve of his retaining them; and the french king declared that he spoke like a noble knight. sir walter then recommenced his journey, and soon reached calais. edward welcomed him; but when he heard of the presents, he said, "sir walter, you have hitherto truly served us, and shall continue to do so, we trust. return the gifts to king philip; you have no cause to keep them: thank god! we have enough for ourselves and for you; and we intend to do much good to you for the service you have rendered us." sir walter immediately gave those jewels to a cousin of his, named sir mansac, and said, "ride into france, to the king, and commend me to him, and say, that i thank him a thousand times for his gift; but as it is not the pleasure of the king my master that i should keep it, i send it to him again." sir mansac, therefore, rode to paris, and had his royal audience. the king would not accept the jewels, but pressed them upon the knight, who, less conscientious than his cousin, thanked his grace, and was not disposed to say nay.[ ] [sidenote: the gentle disposition of manny.] sir walter remained with his sovereign during the memorable siege of calais; and when the inhabitants proposed to capitulate, it was his counsel that swayed with edward to offer mercy to the town, on the surrender of six of its chief burgesses, instead of requiring general submission. though eustace de st. pierre and his noble companions were saved by the tears and entreaties of philippa, yet it was that gentle knight, sir walter manny, who first endeavoured to turn aside the fierce wrath of the king. "noble sir," said he, "refrain your courage. you have the reputation of nobleness; therefore do not any thing that can blemish your renown. every man will say it is great cruelty to put to death such honest persons, who, from their own noble feelings, to save their companions, have placed themselves in your power."[ ] [sidenote: his importance at edward's court.] sir walter lost nothing of edward's consideration by this contradiction of his humour. but he continued in such favour, that he was permitted to marry a lady related to the royal family[ ]: he was invested with the garter; and was summoned to parliament among the barons of england, from the twenty-first to the forty-fourth year of edward's reign.[ ] he was among the english lords who signed the treaty of bretigny in the year ; and i regret that he was one of edward's council who advised the sending of succours to the black prince, when he was about to assist peter the cruel. it is more pleasing to contemplate our cavalier on the battle-plain than in the hall of deliberation. he was, to the height, a sage and imaginative soldier; skilful as well as brave in battle. [sidenote: his remarkable sagacity.] when the war between england and france was renewed, in the year , the duke of lancaster (late earl of derby) prevented the duke of burgundy's descent upon the english shores, by landing a small army at calais, and ravaging the country near boulogne. the duke of burgundy commanded the heights of tournehem: the english were in the neighbourhood, and a battle was daily expected. it was feared, rather than desired, by the english; for their handful of men were opposed by more than four thousand french knights. the duke of burgundy could not engage without the king's permission; but the policy of charles forbad a battle, and the duke then desired leave to retire: the king consented. one night, fires were lighted, and there was an unwonted stir amidst the french camp. such of the english as were near it were rouzed from sleep. they awoke the lord robert namur, who immediately armed himself, and, preceded by a man bearing his banner, went to the tent of the duke of lancaster, who had been already disturbed. the english lords, one by one, drew about the duke, ranging themselves, from the force of habit, fair and softly in battle-order, without any noise or light, and placing the archers in such a form as to be ready to receive an attack by the french. no attack was, however, made; and, after waiting two hours, the duke consulted with his lords. it was the sage opinion of manny that the french had fled, and he advised lancaster to pursue them. but the duke declined this course; for he said he never could believe that so many valiant men-of-arms and noble knights would so shamefully depart. as soon as morning arose, it was discovered, however, that the french camp was deserted; and the duke of lancaster repented that he had not followed the counsel of his experienced friend. [sidenote: his liberality.] such was sir walter manny; gallant, hardy, adventurous, and sage. something still was wanting to the beautiful perfection of his character; for courtesy to the ladies, and bravery and skill in the field, did not of themselves constitute the preux chevalier. liberality was the graceful ornament of the knightly character; and the charitable annals of the city of london place this crown on the brow of our noble representative of english chivalry. during a plague in england, in the year , london and its vicinity were the chief places of suffering; and as no church-yard could contain the victims, the bishop of london bought a piece of ground called _no man's land_[ ], and consecrated it for burials. in the next year, sir walter manny materially added to the charities of the bishop; for he purchased, and caused to be consecrated to the same object, thirteen acres and one rod of ground adjoining to no man's land, and lying in a place called spittle croft, because it belonged to st. bartholomew's hospital. in the very year of the purchase, the purpose seemed accomplished, for (according to certain charters of edward iii. and an inscription on the cross remaining in stow's time,) fifty thousand people were buried there. sir walter built a chapel in the cemetery; and, in the year , he founded an house of carthusian monks, by the appellation of the salutation of the mother of god, to advance charity, and administer the consolations of religion.[ ] [sidenote: his death in .] [sidenote: buried in the charter-house.] the last circumstance of his tale shall be told in the fitting strain of froissart. "that same season ( ) died the gentle knight, sir walter manny, in the city of london, whereof all the barons of england were right sorry, for the truth and good counsel that they had always seen and heard in him. he was buried, with great solemnity, in the monastery of the charter-house, near london; and at the day of his obsequy there were present the king and all his children, and all the prelates, barons, and knights of england. his possessions, both in england and beyond the sea, fell to the earl of pembroke, who had married the lady anne, his daughter and heir."[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: heroism of sir james audley.] among the flower of edward's chivalry, sir james audley must be mentioned; not, indeed, that a detailed history of his exploits would be interesting; but there was one series of circumstances in his life honourable to his name and the chivalric character, and distinct and peculiar from every thing else in the manners of other ages. immediately before the battle of poictiers sir james said to the black prince, "sir, i have always truly served my lord your father, and you also, and i shall do so as long as i live; and, to prove my disposition, i once made a vow that the first battle wherein either the king, your father, or any of his sons, should be engaged, i would be one of the first setters on, or i would die in the endeavour. therefore, i request your grace, in reward for any service that ever i did to the king your father, or to you, that you would give me licence to depart from you, in order that i may accomplish my vow." the prince accorded to his desire; and, taking him by the hand, exclaimed, "sir james, may god give you this day grace to be the prowest knight of all my host." audley then departed, and set himself in front of the english battles, accompanied only by four squires, who had sworn never to desert him. he was anticipated in his gallant purpose by the lord eustace damberticourt, whose chivalry was inspired by the lady juliana[ ], but he continued in the front of the battle, performing marvels of arms. he lost no valuable moments in taking prisoners, but when he had disarmed one adversary he pressed forwards to another. he was severely hurt, both in the body and in the face; and, at the conclusion of the mêlèe, his four squires took him out of the battle, and, laying him under a hedge, they bound up his wounds. edward soon enquired after the fate of his gallant friend; and sir james, expressing his joy that his prince should think of so poor a knight as he was, called eight of his servants, and made them bear him in a litter to the royal tent. the prince took him in his arms, and, embracing him with true fraternal affection, said, "sir james, i ought greatly to honour you, for your valiantness this day has passed the renown of us all." "sir," answered the knight, with true chivalric modesty, "you say as it pleaseth you. i would it were so; but if i have this day advanced myself to serve you, and to accomplish my vow, no prowess ought to be reputed to me." "sir james," replied the prince, "i and all my knights consider you as the best doer in arms this day; and, in order that you may the better pursue these wars, i retain you for ever as my knight, with five hundred marks of yearly revenue." [sidenote: his generosity.] sir james, after expressing his thanks, was taken back to his tent. he then called the four squires before him, and resigned to them the prince's gift, saying, it was to their valiantness that he owed it. the prince soon heard of this noble action, and, sending for him, enquired why he renounced his kindness. sir james craved pardon for his conduct, but affirmed he could do no otherwise; for his squires had that day several times saved his life, and enabled him to accomplish his vow. edward's nobleness disdained any feeling of personal offence; and, in generous emulation of his friend's liberality, he made in his favour a new grant, more valuable than the former one.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: memoir of sir john chandos.] [sidenote: his gallantry to ladies.] but of all the bold and protruding characters of the court of edward iii., none was more distinguished for the greatness and variety of his exploits than that sage and valiant knight, sir john chandos. he was the descendant of a norman family, attached to william the conqueror, and which had been renowned in every age of its history.[ ] while only a squire, he accompanied edward iii. in his first war in france; and, at the siege of cambray, he amazed the prowest knights by the goodly feats of arms done between him and a squire of vermandois. at the battle of vironfosse, immediately afterwards, he was stationed near the person of his sovereign, and, for his valour on that occasion, he received knighthood from the royal sword.[ ] like his friend, sir walter manny, he was gentle, as well as valiant; and it was chandos that, with another cavalier, saved the ladies of the castle of poys from the brutal assaults of the rabble.[ ] he was in the van, with the black prince, at the battle of cressy; and, at the battle of poictiers, he never quitted his side. [sidenote: amusing instance of the pride of knighthood.] on the day that preceded this last great event an amusing proof occurred of the pride of knighthood, regarding armorial bearings. sir john chandos, on the part of the english, and the lord of claremont for the french, had been reconnoitering the other's forces; and, as they returned to their respective hosts, they met, and were mutually astonished that each bore the same armorial emblem. the lord of claremont exclaimed, "chandos, how long have you taken on you to bear my device?" "nay, you bear mine," replied the english knight; "for it is mine as well as yours." "i deny that" observed the lord of claremont; "and were it not for the truce that this day is between us, i would prove immediately that you have no right to bear my device." "sir," rejoined chandos, with the calmness of truth and bravery, "you shall find me to-morrow ready to prove it is mine, as well as yours." claremont passionately closed the conference by saying, "these are common words of you englishmen; for you can invent nothing new; but you take for your own whatever you see handsome belonging to others."[ ] [sidenote: the importance of his counsel at poictiers.] at the battle of poictiers the counsel of chandos was important to the fate of the day: for when the english archers had thrown the french into confusion, he said to the black prince, "sir, take your horse and ride forth; this day is yours. let us press forwards to the french king's battle, for there lies the stress of the matter. i think, verily, by his valiantness, he will not fly. i trust, by the grace of god and st. george, that we shall take him; and, sir, i heard you say that this day i should see you a good knight." it was this advice which guided the courage of edward, and the victory was england's. [sidenote: his exploits in brittany,] nothing remarkable is related of chandos for nine years after the battle of poictiers. in he was the hero and counsellor of the earl of mountfort in his war with the earl of blois. mountfort took no measures which were not of his suggestion, or met not with his judgment. chandos was a valiant as well as a sage knight; for at the battle of auray his mighty curtal-axe battered many a helm of the french. the fate of this battle fixed his friend of mountfort in the dukedom of britany; and in the opinion of the french lords, knights, and squires, the victory had been gained by the skill and high prowess of chandos.[ ] [sidenote: and in spain.] he was seneschal of aquitain, and of all those countries secured to the english by the treaty of bretigny. together with sir thomas phelton, he was summoned into angouleme to advise the black prince regarding the affairs of spain. the deposed king had arrived at bourdeaux; and edward, resolving to assist him, sought to fortify his determination by the judgment of his friends. chandos and his counsel earnestly endeavoured to change his resolve. when, indeed, no considerations could shake the purpose of the black prince, our knight accompanied him into spain, his duties to his liege lord demanding his military service. [sidenote: is made a knight banneret.] before the battle of navaret he took the rank and title of knight banneret. when the sun arose on that memorable day, it was a great beauty to behold the battles or divisions of the black prince's army and their brilliant harness glittering with its beams. the hostile forces slowly approached each other. edward with a brief train of knights ascended a small hill, and clearly saw their enemy marching straight towards them. the prince was then followed by his army; and when they had reached the other side of the hill they formed themselves in dense array, and each man buckled on anew his armour and dressed his spear. sir john chandos advanced in front of the battles with his banner uncased in his hand. he presented it to the prince, saying, "sir, behold, here is my banner. i require you to display it abroad, and give me leave this day to raise it, for, sir, i thank god and you, i possess land and heritage sufficient to maintain it withal." the prince and king peter took between their hands the banner, which was blazoned with a sharp stake gules, on a field argent, and after having cut off the end to make it square they spread it abroad; and the prince delivered it to chandos, saying, "sir john, behold your banner, and god send you joy, and honor, and strength, to preserve it!" chandos bowed, and after thanking the prince, he went back to his own company, and said, "sirs, behold my banner and yours, keep it as your own." they took it and were right joyful thereof, declaring that, by the pleasure of god and st. george, they would keep and defend it to the utmost of their power. the banner was then placed in the hands of a worthy english squire, called william allestry, who bore it that day, and acquitted himself right nobly. in that battle, chandos counselled the duke of lancaster as sagely as at the battle of poictiers he had counselled edward. he performed also wonders in arms, for he was a great and mighty knight, and well formed of all his limbs; but he adventured himself so far that he was closed in among his enemies, and at length pressed to the earth. a spaniard of gigantic stature fell upon him with dreadful force; but sir john drew a knife from his bosom, which he recollected he had about him, and struck his foeman so fiercely in the back and on the sides, that he wounded him to death as he lay on him. sir john turned him over, and rose quickly on his feet, and his men-at-arms at that time joined him, they having with much difficulty broken through the press when they saw him felled.[ ] [sidenote: quits the black prince;] [sidenote: but returns.] chandos had not succeeded in dissuading the prince of wales from his spanish war, and he failed also in withdrawing him from the more fatal project of taxing, beyond usage, his french dominions. finding him resolved in his purpose, and not wishing to bear any blame or reproach about the matter, sir john took his leave of the prince, and made his excuse to go into normandy to visit the land of st. saviour le viscount, whereof he was lord, for he had not been there for several years. when the war so fatal to england's power in france broke out, the black prince wrote to chandos to join him without delay. sir john immediately went to angouleme, and his liege lord joyfully received him. he was made seneschal of poictou at the request of the barons and knights of that country. [sidenote: the remarkable generousness of his conduct to lord pembroke.] his deeds of arms equalled his former fame; but it was his chivalric generosity that was most striking, and the circumstances which accompanied the appearance of that feature of his character are very interesting. he wished the earl of pembroke, who was in garrison at mortaygne, to accompany him in an enterprise into the french territory. the earl was well content to have ridden forth; but some of the knights of his counsel broke his purpose, and said, "sir, you are but young, and your nobleness is to come; and if you put yourself into the company of sir john chandos, he shall have the reputation and voice of it, for you will be regarded only as his companion; therefore, sir, it is better for you, since you are a great lord, that you perform your enterprises by yourself, and let sir john chandos perform his; for in comparison with your estate, he is but a knight bachelor." the earl of pembroke accordingly excused himself; and sir john chandos, unaided by him, went into anjou, accompanied by three hundred spears of knights and squires, and two hundred archers. he achieved all his emprises; and hearing at last that sir louis of sancerre, the marshal of france, with a great number of men of war, was at hay in touraine, he wished to cope with him; but as his own force was inadequate to so great an exploit, he sent word of his intention to the earl of pembroke, desiring him to repair with his soldiers to chatelterault. chandos the herald took the message; but the earl by counsel of his knights again refused. the herald repaired to sir john at chatelterault, and the enterprise was broken up in consequence of the presumption and pride of the earl of pembroke: chandos gave leave to most of his company to depart, and he himself went to poictiers. some of his men joined the earl of pembroke; who, at the head of three hundred knights and squires, committed great destruction in anjou, and returned with immense booty into poictou. the frenchmen, thinking it a more easy chevisance to discomfit him than sir john chandos, assembled seven hundred soldiers from all the garrisons in the country, and sir louis of sancerre took the command. the earl of pembroke heard nothing of the enemy, and not having the vigilance of sir john chandos he took no pains to enquire. the english were one day reposing in a village called puirenon, in the territory of poictou, when suddenly the frenchmen came into the town, their spears in their rests, crying their cry, "our lady of sancerre, for the marshal of france." the english were dressing their horses, and preparing their suppers, when they were thus unexpectedly assailed. several were killed, all the plunder was retaken, many prisoners were made, and the earl of pembroke and some of his knights and archers saved themselves in a preceptory of the templars. the frenchmen assaulted it gallantly, and it was as gallantly defended, till night put an end to the assault. the english were so severely straitened for provisions, that they knew they must speedily surrender, unless chandos came to their succour. a squire, who professed to know the country, offered to go to sir john, and he accordingly left the fortress when the french had retired to rest. but he soon lost his road, and did not recover it till morning. at day-break the french renewed their assaults, and mounted the walls with pavesses to defend their heads from the missiles of the english. the earl of pembroke and his little band fought so bravely, from morning until noon, that the french were obliged to desist, and to resort to the uncavalierlike mode of worsting their gallant foes by sending to the neighbouring villages for pikes and mattocks, that they might undermine and break down the wall. then the earl of pembroke called a squire to him, and said, "friend, take my courser, and issue out at the back postern, and ride straight to poictiers, and show sir john chandos the state and danger we are in; and recommend me to him by this token," added the earl, taking a ring from his finger: "deliver it to him, for sir john knows it well." the squire took the ring, and immediately mounting his courser, fled through the postern, thinking he should achieve great honor if he could reach sir john chandos. the first squire having lost so much time in the confusion of the night did not arrive at poictiers till nine in the morning. he found sir john at mass; and, in consequence of the importance of his message, he disturbed his devotions. chandos's feelings had been severely offended by the pride and presumption of the earl of pembroke, and he was in no great haste to relieve him. he heard the mass out. the tables were then arranged for the noon repast. the servants, among whom the message of the squire had been bruited, enquired of sir john if he would go to dinner. he replied, "yes; if it were ready." he went into the hall, and knights and squires brought him water. while he was washing, the second squire from the earl of pembroke, pale, weary, and travel-soiled, entered the hall, and knelt before him, and took the ring out of his purse, and said, "right dear sir, the earl of pembroke recommends himself to you by this token, and heartily desires your assistance in relieving him from his present danger at puirenon." chandos took the ring; but instead of calling his friends to arm, he coldly observed, that it would be difficult to assist the earl if the affair were such as the squire had represented it. "let us go to dinner," said he; and accordingly the knights sat down. the first course was eaten in silence, for chandos was thoughtful, and the minds of his friends were not idle. in the middle of the second course, when the generous wine of france had roused his better nature, he started from a reverie, and with a smile of pride and generousness exclaimed, "sirs, the earl of pembroke is a noble man, and of great lineage: he is son of my natural lord the king of england, for he hath married his daughter, and in every thing he is companion to the earl of cambridge. he hath required me to come, to him, and i ought to consent to his desire." then thrusting the table from him, and rising to the full height of his fine martial figure, he cried, "gallant knights, i will ride to puirenon." this noble and generous resolve found an echo in the heart of every one that was present. the trumpets sounded, the knights hastily donned their armour, and saddled the first horses they could meet with; and in a few moments the court-yard glittered with more than two hundred spears. they rode apace towards puirenon; but news of their approach reached the vigilant french in sufficient time for them to abandon the siege, and effect their retreat with their prisoners and booty. the earl of pembroke soon found that the terror of the name of chandos had scared the foe, and he proposed to his companions to ride towards poictiers and meet their deliverers. they accordingly left the village in a right pleasant mood, some on foot, others on horses, and many a gallant steed carried double that day. they had not ridden a league before they met sir john chandos and his company, who much to their regret heard of the retreat of the french. the two parties rode in company for the space of three leagues, holding merry converse on deeds of arms. they then departed, chandos returning to poictiers, and the earl of pembroke to mortaygne.[ ] [sidenote: the last curious circumstances of his life.] our knight's career of glory approached its close. by the treachery of a monk, the abbey of st. salvyn, seven leagues from poictiers, fell into the possession of the french, who all that year, , had been harassing the english territories. chandos was deeply mortified at the loss of the abbey, it being within the scope of his seneschalship. to recover it by chivalric skill, or to bring his enemies to fair and manly battle, seemed equally impossible, and his high spirit was wounded at these insults to his military abilities. on the last day of december he made an unsuccessful attempt to recover the abbey; and when he returned to the town of chauvigny, he dismissed two-thirds of his troops, knights of poictou and england. sir thomas percy, with thirty spears, had his leave to go in quest of adventures. his own mind was too ill at rest for him to indulge in mere chivalric exercises; and after he had wished them good speed he went back into the house full of melancholy thoughts. he would not retire to rest though the night was far advanced; but he remained in the kitchen warming himself by the fire, his servants endeavouring by their jests and tales to banish his uneasiness. before daylight a man with the haste and anxiety of the bearer of news of import came into the house. "the frenchmen are riding abroad," said he to sir john. "how knowest thou that?" "i left st. salvyn with them," was the answer. "which way did they ride?" demanded chandos. "their exact course i wot not," replied his informant; "but i saw them on the high road to poictiers." "what frenchmen?" required sir john. "sir louis of st. julian, and carnot the breton." "well," quoth chandos, "i care not: i have no mind to ride forth to-night: it may happen that they may be encountered, though i am not there." the conversation closed here, but chandos could not dismiss the subject from his mind. he mused upon what he had heard, and hope gradually broke through the gloom of his disappointment. he then told his knights he would ride to poictiers, and they joyfully caparisoned their horses. chandos and forty spears left chauvigny before daylight, and getting into the frenchmen's course, they soon overtook them near the bridge of lusac. they were on foot, preparing to attack sir thomas percy and his little band, who had posted themselves on the other side of the bridge. before the frenchmen and bretons had arranged their plan of assault, they heard the trampling of chandos's war-horses, and turning round they saw his dreadful banner displayed. he approached within three furlongs of the bridge and had a parley with them. he reproached them for their robberies and acts of violence in the country whereof he was seneschal. "it is more than a year and a half," he continued, "that i have set all my aim to find and encounter you, and now, i thank god, i see you and speak to you. it shall soon be known who is prowest, you or i. you have often vaunted your desire to meet me; now you may see me before you.--i am john chandos: regard me well," he thundered in their ears, his countenance darkening as he spoke. at that moment an english squire was struck to the earth by the lance of a breton. the generous nature of chandos was rouzed at this ungallant act; and, in a tone of mingled expostulation and reproof, he cried to his own company, "sirs, how is it that you suffer this squire thus to be slain? a foot, a foot!" he dismounted, and so did all his band, and they advanced against the french. his banner, with the escutcheon above his arms, was carried before him, and some of his men-at-arms surrounded it. chandos missed his steps, for the ground was slippery from the hoar-frost of the morning, and in his impatience for battle he entangled his feet in the folds of his surcoat. he fell just as he reached his enemy; and as he was rising, the lance of a french squire entered his flesh, under the left eye, between the nose and the forehead. chandos could not see to ward off the stroke; for, some years before, he had lost the sight of that eye, while hunting the hart in the country round bourdeaux: unhappily, too, his helmet was without the defence of its vizor. he fell upon the earth, and rolled over two or three times, from the pain of the wound, but he never spoke again. the french endeavoured to seize him; but his uncle, sir edward clifford, bestrode the body, and defended it so valorously, that soon none dared to approach him. [sidenote: grief at his death.] the barons and knights of poictou were conquerors, and when the confusion was hushed, they flocked round their outstretched friend and seneschal. they wept, they wrung their hands, they tore their hair, and gave way to every violent expression of grief. they called him the flower of chivalry, and lamented the hour when the lance was forged which had brought him into peril of death. he heard and understood them well, but was unable to reply. his servants then unarmed him; and, laying him upon a pavesse, or large shield, they bore him gently to the neighbouring fortress of mortimer. he died on the following day; and a cavalier more courteous, and more worthily adorned with noble virtues and high qualities, never adorned the english chivalry. he was, in sooth, as gallant a knight as ever laid lance in rest. the prince of wales, the earl of cambridge, the earl of pembroke, and, indeed, all the english barons and knights then in guienne, lamented his fate, as the loss of all the english dominions in france; and many right noble and valiant knights of france mourned the death of a generous foe, and they wished he had been made prisoner; for they said he was so sage and imaginative that he would have planned a peace between the two nations.[ ] chandos was never married. all the estates which he had won by his valour went to his three sisters. chap. ii. progress of chivalry in great britain, from the reign of richard ii. to that of henry viii. _complaints of the unchivalric state of richard's court ... influence of chivalry on the national character ... scottish chivalry ... chivalric kindness of robert bruce ... mutual chivalry between the scotch and english courts ... french knights' opinions of scottish chivalry ... courtesies between english and scottish knights ... chivalric battle of otterbourn ... hotspur and the douglas ... a cavaleresque story ... reign of henry iv. ... chivalric parley between him and the duke of orleans ... henry's unchivalric conduct at shrewsbury ... henry v. ... knights of the bath ... henry's love of chivalric books ... his chivalric bearing ... commencement of the decline of chivalry ... the civil wars injured chivalry ... caxton's lamentation ... he exaggerates the evil ... many gallant english knights ... character of henry viii. with reference to chivalry ... tournaments in his reign ... field of the cloth of gold ... introduction of italian literature favoured romance ... popularity of chivalric literature ... english knights continued to break lances for ladies' love ... state of scottish chivalry at this period ... james iv. ... chivalric circumstances at flodden field._ in the reign of richard ii. the splendor of england's chivalry was clouded. that monarch had neither spirit nor ambition to recover the possessions which had been wrested from the crown during the illness of his father, the black prince, and the imbecility of his grandfather, edward iii.; for though the war with france nominally continued, yet he gave few occasions for his knights to break their lances with the french. not that england enjoyed a state of perfect peace, but the wars in france and portugal had no brilliant results, for the english knights were no longer guided by the sageness of chandos, or the gallantry of prince edward. [sidenote: complaints of the unchivalric state of richard's court.] england was menaced with invasion by charles vi. of france; but the project died away, and nothing gave greater offence to the people than the want of spirit in the court, in not revenging itself for the insult. a comparison was immediately instituted between the present and the preceding reign. where were those great enterprises, it was asked, which distinguished the days of king edward iii.? where could be found the valiant men who had fought with the prince, his son? in those days england was feared, and was reputed as possessing the flower of christian chivalry; but now no man speaks of her, now there are no wars but such as are made on poor men's purses, and thereto every one is inclined.[ ] [sidenote: influence of chivalry on the national character.] the expensive wars of england with france were productive of mighty consequences to the english constitution. an application for redress of grievances always met the demand of supplies, and public liberty benefitted by the costly ambition of the crown. the wars did not spring from chivalry, and we cannot, therefore, ascribe to that bright source any general political advantages which resulted from them: but chivalry gave the tone to the manner in which they were waged; hers were all the humanities of the contest; hers was, at least, half the distinction (for we must remember the bow was as formidable as the lance) of establishing the glory of the country; of giving her that proud character for martial prowess, which has outlived her brief and feeble tenure of the territorial consequences of victory. richard ii. did not emulate the martial fame of his father. his neglect of the warriors of the former reign was not among the slightest causes of that disaffection which ultimately ruined him. one of the public grievances, as stated to the throne by the house of commons, was that the chivalry of the country had been discountenanced and disgraced, and that the growth of vice had consequently increased.[ ] richard was a voluptuous prince; the splendour of chivalry hung over his court; his tilts and tournaments were unusually magnificent; but the martial and, therefore, the chief spring of knighthood was wanting. a warlike sovereign could have found rich materials among his people for ambitious enterprises. the increasing wealth of the nation, arising from its improving commerce, displayed itself in luxuries; and the aspiring commonalty imitated the chivalric courtesies of the great. it marks the state of manners, that the splendid tapestries of the citizens represented the martial achievements of edward iii.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: scottish chivalry.] the names of the douglas and the percy were so highly distinguished in the fourteenth century, that the reign of richard ii. is a fit place for some notices of northern chivalry. the battle of bannockburn proved that, in gallantry and generosity, the essentials of knighthood, the scots were as noble as the cavaliers of the south; and there was a fine wildness of imagination among the people which was suitable to the romantic genius of chivalry.[ ] but those of scotland's heroes whose lives are known to us were patriots rather than cavaliers, the circumstances of the times in which they lived inflaming them with different passions than those which knighthood could inspire. [sidenote: chivalric kindness of robert bruce.] sometimes, however, the stern virtues of patriotism were graced and softened by chivalric courtesy. perhaps the most pleasing instance of this occurred in the conduct of robert bruce, in the year , when he was assisting his brother, edward bruce, to subjugate ireland; and i will not injure the story by telling it in any other way than in the simple and beautiful strain of the poet: "the king has heard a woman cry, he asked, what that was in hy?[ ] it is the layndar[ ], sir, said ane, that her child-ill[ ] right now has ta'en, and must leave now behind us here, therefore she makes an evil cheer.[ ] the king said, "certes, it were pity that she in that point left should be, for certes, i trow there is no man that he no will rue[ ] a woman than." his hosts all then arrested he, and gert a tent soon stintit[ ] be; and gert her gang in hastily, and other women to be her by. while she was delivered he bade, and syne forth on his ways rade. and how she forth should carried be, or he forth fure[ ] ordained he. this was a full great courtesy, that swilk a king and so mighty, gert his men dwell on this manner, but for a poor lavender."[ ] the bruce, book xi. l. . at the court of the scottish kings, knighthood was always regarded as a distinction worthy of the highest ambition. its objects were the same as in other countries,--the defence of the church, protection of the helpless, and generosity to woman. the form of the chivalric oath has been preserved, and it presents us with a curious picture of ancient manners: . i shall fortify and defend the christian religion to the uttermost of my power. . i shall be loyal and true to my sovereign lord the king; to all orders of chivalry, and to the noble office of arms. . i shall fortify and defend justice at my power; and that without favour or enmity. . i shall never flee from my sovereign lord the king; nor from his lieutenants, in time of affray or battle. . i shall defend my native land from all aliens and strangers. . i shall defend the just action and quarrel of all ladies of honour, of all true and friendless widows, of orphans, and of maidens of good fame. . i shall do diligence, wheresoever i hear that there are any murderers, traitors, or masterful robbers, who oppress the king's lieges and poor people, to bring them to the law at my power. . i shall maintain and uphold the noble state of chivalry, with horse, armour, and other knightly habiliments, and shall help and succour those of the same order, at my power, if they have need. . i shall enquire and seek to have the knowledge and understanding of all the articles and points contained in the book of chivalry. all these promises to observe, keep, and fulfil, i oblige myself: so help me god by my own hand, and by god himself.[ ] [sidenote: mutual chivalry between the scotch and english courts.] chivalric honours formed sometimes a bond of connection between the scottish and the english sovereigns. when prince henry (afterwards king henry ii.) arrived at the age of sixteen years, his father geoffry sent him through england with a numerous and splendid retinue into scotland, to receive the honour of knighthood from his mother's uncle, king david. the ceremony was performed with great pomp, in the midst of a prodigious concourse of the english, scottish, and norman nobility; and the prince spent about eight months in the court of scotland, perfecting himself in military exercises.[ ] a few years afterwards chivalric honors were conferred by henry ii. of england upon malcolm ii. but the granting of knighthood was not regarded as a matter of mere courtesy. when the kings met at carlisle, in , the previous cession of the northern provinces by malcolm to henry gave rise to such heats and feuds, that the scottish monarch departed without receiving the honour he desired. in the next year, however, henry, by excellent address, persuaded malcolm to accompany him to france for the recovery of tholouse, which he claimed as part of the inheritance of eleanor his queen; and the honor which henry had refused in the last year to give him at carlisle, he now conferred upon him at tours in france, in the course of his return from the tholouse expedition.[ ] in when king alexander iii. repaired from scotland to york to be married to the princess margaret, daughter of henry iii. of england, the ceremonies of chivalry preceded those of marriage. alexander received the ensigns of knighthood from the king of england on christmas day, and the hand of his bride on the following morning.[ ] tournaments were occasionally held at the scottish court, and strangers were courteously received.[ ] knights from scotland are frequently mentioned in the old chronicles as having won the prize in the chivalric festivals in france and england. in the wars of the scots with edward iii. no circumstances of a character peculiarly knightly can be selected; and in the intervals of truce chivalry could not, as in the wars between england and france, give the guise of friendship to occasional intercourse. in the year , a time of peace, edward passed some time in scotland. tournaments and jousts formed the occupation of the strangers and the natives; but neither party regarded the gentle rules of the tourney, and two scottish knights and one english knight were killed.[ ] [sidenote: french knights' opinions of scottish chivalry.] nothing could contribute more powerfully to the advancement of chivalry in the north than the frequent intercourse between the scots and the french. the latter people, however, would not always acknowlege the chivalric character of their allies. in the year , a troop of french knights joined the scottish king; and they soon were grieved that they had ever left their own country. they complained to their leader sir john of vienne of their unhappy lot. they had no tapestried halls and goodly castles as in france; and instead of soft beds their couches were as hard as the ground. sir john was a true son of chivalry; and he said to them, "sirs, it behoves us to suffer a little, and to speak fair since we are in the perils of war. let us take in cheerfulness that which we find. we cannot always be at paris, dijon, beaune, or at chalons. it behoveth them that live in the world thinking to have honour, to suffer poverty as well as to enjoy wealth." the reader of english history remembers that richard ii. invaded scotland; that at the same time the scots ravaged cumberland and westmorland; and that each army boasted that the destruction it had committed was fully as dreadful as the havoc made by the other. it is more curious to notice the trait of manners which general historians have altogether omitted, that when the french knights returned home, they complained that they had never passed through so painful an enterprise. not that they regarded the perilous mêlée, but it was because they returned without horse or harness, poor and feeble. they wished that the french king, would unite with the english king, and go into scotland and destroy that realm for ever. the scots were an evil people, traitors, and altogether foolish in feats of war.[ ] english knights always more rejoiced when the trumpet summoned them to france than to scotland. the rich wines, the fine country, the superior chivalry of the french were preferred before the poverty and bleakness of the north. when the english knights went to scotland they were obliged to carry provisions with them; and also horses' shoes and harness, the country not furnishing iron or leather.[ ] [sidenote: courtesies between english and scottish knights.] the wars between england and scotland, though fierce and sanguinary, admitted the display of the liberal feelings of chivalry. "englishmen on the one party, and scots on the other," says froissart, "are good men of war; for when they meet there is a hard fight without sparing. there is no pause between them as long as spears, swords, axes, or daggers will endure. when one party hath obtained the victory, they then glorify so in their deeds of arms and are so joyful, that such as are taken are ransomed ere they go out of the field; so that shortly each of them is so content with the other, that at their departing they will say courteously, god thank you."[ ] [sidenote: chivalric battle of otterbourn, st july, .] these remarks of froissart, so interesting because so characteristic of manners, prelude the most chivalric battle that ever was fought between scotland and england. other battles were decided either by the bow or by that general military skill which was not peculiar to chivalry; but the battle of otterbourn was a knightly mêlée, and was as truly chivalric as an encounter of cavaliers in the tournament. in the reign of richard ii. of england, and a few years after the circumstances in his time already alluded to, the scots commanded by james earl douglas, taking advantage of the troubles between the king and his parliament, poured upon the south. when they were sated with plunder and destruction, they rested at newcastle, near the english force which the earl of northumberland and other border-chieftains had hastily levied. [sidenote: hotspur and the douglas.] the earl's two sons were young and lusty knights, and ever foremost at the barriers to skirmish. many proper feats of arms were done and achieved. the fighting was hand to hand. the noblest encounter was that which occurred between the earl douglas and sir henry percy, surnamed hotspur.[ ] the scot won the pennon of his foeman; and in the triumph of his victory he exclaimed that he would carry it to scotland, and set it on high on his castle of dalkeith, that it might be seen afar off. percy indignantly replied, that douglas should not pass the border without being met in a manner which would give him no cause for boasting. with equal spirit the earl douglas invited him that night to his lodging to seek for his pennon. the scots then retired, and kept careful watch, lest the taunts of their leader should urge the englishmen to make an attack. percy's spirit burned to efface his reproach, but he was counselled into calmness. the scots then dislodged, seemingly resolved to return with all haste to their own country. but otterbourn arrested their steps. the castle resisted the assault; and the capture of it would have been of such little value to them that most of the scotch knights wished that the enterprise should be abandoned. douglas commanded, however, that the assault should be persevered in, and he was entirely influenced by his chivalric feelings. he contended that the very difficulty of the enterprise was the reason of undertaking it; and he wished not to be too far from sir henry percy, lest that gallant knight should not be able to do his devoir in redeeming his pledge of winning the pennon of his arms again. hotspur was not altogether that impatient spirit which poetry has described him. he longed, indeed, to follow the douglas, and redeem his badge of honor; but the sage knights of the country, and such as were well expert in arms, spoke against his opinion, and said to him, "sir, there fortuneth in war oftentimes many losses. if the earl of douglas has won your pennon, he bought it dear, for he came to the gate to seek it, and was well beaten: another day you shall win as much of him and more. sir, we say this because we know well that all the power of scotland is abroad in the fields; and if we issue forth and are not strong enough to fight with them, (and perchance they have made this skirmish with us to draw us out of the town,) they may soon enclose us, and do with us what they will. it is better to lose a pennon than two or three hundred knights and squires, and put all the country to adventure." by such words as these hotspur and his brother were refrained from their purpose; for like sage and imaginative knights they would do nothing against counsel. soon afterwards it was discovered that the whole amount of the scottish force did not exceed three thousand men. hotspur's heart leapt for joy at the prospect of glory which this news opened to him; and, like a true son of chivalry, he cried to his friends; "sirs, let us spring upon our horses, for by the faith i owe unto god, and to my lord my father, i will go and seek my pennon, and dislodge the scots this same night." incontinently knights and squires donned their helms and cuirasses, and vaulted on their war-steeds. they rode more than apace to otterbourn, and reached the scottish camp by night. they far outnumbered their foemen, but the numerical was not the physical strength, for the english were forespent with travel, while the scots were fresh and well rested. the hostile banners waved in the night-breeze, and the bright moon, which had been more wont to look upon the loves than the wars of chivalry, lighted up the scottish camp. a battle ensued of as valiant a character as any recorded in the pages of history; for there was neither knight nor squire but that did his devoir and fought hand to hand. the english dashed upon their foemen with such spirit, that their charge would have been irresistible, if douglas, who was of great heart and high of enterprise, had not taken his axe in both his hands, and supported his retreating band. at length he was encountered by three spears at once, and borne perforce to the earth. one of his companions, a gallant knight, and a chaplain who fought on that occasion like a valiant man of arms with a good axe in his hands, skirmished about the earl as he lay, and kept the press from him.[ ] when it was known that douglas had fallen, some of his knights ran with breathless anxiety to the spot and asked him how he sped. "right evil, cousins," quoth the earl; "but, thank god, very few of my ancestors have died in their beds. but i require you to avenge my death, for i feel my heart fainting within me. raise my banner, but do not declare my case to any one; for my enemies would rejoice, and my friends be discomforted, to hear that i had been wounded to death." in a moment the proud ensign of his chivalry waved once again over the scottish knights, and each gallant man-at-arms cheered his companion's heart by crying the war-cry of the douglas. the percys were made prisoners, hotspur[ ] by the earl montgomery, and sir ralph by sir john maxwell. finally, the scottish chivalry prevailed, and they remained masters of the field.[ ] nothing could be more gallant than the demeanor of the scots. they wished to take alive thomas felton, an english squire, whose valour excited their admiration; but, like a true hero, he submitted to be slain rather than to be vanquished. the scots, when the englishmen yielded, were courteous, and set them to their ransom; and every man said to his prisoner, "sir, go and unarm you, and take your ease;" and they lived together as if they had been brethren. [sidenote: a chivalric story.] among the circumstances connected with the battle, none is more interesting than this:--when the fate of the night was decided, sir matthew redman, an englishman, and governor of berwick, spurred his horse from the field, but was hotly pursued by the scottish knight, sir james lindsay, and he could not escape, for his panting charger fell under him. lindsay dismounted, and the two knights fought well and chivalrously, the scotsman with his axe (the favorite weapon of the nation), and the english knight with his sword. the axe prevailed, and redman surrendered himself, rescue or no rescue. he wished to go to newcastle, and his master (for such, as we have often seen, was the title of a knight who held another captive,) permitted him to depart, on his pledging his word of chivalry, that within three weeks he would meet him at edinburgh. the knights then separated; but as lindsay was returning to the scottish host, priding himself on his success, he was surrounded by the bishop of durham and a numerous troop. some hours before, they had marched purposely to the succour of percy; but the clangour of the mêlée had terrified them into a retreat. they possessed sufficient bravery, however, to take a single and battle-worn knight. he was led to newcastle, where he met sir matthew redman; and these two gallant cavaliers dined right merrily together, and, after quaffing many a cup of rich wine, to the honour and health of their mistresses, they arranged with the bishop the conditions of each other's liberation.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: reign of henry iv. chivalric parley between him and the duke of orleans.] the reign of henry iv. of england was not altogether void of chivalric interest. while duke of lancaster he had chosen louis, duke of orleans, for his brother in chivalry. each had promised to the other that they would live in the warmest affection of true friendship. each vowed to be a friend and well-wisher to the friends and well-wishers of the other, and an enemy to his enemies, as became the honour and reputation of both; and that at all times, and in all places, they would by words and deeds assist each other in the defence of his person, honour, and estate. these chivalric engagements between the two dukes had been made known to the world in an instrument called a letter of alliance, dated the th of june, . the friendship lasted during the remainder of the reign of richard ii.; but the deposition of that monarch was so odious a circumstance, in the eyes of the court of france, the daughter of whose sovereign richard had married, that although no open rupture of the existing truce between the two nations took place, yet many high-spirited french noblemen made private war upon the english king. the duke of orleans, his sworn brother in arms, challenged henry iv. to meet him at any place he chose in france, each of them being accompanied by one hundred knights and squires, of name and arms without reproach, and to combat together till one of the parties should surrender. henry declined the challenge, alleging, as his reasons, the public truce between the two countries, to which the duke of orleans was a party, and the particular treaty of alliance between themselves. that treaty, however, he now annulled, and threw aside thenceforth all love and affection towards the duke. he declared that it would be unworthy of his high rank to accept the challenge of any one of inferior dignity to himself, nor had any of his royal progenitors ever employed his arms with one hundred or more persons, in such a cause: but whenever he should think it convenient to visit his possessions on the french side of the sea, accompanied by such numbers of persons as he thought proper, the duke of orleans might assemble as many persons as he should judge expedient, to acquire honour in the accomplishing of all his courageous desires; and he should not depart without being satisfied in a combat between themselves; which mode of terminating their dispute was preferable to any other that might occasion the effusion of more christian blood. the duke of orleans replied that the public truce had been violated by henry himself, when he made war upon richard the ally of france. with respect to the articles of friendship between themselves, the allies of the king of france had been excepted from their provisions, and therefore either party was left to his choice of conduct regarding the deportment of the other to any of their allies. on the subject of a remark of henry that no knight of whatever rank he might be, ought to request a deed of arms, until he should have returned any articles of alliance that might exist between himself and the challenged person, louis satirically enquired whether henry had rendered to his lord, king richard, the oath of fidelity he had made to him, before he had proceeded in the manner he had done against his person. the duke insinuated that richard's death had been compassed by henry, and then enquired how the king could suffer that noble lady, the queen of england, to return to france so desolate after the death of her husband, despoiled of her portion and dower. the man who sought to gain honour was always the defender and guardian of the rights of widows and damsels of virtuous life, such as the niece of the duke of orleans was known to lead; and as he was so nearly related to her, acquitting himself towards god and towards her as a relation, he replied, that to avoid effusion of blood he would cheerfully meet him in single combat. in reply to this letter henry observed, that when public affairs had called him from france to england, louis had promised him aid, and that therefore the duke could not in justice comment on the late revolution: but that with respect to richard personally, he, henry, now king, denied most warmly and solemnly that his death had been occasioned by his order or consent. he declared it to be false, and said it would be false each time that louis uttered it; and this he was ready to prove, through the grace of god, in personal combat. he repelled the charge of cruelty to isabella; contending that, on the contrary, he had ever shown kindness and friendship to her, and wishing that louis had never acted with greater rigour, unkindness, or cruelty towards any lady or damsel than he had done to her. but the proposed combat never took place; nor can it be inferred that either party was very sincere in his challenge, for the ambassadors of henry at the court of france often complained of the conduct of louis, but louis never reiterated his challenge, and no satisfaction was rendered, the king and council waiving the matter entirely, and coldly stating that they would always continue firm to the engagements which they had made with england.[ ] [sidenote: henry's unchivalric conduct at shrewsbury.] in another event, the most important event of his reign, the conduct of henry was most decidedly unchivalric. when at the battle of shrewsbury (july . ,) the banners advanced, and the air was rent with the war-cries "saint george!" and "esperance percy!" the archers on either side drew their tough bow-strings with such murderous energy, that the several lines of knights and men-at-arms with difficulty maintained their ground. in this moment of peril, when the stoutest hearts quailed, the gallant hotspur, and archibald earl douglas[ ], with a small band of brothers in arms, started from their host, and throwing their warlike shields before them, rushed, amidst an iron shower, into the very centre, the best defended part, of the royal army. their battle-axes and good swords made fearful havoc among the king's guards, the standard of england was trodden under foot, and the earl of stafford and that "dear and true industrious friend" of the king, sir robert blunt, who were armed in the royal guise, were slain.[ ] hotspur sought in vain for the king; for when his grace observed the percies sweeping across the field, he had followed the prudent counsel of the earl of dunbar, and changing his armour for that of a common knight, he repaired to another part of the plain. the prince of wales displayed more bravery than his father, and he was wounded while maintaining his position. hotspur now formed his little band into a dense array, and endeavoured to retire to his line of knights. but while he was fighting with all the courage of his high chivalry, a random arrow brought him to the earth. his death was almost instantaneous; and the event was viewed through either army with the various feelings of joy and woe. he had been the inspiring soul of his own host, and his fall was the signal for their dispersion. the character of courage can scarcely be denied to henry iv., but it was not graced by any of the lofty daring of chivalry. an edward would have braved the fiercest danger, he would never have thrown aside the insignia of his rank, and clothing some noble friends in the royal habiliments have left them to perish in his stead. the conduct of henry might have been royal, but it certainly was not chivalric.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: henry v.] [sidenote: knights of the bath.] the glories of chivalry seemed to be revived in the reign of harry monmouth. his coronation was accompanied by a large creation of a class of knights, whose peculiar nature i have not yet expressed. in early ages of english history there seems to have been two descriptions of cavaliers, the knights of the sword, and the knights of the bath. the former were made both in times of war and peace, the latter only at coronations, royal marriages, and other festive occasions. the dubbing with the sword was the simple ceremony of creating knights of the one class; but most of the forms of chivalry were used in the investiture of those of the other: and as the bath was a very remarkable part of the ceremony, and the exhortation to the performance of chivalric duties was delivered to the knight while he was in it, the knights so created were reputed knights of the bath. the knights of the sword, or knights bachelors, were created by the sheriffs of counties, by virtue of letters from the king commanding his officers to knight those persons, who, in consequence of their landed estates, were worthy of the honour; but when the other class was to be enlarged, the king selected a certain number of the young nobility and gentry, and he himself assisted at the ceremony. knights of the bath always took precedence of knights bachelors; and as the superiority of knights of the garter was shown by the circumstance, that on the installation of a knight there was a creation of knights of the bath, so on any other occasion when knights of the bath were made, there was, in honor of the circumstance, a creation of knights of the sword. the exact time when this distinction was first made between knights of the bath and knights of the sword has eluded the investigation of antiquaries, nor does it deserve a lengthened enquiry. it may be marked in the reign of henry iv.[ ], and was probably of earlier origin; and at the coronation of his son this feature of our ancient manners was fully displayed. the king, with a noble and numerous train of lords spiritual and temporal, left his palace at kingston-upon-thames, and rode at a soft pace towards london. he was met and greeted by a countless throng of earls, barons, knights, squires, and other men of landed estate and consideration; and as he approached the city, a solemn procession of its clergy, and a gorgeous train of its merchants and tradesmen, hailed his approach. the king was conducted with every mark of honour to the tower, where about fifty gallant young gentlemen of noble birth were waiting in expectation of receiving the honour of knighthood from the king, on occasion of the august ceremony of his coronation. the sovereign feasted his lords in the tower; and these young candidates for chivalry, in testimony that they should not be compellable at any future time to perform the like service in the habit of esquires, served up the dishes at this royal festival according to the usage of chivalry in england; and immediately after the entertainment they retired to an apartment where dukes, earls, barons, and honourable knights, as their counsellors or directors, instructed them upon their behaviour, when they should become knights of the venerable order of the bath. the young candidates, according to custom, went into the baths prepared severally for them, performing their vigils and the other rites and exercises of chivalric practice. much of the night was passed in watching and prayer, the rest they slept away in rich golden beds. they arose on the first appearance of the next morning's dawn; and, after giving their beds to the domestic servants of the king's household, as their customary fee, they proceeded to hear mass. their devotions concluded, they clad themselves in rich silk mantles, to whose left shoulders were attached a double cordon or strings of white silk, from which white tassels were pendent. this addition to the mantle was not regarded as a decoration, but a badge of gentle shame, which the knight was obliged to wear until some high emprise had been achieved by him. the proud calls of his knighthood were remissible, however, by his lady-love; for a fair and noble damsel could remove this stigma from his shoulder, at her own sweet will; for there were no limits to woman's power in the glorious days of chivalry.[ ] the young soldiers mounted noble war-steeds and rode to the gate of the royal palace, where, dismounting, each of them was supported by two knights, and conducted with all proper marks of honour and respect into the presence of the king, who, sitting in royal magnificence, the throne being surrounded with the great officers of state, promoted them severally to the honour of knighthood. a great festival was then given in their honour, and they were permitted to sit down in their rich silk mantles in the king's presence; but they were not allowed to taste any part of the entertainment; for it was a feature in the simple manners of our ancestors, that new made knights like new made wives ought to be scrupulously modest and abstemious.[ ] after the royal feast was done, the young cavaliers, divesting themselves of their mantles, put on rich robes ornamented with ensigns of dependence on the king. the next day, when the king rode to westminster in much state and solemn order, all these young knights whom he had just honoured with the order of chivalry preceded him, riding with noble chevisance through the middle of the city; and so splendid was their appearance that the spectators (observes the old chronicler) seemed inebriated with joy.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: henry's love of chivalric books.] it is a pleasing and convincing proof of the chivalric spirit of harry monmouth, that he commanded lydgate to translate into english the destruction of troy, in order that the public mind might be restored to its ancient military tone. he wished that the remembrance of the valiant dead should live, that the worthiness and prowess of the old chivalry and true knighthood should be remembered again.[ ] accordingly, the youth of england were on fire, and honour's thought reigned solely in the breast of every man. "they sell the pasture now to buy the horse; following the mirror of all christian kings, with winged heels, as english mercuries. for now sits expectation in the air, and hides a sword, from heels unto the point, with crowns imperial, crowns and coronets, promis'd to harry and his followers."[ ] [sidenote: his chivalric bearing.] certainly the march to calais (after the taking of harfleur) was never exceeded in heroic bravery by any imaginary exploit in romance. the attenuated condition of his army forbad all immediate prosecution of his ambitious aspirations for the french crown; but a direct return to england did not accord with his high and courageous spirit; and, treating the soil of france as if it were his own, he resolved to march to calais. he professed neither desire nor fear to meet his enemies; and he pursued his march with firm and grave steps, openly declaring to the french heralds the destination of his course. political objects were suspended, but he secretly wished to raise the chivalric character of his people; and he had numbers and vigour yet remaining to have a joust to the utterance with his enemies. as at poictiers so at agincourt, the yeomen divided with the knights of england the glory of the conquest: but the battle of agincourt was in itself more heroic, for the english themselves were the assailants, instead of, as in the former battle, waiting the attack. henry's disdain of the wish of having more men from england,--his noble cry, "banners, advance!" when his few thousands were ranged against all the proud chivalry of france,--his rendering himself conspicuous by his crown, his armour, and his splendid tunic,--his knighting some brave welsh soldiers, his personal defenders, even as they lay expiring;--these circumstances, vouched for, as they are, by the most faithful chroniclers, apparently belong to the romance rather than to the history of chivalry. after the battle he was as courteous[ ] to his noble prisoners as the black prince had been on a similar occasion; and there was something very beautiful in his not permitting his battered helmet, with its royal crown, to be exhibited, during the customary show at his public entrance into london.[ ] [sidenote: commencement of the decline of chivalry.] henry v. was the last of our chivalric kings. though he revived the fame of edward iii. and the black prince, yet immediately after his reign the glories of english chivalry began to wane. in our subsequent wars in france, indeed, there were among our nobility many knightly spirits,--the warwicks, the talbots, the suffolks, the salisburys, all worthy to have been the paladins of charlemagne, the knights of arthur's round table. but they went not with the character of the age; they opposed, rather than reflected it. chivalry was no longer a national feature in our wars when there was no sovereign to fan the flame. [sidenote: the civil wars.] [sidenote: caxton's lamentation.] henry vi. was a devotee, and edward iv. a voluptuary. the civil wars in england operated as fatally upon the noble order of knighthood as the civil wars in france had done in that country. in those contests, far fiercer than national hostilities, there was a ruthlessness of spirit that mocked the gentle influences of chivalry. accordingly it was asked, in the time of edward iv., "how many knights are there now in england that have the use and exercise of a knight? that is to say, that he knoweth his horse, and his horse him, ready to a point to have all things that belongeth to a knight; a horse that is according and broken after its kind, his armour and harness meet and fitting."[ ] "i would," continues the father of english printing, "it pleased our sovereign lord that twice or thrice in a year he would cry jousts of peace, to the end that every knight should have horse and harness, and also the use and craft of a knight; and also to tourney, one against one, or two against two, and the best to have a prize, a diamond or jewel. the exercises of chivalry are not used and honoured as they were in ancient time, when the noble acts of the knights of england that used chivalry were renowned through the universal world. o ye knights of england, where is the custom and usage of noble chivalry? what do ye now but go to the bains and play at dice? alas! what do ye but sleep and take ease, and are all disordered from chivalry? leave this, leave it, and read the noble volumes of st. graal, of launcelot, of tristrem, of galaod, of perceval, of perceforest, of gawayn, and many more. there shall ye see manhood, courtesy, and gentilness."[ ] to this testimony of the decline of chivalry must be added the important fact that in people petitioned parliament for liberty to commute by a pecuniary fine the obligation to receive knighthood. this change of manners did not occur, as is generally supposed, in consequence of the use of gunpowder; for during the civil wars in england artillery was seldom and but partially used in the field, and, except at the great battle of tewkesbury, in the year , that arm of power had no effect on the general issue of battles. the cavalry and infantry were arranged in the old system: the lance was the weapon of those of gentle birth, while the bow and the bill were used by people of inferior state. comines, who wrote about the close of the fifteenth century, says, that the archers formed the main strength of a battle.[ ] [sidenote: he exaggerates the evil.] though the civil wars had injured, they had not altogether destroyed the spirit of chivalry. there was yet enough of it remaining among the people to have borne its old shape and appearance, if england had once more been possessed of a black prince or a harry monmouth. but we had no such sovereign; and the increasing use of gunpowder effectually prevented the return of chivalric customs in battle. the feelings of a nation are reflected in its literature; and we find that the taste of the english people was altogether in favour of romances and histories of chivalry, as caxton's various publications prove. the declamation of caxton against the degeneracy of the age, which has been already cited, must not be interpreted literally in all its points. romance writers, like moralists, had before praised the past at the expence of the present times. so early as the thirteenth century, thomas of erceldoune, called the rhymer, had bewailed the depravity of his contemporaries, and had likened the degeneracy of his age to the change which the approaching winter must produce upon the appearance of the fields and groves. "this semly somers day, in winter it is nought sen: this greves (groves), waxen al gray, that in her time were grene; so dos this world i say, y wis and nought at wene; the gode bene al oway, that our elders have bene to abide."[ ] caxton's mind was full of the high interest of chivalry, and it was very natural of him to lament that the same enthusiasm did not warm the hearts of others. but he must have considered the feelings of chivalry as dormant, and not extinct, or he would never have addressed the public in the manner he did at the close of his preface to his edition of the romances relating to arthur and the knights of the round table. he printed the work, he says, "to the intent that noble men may see and learn the noble acts of chivalry, the gentle and virtuous deeds that some knights used in those days, by which they came to honour, and how they that were vicious were punished, and oft put to shame and rebuke, humbly beseeching all noble lords and ladies, with all other estates of what estate or degree they be of, that shall see and read in this said book and work, that they take the good and honest acts in their remembrance, and to follow the same. wherein they shall find many joyous and pleasant histories, and many noble and renowned acts of humanity, gentleness, and chivalry. for herein may be seen noble chivalry, courtesy, humanity, friendliness, hardiness, love, friendship, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue, and sin. do after the good and leave the evil, and it shall bring you to good fame and renommée." [sidenote: many gallant english knights.] his question, how many knights of england were there in england that had the use and exercise of chivalry, could have been answered by many accomplished cavaliers. the king, at the very time when caxton wrote, was giving licences to his subjects to progress into foreign countries, and perform feats of arms; and foreign princes, barons, and knights, came into england, under royal protection, to grace our tilts and tournaments.[ ] every marriage, and other interesting circumstances in the lives of the nobility, was celebrated by knightly shows in honour of arms and of the ladies. [sidenote: character of henry viii. with reference to chivalry.] the forms of chivalry appeared more splendid than before, as chivalry approached its downfall. henry vii., the least warlike of our sovereigns, created knights with remarkable brilliancy of ceremony; and the jousts and tournaments in the days of his son and successor would have graced the best ages of chivalry. but henry viii. had none of the virtues of a true knight, and his conduct to his wives was any thing but chivalric.[ ] he displayed his great strength and activity of person in the tournament, because that amusement was one of english custom, but he would as readily have engaged in any other exercise more strictly gymnastic. he affected, however, to joust from true feelings of knighthood; for he used on these occasions to wear on his head a lady's sleeve full of diamonds. he was as famous for his tournaments as edward iii. had been for his battles. in many of the early years of his reign he was perpetually breaking spears, or fighting at barriers with a two-handed sword, and to his rank, if not to his skill, the prize was generally adjudged. but his skill was sometimes undoubted; for, like the knights of old, he occasionally fought in disguise[ ], and yet conquered; and he encountered, with similar success, men of other countries who, for various reasons of affairs or pleasure, travelled to england. the jousts and tournaments in the days of henry viii. are extremely interesting, as reflecting a state of manners different from those of earlier times. tournaments were no longer simple representations of chivalry, but splendid pageants were united to them. [sidenote: tournaments in his reign.] in june, a solemn tournament was kept at greenwich, the king and sir charles brandon undertaking to abide all comers. to this goodly show the ladies were the first that approached, dressed in white and red silk, and seated upon horses, the colours of whose trappings corresponded with those of the ladies' dresses. a fountain curiously made of russet satin, having eight mouths spouting water, then followed. within this piece of splendour and ingenuity sat a knight armed at all points. the next person in the procession was a lady covered with black silk dropped with fine silver, riding on a courser barded in a similar manner. a knight in a horse-litter then followed. when the fountain arrived at the tilting ground, the ladies rode round the lists, and so did the fountain, and the knight within the litter. two goodly coursers caparisoned for the jousts then were introduced. the two knights left the fountain and the litter and mounted them, the surprised spectators beholding the king and sir charles brandon. the challenge to all comers was then proclaimed by the heralds; and while the trumpets were sounding all the inspiring notes of chivalry, at one end of the lists entered sir thomas knevet in a castle of coal black, and over the castle was written 'the dolorous castle.' the earl of essex, the lord howard, and other knights splendidly attired, then pricked into the lists, and with sir thomas encountered the king and sir charles brandon. the details of the tournament have not been recorded; the chronicler contenting himself with observing, that the king broke most spears, and that the prize fell to his lot.[ ] henry displayed his joy at the birth of his son, prince arthur, by a solemn tournament. the court removed from richmond to westminster. the king himself determined to tourney, and he selected four knights to aid him. he styled himself "cure loial," the lord william earl of devonshire was called "bon voloire," sir thomas knevet, "bon espoir," and sir edward nevill chose for his tourneying name "valiant desire." these four noble spirits were called "les quatre chevaliers de la forrest salvigne." their names were written upon a goodly table, which was suspended from a tree, curiously wrought, the knights engaging to run at the tilt against all comers. accordingly, by the prescribed time, a court in the palace was prepared for the games, and the queen and her ladies were conducted to a gallery richly hung inside with cloth of gold, and on the outside with cloth of arras. a pageant preceded the sports of chivalry. it is described as representing a forest, with rocks, hills, and vales, with trees, herbs, and flowers, made of green velvet, damask and silk. six men clad as foresters stood at different parts; and in the midst of the forest was a castle apparently made of gold, and before the gate sat a gentleman splendidly apparelled, weaving a garland of roses for the prize. the spectators imagined that the pageant was drawn into the court by a lion and an antelope, who were led by men in the guise of savages. when the pageant rested before the queen, the foresters blew their horns, and from different parts of the forest the four knights issued armed at all points and mounted on their war-steeds. each knight carried his lance, a plume of feathers surmounted his crest, and his name was embroidered on the bases of gold which covered his horse. at the moment of these knights starting from the forest, and the court resounding with the noise of drums and trumpets, the earl of essex, the lord thomas howard, and many other nobles, entered the court, and then the jousts commenced. but who deserved best that day the historian has not mentioned. the next afternoon the queen repaired to her gallery; and instead of the king and his aids being introduced in a pageant, they entered the court under splendid pavilions of cloths of gold and velvet. on the other side of the lists sir charles brandon entered in the guise of a recluse or religious person, his horse being also caparisoned in the simplest form. no drum or other sound of minstrelsy ushered his approach; but he slowly and silently advanced to the queen, and presented to her a writing, whose effect was, that if she pleased he would tourney in her presence, but if it suited her not, he would depart as he came. the queen smiled and bowed assent; and sir charles, retiring to one end of the lists, threw aside the disguise of his splendid armour. the young henry guilford, enclosed in a device or a pageant made like a castle or turret, then approached the queen, and obtained her leave to engage in the tilt. next appeared the marquis dorset and sir thomas bullen, like two pilgrims from saint james, in tabards of black velvet, with palmers' hats on their helmets, with long jacobs' staves in their hands, their horse-trappings of black velvet, the harness of men and steeds being set with scallop shells of fine gold and strips of black velvet, every strip being also adorned with golden scallop shells. next came the lord henry of buckingham, sir giles capell, and many other knights. the sports then commenced, and as on the preceding day the king won the prize. in the evening the ambassadors and the nobility supped with the royal family, and after the banquet the king with the queen and lords and ladies entered the white-hall of the palace. songs, dancing, and minstrels, succeeded, and in the midst of the merriment the king retired unseen. soon afterwards the trumpets at the end of the hall began to sound, and a pageant upon wheels was brought in. a gentleman richly attired descended from it, and approaching the queen in a supplicatory attitude, told her that in a garden of pleasure there was an arbour of gold wherein were lords and ladies much desirous to show pastime to the queen and court, if they might be permitted so to do. the queen replied, that she was very desirous to see them and their pastime. a cloth of arras was therefore drawn from the front of the pageant, and rich representations of nature saluted the eye. six ladies, dressed with more bravery than the dull chronicler can describe, were seen in the arbour, supported by the king and five gallant knights. the whole scene appeared one blaze of gold. after the applause which this splendour elicited had subsided, the lords and ladies descended from the pageant, the minstrels sounded their music of gaiety, and the whole court mixed in the dance. and the people, too, had their amusement; for some portion of the simplicity of ancient times remained, and royalty was not thought to lose any thing of its dignity by being presented to the public eye. the pageant was conveyed to the end of the palace, there to tarry till the dances were finished, and so to have received the lords and ladies again; but suddenly the rude and joyous people ran to it, and tore and rent and spoilt it; and the lord steward and his officers, seeing that they could not drive them away without a conflict and disturbance, suffered the pageant to be destroyed.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: field of the cloth of gold.] the field of the cloth of gold has been so often described in works of ready access, that i should not be warranted in attempting to picture again its gay and sparkling scene. but some of its circumstances have not been sufficiently noticed; and they are so expressive of the chivalric feelings of the time that a history of chivalry would be imperfect without a description of them. the whole ceremonial of the meeting between henry viii. and francis i. was regulated by cardinal wolsey, "one certes, that promised no element in such a business." and the principle which guided this right reverend cardinal of york was political subtlety, and not knightly liberality. the english sojourned at guisnes, the french at ardres. on the morning of the first royal interview, the two kings and their numerous followers left their respective pavilions at the signal of a gun fired at guisnes, and returned from ardres. they slowly measured the way to the intermediate plain in the silence of apprehension; for the cardinal's ungenerous suspicions had spread through either host. once each party halted, expecting an attack; and when the noise which occasioned the alarm died away, the procession recommenced its course, confident that the fears of the other side were greater than their own. the kings met, and so anxious were they to display their feelings of friendship that they embraced on horseback. they then dismounted, and having renewed their caresses, they went into a pavilion of golden cloth; nor did they separate till dinner and familiar conversation had frozen the etiquette imposed on their manners by the cardinal. the next morning the two queens interchanged visits, and spent some hours in dancing and other amusements. these interchanges of courtesies warmed the minds of the two sovereigns to chivalric generousness. one morning francis rode to guisnes with scarcely any attendance. he walked through the english guard, who drew back in astonishment, and he did not stop till he reached the chamber where his brother-monarch lay asleep. francis soon awoke him; and henry, immediately comprehending his motives, declared, in the spirit and language of chivalry, that he yielded himself his prisoner, and plighted his faith. he then threw round francis's neck a collar of great value, and francis gave him a bracelet of superior worth, each king entreating the other to wear the gift for his sake. the two monarchs then became brothers in arms; and with twelve companions undertook to deliver all persons at jousts, tourney, and barriers. the chivalric exercises continued for five days, in the presence of the two queens and the nobility of england and france. french and english knights were the only part of the chivalry of europe who answered the challenge: for chivalry could not then, as in former days, smooth down personal heats and feuds; and therefore no subject of the wide extended empire of charles v. appeared on the field of the cloth of gold. the only weapons used were spears; but they were impelled with such vigour, as to be so often broken, that the spectators' eyes were scared with splinters. each day the challengers varied their harness and devices, and each day the two kings ran together so valiantly that the beholders had great joy.[ ] "each following day became the last day's master, till the next made former wonders it's. * * * * * * * * * * the two kings, equal in lustre, were now best, now worst, as presence did present them; him in eye, still him in praise: and, being present both, 'twas said, they saw but one; and no discerner durst wag his tongue in censure. when these suns (for so they phrase 'em) by their heralds challenged the noble spirits to arms, they did perform beyond thought's compass; that former fabulous story, being now seen possible enough, got credit, that bevis was believed."[ ] [sidenote: introduction of italian literature favoured romance.] there was a considerable portion of chivalry among the nobility of henry viii. in some respects, however, it partook more of the romance of the troubadour than the genuine character of knighthood: for the tale that lord surrey travelled from court to court proclaiming the peerless beauty of his lady-love, and challenging all gainsayers to a joust _à l'outrance_ is totally void of truth[ ]; and it only appears that his lordship fostered for the fair geraldine a sentimental affection without distinct views. it was altogether a poet's dream; and the italian muse, who was at that time worshipped in england, favoured such fond imaginings. [sidenote: popularity of chivalric literature.] much of the literature of the time was chivalric. every noble spirit loved the knight's tale of chaucer. the french and spanish stories of warriors and dames were transfused into english; as was the fine chronicle of froissart by lord berners at the command of the king; and the vigorous, rich, and picturesque style of our language in those days was admirably adapted for a history of the most brilliant age of knighthood. that the spirit of chivalry was not extinct in the reign of henry viii. is evident from this work of lord berners, for the ordinary diction of the day was used; and it was to the full as expressive of the gallantry and grace of the olden time as the original work itself. [sidenote: chivalric education of nobility.] the education of our english gentry was nearly as chivalric then as at any previous period of our history. boys were sent to school to learn to read at four years of age. at six they were taught languages and the first principles of manners: from ten to twelve dancing and music were added to their accomplishments, and politeness was particularly encouraged. at fourteen they were initiated into the sports of the field which prepared them for the ruder exercise of arms. at sixteen they were taught to joust, to fight at the barriers, to manage the war-horse, to assail castles, to support the weight of armour, and to contend in feats of arms with their companions. and there their education terminated.[ ] when they went to battle they demeaned themselves worthy of their education. [sidenote: english knights continued to break lances for ladies' love.] in all the military expeditions of the english on the continent, the soldiers of either army were continually challenging each other to break a lance for their ladies' sake. sir john wallop, in his march with a british army to landrecy, in the year , went to the town of terouenne, and, recollecting that the commandant was an old acquaintance, he addressed him in the true spirit of chivalry, that if there were any gentlemen under his charge willing to break a lance for their ladies' sake, six gentlemen should be sent from the english army to meet them. the challenge was accepted, the jousts were held, and, after this fine old chivalric mode of displaying his friendship, sir john wallop held on his course to landrecy.[ ] [sidenote: state of scottish chivalry at this period.] [sidenote: james iv.] the early part of the sixteenth century forms a very interesting æra of british chivalry; for it introduces to our notice james iv. of scotland, a hero both of knighthood and romance. he was as expert and graceful in tournaments and jousts as any cavalier who was the theme of history or poetry. on occasion of his marriage with margaret of england, his chivalric shows were splendid beyond example. he was wont to personate king arthur, or to take the title and appearance of an imaginary creature, called the savage knight. his tilt-yards reflected the glories of the last king of the britons, and the knights of the round table, or represented a wild and romantic country, with highlanders clad in savage dresses guarding the barriers. like a knight of the bye-gone time, he was a pilgrim as well as a soldier, and we will hope, for the purity of earlier days of chivalry, that his heroic predecessors did not often, like himself, turn aside from their pious peregrinations to wander amidst the bowers of castles, with ladies fair. the romantic gallantry of his disposition was so well known, that cooler politicians used it to the purposes of their ambition. the french king, louis xii., was abandoned by most of his allies, and was anxious to renew the ancient alliance of france with scotland: yet england and scotland were at that time at peace, and the two countries appeared to be united in friendship by the marriage of james with margaret, the king of england's sister. but louis knew the character of the man whose aid he required, and he played upon it with admirable dexterity. in , he sent, as his ambassador to the scottish court, bernard stuart, lord of aubigny, one of the most distinguished cavaliers of france. this envoy admirably supported the objects of his master: he soon won the affections of james, and his discourses on wars and tournaments disposed the king to love the chivalric french. a few years afterwards louis, still continuing to play on his chivalric feelings, made his wife, anne of britanny, choose james for her knight and champion, to protect her from all her enemies. the idea of winning by this scheme the scottish king to the purposes of france originated with andrew forman, bishop of moray, the scottish ambassador at paris, who, to promote his own aggrandisement, would have sacrificed king and country.[ ] the agent of the scheme was la motte, the french ambassador at edinburgh, who was as skilful as his martial predecessor, the lord of aubigny, in flattering james to his ruin. he presented him letters from the french queen, wherein, taking the style of a high-born damsel in distress, she termed him her knight, and, assuring him she had suffered much blame in defence of his honor, she beseeched him to advance but three steps into the english territory with his army, for the sake of his mistress. these letters were accompanied by a present of , crowns, and a ring from her own finger.[ ] the chivalry and vanity of james were rouzed by these appeals, and he became the willing tool of french ambition. the circumstances which succeeded his allying himself with france fall not within my province to detail. the battle of flodden field was their crown and conclusion; and although there was nothing chivalric in the battle itself, yet a few matters which preceded it come within my subject. indeed, in the times regarding which i am writing, chivalry was no longer a national distinction, and therefore cannot be marked in public affairs; its lights fell only upon a few individuals. [sidenote: chivalric circumstances at flodden.] on the fifth of september, the earl of surrey[ ], who commanded the english forces, dispatched a herald from alnwick to the scottish camp, offering james battle on a particular day, (friday, the th of september, ,) and james, like a gallant knight, accepted the challenge. he then removed his camp from ford[ ], and took a strong position on the ridge of flodden hill, "one of the last and lowest eminences detached from the ridge of cheviot." on the sixth the english reached wooller-haugh, a place within three miles of the scottish camp, and, observing the admirable position of the foe, the earl of surrey formed a scheme which, he hoped, would make them relinquish their advantage. knowing the king's undaunted courage, and high sense of honour, he wrote a letter, subscribed by himself and all the great men in his army, reproaching him for having changed his ground, after he had accepted the offer of battle, and challenging him to descend, like a brave and honourable prince, into the spacious vale of millfield, that lay between the two armies, and there decide the quarrel on fair and equal terms.[ ] this scheme failed; for james was not at that moment so ridiculously romantic as to forego an advantage which his skill had obtained; and he only replied that he should expect the english on the day appointed for battle. surrey would have been mad to have attacked him in his present position; and he, therefore, on the morning of the th of september, formed his army into marching order, crossed the till near wooller, progressed towards berwick, and rested at barmore wood. the scottish nobles apprehended that it was the intention of the english to plunder the fertile country of the merse; and they therefore importuned james to march to the defence of his own dominions: but the king declined, alleging that his honour was engaged to remain in his present station until the morrow, which was the appointed time for battle. on that morrow surrey directed his course to the tweed; but, suddenly changing his line of march, he repassed the till at the bridge of twissel. before the army had entirely passed, robert borthwick, the commander of james's artillery, entreated the permission of his sovereign to destroy the bridge, and thus break the enemy's force; but the king gave a stern denial, declaring that he wished to have all his enemies before him, and to fight them fairly.[ ] by this fatal folly james lost all the advantages of his position; for the english formed behind him, and flodden was open and accessible to them. if personal bravery, independent of sageness, had been the character of a knight, james deserved all chivalric honours; for, disdaining the counsel to behold the battle afar off, he mingled boldly in the thickest of the press. the field was won by the english archers; but james did not live to repent the enthusiasm of his chivalry, which had cost his country so much blood, for he was killed within a lance's length of lord surrey. the romantic chivalry of james was deeply injurious to scotland. she had, in his reign, attained a considerable eminence of national prosperity, but the defeat at flodden hurled her from her station. the country was "left a prey to foreign influence and intrigue, which continued till it ceased to form a separate kingdom: her finances were exhausted, her leaders corrupted, her dignity degraded, her commerce and her agriculture neglected."[ ] chap. iii. the last years of chivalry in england. _the chivalric feelings of the nation supported by spenser ... and by sir philip sidney ... allusions to sidney's life ... particularly his kindly consideration ... chivalric politeness of the age of elizabeth ... the earl of oxford ... tilts in greenwich park ... sir henry lee ... chivalry reflected in the popular amusements ... change of manners ... reign of james the first ... tournaments ceased, on prince henry's death ... life of lord herbert of cherbury ... chivalric fame of his family ... his character ... his inferiority to the knights of yore ... decline of chivalric education ... important change in knighthood by the parliament of charles the first ... application of chivalric honors to men of civil station ... knights made in the field ... carpet knights ... knights of the bath ... full account of the ancient ceremonies of creating knights of the bath._ [sidenote: the chivalric feelings of the nation supported by spenser,] the reigns of edward vi. and mary present nothing to our purpose; but the elizabethan age is fraught with interest. our continued intercourse with italy promoted anew the love for romance and allegory which religious controversy had for some years been gradually stifling. though classical literature had revived in italy, the muse of chivalry was most fondly worshipped, and the mind delighted to wander amidst the enchanted garden of armida. our well-travelled ancestors brought home with them the love for romantic poetry and allegory; and spenser's genius, influenced by the prevailing taste of his day, chose ariosto for his model, and painted the wild adventures of heroes and ladies. chivalry was the supposed perfection of man's moral nature; and the english poet, therefore, described the chief private virtues exemplified in the conduct of knights: it being his wish, as he expressed his mind to sir walter raleigh, to fashion a gentleman or noble person in valorous and gentle discipline. his principal hero, he in whom the image of a brave knight was perfected in the twelve moral virtues, was king arthur; and the poet freely used the circumstances and sentiments in the romances relating to that british hero, and also the other popular tales of chivalry. [sidenote: and sir philip sidney.] if poetry nourished the love of valorous knighthood, learning was equally its friend; and when spenser addressed sidney as the noble and virtuous gentleman, and most worthy of all titles of learning and chivalry, he spoke the feeling of his age, that the accomplishments of the mind were best displayed in martial demeanour. at the birth of sidney, as ben jonson says, all the muses met. in reading the arcadia, it is impossible to separate the author from the work, or to think that he has not poured forth all those imaginings of his fancy which his heart had marked for its own. he has pourtrayed knights and damsels valiant and gentle, placing all their fond aspirations of happiness in a rural life, and despising the pageantry of courts for the deep harmonies of nature. but sidney's mind was chivalric as well as romantic; and he was so fond of reverting to the fabled ages of his country, that it was his intention to turn all the stories of the arcadia into the admired legends of arthur and his knights.[ ] to modern taste the arcadia of sir philip sidney presents no charms: yet, by a singular contradiction, the author, who was the personification of his book, is regarded as the model of perfection. "the plume of war! with early laurels crown'd, the lover's myrtle, and the poet's bay."[ ] the popularity, however, of the arcadia, in the elizabethan age[ ], and the high reputation of the author, showed the sympathy of the world in those days for the romance of chivalry. [sidenote: allusions to his life.] the few circumstances in the brief life of sidney are too well known for me to be justified in detailing them: but i may remind my readers that he was born at penshurst in kent, in the year ; that he was accomplished in literature and chivalry by study and travel; that he was a courtier of elizabeth, and yet could oppose her dearest fancies, if they were hostile to the interests of his country; that his opposition to her projected union with anjou was spirited and well reasoned; that his love for his sister and his wife was the softening grace of that desire for chivalric valour which carried him with his uncle the earl of leicester to the plains of flanders, in the year ; and when he received his mortal wound before the town of zutphen, that he resigned a cup of water to the poor soldier whose lot he thought was more distressing than his own. his courage, his gallantry, and grace were his best known qualities, and those for which england and, indeed, europe, lamented his death. his funeral in st. paul's was a national one, the first instance in our history of honours of that description; and for many months afterwards not an individual in the court or city appeared in public, except in a garment of black:--in such high account were chivalric virtues held in the days of elizabeth. [sidenote: particularly his kindly consideration.] one feature of his character but little noticed by modern writers was very remarkable in those days, and will be better valued now than it was then. all who enjoyed the hospitality of penshurst were equal in the consideration of the host: there were no odious distinctions of rank or fortune; "the dishes did not grow coarser as they receded from the head of the table," and no huge salt-cellar divided the noble from the ignoble guests.[ ] [sidenote: chivalric politeness of the age of elizabeth.] [sidenote: the earl of oxford.] the polite gracefulness of sidney was not rare in his time; and there was not a courtier, who, if placed in similar circumstances to those of sir walter raleigh, that would not have cast his handsome plush cloak in the mire to serve for the queen, as a foot-cloth. tournaments as well masks were the amusements of the age. the prize was always delivered by elizabeth who never thought that age could deprive her of the privileges of beauty. edward vere earl of oxford was more skilful in these manly exercises of chivalry than all the other courtiers, even than sidney, who, like a magnanimous knight, was eloquent in his praise. "having this day my horse, my hand, my lance, guided so well that i obtained the prize, both by the judgment of the english eyes, and of some sent from that sweet en'my france: horsemen my skill in horsemanship advance, townsfolks my strength; a daintier judge applies his praise to sleight, which from good use doth rise: some lucky wits impute it but to chance, others, because of both sides i do take my blood from them who did excel in this, think nature me a man of arms did make. how far they shoot awry! the true cause is, stella look'd on, and from her heavenly face sent forth the beams which made so fair my race." astrophel and stella, st. . the friendship of sidney for him for awhile was the only circumstance which we know to his honour, and it implies the possession of virtuous qualities in the earl. a considerable portion of coxcombry belonged to most of elizabeth's courtiers; and the noble lord in question was distinguished according to stow, for introducing into this country embroidered and perfumed gloves. [sidenote: tilts in greenwich park.] the queen's band of gentlemen-pensioners formed a perfect illustration of the chivalric principle of the dignity of obedience, for it was the highest ambition of the nobility to be enrolled among them. their tilts in greenwich park would have done honour to the brightest days of chivalry. but still more select were the knights-tilters, a fraternity founded on the gallant resolve of sir henry lee to appear in the royal tilt-yard on the anniversary of the queen's birth in honour of her majesty. some of these knights were preux chevaliers indeed. the queen's glove accidentally dropped from her hand during a tournament, and the earl of cumberland had the good fortune to recover it. fancying herself some dame of chivalry, she desired the earl to retain it; and he with a gallant spirit, regarding it as the favour of a lady, had it set in diamonds, and always wore it on festival occasions in the high crowned hats which had superseded the helmet. for so polite was the court of elizabeth, that 'ne any there doth brave or valiant seem, unless that same gay mistress' badge he wear.'[ ] [sidenote: sir henry lee.] from to sir henry lee was the queen's champion; and being then worn down with age and infirmity, he resigned his office to the earl of cumberland. the ceremony is admirably expressive of the romantic feeling of the time and the vanity of elizabeth. it was partly a mask and partly a chivalric show. on the th of november, , sir henry lee and the earl, having performed their services in arms, presented themselves to the queen at the foot of the stairs under her gallery-window in the tilt-yard, westminster, where her majesty was seated, surrounded by the french ambassador, her ladies, and the chief nobility. soft music then saluted the ears of the queen, and one of the royal singers chaunted these lines: "my golden locks time hath to silver turn'd, (oh time too swift, and swiftness never ceasing!) my youth 'gainst age, and age at youth hath spurn'd; but spurn'd in vain, youth waneth by increasing: beauty, strength, and youth, flowers fading been, duty, faith, and love, are roots, and evergreen. "my helmet now shall make a hive for bees; and lovers' songs shall turn to holy psalms: a man at arms must now sit on his knees, and feed on prayers that are old age's alms. and so from court to cottage i depart: my saint is sure of mine unspotted heart. "and when i sadly sit in homely cell, i'll teach my swains this carol for a song: 'blest be the hearts that think my sovereign well: curs'd be the souls that think to do her wrong.' goddess! vouchsafe this aged man his right, to be your beadsman now that was your knight." a pageant of a temple of the vestal virgins rose out of the earth. certain rich gifts were taken from the altar by the attending virgins, and with a votive tablet, inscribed "to eliza," was presented to the queen. sir henry lee offered his armour before a crowned pillar at the temple-gate, and then presented the earl of cumberland to the queen, humbly beseeching her to accept him as her knight to continue the yearly exercises. her majesty having accepted this offer, the aged knight armed the earl and mounted him on his horse. he threw over his own person a gown of black velvet, and covered his head in lieu of a helmet with a bonnet of the country fashion.[ ] [sidenote: chivalry reflected in the popular amusements.] the popular amusements of england corresponded with those of the court. "i remember at mile-end-green, when i lay at clement's inn, i was sir dagonet in arthur's show," is the avowal of master shallow; and thus while tournaments were held by the court and nobility, other classes of society diverted themselves with scenic representations of the ancient chivalry. the recreations of the common people at christmas and bridals, an author of the time assures us, consisted in hearing minstrels sing or recite stories of old times, as the tale of sir topas, the reportes of bevis of southampton, guy of warwick, adam bell, and clymme of the clough, and other old romances or historical rhymes. and in another place the same author speaks of companies that were desirous to hear of old adventures, and valiances of noble knights in times past.[ ] the domestic amusements of the age are thus enumerated by burton: "the ordinary recreations which we have in winter are cards, tables and dice, shovel-board, chess-play, the philosopher's game, small trunks, balliards, music, masks, singing, dancing, ule games, catches, purposes, questions; _merry tales of errant knights_, kings, queens, lovers, lords, ladies, giants, dwarfs, thieves, fairies, goblins, friars, witches, and the rest."[ ] [sidenote: change of manners.] in one respect, however, manners underwent a great and distinct change. in a former chapter, it was mentioned that the italians invented the long and pointed sword; and it seems from many scattered allusions to customs in works of continental history, that it gradually superseded the use of the broader weapons of knighthood. in elizabeth's reign the foreign or italian rapier was a very favorite weapon. "sword-and-buckler fight begins to grow out of use," is the lament of a character in an old comedy. "i am sorry for it. i shall never see good manhood again. if it be once gone, this poking fight of rapier and dagger will come up, then a tall man, and a good sword-and-buckler man will be spitted like a cat or rabbit."[ ] the allusions to this state of manners are more marked and numerous in ben jonson's "every man in his humour," but with that comedy my readers are of course familiar. [sidenote: reign of james i.] [sidenote: tournaments ceased on prince henry's death.] for some of the early years of james i, tournaments divided with masks the favour of the court. as soon as prince henry reached his sixteenth year, he put himself forth in a more heroic manner than was usual with princes of his time, by tiltings, barriers, and other exercises on horseback, the martial discipline of gentle peace.[ ] after his death chivalric sports fell quite out of fashion. "shields and swords cobwebb'd and rusty; not a helm affords a spark of lustre, which were wont to give light to the world, and make the nation live."[ ] this was the lamentation of ben jonson; and another poet thus describes, in the person of britannia, the feelings of the nation: "alas! who now shall grace my tournaments, or honour me with deeds of chivalry? what shall become of all my merriments, my ceremonies, shows of heraldry, and other rites?"[ ] military exercises being entirely disused, the mask, with its enchantments of music, poetry, painting, and dancing, was the only amusement of the court and nobility. [sidenote: life of lord cherbury.] and now in these last days of chivalry in england a very singular character appeared upon the scene. this was edward herbert, afterwards lord herbert of cherbury, who was born at eaton, in shropshire, in the year . his family were of the class of gentry, and had for many years executed various royal offices of military trust. his grandfather was a staunch royalist in the days of edward vi., and queen mary; and he gained fortune, as well as fame: for it appears that his share of plunder in the wars in the north, and of the forfeited estates of rebels, was the foundation of the family wealth. [sidenote: chivalric fame of his family.] the valour of the herberts rivalled that of the romantic heroes of chivalry. edward has proudly reverted to his great-great grandfather, sir richard herbert of colebrook, as an incomparable hero, who twice passed through a great army of northern men alone, with his pole-axe in his hand, and returned without any mortal hurt. the courage which had been formerly displayed in the battle-field was, as times degenerated, reserved for private wrongs, and the patriot sank into the duellist. at the close of his life, edward recollected, with pleasure, that one of his brothers had carried with him to the grave the scars of twenty-four wounds, many of them the results of private brawls. another brother was gentleman of the king's chamber, and the famous master of the revels; and he, too, had given several proofs of his courage in duels. the infancy of edward was so sickly that his friends did not think fit to teach him his alphabet till he was seven years old. he would have us believe, however, that he was wise though not early schooled; for when an infant he understood what was said by others, yet he forebore to speak, lest he should utter something that was imperfect or impertinent. when he began to talk, one of the first enquiries he made was how he had come into the world. he told his nurse, keeper, and others, that he found himself here indeed, but from what cause or beginning, or by what means, he could not imagine. the nurse stared, and other people wondered at this precocious wisdom; and when he reflected upon the matter in after life he was happy in the thought, that as he found himself in possession of this life, without knowing any thing of the pangs and throes his mother suffered, when doubtless they no less afflicted him than her, so he hoped that his soul would pass to a better life than this, without being sensible of the anguish his body would feel in death.[ ] he won the acquaintance of the learned languages, and other branches of juvenile literature, with great ease; and when at the age of twelve he was sent to oxford, he tells us that he disputed at his first coming in logic, and made in greek the exercises required in his college oftener than in latin. he married at the age of fifteen, and then applied himself more vigorously than ever to study, particularly the continental languages: but to fence and to ride the great horse were his principal ambition, for such were the exercises in which the chivalry of his time were educated,--and he aspired to fame in every pursuit. from the same feeling of vanity that urged him to publish his deistical dogmas, he complacently says of himself that no man understood the use of his weapon better than himself, or had more dexterously availed himself thereof on all occasions.[ ] in the year , he removed with his wife and mother from montgomery-castle (the seat of his ancestors) to london, and, prompted by curiosity rather than ambition, he went to court; and as it was the manner of those times for all men to kneel down before the queen, he was likewise upon his knees in the presence chamber, when she passed by to the chapel at whitehall. as soon as she saw him, she stopped, and, swearing her usual oath, demanded, "who is this?" upon being made acquainted with his name and circumstances, the queen looked attentively upon him, and again giving emphasis to her feelings by an oath, she said that it was a pity he was married so young, and thereupon gave him her hand twice to kiss, both times patting him on the cheek. he was made knight of the bath by james i.; and with his usual vanity declares that his person was amazingly commended by the lords and ladies who attended the ceremony. the most handsome lady of the court pledged her honour for his, and then the strings of silk and gold were taken from his arm. these strings, as i have already mentioned, were worn by all the knights till they had achieved some high deed of arms, or till some lady of honour took them off, and fastened them on her sleeve, saying that she would answer her friend would prove a good knight. like all other knights of the bath he swore to do justice to the uttermost of his power, particularly to ladies and gentlewomen wronged in their honour, if they demanded assistance. soon after this circumstance, he was wearied both of literary and domestic pursuits, and he resolved to travel in foreign countries. his skill in fencing was now to be brought into play; for he tells us that in france, in his time, there was scarcely any man thought worthy regard who had not killed another in a duel.[ ] he went to paris, and was hospitably entertained at the neighbouring castle of merlon, by henry de montmorenci, second son of the great constable anne de montmorenci. an occasion for exercising his fantastic chivalry soon presented itself. a french cavalier snatched a riband from the bonnet of a young lady, and fastened it to his own hat-band. he refused to return it, and the injured damsel asked the english knight to get it restored to her. he accordingly advanced to the frenchman, courteously, with his hat in his hand, and desired him to restore the riband. meeting only with a rude denial, he replied he would make him restore it by force. the frenchman ran away; but finding himself closely pursued, he turned round to the young lady, and was about to restore her the top-knot, when sir edward seized his arm, and said to her, "it was i that gave it."--"pardon me," quoth she, "it is he that gives it me." sir edward observed, "i will not contradict you; but if he presumes to say that i did not constrain him to give it, i will fight with him." no reply was made, and the french gentleman conducted the lady back to the castle. sir edward was very anxious for a duel, but none took place; and he was obliged to please his conscience with the reflection, that he had acted agreeably to the oath which he took when inaugurated a knight of the bath.[ ] on three other occasions, he sported his chivalry in the cause of the ladies; but the stories of these affairs are poor and uninteresting after his most delectable behaviour in the montmorenci garden. for many years sir edward lived in the court or the camp, in france or england, seldom visiting his wife in montgomeryshire, and more frequently busied in private brawls (but his challenges never ripened into duels) than engaged in philosophical meditation. in the year , while he was in the service of the prince of orange, a trumpeter came from the hostile (the spanish) army to his with a challenge,--that if any cavalier would fight a single combat for the sake of his mistress, a spanish knight would meet him. the prince allowed sir edward to accept the challenge. accordingly a trumpeter was sent to the spanish army with the answer, that if the challenger were a knight without reproach, sir edward herbert would answer him with such weapons as they should agree upon. but before this herald could deliver his charge, another spanish trumpeter reached the camp of the prince of orange, declaring that the challenge had been given without the consent of the marquis of spinola (the commander), who would not permit it. this appeared strange to the prince and sir edward; and on their thinking that the spaniards might object to the duel taking place in the camp of the challenged, as it was originally proposed, sir edward resolved to go to the enemy, and give him his choice of place. he accordingly went; but spinola would not suffer the duel to be fought. a noble entertainment greeted the englishman, the marquis condescending to present to his guest the best of the meat which his carver offered to himself. he expressed no anger that the challenges had been given; for he politely asked his guest of what disease sir francis vere had died. sir edward told him, because he had nothing to do. spinola replied, in allusion to the idleness of the campaign, "and it is enough to kill a general;" and thus impliedly excused any impatient sallies of his young soldiers. sir henry wotton, the ambassador of the king of england, having mediated a peace between the prince of orange and the spaniards, our knight proceeded on his travels through germany and italy. he complimented a nun upon her singing, while all the other englishmen present were delighted into silence: but he was always ready to speak as well as to fight for the honour of the knighthood of the bath. "die whensoever you will," said he to the young lady, "you need change neither voice nor face to be an angel!" these words, he assures us, were fatal, for she died shortly afterwards. he went to florence, and was more pleased with a nail, which was at one end iron and the other gold, than by all the glories of painting and sculpture with which the etrurian athens was then fresh and redolent. he sojourned for some time at rome, but hastily left the city when the pope was about to bless him. this refusal of an old man's benediction proceeded from the vanity of his character. though perfectly indifferent to christianity, when he entered rome he ostentatiously said to the master of the english college, that he came not to the city to study controversies, but to view its antiquities; and if, without scandal to the religion in which he had been born and educated, he might take this liberty, he would gladly spend some time there. a decorous submission to the usages of rome would not have gained him the world's talk; and, therefore, he hastily quitted the consistory when the blessing was about to be given, knowing that such a bold act of contempt on the religion of the place would be bruited every where. the remainder of his adventures on the continent is not worthy of record. he returned to england; and, in , he was sent to france as the english ambassador. previously to his setting off, he engaged to fight a duel, though the day fixed for the circumstance was sunday; but when he arrived at paris on a saturday night, he refused to accept an invitation of the spanish ambassador for an interview the next morning, because sunday was a day, which, as he alleged, he wholly gave to devotion. the spirit of duelling was far more powerful in his mind than the love of conformity to religious decencies; but it cost him nothing; indeed, it only aggrandised his importance to decline the visit of the spanish ambassador on a sunday. he remained some time in france, maintaining the honour of his country on all occasions; particularly with reference to the mighty question, whether his coachman, or that of the spanish ambassador, should take precedence. sir edward was instructed by his court to mediate between louis xiii. and his protestant subjects; but, instead of conducting the affair with coolness and political sagacity, he quarrelled with luines, the minister of the french king. complaints of his conduct were sent to england, and he was recalled. the death of the offended statesman happened soon afterwards, and herbert was again dispatched to france. the next remarkable event in his life was the publication of his book "_de veritate_," whose object it was to show the all-sufficiency of natural religion. but he, who denied the necessity of a revelation to the human race, of matters concerning their eternal salvation, fancied that heaven expressly revealed to him its will that his book should be published. such are the inconsistencies of infidelity! "a godless regent trembling at a star!" his amusing auto-biography ends with an account of a noise from heaven, when he prayed for a sign of the divine will, whether or not he should print his book. not many other circumstances of his life are on record. he was raised to the irish peerage in , and, afterwards, was created an english baron, by the title of lord herbert of cherbury, in shropshire. he published another latin work, in support of the cause of infidelity, and then gave to the world his history of the reign of henry viii.; a book which has been always characterised, by writers who have never read a line of it, as a master-piece of historic biography; and if gross partiality for his hero, profound ignorance of human nature, imperfect acquaintance with his subject, and a pedantic style, constitute the excellence of memoir-writing, lord herbert is an author of the first class. though he had been raised to the peerage by the stuarts, yet in the days of charles i. we find him on the side of the parliament. montgomery-castle was demolished by the king's troops, and the parliament made him a pecuniary compensation. he removed to london, died in , and was buried in st. giles's. [sidenote: his character.] [sidenote: his inferiority to the knights of yore.] such was lord herbert of cherbury. his life may be placed in opposition to, rather than in harmony with, the heroes of early chivalric times. he had their courage, it is true, but he had none of their dignity and nobleness, none of their manly grace; and there was a fantastic trifling in his conduct, which their elevated natures would have scorned. he was no christian knight: the superstition of the chandos's and mannys, gross as it was, is not so offensive to the moral sense as the craft and subtlety of lord cherbury's intellect, which refined christianity into deism. we can admire the heroes of the days of edward iii., placing their swords' points on the gospels, and vowing to defend the truth to the utterance; but how absurd was the fanaticism, and contemptible the vanity, of him who expected that heaven would declare its will that he should deliver to the world the vain chimeras of his imagination! [sidenote: decline of chivalric education.] the history of english chivalry is now fast drawing to a close. we may mark the state of the system of chivalric education in the castles of the nobility. every great lord, as his ancestors had been, was still attended by several of the inferior nobility and gentry, and such service was not accounted dishonourable. the boys were, as of old, called pages, though perhaps the age for this title somewhat stepped beyond the ancient limit. but this was not the only change in that class of the chivalry of england. in former days pages had been the attendants of the great in the amusements of the chace and the baronial hall; and had sometimes shared, with the squire, the more perilous duties of the battle-plain. in the course of time, as the frame of society became more settled, the arts of peace smoothed the stern fierceness of chivalry, and the page was the honorary servant of the lord or his lady, in the proud ceremonial of nobility, and never mixed in war. he continued to be a person of gentle birth, and his dress was splendid; circumstances extremely favourable to that singular state of manners which permitted a woman, without any loss of her good name, to follow him she admired in the disguise of a gentle page, and gradually to win his affections by the deep devotion of her love. poetry may have adorned such instances of passion, for the subject is full of interest and pathos; but the poets in the best days of english verse so frequently copied from the world around them, that we cannot but believe they drew also in this instance from nature. this form of manners was romantic; but it certainly was not chivalric: for in pure days of chivalry the knights, and not the damsels, were the wooers.--but every thing was changed or degraded. the general state of the page in the last days of chivalry may be collected from one of the dramas of ben jonson, where lovel, a complete gentleman, a soldier, and a scholar, is desirous to take as his page the son of lord frampul, who was disguised as the host of the light heart inn at barnet: "_lov._ a fine child! you will not part with him, mine host? "_host._ who told you i would not. "_lov._ i but ask you. "_host._ and i answer, to whom? for what? "_lov._ to me, to be my page. "_host._ i know no mischief yet the child hath done, to deserve such a destiny. "_lov._ why? "_host._ * * * * * * trust me i had rather take a fair halter, wash my hands, and hang him myself, make a clean riddance of him, than---- "_lov._ what? "_host._ than damn him to that desperate course of life. "_lov._ call you that desperate, which by a line of institution, from our ancestors, hath been derived down to us, and received in a succession, for the noblest way of breeding up our youth, in letters, arms, fair mien, discourses, civil exercise, and all the blazon of a gentleman? where can he learn to vault, to ride, to fence, to move his body gracefuller, to speak his language purer, or to tune his mind or manners, more to the harmony of nature, than in these nurseries of nobility? "_host._ ay that was when the nursery's self was noble. and only virtue made it, not the market, that titles were not vented at the drum, or common outcry, goodness gave the greatness, and greatness worship: every house became an academy of honour, and those parts we see departed, in the practice now, quite from the institution."[ ] something must be abated from this censure, for the speaker was a disappointed man, and therefore querulous. but whatever might have been the education of the page, the character itself was lost in the political convulsions in the time of charles i. so many of the old institutions of england were then destroyed, that we need not be surprised that the one should not escape, which had long survived its purpose and occasion. at the restoration of the monarchy the ancient court-ceremonial was revived, and therefore the page was a royal officer: but he is scarcely ever mentioned in the subsequent private history of the country; and his duties at the court were altogether personal though gentilitial, and had no reference at all to military affairs. the military features of chivalry had been rudely marred in the wars between the houses of york and lancaster, and by the days of james i. not a lineament remained. the graceful sports of chivalry had been sustained by the bold and vigorous henry viii., and romance could not but be pleasing to a maiden queen. with prince henry the tournament died. mightier questions than those which knighthood could resolve were before the world; and there was nothing in the bearing of the friends of charles i., misnamed cavaliers, to which the character of chivalric can be applied. [sidenote: important change in knighthood by parliament of charles i.] the reign of charles i. is, however, in one respect a memorable epoch in the history of english knighthood. by the ancient constitution, as we saw in the last chapter, the king had the power of compelling his vassals to be knighted. in all ages, however, whether of the high power, or the decline of chivalry, many persons, considering the duties and charges of the honour, had been wont to commute it by a fine; and this custom had often whetted the avarice of monarchs. elizabeth was the last of our sovereigns who enriched her exchequer by receiving these commutations. charles i. endeavoured to augment his revenue by similar means; but the spirit of the age was hostile to his claim; and, certainly, as the military system had changed, it was absurd and unjust that the burden should survive the benefit of the ancient system. the people triumphed, and charles conceded a prerogative which was only known as a means of public oppression. by a statute passed in the sixteenth year of his reign (cap. .) the right of compelling men to receive knighthood was abolished. [sidenote: application of chivalric honours to men of civil station.] one branch of english chivalry, namely, knighthood as connected with property, knighthood as the external symbol of feudalism, was thus put an end to. but knighthood still continued as an honourable distinction. in this, the most interesting part of the subject, a great change had taken place: but it is impossible to mark the exact time of its occurring. we only know that even in the time of the lancastrian princes knights could not, of their own free will, add new members to the order of chivalry, and that link of honourable equality, which used to bind all men of gentle birth in one state, was broken. the whole power of creating knights was usurped by the crown. the first step, which apparently led to this usurpation, was made even in the purest age of chivalry, the reign of our edward iii.: for at that time civil merit was rewarded by chivalric distinctions. the judges of the courts of law were dignified with knighthood.[ ] in the subsequent reigns of the lancastrian princes, it seems to have been regarded as a well established custom, that men who deserved highly of the commonwealth should be honoured with some title above the state of a simple gentleman. chivalry, as the great fountain of honour, was again resorted to, and the title of esquire was drawn forth. it was then applied to sheriffs of counties, serjeants-at-law, and other men of station; and afterwards courtesy added it to the names of the eldest sons of peers, of knights, and many others. the honour, like the rest of the chivalric honours, was personal, not hereditary, and in strictness could be enjoyed only by virtue of creation, or as a dignity appurtenant to an office. the mode of creation was copied from the investiture of a knight. the person who was to be admitted into the squirehood of the country knelt before his sovereign, who, placing a silver collar of scollop shells mixed with esses round his neck, cried, "arise, sir esquire, and may god make thee a good man."[ ] [sidenote: knights made in the field.] this right of conferring chivalric honours upon persons of civil station was exercised by the sovereigns only, and it furnished the pretence of their assuming the right of judging upon what occasions it should be conferred on men whose profession was war. the custom of creating knights in the field of battle by the general in command prevailed in england so late as the reign of queen elizabeth. robert, the second son of sir henry sidney, and brother of the famous sir philip, was knighted by leicester, for his chivalric deportment at the battle of zutphen. essex, while commanding in spain and ireland, distributed chivalric honours with such profusion, that the queen, who was always jealous of her power, made his conduct, on this subject, the matter of one of the articles of accusation against him. [sidenote: carpet knights.] knighthood, when conferred in the field, was ever held as a very honourable distinction. when men, who were undistinguished by valour[ ], were raised to chivalric rank, they were called carpet knights, as we are taught by the old ceremonials; and society always used the expression contemptuously, as we learn from our dramatists, who are as good witnesses for the customs of their times as romancers had been for those of earlier days. "he is knight, dubbed with unhacked rapier, and on carpet consideration," is the character which sir toby belch gives of his friend sir andrew aguecheek. in a passage of surpassing beauty fletcher has described the characters of the chivalric and the carpet knight. "oh the brave dames of warlike genoa! they had eyes to see the inward man, and only from his worth, courage, and conquests, the blind archer knew to head his shafts, or light his quenched torch; they were proof against him else! no carpet knight that spent his youth in groves or pleasant bowers, or stretching on a couch his lazy limbs, sung to his lute such soft and pleasing notes as ovid nor anacreon ever knew, could work on them, nor once bewitch'd their sense; though he came so perfum'd, as he had robb'd sabea or arabia of their wealth, and stor'd it in one suit."[ ] the order of knighthood was indeed wretchedly degraded in the days of james i., if we can allow any truth to the remarks of osborne. "at this time the honour of knighthood, which antiquity reserved sacred, as the cheapest and readiest jewel to present virtue with, was promiscuously laid on any head belonging to the yeomanry (made addle through pride, and a contempt of their ancestors' pedigree,) that had but a court friend, or money to purchase the favour of the meanest, able to bring him into an outward room when the king, the fountain of honour, came down, and was uninterrupted by other business; in which case, it was then usual for him to grant a commission for the chamberlain, or some other lord to do it." [sidenote: knights of the bath.] the carpet, or ordinary knights, must not be confounded with knights of the bath, though both classes were knights of peace. knights of the bath had always precedence of knights-bachelors, without any regard to dates of creation. the knights of the bath were men of rank and station, or distinguished for military qualities. they were created by our sovereign at their coronations, or on other great occasions, from the time of henry v., when i last adverted to the subject, to so late a period as the reign of charles ii., who before he was crowned created sixty-eight knights of the bath. when queens were sovereigns a commission was granted to a nobleman to create knights; and the commission of queen elizabeth to the earl of arundel is so rich in thought, and dignified in style, that i cannot resist the pleasure of transcribing it. after the usual salutations, "to all men," the queen declares as follows: "whereas, we, minding to proceed to the solemnity of our coronation in such and like honourable sort as in the coronation of our progenitors hath been accustomed, and as to our estate and dignity appertaineth, have, both for the more adornment of the feast of our said coronation, and for the nobility of blood, good service, and other good qualities, of many our servants and other subjects, resolved to call certain of them to the order of knighthood. we let you wete, that for the special trust and confidence which we have reposed in our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin and counsellor, henry earl of arundel, lord steward of our household, we have appointed, and by these presents do appoint and authorise him for us, and in our name, and by our authority, not only to do and exercise every thing and things to be done and exercised in our behalf, for the full making of those knights of the bath, whom we have caused to be specially called for that purpose, but also to make and ordain such and so many other persons knights, within the time of two days next ensuing the date hereof, as by us shall be named, or by himself shall be thought meet, so that he exceed not in the whole the number of thirty," &c.[ ] [sidenote: full account of the ancient ceremonies of creating them.] the ceremonies of creating those knights furnishes us with such an accurate picture of the manners of our ancestors, that, though i have touched upon the subject before, i shall, without apology, describe its minutest features. when an esquire came to court to receive the order of knighthood, in time of peace, after the custom of england, he was worshipfully received by the officers of the court, the steward, or chamberlain, if they were at the palace, or else by the marshals and ushers. two esquires, sage, and well nourished in courtesy, and expert in deeds of knighthood, were assigned as his teachers and governors. if he arrived in the morning, he was to serve the king with water at dinner, or else to place a dish of the first course upon the table; and this was his farewell to his personal duties of esquire. his governors then led him to his chamber, where he remained alone till the evening, when they sent a barber to him, who prepared his bath. water was not yet put into it, but the esquire was, who sat, wrapped in white cloths and mantles, while his beard was shaved, and his head rounded. all this being done, the governors went to the king, and said to him, "most mighty prince, our sovereign lord, it waxeth nigh unto the even, and our master is ready in the bath." the king then commanded his chamberlain to take into the chamber of him who was to be made knight the prowest and wisest knights about the court, in order that they might instruct and counsel the esquire, touching the order of knighthood. the chamberlain, preceded by minstrels singing and dancing, and accompanied by the chosen cavaliers, went to the door of the esquire's room. when the governors heard the sound of minstrelsy, they stripped their master, and left him naked in the bath. the music ceased, and the chamberlain and his knights entered the room. after paying much worship and courtesy to each other, he to whom precedence was allowed advanced to the bath, and, kneeling down, whispered these words in the ear of the esquire: "right dear brother, may this order bring great honour and worship unto you; and i pray that almighty god may give you the praise of all knighthood. lo! this is the order: be ye strong in the faith of holy church, relieve widows and oppressed maidens, give every one his own, and, above all things, love and dread god. superior to all other earthly objects, love the king, thy sovereign lord; him and his right defend unto thy power, and put him in worship." when the esquire was thus advised, the knight-counsellor took in his hand water from the bath, and threw it gently on the shoulder of his young friend. the other knights counselled and bathed him in a similar manner, and then, with the first knight, left the chamber. the governors took the esquire out of the bath, and laid him on a bed "to dry." when the process of drying was finished, he was taken out of bed, and clothed warmly; and there was thrown over him a cope of black russet, with long sleeves, and the hood, like that of a hermit, sewn on the cope. the barber had the bath for his fee, and the operation of shaving was paid for separately, agreeably to the estate of the esquire; and if there was any dispute about the sum, the king's majesty's judgment was looked to. a joyous company of knights, with squires dancing, and minstrels singing, entered the room, and with light pace and gay deportment led their friend into the chapel. there they were refreshed with wines, spices, and sweatmeats; and the knights-counsellors, being thanked by the esquire for their great labour and worship, departed. the governors, the officers of arms, and the waits, remained in the chapel with the esquire. it was his duty to pass the night in prayer to almighty god that he might worthily receive the honour, and discharge all the offices of knighthood. a taper of wax was always burning before him. when the morning dawned a priest entered the chapel, and the more solemn duties of religion were proceeded with. shriving, matins, the mass, and the communion, were performed, the esquire, during the principal ceremonies of the sacrament, holding the taper in his hand, with a penny stuck in the wax, near the light; and, finally, he offered them to the priest, the taper to the honour of god, and the penny to the honour of him that should make him a knight. his governors then took him from the chapel, and laid him in his bed, divesting him of his hermit's weeds. after some time for refreshment had been allowed him, the governors went to the king, and said, "most victorious prince, our master shall awake when it so pleaseth your majesty." the king accordingly commanded the party of knights, esquires, and minstrels, to go into the chamber of the esquire, and awake him. they went, and said to him, "sir, good day: it is time to arise." the governors raised him in his bed: the most worthy and the most sage knight presented him his shirt, the next cavalier in consideration gave him his breeches, the third his doublet, the fourth his robe of red taffata, lined with white sarcenet; and, when he was thus partially clothed, two others lifted him out of bed. two donned his hose, which were of black silk, or of black cloth, with soles of leather, two others buttoned his sleeves, another bound round him a girdle of plain white leather, an inch broad. the combing of the head, and putting on the coif, were each performed by a knight. another gentle cavalier also gave him his mantle of red tartayn, crossed with white on the breast, and fastened with a lace of white silk, from which depended a pair of white gloves. how his white-feathered white hat got upon his head i know not; for the grave ceremonial is altogether silent about the matter. the dressing being concluded, the esquire was placed on horseback, and led by the knights into the hall of the king, preceded by a young gentle esquire, also on horseback, and carrying by its point a sword, in a white scabbard, with gilt spurs hanging upon the cross hilt. the marshal of england assisted the candidate for knighthood to alight, and led him into the hall, where he sat at the head of the second table, surrounded by his counselling knights, his sword-bearer, and governors. the king, on entering the hall, demanded the sword and the spurs, and they were given to him by the chamberlain. the king gave the right spur to one of the noblest peers about him, commanding that lord to place it on the right heel of the esquire. the lord knelt on one knee, and, taking the esquire by the right leg, put the foot upon his knee, and not only affixed the spur to the heel, but made a cross upon the knee of the esquire, and kissed it. another lord attached the left spur to the left foot with similar ceremonies. the king then, out of the meekness of his high might, girt the sword round the esquire. the esquire raised his arms, and the king, throwing his arms round the neck of the esquire, smote the esquire on the shoulder with his right hand, kissing him at the same time, and saying, "be ye a good knight." the new-made knight was then conducted by his counselling knights into the chapel, upon whose high altar he laid his sword, offering it to god and holy church, most devoutly beseeching heaven, that he might always worthily demean himself in the order. he then took a sup of wine and left the chapel, at whose door his spurs were taken off by the master-cook, who received them for his fee; and in the fine style of old english bluntness reminded him, that "if he ever acted unworthily of his knighthood, it would be his duty, with the knife with which he dressed the meats, to strike away his spurs, and that thus by the customs of chivalry he would lose his worship." the new-made knight went into the hall, and sat at table with his compeers; but it did not deport with his modesty to eat in their presence, and his abashment kept him from turning his eyes hither and thither. he left the table after the king arose, and went to his chamber with a great multitude of knights, squires, and minstrels, rejoicing, singing, and dancing. alone in his chamber, and the door closed, the knight, wearied by this time with ceremony and fasting, ate and drank merrily. he then doffed much of his array, which was distributed among the officers of the household, and put on a robe of blue with the white lace of silk hanging on the shoulder, similar to that which was worn in the days of henry v.; for however degenerated the world might have become, they could not for shame's sake despise all the forms of chivalry. the ceremony, of inauguration concluded by expressions of thanks and courtesy. the knight went to the king, and kneeling before him, said, "most dread and most mighty prince, i gratefully salute you for the worship which you have so courteously given to me." the governors thus addressed the knight: "worshipful sir, by the king's command we have served you, and that command fulfilled to our power; and what we have done in our service against your reverence we pray you of your grace to pardon us. furthermore, by the custom of the king's court, we require of you robes and fees becoming the rank of king's squires, who are fellows to the knights of other lands."[ ] chap. iv. progress of chivalry in france. _chivalry in baronial castles ... chivalry injured by religious wars ... beneficial influence of poetry and romance ... chivalric brilliancy of the fourteenth century ... brittany ... du guesclin ... romantic character of his early years ... his knightly conduct at rennes ... gallantry at cochetel ... political consequences of his chivalry ... he leads an army into spain ... and changes the fortunes of that kingdom ... battle of navaret ... du guesclin prisoner ... treatment of him by the black prince ... ransomed ... is made constable of france ... recovers the power of the french monarchy ... companionship in arms between du guesclin and olivier de clisson ... du guesclin's death before randon ... his character ... decline of chivalry ... proof of it ... little chivalry in the second series of french and english wars ... combats of pages ... further decay of chivalry ... abuses in conferring knighthood ... burgundy ... its chivalry ... the romantic nature of the burgundian tournaments ... last gleams of chivalry in france ... life of bayard ... francis i. ... extinction of chivalry._ [sidenote: chivalry in baronial castles.] the high rank of france among the civilised states of europe in the middle ages decides the country to which our attention should be next directed in tracing the history of chivalry. every french baron graced his nobility by the honour of knighthood, and was surrounded by a band of cavaliers. kings, and even queens, had a certain number of knights who composed their court and accepted their pay; and the conferring of royal honours upon other men than possessors of mere wealth or rank had a powerful effect in promoting the virtues, whatever they might be, of the times. merit was not considered, as a landed estate, to be altogether hereditary, and the personal nature of chivalry became a check upon the exclusiveness of aristocratical pride.[ ] the moral influence of the chivalric code in supporting justice and diffusing gentleness of manners is not very perceptible in the early ages of france; for the chroniclers of those times chiefly mark the general political circumstances of the decline of the house of charlemagne, the establishing of a feudal aristocracy, and the rise of a new monarchy by the spirit and ambition of hugh capet. [sidenote: chivalry injured by religious wars.] in the eleventh century chivalry became a distinguishing feature in the national character of france, for the crusades began at that time; and france, above all other countries of the west, was influenced by their spirit. as every knight vowed to support the church, he readily enough became a soldier in those wars which the clergy declared were essential to the well-being of religion. the holy land presented a noble field for the display of his virtue: his love of adventures might be gratified by his long and toilsome journey thither; and if the shores of palestine drank his blood, he gained a crown of martyrdom instead of a victor's laurel. [sidenote: beneficial influence of poetry and romance.] the sword of the cavalier was too often drawn by the church; and in the persecution of the albigenses the knighthood of france forgot all the generous liberality and mercy of their order. but although the crusades against ferocious turks and erring christians took from chivalry much of its gracefulness and beauty, yet a restoring power was found in that love for poetry and romance which for some ages had been spreading itself over the world. human nature, in europe, appears to have been sunk to the lowest possible degree of depression at the time when the roman empire was in its last days of decay. we corrupt our admiration of classical ages into a superstitious idolatry, when we affirm that the revival of the energies of the human intellect took place in consequence of the discovery of a few greek and latin manuscripts. the storm from the north in earlier times was the greatest moral blessing which mankind had ever known. it swept away those institutions which were no longer sustained by virtue and genius; and the settlement of the gothic kingdoms was the commencement of the new glories of the world. the successors of the romans were not entirely occupied in the fierce struggles of ambition. a new intellect was impressed upon europe, wild as nature before it is tamed into artificial society, but rich, vigorous, and beautiful. as the new states of the west took a firm and enduring shape, as the tendency of human nature to improvement gradually became visible, intellectual talent was more and more esteemed. if in the twelfth century the plains of europe were covered with armed knights, the castles were filled with poets who sang the joys both of war and love; and although the brave gestes of charlemagne and his paladins against the saracens were the theme of many a minstrel's lay, and tended to promote religious wars, yet the same romantic rhymers described the other duties of the chivalric character, and set knightly gentleness and gallantry at the highest pitch of chivalric virtue. that from their own viciousness, or in base compliance with their lords' passions, they were often gross in their descriptions and depraved in their morality, are circumstances sufficiently true; but still the general tendency of the poetry and romance of the chivalric ages was to improve the manners of the time. to right the oppressed, to succour woman in distress, formed the burden of many an ancient song; and when chaunted to the minstrel's harp in a baronial hall, it won the mind of the feudal noble from those deeds of blood which the superstitious declared were the only duties of a knight. [sidenote: chivalric brilliancy of the fourteenth century.] the amusements of chivalry aided romance in sleeking o'er the rugged looks of war; for tournaments became more and more the national amusement as the world escaped from the darkness of barbarism. the crusades closed with the thirteenth century; and in the succeeding age that fine spirit of chivalry, which the expeditions to palestine had checked, shone with unclouded brilliancy. when the plains of france were one vast tilting ground for the french and english knights, stern fanaticism did not draw the sword. in the crusades, romantic aspirations after woman's smiles seldom inspired the hero's chivalry, but in the wars of edward iii. in france, every cavalier fought for the honour of his lady-mistress as well as for the ambition of his king. in those days that great principle of chivalry, the companionship of knights, was fully felt as an influential motive to action. therefore the cavalier was courteous to his foe: he waited the leisure, and saluted the other, before he placed his spear in its rest: he did not demand of his captive a ransom more heavy than his estate could well furnish; and in no case did he inflict cruelties beyond the necessary pains of war. the display of chivalry was as brilliant as its spirit was noble; and it was a great beauty to behold banners and standards waving in the wind, horses barded, and knights and squires richly armed. but as i collected in a former chapter the most striking circumstances regarding the chivalry of those times, i shall pass on to the next interesting page in knightly story. [sidenote: brittany.] it contains the life of a hero, whose chivalric courage materially influenced the fortunes of the french monarchy. he sprung, too, from a country that was full of romantic associations. when the saxons had achieved the conquest of england, many of the subjugated people crossed the sea to france, and settled in britanny: so numerous, indeed, was the colony, that the historians of that province people it entirely from england.[ ] the ancient language of this island was certainly spoken in armorica; and all our history and romance were known and cherished there as well and as fondly as in wales and cornwall, the other receptacles of oppressed britons. in after ages both the french and english chevaliers turned their eyes to brittany with respect and veneration, as the preserver of the fame of arthur, and of the knights of the round table, whose history was a chief source of romantic fiction. [sidenote: du guesclin.] and now, in the fourteenth century, a cavalier appeared who was worthy to have broken a lance with "uther's son, begirt with british and armorick knights!" [sidenote: romantic character of his early years.] bertrand du guesclin, a breton, of gentle rather than noble family, was a knight in whom the love of military glory burnt with a pure and bright flame. he was born at the chateau of de la motte de broen, near rennes, in brittany, in the year . nature had so little graced his personal exterior, that even to the partial eye of a mother he seemed rather a clown than a gentleman. some tinge of melancholy in his nature was mistaken for ill-tempered gloom, and his disposition to taciturnity was fostered by neglect and contempt. he grew rude, violent, and morose; and his parents would not entertain the notion of educating him for knighthood, the wonted distinction of the eldest son of a gentleman. but the disposition of bertrand's mind was invincible; and he encouraged it by practising with energy and perseverance all the boyish exercises which were the faithful mirrors of war; he practised them, too, in opposition to the will of his father, who never failed to chastise him when he witnessed any display of his nature's bent. he appeared as an unknown knight at a tournament at rennes, and won the palm of victory from a regularly educated cavalier. the path of military glory now lay before him. soon afterwards he entered the service of charles of blois, who knighted him; and he speedily distinguished himself by several chivalric circumstances. [sidenote: his knightly conduct at rennes.] the town of rennes was blockaded by the duke of lancaster with such ability, that a surrender at discretion was looked for by the english. in full confidence of success, lancaster vowed that he would not quit the place until he was its master. in this embarrassing conjuncture, one of the citizens offered to pass through the camp of the enemy, to deceive the duke by false intelligence, and, finally, to apprize charles of blois of the danger which hung over the place. with great skill and firmness he performed his promise. he repaired to the camp of the duke, and painted with affected _naïveté_ the distress of the besieged, who founded, he said, their only hope of safety on the succour of a french troop that was expected in two days. the tale was credited; and while the duke, hastily collecting his choicest knights, rode at speed to meet the rescue, the townsman of rennes, from his simple unwarlike appearance, was allowed at his free will to pass through the camp. at some distance from the english station he encountered bertrand du guesclin, and described the position of affairs. in a moment, the valiant breton knight formed and executed his resolve: he waved his pennon, and many hardy soldiers pressed around him. they dashed into the english camp; and, after displaying the power of their chivalry, they seized large stores of provisions, and proudly marched with them into the famished town of rennes. soon afterwards, the wearied and mortified english returned to their camp. surprised at the destruction which had been committed in his absence, the duke enquired the cause; and was told that the name of the knight who had executed so bold a measure was du guesclin. lancaster, like a gallant cavalier, could admire boldness even in a foeman, and he sent a herald into the town requesting that he might behold the man who had so singularly distinguished himself. accordingly, on the next morning, du guesclin went to the enemy's camp, his personal safety being secure under the word of english chivalry. he was conducted into the tent of the duke, who received him with perfect courtesy, which the knight answered, by assuring him, that he was at his command in all things that did not militate against the service of his own chief. the duke then demanded the name of his lord, and du guesclin replied, charles of blois, to whom by right appertained the duchy of brittany. an english knight observed, "_messire bertrand, avant que ce vous dites se termine arrive, il en couterâ cent mille têtes_." "_eh bien_," answered du guesclin, "_qu'on en tue tant qu'on voudra, ceux qui demeureront auront la robe des autres_." this repartee amused the duke, who, pleased at the martial frankness of du guesclin, wished to engage him in his service. but he declined all his offers; and after jousting with a knight who thought little of his valiancy, he returned to rennes. the winter approached; a season more terrible to those without than to those within the walls. du guesclin repulsed every assault; and lancaster would have retired, if his honour had not been pledged to take the town. du guesclin's ingenuity assisted him in this exigency. it was agreed that lancaster should enter rennes armed, his standards should be planted on the walls, and after this satisfaction of his conscience he should raise the siege. the treaty was faithfully executed. the duke entered rennes, remained there some hours, and then quitted it; hardly, however, had he left the gate when the citizens contemptuously cast his standards into the ditch. this indignity wounded him deeply; but being an honourable observer of his word, he would not betray his resentment, or permit his army to avenge this insult to their leader and their nation.[ ] [sidenote: gallantry at cochetel.] du guesclin soon afterwards entered the service of john, king of france, with a considerable band of breton knights and squires, whom the fame of his chivalry had drawn to his standard. he remained a royal knight till the death of the king in , and then became a soldier of his successor, charles v. before the coronation of that monarch, du guesclin proved himself worthy of being his cavalier, by a circumstance which entitled him also to national gratitude. the authority of the french, in normandy, was disputed by some lords of that duchy, who were aided by the english and the navarrese. the troops of navarre encountered the french near cochetel; but instead of maintaining their position on a hill, they descended into the plain, deceived by a feigned retreat of du guesclin. then it was that the breton ranged his men-at-arms; and their inequality in number to the foe was more than supplied by the reflection with which du guesclin animated them, that it behoved the chivalry of france to ornament with laurel the crown of their new sovereign. only one circumstance of the battle merits description; and, indeed, it is the only intelligible one in the mêlée of the knights. thirty gascon gentlemen had united themselves in strict fraternity of enterprise and peril to take prisoner john de grailly, the commander of the navarrese. accordingly, when the fight began they advanced with serried shields into the thickest of the press. they were beaten back; but they soon renewed the charge, and their prowess at length prevailed: for the navarrese knights had not formed themselves into a band for the defence of their commander, and his person was therefore imperfectly protected. his capture decided the fate of the day. the battle of cochetel is remarkable, not only as gracing a new king but as animating the courage of the french, which had been dispirited by repeated defeats during the two preceding reigns.[ ] in the same year du guesclin, by permission of his sovereign, aided his former friend, charles de blois, in establishing his rights over brittany. the opponent of charles was john de mountfort, and a destructive war had been seemingly closed by the peace of landes. but the countess of penthievre, the wife of charles, disdained any compromise of her rights, and her tears and reproaches induced him to cancel the treaty. the war was renewed; the english siding with de mountfort, and the french with charles. the battle of auray decided the cause. charles of blois was slain; and in his last moments he lamented that his ambition had been fatal to so many brave men. du guesclin was made prisoner by a squire of sir john chandos, the commander of de mountfort's troops[ ]: but he scarcely felt the pain of imprisonment, so courteously did the english knight deport himself. [sidenote: political consequences of his chivalry.] such was the state of du guesclin when europe once again became a scene of chivalry; and its fortunes were as much influenced by his gallant spirit, as, a few years before, they had been swayed by those knights who had assailed and defended the french crown. the peace of bretigny had terminated the contest between france and england, and the interesting point of political consideration was spain. a long course of oppression and tyranny had alienated from peter, king of castile, the affections of his people, and stigmatised his name with the epithet, cruel. his murdering his nobility and his brothers would have passed unnoticed out of spain; but he imbrued his hands in the blood of his wife, blanche of bourbon, and she was sister of the french queen. the indignation of charles v. of france was roused at this last crime; and the chivalric gallantry of his court loudly echoed his feelings. an army and a leader both were wanting; for most of the knighthood of france had been slain in the late wars. at that moment du guesclin was regarded by the court of france as the great stay of knighthood; and his love of military adventures, and his aspirations for high emprises, seconded the wish of the king, that he would revenge the death of his sister. these military qualities of chivalry formed the character of du guesclin; for he who had been rudely stamped by nature, who little regarded lovers' lays and ladies' bowers, could scarcely sympathise with the gallantry of the court of france. but for the heroism of du guesclin the enterprise would have perished in its bud. france was covered with soldiers, the disbanded mercenaries of the late wars. charles v. regarded them with suspicious eyes; his power was not adequate to annihilate them, or even to punish them for their violation of his subjects' peace; and, skilful prince as he was, he made no attempt to remove them peaceably from his states. it was only to a real genius in war that they would submit; and du guesclin, above all other men of his age, was capable of guiding their martial energies. the king ransomed him from chandos for one hundred thousand franks[ ], and invested him with the command of the enterprise. du guesclin met the mercenaries at the table of carousal, and the occasion of festivity was a favourable one for communicating his scheme. i cannot believe, with some writers, that the unchivalric conduct of peter stimulated the heroism of these adventures. among them, indeed, were many soldiers of fortune, generous and noble minded; and such men would sympathise with virtue: but most of them were mere military ruffians, who defied, and were the disgrace of, the law. the promise of two hundred thousand livres from the king of france was the lure for their enterprising themselves, and i need not dwell upon their hope of common military plunder. it is amusing to observe how fondly superstition clings about the heart of man; for these daring marauders declared that they could not cross the alps till they had received absolution from the pope for their former sins. du guesclin promised to procure it; and then the joyousness of the soldier resumed its ascendancy, and they cried, that they had more confidence in him than in all the bishops of france or at avignon. [sidenote: he leads an army into spain,] [sidenote: and changes the fortunes of that kingdom.] towards that city of italian prelates they repaired, after having been admitted into the presence of the french king. they astonished the legate of the terrified pope by declaring that they wanted absolution, and two hundred thousand livres. with these opposite demands his holiness prudently complied; and du guesclin crossed the pyrenees, his soldiers being now called the white companions, from their wearing on their shoulders a white cross, to testify that they had taken up arms only to abolish judaism, and put down peter, who was the supposed supporter of it.[ ] du guesclin was accompanied into spain by many noble spaniards, whom the cruelties of peter had, some while before, banished from their own country. among them was henry of trastamarra, the son of leonora de guzman, the mistress of peter's father. the hopes of castile were now directed to henry; for any defect in the legitimacy of his title was amply supplied by his talents and virtues. du guesclin supported the general feeling of the time: he drove the king from the throne, and seated henry upon it. the deposed monarch fled to corunna, embarked, with his three daughters, on board the first ship which the shadow of his former power enabled him to command, and sailed to bayonne. he knew that the black prince was in bourdeaux, and he hastened to lay before him his wrongs. edward, hearing of his purpose, and resolving to do him honour, issued out of the city, accompanied by divers knights and squires, and went and met the king, and did him great reverence, both in word and deed. after the prince had well feasted him, they rode together to bourdeaux, edward, like a courteous knight, giving his friend the right, or side of honour. when they reached the city, the king was conducted to a fair chamber, ready apparelled for him; and, after changing his soiled dress for a robe of splendour, he went to the princess and the ladies, who received him right courteously.[ ] but few entreaties were necessary, before edward promised the best exertions of his chivalry to restore him to his throne. the rights of legitimacy were his pretext; for he said that "it was not fit a bastard should hold a realm in heritage, and put his brother, the rightful inheritor of the land, out of his own realm; the which things all kings and kings' sons should in nowise suffer, nor consent to, for it was a great prejudice against the state royal." the prince, as froissart says, was then in the lusty flower of his youth; and he was never weary nor well satisfied with war, since the first beginning that he bore arms, but ever intended to achieve high deeds of chivalry.[ ] "the people of spain," observes froissart in another place, "had great marvel of the prince's intention, and there was much communing thereof. some said the prince took on him the enterprise for pride and presumption, and was, in a manner, angry of the honour that sir bertrand of du guesclin had gotten, in conquering of the realm of castile, in the name of king henry, who was by him made king."[ ] and if the principles of human nature and chivalry should still leave any doubt on our minds regarding edward's motives, his treatment of du guesclin, when the noble breton became his prisoner, would remove any obscurity. his council in vain endeavoured to dissuade him from his purpose, though these good and sage imaginative lords pleaded well the cause of justice. "sir," they said, "ye have heard it observed, divers times, he that embraceth too much holdeth the weaklier. it is for a truth that ye are one of the princes of the world most praised, honoured, and redoubted, and hold on this side of the sea great lands and seigniories, thanked be god, in good rest and peace. there is no king, near nor far, who at this time dares to displease you; so renowned are you of good chivalry, grace, and good fortune. you ought, therefore, by reason, to be content with what you have, and seek not to get any enemies. sir, we say not this for evil. we know well that the king, don peter of castile, who is now driven out of his realm, is a man of high mind, right cruel, and full of evil conditions; for by him have been done many evil deeds in the realm of castile; and he hath caused many a valiant man to lose his head, and brought cruelly to an end, without any manner of reason; and so by his villain deeds he is now put out of his realm: and also, besides all this, he is enemy to the church, and cursed by our holy father, the pope. he is reputed, and hath been a great season, a tyrant; and, without tittle of reason, hath always grieved and made war with his neighbours, the king of arragon and the king of navarre, and would have disinherited them by puissance; and also, as the bruit runneth throughout his realm, how he causeth to die his wife, your cousin, daughter to the duke of bourbon. wherefore, sir, you ought to think and consider that all this that he now suffers are rods and strokes of god sent to chastise him, and to give example to all other christian kings and princes, to beware that they do not as he hath done." such were the counsels of the gascon and english knights who attended edward; but his resolution was formed, and he prepared for war. he drew from the white companies those of his valiant liegemen, who, for want of other chevisance, had joined du guesclin; and, in england, when his purpose was bruited, all the youthful chivalry was on fire to join the hero of cressy and poictiers. [sidenote: battle of navaret, april . .] [sidenote: du guesclin prisoner.] he commenced his march with thirty thousand soldiers. it was winter when they passed through the valley of roncesvalles; and, while the snow drove in their faces, they cheered their spirits by singing the songs in which the minstrel-muse had celebrated the deeds of charlemagne's paladins. at pampeluna their distressful march was relieved by the king of navarre, whose aid they had purchased; and the prince of wales proceeded to castile. the battle of navaret decided the contest. the common people of spain, who composed the first ranks of henry, fought so bravely with their slings, that the englishmen were sorely troubled; but edward's archers drew their bows right yeomanly, and soon checked their fury. henry had on his side more than a hundred thousand men in harness, from castile, portugal, and other states; and well and chivalrously did they sustain his cause. the better-appointed force of edward gradually prevailed, though king henry's troops fought to the bravest point; for, as they had placed him on the throne, they felt their honour engaged to fight for him to the utterance. the battle, in all its press and din, was fought between the troops of du guesclin and those of sir john chandos. the noble breton was taken prisoner, and the english remained masters of the field. don pedro was restored to his throne, and edward somewhat redeemed his previous conduct, by inducing the king to grant a general pardon and amnesty. the ingratitude of pedro was the consequence of the black prince's exertions in his favour; and i need not dwell upon such a natural circumstance.[ ] to furnish his troops with those arrears of pay which peter should have satisfied, edward was obliged to tax the possessions of the english in france. between the people of england and the french there had been long-enduring jealousies: there was no community of ideas and manners between them; and the principle of obedience more naturally rested on a french than on an english sovereign. the demeanour of the black prince was not that of a courteous and gentle knight: his haughtiness lost him many friends; and his impolicy of giving all the offices of state in gascony and acquitain to englishmen was bitterly complained of, and resented by the lords of those countries, who had perilled themselves, to the loss of their estates, in his cause. on the other hand, the english were not backward in reproaching the gascons. certain knights of england once told the black prince, that he little knew the mind of these people, nor how proud they were. "they do not love us, and never did," continued these counsellors. "sir, remember ye not how highly and greatly they bore themselves against you in the city of bourdeaux, when king john of france was first carried thither? they said then, and maintained plainly, that by them only ye attained to achieve the taking of the king; and that right well appeared, for you were in great treaty with them for the space of four months, ere they would consent that the french king; should be carried into england. first, it behoved you to satisfy their minds, to keep them in love."[ ] edward's attempt at taxation exasperated the angry feelings of his subjects, and was the great and immediate cause of their revolt to the french king. [sidenote: treatment of him by the black prince.] edward detained du guesclin in prison longer than was consistent with the feelings of generosity, which were wont to warm the breast of a gentle knight. yet edward could state the reciprocal duties of conqueror and captive with accuracy; that the former ought not to exact too high a sum, and that the latter should not attempt to escape without paying his ransom. a cavalier, using the freedom of a festive hour, commented on this observation, by saying, that the world was blaming him for his severity towards one of his prisoners. edward's sense of honour was touched by this remark, and he summoned du guesclin to his presence. the hero appeared before him, dressed in his coarse prison garment; and in reply to some unknightly merriment of the prince on the rudeness of his appearance, he said, that it remained with the pleasure of the conqueror when he should be better clothed; that for some time he had had only rats and mice for his companions, and, as he added with affecting simplicity, "even to the songs of the birds i have been a stranger." [sidenote: ransomed.] edward offered him freedom on condition of his swearing not to war in favour of france or of henry of trastamarra, the candidate for the spanish throne. du guesclin could not consistently with honour comply with these conditions; and edward, stung by the recollection that the world had impeached his bravery and generousness, declared that, to show he dreaded no man, du guesclin should be restored to his liberty on paying a proper ransom. the noble breton then required to be released on his parole, in order that he might fetch the necessary sum. edward, touched by his spirited demeanour, resumed all his generous and chivalric feelings, and declared that du guesclin should name his own ransom; and instead of fixing it at ten thousand or twenty thousand livres, the captive hero proudly mentioned sixty thousand florins. the prince was astonished at his apparent presumption, and asked him by what means he could pay so large a sum. "the kings of france and castile," he replied, "are my friends, and will never fail me in a case of necessity. i know a hundred knights of brittany who would sell their possessions for my liberation; and there is not a woman sitting at her distaff in france who would not labour with her own hands to redeem me from yours." du guesclin was then liberated on his parole of honour, and people gazed with curiosity and respect upon a man who had so noble a sense of his own dignity.[ ] [sidenote: is made constable of france.] this liberation took place in the year , and the breton immediately entered into the service of henry of trastamarra. peter had renewed his cruelties when the black prince seated him on the throne, and his tyranny again provoked the castilians to rebellion. the power of henry slowly rose, and as soon as du guesclin and his gascons took the field, he once more became king. soon afterwards our knight was recalled by charles v. to france, and placed at the head of his chivalry by the title of constable. he entered paris amidst general acclamations, the people saluting him with cries which hitherto had been appropriated to kings. he went to court, where the king, in the presence of his nobles, declared, that he chose him to command his armies, and therefore gave him the sword of constable. du guesclin then, with the modesty of a true knight, implored his sovereign to honour with this dignity some one who was more worthy of it than himself. but charles declared that there was not a knight in france who did not acknowledge the superior worship of du guesclin, and therefore he commanded him to accept the office. du guesclin yielded; but fearing the courtiers of paris more than his country's enemies, he entreated the king not to credit any tales which might be circulated to his prejudice, without first hearing his defence.[ ] [sidenote: recovers the power of the french monarchy.] [sidenote: companionship in arms between du guesclin and olivier de clisson.] du guesclin now began to achieve the high emprise of re-annexing to the crown of france those provinces which the gallantry of the black prince had wrested from it. charles could not give him many troops; but the noble knight sold his estates in order to raise men-at-arms, and his wife parted with the ornaments becoming her station, in order to purchase lances and harness. he was soon surrounded by four thousand soldiers. they were chiefly levied in normandy, and their rendezvous was caen. du guesclin threw an air of chivalry over his emprise, for he introduced the usage of fraternity of arms. he chose for his own brother, olivier de clisson, or du guesclin, a knight whose name is mentioned with honour in all the great battles of the time. these two breton cavaliers signed at pontoison the act of their fraternity, whereby they engaged to defend the estate, life, and honour of each other.[ ] du guesclin then fell upon the english at pontvelain with the force of thunder: most of them were taken prisoners; and sir robert knowles, their leader, fled to brittany, and concealed his head for shame, during the rest of his life in the castle of derval.[ ] the black prince was then at bourdeaux, enfeebled by sickness: he had wasted his constitution in the peninsular war; for the climate of spain was not so favourable to the health of englishmen in those days as it has been found in later times. instead of being able to gird on his armour and display his chivalry, edward had scarcely strength to follow the counsel of his leeches to return to england. he left the duke of lancaster to preserve the english dominion in france from total ruin. the year was a blank in the chivalric history of du guesclin, but the following spring he continued his attempt to subjugate poictou. many cities were sacked; and the abhorrence with which the cruelties of olivier de clisson were regarded by his own army may warrant the conjecture that inhumanity was not general. at the close of , poictou was entirely subdued. in the next year, du guesclin continued his conquests, and guienne became the subject of his victories. the duke of lancaster was the successor of the power, but not of the chivalry, of the black prince; and de mountfort, whom edward sent to france as the opponent of du guesclin, not only recovered nothing, but lost much of brittany; and thus, by the genius and fortune of one chivalric hero, all the bright visions of glory created in the fervid imaginations of our edwards were blighted, and france recovered her station among the high powers of europe. [sidenote: du gueslin's death before randan.] [sidenote: his character.] du guesclin continued in the service of charles. the last years of his life it is impossible to describe, so contradictory are his biographers. some declare that the calumnies of parisian courtiers deprived him of the favour of charles, and that he lost his office of constable. however this may have been, it is certain that in the year he commanded the french troops in auvergne, and went to lay siege to randan, a little fortress some leagues from mendes, in the govandau, between the sources of the lot and the alleir. the place, until then so little known, immediately became famous, in french history, for the loss which france sustained before its walls of one of her prowest knights. du guesclin, who, according to the wont of chivalry, had vowed not to sheath his sword while an enemy's lance was raised, pressed the siege with vigour, when he was attacked by a malady which was soon found to be mortal. he beheld the approach of death with christian intrepidity, and he died while exhorting the knights around his bed to the duties of devotion to god, loyalty to the king, and mercy to those who were the objects of war. it was his wish to be buried at dinan, in brittany, but the king commanded the abbey of st. denys to be the place[ ]; and in kindness and gratitude, he was anxious that a lamp should always hang over the tomb, in order that posterity might never lose remembrance of his great deeds.[ ] the epitaph, on account of its simplicity, deserves mention. "ici gist noble homme messire bertrand du guesclin, comte de longueville, et connétable de france, qui trepassa au chastel neuf de randan en gisaudan, en la sénéchaussée de beauncaire, le jour de juillet, . priez dieu pour lui."[ ] such was the life of a simple breton gentleman, who with no advantage of birth, no powerful patronage, but with only his good sword to speed him, raised himself to the highest rank in the french nation, and his was one of the numerous instances in the middle ages where the personal merit of chivalry was of more avail than the hereditary right of aristocracy. in many of the essentials of knighthood, in lofty daring, sageness, and generosity, he was as preux a cavalier as the english chandos' and mannys; but there was none of that gallant grace over this darling of french chivalry, which distinguished the heroes of edward iii. he was so sensible of his own personal plainness, that he never cultivated the pleasing amenities of chivalry; but his modesty did not pass unrewarded[ ]: for the ladies of brittany were so deeply read in the romances of their country, that they loved only men who were famous for martial deeds. du guesclin was twice married: of the first of his wives nothing is on record; the other is said to have been a woman of beauty, fortune and wit. she was an heiress in brittany, and charles of blois promoted the union, hoping to attach him to his court. her reputation as a prophetess was extensive, and her prediction of his success in a particular battle being verified, her vanity became interested in his fate. she had her days of good and of evil fortune, and if historians have written his annals faithfully, bertrand often repented, both as a soldier and a husband, when he did not regard her councils.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: decline of chivalry.] [sidenote: proof of it.] the history of france after these circumstances was the struggle between the ruling powers and the people regarding the right of taxation. the civil wars that devastated france and flanders, in consequence of this dispute, bore none of the character of chivalry; for monarchical and aristocratical haughtiness disdained to consider as their companions in arms those whom they called the raskal-rout, the base-born rabble. it was only wars of ambition that were graced and softened by chivalric generosity; and therefore all was blood, and horror, and confusion, when the houses of orleans and burgundy distracted france with their feuds. the pages of monstrelet, the chronicler of the events to which i have alluded, form a gloomy contrast to the splendid scenes of froissart. the field, indeed, continues to gleam with lances, and banners and pennons wave in the wind, but the spirit of honour and courtesy no longer hung over them,--and the prostrate soldier sued for mercy in vain. knights were created before and after battles: tournaments, jousts, and other splendid shows were held; and as the essence of chivalry decayed its splendour seemed to brighten. an affair in liege, in the year , will show the manner of warfare when chivalry was on the wane. john duke of burgundy, john of bavaria, the lords of hainault and orange, and other princes, appeared in arms to succour the bishop of liege, brother-in-law of the duke of bavaria, whom the liegeois had expelled from the city. instead of following the counsel of the new bishop and his father the lord de pier-vves, of remaining within the walls, and wearing out the enemy by a defensive war, the liegeois, when the bells of the city announced break of day, left their fortifications, resolved to give battle to the well-appointed lines of burgundy. their numbers were fifty thousand; but except some pieces of artillery, five or six hundred men armed like cavalry, and a few score of stipendiary english archers, they were the disorderly population of the city. their confidence of success was exalted to madness; and when the hour of battle arrived, they would not suffer their nominal leader, the lord pier-vves, to take any means of prudence. it is curious to mark the difference of character in the two parties. there was a wild frantic kind of courage in the liegeois, inspired by the consideration, that they were fighting for their lives and liberties. their foemen had no such deep-seated enthusiasm: they moved to battle as sportively as to a joust; while their commanders were gaily exhorting their men-at-arms to behave themselves gallantly against the enemy, a rude and ignorant people who had rebelled against their lord, and who confidently trusted in their superior numbers for success. "if the warriors of burgundy," (concluded the martial orators) "will dash into career with knight-like courage victory will be theirs, and they will gain everlasting honour." the cannon of the liegeois did not check the advance of the chivalry; and though the burghers endured well and courageously the close encounter, yet the prudence of their general was verified, that they could oppose no effectual resistance to the nobles and gentlemen trained to war, and armed in proof. after an hour's struggle, the line of the liegeois being charged in rear by a detachment of horse, six thousand of them quitted the ranks, and fled towards a village distant half a league from the field of battle. the cavalry charged them several times, beating down and slaying them without mercy. the main body of the liegeois was yet unsubdued; and for half an hour the noise of the war-cries was dreadful; the burgundians and hainaulters shouting, under their banners, "our lady for burgundy!" "our lady for hainault!" and the liegeois ringing the air with the cry, "st. lambert for pier-vves!" the detachment of horse returned, and fell upon the rear of the liegeois, and pierced it through: a great slaughter was made, for none were admitted to ransom. near the banner of the duke of burgundy, where the conflict raged with most fierceness, the lord of pierre-vves and his two sons (one was the new bishop) fell, and no consideration for their chivalry or religious profession saved them from death. the coolness of the duke of burgundy excites the praise of the historian; and no apology is thought necessary for his conduct, when on being asked, after the defeat, if they should cease from slaying the liegeois he replied, "let them all die together; let no prisoners be made; let none be admitted to ransom."[ ] such was the spirit in which war was conducted where the humanising influence of chivalry was unfelt; and i shall not attempt to detail the more horrid crimes of the sacking of towns. [sidenote: little chivalry in the second great series of french and english wars.] in the short war between france and england in the reign of our henry v., nothing peculiarly chivalric can be marked in the conduct of the french. the great second series of our wars with france, though not characterised by knightly splendour, is not without knightly interest. france could seldom boast of braver cavaliers than dunois, lahire, and the chevalier poton de saintrailles. during the memorable siege of orleans at the request of the english the festivities of christmas suspended the horrors of war, and the nativity of the saviour was commemorated by the sound of martial music. talbot, suffolk, and other ornaments of english chivalry, made presents of fruits to the accomplished dunois, who vied with their courtesy by presenting to suffolk some black plush he wished for as a lining for his dress in the then winter season. the high-spirited knights of one side challenged the prowest knights of the other, as their predecessors in chivalry had done. it is observable, however, that these jousts were not held in honour of the ladies, but the challenge always declared, that if there were in the other host a knight so generous and loving of his country as to be willing to combat in her defence, he was invited to present himself. [sidenote: combats of pages.] history has preserved to us one circumstance, which is interesting, because it marks the change of manners in the attendants on the cavaliers. we have seen that in early times each knight had his squire, who gave arms to his lord, and frequently mingled in the battle himself. the knight, now, had only his page, who buckled on his armour, and rendered similar acts of personal service; and, instead of generous emulation of the enterprises of cavaliers, a mock combat was held between the striplings of the two armies. each party had its leader, and its standard. their shields were made of osier twigs, and their javelins were blunted. on the first day the advantage was with the french, but on the second, the english youths bore away the standard of their antagonists, and the reputation of victory was theirs.[ ] [sidenote: further decay of chivalry.] after this national contest chivalry continued to decline in france. the civil wars had left that country one universal scene of vice and misrule, and the people looked to the king for some measure of protection. so exhausted were the nobility by their wars with england, that they declared their want of power to lead into the field the customary number of knights; and they therefore prayed a remission of military duty. charles willingly granted this petition; and no opposition was made to his establishing a force which he might either use against the barons themselves or the nation's enemies. the importance of mercenaries had been extending itself ever since the reign of philip augustus, when they were first introduced; for the old levies of feudatories and vassals had in france as in england been found insufficient for the great purposes of war. but the new bands of stipendiary adventurers were never a very important branch of the french military force, for the kings could not pay for many; and these hired soldiers were commonly infantry or lightly armed horse, who could not contend in the battle-field with mail-clad knights and squires. national feelings favoured the constitutional levy; and the kings endeavoured to render the country's chivalry of sufficient service by enlarging the time of their attendance. st. louis increased the period of military duty from forty days to two months, and philip the fair doubled the time determined by st. louis. [sidenote: abuses in conferring knighthood.] such was the state of affairs in france, when, in the year , charles established fifteen companies of cavalry. each company consisted of one hundred lances, and each of these men-at-arms had his archers, a coutiller or soldier, whose weapon of offence resembled a knife rather than a sword, and his personal attendant the page. every one of these followers served on horseback, and the whole force amounted to nine thousand cavalry. this was intended to be a permanent establishment; and it was understood that the soldiers should be paid out of the state finances, and should not like the mercenaries of former times subsist by plunder. these companies of ordonnance have ever been regarded as the foundation of the french standing army. here, then, closes the public military history of chivalry in france. the new soldiers were stipendiaries, not cavaliers: they were not educated for chivalry: they had not passed through the ranks of page and squire; and not being necessarily gentlemen by name or arms, their deeds could not be similar to those which sprang from the oath of the cavalier. this new military force caused the feudatories of the crown no longer to bring their vassals with them to war, except in certain extreme cases, where the arriere ban was summoned, and then the appearance was but a faint picture of the ancient chivalry. thus the usage of banners and pennons ceased, and with them the great distinctions of bannerets and knights, because those titles no longer conferred honour and command.[ ] the title of knight lost its military character; and, instead of being bestowed with religious solemnities, after a long and painful education, it was often given to very young men without any martial training whatever, when they first stepped from their father's castles into the busy scenes of life. there was another circumstance which sullied the glory of knighthood;--i mean the bestowing of its title upon persons who were not of the military class. the exact time when this innovation upon chivalry took place it is impossible to ascertain, and i wish not to weary my readers with profitless antiquarian researches. knights of the law, as distinguished from those of arms, were known in the thirteenth century; and when once the clergy, who exercised the judicial functions, began to assume military titles, (which they did from their spirit of engrossing every thing that was honourable,) the matter soon grew into a custom: the lawyers claimed the privilege of wearing gold, and in every point asserted the equality of the law, with the chivalry of a country.[ ] by degrees the title of knighthood began to be applied to men distinguished for their learning or talents, or who for less honourable causes were favoured by the king. this application of chivalric honours to persons who were not within the order of chivalry was viewed with a jealous and malignant eye by the military knights, who were not satisfied with the consideration in which they were held when other classes of society copied their titles, and shone by the reflection of martial glory. their fierce minds felt no respectful sympathy for the literary and intellectual awarders of justice, and they wished that the lance of the knight-errant should continue to be the only refuge of the injured. in effect the title of knight became of little estimation, and in the history of france, through the fifteenth century, we seldom read of the conferring of the order of chivalry upon soldiers in the field of battle. chivalry thus decayed in france, before gunpowder became the chief instrument of death. though artillery had been known so early as the battle of cressy, it did not immediately come into general use. during the last half of the fourteenth century, the french used it in sieges, and sometimes in the field. but still, when charles vii. established the companies of ordonnance already mentioned, the strength of the army was cavalry. soon afterwards the french armies began to consist of infantry; for the soldiers of france were mercenaries, and they were drawn from switzerland, a country which from its poverty and mountain-form could not boast of many knights and plumed steeds. while chivalry was losing its martial vigour in the french monarchy, some of the nobility of france preserved it in their castles in all its stateliness and grace. but the records of those times are so faint and imperfect, that any thing beyond the mere circumstance of their general chivalry cannot be learned. [sidenote: burgundy.] [sidenote: its chivalry.] the annals of burgundy are somewhat more satisfactory. the dukes of burgundy became sovereigns of flanders, and impressed on that country a character of chivalry and romance. tournaments, jousts, and other knightly shows, graced the wealth of the flemish cities, at the time when the commercial cities of italy were distinguished for classic elegance and taste. the court of the dukes of burgundy was so high in fame for the lofty daring and gallant grace of chivalric emprise, that when constantinople fell under the moslem yoke, the hearts of the noble burgundian knights glowed with the bold and pious desire of recovering the metropolis of eastern christendom. the desire perished, for it was not supported by the other powers of europe; and burgundy, deprived of its hope of leading the lances of the west, in a cause so well worthy of them, is only interesting in the history of chivalry for its gracefulness and splendour. to present the reader with detailed statements of all its martial games would be tedious and unprofitable; but one of them possesses considerable interest, as displaying a very singular state of manners, and proving that the romances, and tales of chivalry, were often realised. [sidenote: the romance of burgundian tournaments.] in the year , the sister of edward iv. of england married charles duke of burgundy. the banquets and balls which testified the general joy were varied by a martial exercise, called the passage of the tree of gold. it was held in the market-place at bruges, which, on that occasion, exchanged its wonted appearance for one of chivalric gaiety. the ground was unpaved, and sanded like a royal tilt-yard; and galleries were erected around for the reception of the nobles and dames of burgundy and the wealthy merchants of flanders. a door, at one end of the lists, painted with a tree of gold, was defended by the bastard of burgundy, who jousted with such cavaliers as, by the permission of the ladies, were allowed to deliver the knight of the tree of gold of his emprise. according to the humour of the times, many knights appeared in fantastic disguises. one knight, though, lusty and young, approached the lists in a litter, and presented every mark of feebleness and age. he requested leave to joust for that once only, and declared that he would then retire to some peaceful cell, and forget, in devotion and penitence, the vain delights of war. at another time, the dames and damsels were informed that a noble knight, who wished to joust, was without the lists; but that he would not present himself to the ladies of burgundy until they perfectly knew his tale. all his life he had loved a lady of sclavonia; and although she had not altogether accepted him as her servant, yet she had encouraged him to hope. his mental sufferings for her love deserved compassion; but she, forgetting that feminine virtue, and continuing her pride, had not treated his devotion as it merited; and he, therefore, for the nine months which preceded his appearance at bruges, had lived among rocks and mountains, a prey to melancholy. when, however, the lady heard of this unquestionable proof of his passion, she repented of her ingratitude, and had sent to him a damsel-errant, who was now his guide. she had beguiled the tedious way to bruges by telling him that the pleasures of love could only be reached by labours, desires, and sufferings; that pain gave a zest to enjoyment, and that the greatest offence against love was despair. the lady had bade him hope; the damsel-errant had counselled him to go upon some chivalric quest, in order to dissipate his melancholy; and she had promised to accompany him, in order to deliver the tale of his adventures to his lady-mistress. the dames and maidens of burgundy accorded permission to this zealous servant of love to attempt the emprise of the passage of the tree of gold. he was preceded into the lists by three men, dressed like moors, and a lady followed, mounted on a white palfrey, and dressed, as the people thought, like a damsel-errant. she led the knight, who bestrode a cheval de lance, and afterwards came four nobles, clad in the habits of sclavonia, with the words "le chevalier esclave" worked on their robes. he jousted with a knight who supplied the place of the bastard of burgundy, but with what degree of gallantry history is silent.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: last gleams of chivalry in france.] [sidenote: life of bayard.] i now return to france, whose chivalry, even in the last days of its existence, is interesting; for if ever the bright glory of one man could have changed the manners of his age, the knight without fear and without reproach would have revived the chivalric fame of his country. pierre terrail, or du terrail, known under the name of bayard, was born in the year , at the chateau of bayard, in dauphiny. his family was of ancient and noble race, and boasted that their ancestors had fought at the battles of cressy and poictiers. his own father had been so severely wounded in the service of his country, that he quitted the army before the usual time for retiring. he passed the evening of his life in dauphiny, occupied in the education of his children, of whom peter was the only one that aspired to military glory. his wishes were grateful to his father; and his uncle, the bishop of grenoble, promised to introduce him to the duke of savoy. in his paternal home peter bayard had learned some of the duties of the page of early chivalric times: like him he ministered to his father and his guests at table; and he had acquired admirable skill in horsemanship. the bishop took the youth to chambery, the then residence of the duke, and by the grace of manner with which he attended his uncle at the dinner-table, and by a fine display of horsemanship, the duke regarded him with kindness, and placed him in his service. bayard was then about thirteen years old. not many months afterwards he became an attendant of the king of france; for the duke of savoy, preferring bayard's interests to his own, wished to advance his fortunes. charles viii. put him into the household of the signeur de ligny, where he remained till he was seventeen years old, when he was called into the class of the gentlemen of the royal court. besides acquiring the military exercises of his time, he graced his imagination with fairy and romantic tales: he was a knight in spirit and purpose, and he now aspired to gain the favour of the ladies by the prowess of his chivalry. a very few days after he had quitted his office of page, he broke a lance in a joust with one of the most distinguished cavaliers of the day, and his fame was bruited over all france. he remained all his life, in the service of the french kings. the theatre of his exertions was italy; but, as a very able pen has lately traced the revolutions of that interesting country[ ], i need not follow him through all his chevisance. such matters as display the points of his personal character, and show the remaining chivalric features of the time, come, however, within my province. in , he alone sustained on a narrow bridge the efforts of two hundred cavaliers, who attacked him. it was then that he obtained from the king a device having for its emblem a porcupine, with the words "_vires agminis unus habet_." at the taking of brescia, he received a dangerous wound, and he remained awhile in a private house. when he was about to depart, his hostess wished to present him with two thousand pistoles for the gratitude she felt at his having preserved her honour and her fortune; and he accepted the money only for the purpose of giving it to her daughters, as their marriage-portions. so highly was he esteemed, that chabannes, a marshal of france, and humbercourt, and d'aubigny, general officers, all of higher rank and older service than bayard, fought under his orders. yet he never rose to high commands. his greatest dignity was that of lieutenant-general of dauphiny. but the most amusingly characteristic story of bayard regards his gallantry. when he was page to the duke of savoy, he loved one of the attendants of the duchess; but the passion either was not mutual, or was not graced with any character of romance, for a few years afterwards the damsel married the seigneur de fleuxas. bayard met her at the house of the widow of his first master, the duke of savoy. during supper, the lady of fleuxas praised the chivalry in tournaments of her early admirer in such high terms, that he blushed for very modesty; and she added, that as he was now residing with a family who had been the first to cherish him, it would be great blame in him, if he did not prove himself as gallant a knight as he had done before. the answer of bayard was that of a polite cavalier; for he requested her to tell him what he could do that would please the good and honourable assembly, his lady of savoy, and, above all the rest, her fair self. she advised him to hold a tournament. "truly," replied bayard, "it shall be done as you wish. you are the first lady whose beauty and grace attracted my heart. i know that my salutations of you can only be those of courtesy, for i should lose my labour were i to solicit your love, and i would rather die than accomplish your dishonour." he then prayed her to give him one of her sleeves, for he said that he should have need of it in the approaching tournament. the lady accordingly took it from her dress, and he attached it to his.[ ] the martial pastime was held, and after the supper which succeeded, it was enquired to whom should the prizes (the sleeve and a ruby) be given. the knights, the ladies, and even those who had tourneyed with him, accorded it to bayard. but he declared that the honour was not his; but that if he had done any thing well, madame de fleuxas was the cause, for she had given him her sleeve. he, therefore, prayed that she might be permitted to act according to her judgment and prudence. the seigneur de fleuxas knew too well the noble character of bayard to feel any jealousy at this compliment to his wife, but with the other judges of the tournament he immediately went to her and related the matter. she was delighted at bayard's gallantry, and declared that as he had done her the honour to avow that her sleeve had made him gain the prize, she would preserve it all her life for the sake of his love. the ruby she gave to the cavalier, who had next distinguished himself to bayard. and thus lived the knight without fear and without reproach, till the retreat of the french out of italy in , when he was fatally wounded by a stone discharged from an harquebouze. he fell from his horse, crying, "jesus, my saviour, i am dead." he kissed the cross-handle of his sword; and there being no chaplain present, he confessed himself to his esquire, who then, by the knight's command, placed him against a tree, with his face turned towards the enemy; "because," said bayard, "as i have never yet turned my back to the foe, i will not begin to do so in my last moments." he charged his esquire to tell the king that the only regret he felt at quitting life was the being deprived of the power of serving him any further. the constable of bourbon, as he was pursuing the french, found him in this state, and assured him that he pitied his lot. but bayard replied, "it is not i who stand in need of pity, but you who are carrying arms against your king, your country, and your oath." the news that he was mortally wounded quickly spread, and excited the deepest grief in the minds of both armies, for he was a valiant soldier and a generous foe. after a while he was removed to a tent and placed on a bed. he was shriven by a priest, and soon afterwards died, as, with true christian piety, he was imploring his god and his saviour to pardon his sins, and to show him mercy rather than justice.[ ] he was buried at a convent of minims, half a league from grenoble, the principal town of his native country. [sidenote: francis i.] during some of the last years of his life, his fine and chivalric spirit found a kindred soul in francis i., who, it is remarkable, was the only french sovereign graced with any share of the character of chivalry. for, while the plantagenets of england had shone as brilliantly by chivalric as by regal splendour, the capetian princes of france could not present a king that displayed any powers beyond the ordinary qualities of royalty. the valiancy, the liberality, the fine, open, and manly countenance, and the lofty form of the king, were altogether those of one of charlemagne's paladins. his imagination was coloured with the gay and lively tints of romance, and so fondly did he dwell upon the fabulous glories of old, that in many a sportive moment he arrayed himself in the guise of the antique cavalier. but here our panegyric must cease; for no preux knight would, like francis, have pledged his solemn word to observe a treaty, and immediately afterwards have violated it. however unkingly and unknightly charles v. might have deported himself in treating francis in prison with severity, and although the terms of the treaty of madrid were such as no noble victor would have imposed, still the obligation of the pledge of francis's word should have been felt as sacred. a noble cavalier, a chandos or du guesclin, would have disdained to obtain his liberty by signing a treaty which he intended to break as soon as he should leave his prison. "all is lost, madam, except our honour," as the french king wrote to his mother after the battle of pavia: a generous, chivalric expression; and scarcely could it have been expected that he was the man who would have thrown away that honour. the last faint gleam, however, of the sun of military chivalry in france fell upon bayard and his sovereign, francis; for after the battle of marignan, in , when they fought together against the swiss, the king was, at his own request, knighted by the cavalier without fear and without reproach. after giving the accolade, bayard addressed his sword, "certainly, my good sword, you shall hereafter be honoured as a most precious relic, and never shall be drawn except against turks, moors, and saracens." he then twice leaped up for joy, and plunged his trusty weapon into its sheath.[ ] soon after the days of francis i. the title of knighthood became an empty name: it was preserved as the decoration of nobility and lawyers; and, from respect to the ancient glories of their nation, kings received it at their baptism.[ ] montluc, that man of blood, was the last french soldier who received it in the field of battle. the accolade was given to him by the duke d'anguien, after the engagement of cérisolles, in . [sidenote: abolition of tournaments.] [sidenote: extinction of chivalry.] the amusements of chivalry were soon abolished. the accidental death of henry ii. in a tournament[ ], in the year , did much to indispose the minds of the people from chivalric sports; and when in the following year prince henry de bourbon montpensier was killed, in consequence of his horse falling under him, while careering round the lists, tournaments ceased for ever; and with their abolition, as voltaire says, the ancient spirit of chivalry expired in france; for that country, after the death of henry ii., was plunged in fanaticism, and desolated by the wars of religion. the spirit did not survive the forms of chivalry; for the intercourse with italy introduced into france new opinions and feelings. machiavelian politics banished the open, manly demeanour of chivalry; and the most disgusting profligacy equally distinguished the ladies. it is amusing to observe that, long after the extinction of chivalry in france, the apparent homage and devotion of chivalric love still continued, although it was no longer sustained by virtue. love, sublimed into idolatry, breathes in every page of the heroic romances which succeeded the romances of chivalry, and reflect the feelings of the nation; and so late as the reign of louis xiv. a ruffled and well-powdered french general, whose soul was not illumined by a single gleam of the character of a preux chevalier, would fancy himself the very pink of sentiment, and sigh at the feet of his mistress, "pour meriter ton coeur, pour plaire a vos beaux yeux, j'ai fait la guerre aux rois, je l'aurois fait aux dieux." chap. v. progress of chivalry in spain. _general nature of spanish chivalry ... religion and heroism ... gallantry ... blending of spanish and oriental manners ... its beneficial tendencies ... peculiarities of spanish chivalry ... forms of knighthood ... various ranks of knights ... spanish poetry ... heroes of chivalry ... pelayo ... bernardo del carpio ... and incidentally of charlemagne's expedition into spain ... the life of the cid ... his early ferocious heroism ... his singular marriage ... enters the service of king ferdinand ... the cid's chivalric gallantry ... he is knighted ... death of king ferdinand ... the cid becomes the knight of sancho, king of castile ... mixture of evil and good in the cid's character ... supports the king in his injustice. ... the cid's romantic heroism ... sancho's further injustice opposed by him ... death of sancho ... instance of the cid's virtuous boldness ... character of alfonso, successor of sancho ... story of his chivalric bearing ... the cid's second marriage ... is banished from alfonso's court ... becomes the ally of the moors. ... but recalled ... is banished again ... singular story of the cid's unknightly meanness ... fortunes of the cid during his exile ... the cid's chivalric nobleness and generosity ... is recalled by alfonso ... the cid captures toledo ... and valentia ... story of spanish manners ... the cid's unjust conduct to the moors ... the unchivalric character of the cid's wife and daughters ... the cid recalled by alfonso ... the marriages of his daughters ... basely treated by their husbands ... cortez at toledo to decide the cause ... picture of ancient manners ... death of the cid ... his character ... fate of his good horse ... spanish chivalry after his death ... gallantry of a knight ... the merits of missals decided by battle ... passage of arms at orbigo ... knights travel and joust for ladies' love ... extinction of spanish chivalry._ [sidenote: general nature of spanish chivalry.] spanish chivalry awakens the most splendid and romantic associations of the mind. europe, with her active courage,--her jealousy of honour,--her superior religion;--asia, with her proud and lofty deportment,--her fervid and sublimated imagination, and the magnificent ceremonial of her pomp,--formed the knight of spain; and, in consequence of this influence of orientalism on his character, he represents the stateliness of chivalry as perfectly as the english cavalier its adventurousness, and the french its gaiety. [sidenote: religion and heroism.] there was an interesting blending of religious enthusiasm and romantic heroism in the spaniard. his warm and creative imagination transformed the patron-saint of his country into a knight. he always saw st. james at his side, mounted on a stately white horse, and fighting the battles of christianity and spain; and, as if these chivalric exploits were not sufficient, he represented him as the professed and powerful champion of distressed damsels; for he supposed that this celestial ally had freed the nation from paying the annual tribute of a hundred christian virgins to their infidel enemies.[ ] [sidenote: gallantry.] spain, too, appears to our fancy as the very land of chivalric love,--of love which was bred amidst difficulties and dangers, where the undistinguishable throng of "hopes and fears that kindle hope" gave a more imaginative cast to the feelings than can be known in the more settled frame of modern society. there was not only the feudal baron violating the laws of courtesy, as in other countries, but bands of moors were careering over the plains, who did not think that woman was an object utterly unworthy of a perilous quest. here, then, all the beautiful romance of knight-errantry might be realised; and in the breast of the rescued damsel love would spring from gratitude. [sidenote: blending of spanish and oriental manners.] the germs of chivalry existed in the minds of the visigoths, who overthrew the dominion of the romans in spain. military investiture, respect for women, and the sports of hawking and hunting, were the new circumstances in spanish character and manners: but in the times of those wretched barbarians, the visigoths, it is in vain to search for the perfect developement of the chivalric character. chivalry appears only in few and fitful gleams in those dark times; and her golden light did not shine in full and bright display till the days of the arabians; and, throughout their long reign of seven centuries, it had a very remarkable effect on circumstances and characters. as its glory was personal, chivalry abated much of the fierceness of a religious or a national war; for the cavalier could admire, even in an enemy, qualities which it was his own pride and ambition to possess. the nations met in the graceful encounter of the tournament, as well as in the more perilous battle-field; and the interchange of chivalric courtesies, when the image of war was exhibited, could not but mitigate the ferocity of real hostilities. at the moorish or christian festivals, a gallant soldier of the opposite religion would appear, and challenge the bravest of his adversaries to maintain the superiority of his nation and faith; and in maintaining that cause the cavaleresque deportment of the combatants was admired, when the avowed object of their encounter was forgotten; for the object of the assembly was amusement; and the eye and fancy were addressed in these gentle exercises and proofs of arms.[ ] [sidenote: its beneficial tendencies.] the people of the two religions insensibly mingled, and each adopted something of the thoughts and manners of the other. if the christian taught the moors to use the lance of courtesy, the christian learnt from the moors to throw the cane, which was afterwards such a favourite spanish amusement. from them, too, the knights of spain adopted the javelin, and used it instead of the lance. they were wont to hurl it as forcibly as any asiatic or grecian heroes could have done; for a greater defence than what was afforded by mail and a quilted jacket was required to resist the stroke.[ ] the poets who lived in the chivalric days of spain invariably gave the moral and personal costume of chivalry to the arabian as often as to the european. thus calaynos, the moor[ ], is as much celebrated in the romances of spain as the cid himself; and it was the general confession that the knights of granada were gentlemen although moors.[ ] this amalgamation of character formed the basis of those unions between the arabians and the spaniards which are so frequently recorded in the history of the peninsula, and which strike the reader as incredible. it has been thought for the glory of the nation to represent the struggle as of ceaseless duration for seven long centuries, and too fierce to allow of the sheathing of the sword: but these alliances were so common, that spain often presented the appearance of a number of petty states, each attempting to draw the others into its vortex, rather than the general cause of the cross warring with the crescent. independently of these alliances there was scarcely a christian cavalier of fame who did not in the course of his military career wield his good sword in the ranks of the musulmans. among the blessings which sprang from this free intercourse, religious toleration was not the least valuable one. spain, which in later times has been so remarkable for the cruelties of its bigotry, was in early days the only country of europe where religious liberty could breathe. since the moors and christians often treated each other as separate powers, mutual toleration ensued, and this liberal feeling in the minds of the christians extended itself beyond the pale of their moorish subjects and allies. the fathers of the reformation were the albigenses, many of whom were sheltered by the kings of arragon, while their brethren were persecuted to death in france. no church, save that of england, was in such continued opposition to the papacy as the spanish; and in every great dispute it espoused the cause of the heretics, as the assertors of the liberty of the human will were always called. the humanities of chivalry were not limited to toleration or mercy, to the mosque or the field of battle, but moors and christians often lived in the same town, and commingled social charities. friendships were formed, and, maugre the declamation of bigots, dearer affections attached the two nations. the knight was in consequence of the obligations of his chivalry the friend of the distressed; and when beauty pleaded, his heart forbad him from enquiring in what religion the damsel had been educated. the passion of love in the breast of the spanish cavalier was not more fervid or intense than in the breast of the cavalier of any other country. if the spaniard be considered as a goth by birth, and an arab by education, still his natural and artificial circumstances formed but the same character of passion; for both the goth and the arab adored as well as loved their mistress, and regarded her as a divinity as well as an object of affection. [sidenote: peculiarities of spanish chivalry.] there was a gravity, perhaps a jealousy, both qualities of oriental origin, about the conduct of the spanish knight, which were foreign to the nature of the chivalry of other countries. the expression of his feelings was unlike theirs. bold metaphors, rich and varied imagery and glowing sentiments, are mixed with the simple developement of passion; and these orientalisms of his verse are not the elaborate and artificial ornaments with which fiction dresses up her image of passion: but as the mind of the spaniard had been trained by the arab, it became natural to him to nourish his affection in the splendid dreamings of the east. if he borrowed ideas and fancies from the moor, it must be remembered that he likewise freely communicated the character of his own system. in no mohammedan country was woman so high in moral rank as in spain. the musulman woman was not passion's object, but, like the lady in chivalry, she was the origin of honour; for she sat in the tournament as the judge of valour, and the moorish knight received the guerdon of triumph from her hands. asiatic jealousy abated something of its nature and its forms in spain; for there woman mingled with man in social intercourse, and her beauties were not always shrouded by a veil.[ ] [sidenote: forms of knighthood.] the forms of chivalric initiation in spain were similar to those in other countries. the bath--confession--vigil in a church--mass--the spurs--the girding with the sword--the accolade,--these were the chief ceremonies. the knight by his oath expressed willingness to die either for the defence of his law, or of his king or country.[ ] the sword was then ungirt from him by some person of honour, who by so doing was supposed to become his padrino, or godfather in chivalry, and to confirm the knighthood thus bestowed. no circumstances could ever justify the cavalier in bearing arms against his padrino. he was, on the contrary, to defend him by his sword and his counsel to the utmost of his ability, and to be every thing to him, as a _man_ was to his lord in feudal relation. these were the ancient ceremonies; but they were simplified in subsequent times. the mere dubbing was then held sufficient; and, by a law of ferdinand and isabella, in , it was ordained that it should be at the pleasure of the king to use the old forms or not, and that the dignity of knighthood should be equally illustrious if they were omitted. [sidenote: various ranks of knights.] the highest class of knights in spain was formed of the knights of the spur, the cavalleros de espuela d'orada. they were always hidalgos, or gentlemen of birth of three descents. kings' sons were of this class of knighthood; and no one was crowned till he had been invested with the order.[ ] among the privileges of a knight of the golden spur, it is curious to notice that no person could sit at table with him except one of his own rank; no one of an inferior order was permitted to deny the infallibility of his opinion, and to contradict him: and for offences against the state, a knight of this class was to be beheaded, and not put to death in the vulgar mode. the circumstances in his conduct which were punishable with degradation are interesting, as descriptive of spanish manners. it was thought necessary to forbid him from stealing the arms of another knight, from selling his own, or losing them at play, or giving them to courtezans. the punishment of degradation, as consequent on the admission of improper persons into the order, is intelligible and just: his girdle and spur-leathers were also to be cut, if he exercised any trade; except, indeed, in captivity, when he was kindly permitted to support his life by the best means of his ingenuity.[ ] the other class of knights was formed of cavalleros armados, who enjoyed most of the privileges of nobility. a knight of this rank was free from the payment of taxes and tribute; and so were the knights of the golden spur, not, however, as knights, but as hidalgos. the cavalleros d'armados were always made by the king's own hand; but the right of creating cavalleros d'espuela d'orada existed in the will of every cavalier of the order, though it was usually exercised only by the king. these were the two bodies in which the chivalry of spain was arranged. the title of cavallero was also given to every man who was a soldier, in consequence of holding his lands by a military and feudal tenure; but he was not, from that circumstance, necessarily a knight. regarding chivalry as an order of merit, the cavalleros d'espuela d'orada and the cavalleros d'armados were the only true chivalric knights in spain. there were some interesting circumstances in spanish chivalry. thus, in catalonia, besides the squire who bore his shield and lance, each knight was attended by an armed man, whose title was, companion of the knight, and who was considered as a gentleman that followed the art of chivalry. he was also attached to the knight by feudal relations; for the knight was compelled to grant him land, or rent, in fealty. a knight who was entitled to be attended by this companion was a knight by creation, a miles vero; and he who had not received the order of chivalry, although an hidalgo, was considered as a knight minor, whom, indeed, chivalry would have disowned, but that his birth, rank, and fortune, made him a part of the military state.[ ] it is curious to notice that, by the general laws of spanish chivalry, it was usual for every knight to embrace a newly-made knight the first time he met him, in honour of faith and love; and it was contrary to those laws for one knight to affront another, unless he should first send his defiance or publication of that breach of the bond of companionship. [sidenote: spanish poetry.] the pillars of spanish chivalry were of the same quality and character as those of other countries. spain had her military orders, her institutions of calatrava, saint james, and alcantara; while the militia of the temple and the friars of the hospital were richer in possessions in spain than in any country of the west. she had, also, her ballads and romances, in prose and verse, descriptive of the wars and loves of chivalry: but i cannot discover, with some writers, that the chivalric muse sung either a sweeter or a higher strain in spain than in france or england. her minstrelsy, indeed, was peculiar, and so was her national character. on one side, longings for patriotic independence, and consequent hatred of the moors; on the other, the loves and friendships of humanity, unaffected by difference of religion or country. the troubadour chaunted his lays of love and war in spain; and his appeals found a ready way to the heart in arragon; for of that part of the peninsula the provençal was the vernacular dialect. [sidenote: heroes of chivalry.] [sidenote: pelayo.] spain is rich in her heroes, both of romance and chivalry. the spaniard will not acknowledge that the moor was, for a moment, left in tranquil possession of his conquest; and he points to a hero, named pelayo, as collecting the remnants of the christians in the mountains of asturias, immediately after the general triumph of the moorish arms. he resisted the moors till his three hundred followers dwindled to thirty. his enemies then left him to perish, for hitherto his food had only been honey, found in the crevices of the rocks. but, in after times, the folly of this disdain was seen; for these thirty men were the nucleus round which the scattered spaniards collected.[ ] [sidenote: bernardo del carpio.] truth does not cast many gleams on bernardo del carpio, the next in time and rank of spanish knights. if we may credit the historians of his country, it was he who nourished, in the asturias, the plant of national liberty; for when alfonso the chaste would have made the land over which he ruled part of the dominions of charlemagne, the nobility, headed by bernardo, repelled the invader, and annihilated the french peerage at fontarabbia. much of this, perhaps the whole, is the mere dreaming of national pride, not deserving regard: but when i find mingled with the story the assertion that bernardo gained the alliance of some of the moors, and that, in after parts of his life, he fought also under moorish banners, i accept these circumstances as valuable, and consider them as indications of general principles and manners, whoever may be the hero of the tale. [sidenote: charlemagne's expedition into spain.] of the far-famed expedition of charlemagne into spain, little or nothing is known, though some french writers have defined the extent of his dominion in that country with the precision with which the political changes of modern times can be traced. tradition, song, and history, unite in proving that he went into catalonia and arragon; but it does not seem that he established any government in those countries; and his march was rather the wild adventure of a knight than the grave purpose of kingly ambition. the spaniards, as we have seen, claim the honour of defeating him in the valley of ronscesvalles; but the arabs also assert their title to the same feat of chivalry: and, still further to embarrass the matter, it has been contended, with equal plausibility, that the french under charlemagne were worsted by the navarrese and people of acquitain; and thus that the french of the adour and the garonne defeated the french of the seine. the land between the ebro and the pyrenees, and called the spanish march, was governed, some centuries before the twelfth, by the counts of barcelona, who owned the feudal sovereignty of the kings of france. this territorial acquisition has been generally referred to the sword of charlemagne, not, however, on sound historical proof, but rather from the practice of monkish chroniclers, of honouring that emperor with all the deeds of arms which could not accurately be ascribed to any other warrior. [sidenote: the life of the cid.] in the life of count fernan gonsalez fiction and fact are blended beyond all power of extrication; and we must descend to the eleventh century for a genuine picture of the spanish cavalier. no one is dearer to the proud recollections of a spaniard than the cid rodrigo diaz de bivar: for it was by the valour of his arms that the momentous question of superiority between the two great powers in the peninsula was decided as every christian and spanish heart could have wished. the honour of his chivalry is bright and pure; for to swear by his knighthood, affé de rodrigo, is still the most solemn form of a spaniard's asseveration. the marriage of don diego laynez, a castilian gentleman, and donna teresa rodriguez, daughter of a count and governor of asturias, was followed in the year by the birth of a son at burgos, who was called rodrigo diaz, and of bivar, from the conquest made by his father of a town two leagues north of burgos; but he was more generally designated as the cid, from the asiatic title, es sayd, (my lord,) which five moorish emirs whom he conquered gave him, and which his king confirmed.[ ] indeed, from the number of his victories over the moors, he emphatically merited this title. [sidenote: his early ferocious heroism.] while yet a youth he gave an earnest of his martial and ferocious disposition. his father had been insulted by a blow from count don gomez, lord of gormaz, but he was unable, from old age and infirmities, to take vengeance, and he mourned in solitude and dishonour. rodrigo, in order to restore peace to his father's mind, defied and fought the mighty man of arms: he slew him, and returned to his home with the head of the vanquished hanging at his saddle-bow. his father was seated at table with dinner, untasted, before him. rodrigo presented to him the head, which he called the herb that would restore his father's appetite. the old man embraced his son, and, placing him at the head of his table, declared that he alone was worthy of being at the head of the house of layn calvo. his father soon afterwards died. rodrigo next distinguished himself by beating back an invasion of five moorish emirs who had fearfully ravaged the country; and instead of treating them with severity, he gave them liberty, receiving their submission and tribute.[ ] [sidenote: his singular marriage.] the cid's affair with gomez was productive of an interesting circumstance, and illustrative of the manners of that remote and singular period. ximena, the daughter of the count, required of don ferdinand, king of castile, the strange boon of rodrigo of bivar in marriage, alleging as her reason that his possessions would one day be greater than those of any man in the castilian dominions. she declared that the power of pardon rested in her breast; and, like other amatory enthusiasts, she gave a colouring of religion to her wishes, by urging that the marriage would be for the service of god. the king consented, and summoned the cid to his court; who, on receiving the message, incontinently dighted himself full gallantly, and, accompanied by many knights and other armed peers in festival guise, he repaired to the king at valentia. ferdinand received him with so much honour as to excite the envy of the courtiers. the purpose of the summons was communicated, and rodrigo had no difficulty in consenting to marry the lady whose father he had killed. the marriage was celebrated; and the satisfaction of the king is peculiarly marked, for he made him large grants of land, being aware of his military prowess, and thinking that by this marriage he had secured his allegiance.[ ] the cid took his bride home, and, commending her to the kindest care of his mother, he went towards the moorish frontier; for, in order to give a zest to his marital pleasures, he had vowed not to solace himself with ximena's love till he had won five battles in the field. [sidenote: enters the service of king ferdinand.] he was soon called to be the champion of his king; for a quarrel between don ferdinand and his brother don ramirio, king of arragon, regarding the city of caldhorra, was to be decided by arms. the cid and the other champion, don martin gonzales, entered the lists, and the judges placed them in such situations that the sun and wind favoured neither. they careered so fiercely against each other that their lances broke, but in the closer encounter of swords the cid prevailed: he slew his adversary; and the judges declared that the city of caldhorra belonged to don ferdinand. [sidenote: the cid's chivalric gallantry.] this victory was rewarded by the gratitude of the king, and the envy of the courtiers; and the latter, in the bitterness of their rage, endeavoured to plot with the moorish emirs, the subjects of the cid, for his destruction. but the moors not only disdained the alliance, but revealed the meditated treason to their lord. many of the conspirators were banished; but regarding one person the chivalric gallantry of the conqueror prevailed over his just resentment. the wife of the count don garcia prayed for the pardon of her lord: she fell at the knees of the cid, but he would not listen to her until she rose. she requested him to command the moorish emir, into whose country she and her husband were sentenced to be banished, to treat them with mildness and benevolence. the cid spoke according to her will; and the king of cordova, for the love he bore that hero, treated them kindly, and gave cabra to garcia as a habitation. as far as garcia was concerned this kindness was misplaced; for he made war upon his benefactor, the king of cordova, till the cid went and punished him. the circumstances attending this punishment will be told in a subsequent and very interesting part of our hero's life. the cid then assisted his sovereign in wresting viseu, lamego, and other cities from the moors. there were no circumstances of his valour so remarkable as the cruel vengeance of ferdinand on a man taken at viseu, who had slain king don alfonso, his wife's father. he cut off the foot which had prest down the armatost, or instrument by means of which the cross-bow wag charged, he lopt off the hands which had held the bow and fitted the quarrel, and plucked out the eyes which had taken the mark. the archers then made a butt of the living trunk.[ ] thus, whatever might have been the influence of chivalry on the mind of the cid, it certainly had not tempered the ferocity of his gothic sovereign. [sidenote: he is knighted.] coimbra was one of the new conquests, and in that city rodrigo was knighted. the ceremony was performed in the church of saint mary, which had once been the great mosque of coimbra. the king girded on the sword and gave him the kiss, but not the blow, for the cid needed no remembrancer of his duties. the ladies were his honourable attendants on this august occasion. the queen gave him his horse, and the infanta, donna urraca, fastened on his spurs. his names, rodrigo diaz, were now compressed into ruydiez, agreeably to a frequent custom at investiture, which in so many respects was similar to baptism. by permission of the king he then exercised the privileges of his new rank by knighting nine noble squires. by this time the vow of the cid was performed, and he retired awhile from the court to the society of his wife. [sidenote: death of king ferdinand.] [sidenote: the cid becomes the knight of sancho, king of castile.] ferdinand soon afterwards died, having, contrary to the principles of the nation's constitution, divided his kingdom among his children. this breaking up the interests of the gothic monarchy was most unwise; for the goths were a fierce race, and in the cause of ambition brother had shed brother's blood.[ ] the cid went into the service of don sancho, king of castile, the eldest son of the late sovereign; and in all his wars, whether with christians or musulmans, he deported himself after his wonted manner: and his great feats of arms won so entirely the heart of the king that he made him his campeador, or officer whose duty it was to mark the place for the encampment of the host. [sidenote: mixture of evil and good in the cid's character.] [sidenote: supports the king in his injustice.] sancho expressed his purpose of possessing himself of what he chose to consider his inheritance,--the whole kingdom of his late father. his iniquitous design was manfully opposed by one of his counsellors, who nobly declared that there was not a man in the world who would advise him to break the command of his father, and the vow which he had made to him. sancho then turned to the cid, stating to him, singularly enough, that he solicited his advice, for his father had charged him upon pain of his curse not to act without his judgment. the cid replied, that it would ill behove him to counsel his sovereign to contradict the will of the late king. sancho rejoined, with admirable casuistry, that he did not think he was breaking his oath to his father, for he had always denied the justice of the partition, and the oath alluded to had been forcibly extorted. the cid found the king was resolute in his purpose; and in the conflict of duties which the circumstances gave rise to, his martial spirit overcame his virtue, and he determined to continue his soldier. [sidenote: the cid's romantic heroism.] he prevailed upon sancho, however, not to pass into the territory of don garcia, his brother, king of gallicia, unless he obtained the love and licence of his brother, don alfonso, king of leon. numerous battles were fought, without, however, wearing any chivalric feature, and therefore not within my purpose to describe. in all of them the green pennon of the cid floated conspicuously and triumphantly; and his achievements were so far beyond mortal comparison, that he was called the fortunate cid--he of good fortune--he that was born in a happy hour. on one occasion sancho was taken prisoner, but he was rescued by the cid; and the circumstances are illustrative of the romantic character of the age. thirteen knights were bearing the king away, when the cid alone and lanceless, for he had shivered his weapon in the battle, galloped after them. he cried to them, "knights, give me my lord, and i will restore yours to you." they scornfully bade him avoid contending with them, or they would make him prisoner too. "give me but a lance, and, single as i am, i will rescue my lord from all of ye," was the heroic rejoinder of the cid; adding, with increased energy and confidence, "by god's help, i will do it." the chivalric request could not be denied by cavaliers, and they gave him a lance. but such was the spirit and force with which he attacked them, that he slew eleven of the thirteen: on the two survivors he had mercy; and thus he rescued his king.[ ] [sidenote: sancho's further injustice opposed by the cid.] don sancho became king both of gallicia and leon, confining his brother garcia in irons as if he had been a traitor, and compelling alfonso to seek for brotherly affection among the moors. he robbed also his sister, donna elvira. still his ambition was not satisfied; the little town of zamora, belonging to his sister, donna urraca, was wanting to fill the measure of his desires. he dispatched the cid to her on the painful office of requiring zamora for a price or in exchange, and of communicating the king's purpose of seizing it by force in case she did not accede to his wishes. the great men of zamora dissuaded the infanta from surrendering the place: their courageous spirits declared that they would rather eat their mules and their horses, yea, their very wives and children; and the danger of yielding was shadowed out to her in that dark proverbial manner in which the spaniards often conveyed their wisdom. "he who besieges you on the rock," they said, "will soon drive you from the plain." the cid returned to the king with the answer which this counsel dictated. sancho, in his anger at the failure of the embassy, reproached his campeador with unskilful management of his task; for his conscience told him that he who, like the cid, had been bred up in the same house with urraca, must have felt some compunctions at requiring her to give up the right of her inheritance. the campeador did not defend himself by stating that he had discharged his duty as an advocate for the king's purposes; he only declared that he had discharged faithfully his bidding as a true vassal; but he added, that he would not bear arms against the infanta, nor against zamora, because of the days that were past.[ ] [sidenote: death of sancho.] [sidenote: instance of the cid's virtuous boldness.] incensed at this opposition to his authority, sancho banished his faithful campeador, who joined king alfonso in the moorish territories, with twelve hundred horse and foot, knights and squires, all men of approved worship. alarmed at this defection of his bravest cavaliers, the counsellors of sancho advised him to revoke his edict: it was revoked: the campeador returned, but he would not bear arms against the infanta nor zamora, because of the days that were past. the king attacked the town, and lost his life in the attempt. there were circumstances about his death that impeached both his brother alfonso and his sister urraca. the castilians murmured their suspicions; but when alfonso came to be crowned, the cid was the only man of sufficient virtue and spirit to decline doing homage. much astonishment was expressed in the countenances of the courtiers and prelates, who had already kissed the hands of alfonso; and when he was called on by the sovereign-elect to perform his acknowledgment, he boldly declared, that all who were then present suspected that by his counsel the king, don sancho, had come by his death, "and therefore i say," he continued, "unless you clear yourself of this, as by right you should do, i will never kiss your hand, nor receive you for my lord." the king expressed his pleasure at these sentiments, and swore to god and to st. mary that he never slew his brother nor took counsel for his death; neither did his death please him, though sancho had taken his kingdom from him. alfonso then desired his courtiers to describe the means by which he might clear himself. they replied, that he and twelve of his knights, as his compurgators, must take that oath in the church of st. gadra, at burgos. accordingly, the king and his knights repaired to burgos, in whose church of st. gadra mass was celebrated before the royal family, the nobility, and the people. the king then took a conspicuous station near the altar. the cid left his place, and, opening the gospels, he laid the book upon the altar. the king placed his hand upon the volume; and the cid said to him, with a seriousness of manner approaching to sternness, while the people attended with the intensest curiosity, "king don alfonso, you appear in this place to swear on the subject of your brother's death. you swear that you neither slew him, nor took counsel for his death: say now, you and these hidalgos, your friends and compurgators, if ye swear this?" and the king and his knights answered, "yea, we swear it." the cid continued, "if you knew of this matter, or commanded that it should be performed, may your fate be similar to that of your brother. may you die by the hand of a villain, in whom you trust; one who is not a hidalgo; one who is not a castilian, but a foreigner." the king and his knights cried, "amen." but alfonso's colour faded; and the cid, marking this sign of guilt, repeated the oath to him. the king assented, but again his countenance paled. a third time did the cid press him, for the laws of castile allowed this reiteration; and once more did the king's language and countenance contradict each other. but the compurgation was now completed, and the cid was compelled to do homage.[ ] [sidenote: character of alfonso, successor of sancho.] [sidenote: story of his chivalric bearing.] alfonso is a very interesting character among the kings and knights of spain. whatever participation he might have had in his brother's death, such foul conduct did not sully his general dealings. justice was so admirably administered in castile, that the people expressed their joy in the beautiful sentence,--that if a woman were to travel alone through his dominions, bearing gold and silver in her hand, no one would interrupt her path, whether in the desert or the peopled country. he was the friend of the distressed, the supporter of the weak, the strength of the nation. in his conduct to alimayon, the moorish king of toledo, we may find displayed in a very interesting manner the frank dealing, the ingenuousness, the noble confidence, the honour of a cavalier, beautifully coloured with romantic thought. alfonso was allied with alimayon, that mighty sovereign of the moors; but the treaty, instead of being the free union of two equal and independent authorities, had been extorted from alfonso, when the chance of war had thrown him into alimayon's power. it was, of course, obligatory on the honour and faith of alfonso; and though he respected his ally, his chivalric pride whispered the wish that his friendship had been obtained by some other mode. in the second year of his reign, alfonso marched towards toledo, hearing that the territories of alimayon had been invaded by the king of cordova. he made no proclamation of his purpose, and alimayon, not assured of his motives, sent messengers to him, reminding him of their alliance. the king detained the messengers. he then pursued his course to olias; and the king of cordova, divining his purpose, broke up his encampment before toledo, and fled. alfonso left his army at olias, and, accompanied only by five knights and alimayon's messengers, he rode to toledo. he was met and greeted by his brother-sovereign, who kissed his shoulder, and thanked him for his truth in coming to his deliverance, and for remembering their mutual oath. the moorish people expressed by their songs and atabals the love which the christians bore their lord; but the castilians severely blamed alfonso for his implicit faith in the honour of a moor. alimayon returned with alfonso next day to the christian camp. an entertainment, worthy of the splendour of chivalry, was furnished forth: but while the kings were at table alimayon was astonished at seeing some armed knights gradually surrounding the tent. his brother-sovereign bade him suspend his curiosity till the conclusion of the feast: the moor did so; and alfonso then reminded him that their alliance had been formed when he was in his power at toledo, but now, as alimayon was in his power, he required an exoneration of that oath and covenant. alimayon could not but comply; and agreeably to the form, both moorish and christian, acquitted him of his promise, in expressions thrice repeated. alfonso then called for the book of the gospels, and said to him, "now that you are in my power, i swear and promise to you, never to fight against you nor against your son, but to aid you against all the world. the oath which i formerly made was forced from me, and therefore not obligatory on my conscience and conduct: but i cannot violate the present oath, for i make it now that you are in my hands, and i can treat you as i please." the alliance was then settled on a firmer basis than ever; and alfonso, after making the king of cordova feel the might of his power, took his course to castile.[ ] [sidenote: the cid's second marriage.] [sidenote: is banished from alfonso's court.] [sidenote: becomes the ally of the moors;] return we now to our cid. his wife ximena was dead; and alfonso, in order to attach him to his person, married him to his own niece, also a ximena. the marriage was celebrated on the th of july, in the year . for some years the achievements of the cid were confined to the duties which were imposed on him as king's champion. questions of territory between alfonso and the moors were generally decided by single combat, and the cid was always victorious. these circumstances should have cemented the friendship of the king and his campeador: but the courtiers, by their well-weaved plots, succeeded in driving into banishment their most formidable rival in the affections of the sovereign. the cid took refuge with the moorish king of saragossa, and continued in that part of spain for some years the subject and soldier of the moors, fighting their battles against the christians; but always showing mercy to the vanquished. mercy, indeed, to those whom he conquered in the field was a prevailing feature of his character, which he displayed without regard to religious peculiarities: for in his previous battles in the cause of alfonso he had often released his prisoners unransomed. [sidenote: but recalled.] [sidenote: is banished again.] the moors from africa invaded spain. in the extremity of his distress, alfonso recalled the cid, who soon drove back the enemy. for a considerable time that leader enjoyed the gratitude of his sovereign, and was the soul of the christian army; and then circumstances arose which his enemies ingeniously perverted to his injury. alfonso was gone into andalusia against the moors, unaccompanied by the cid, whom sickness detained at home. he recovered, however, in time to meet and repel a moorish invasion on the other side; and he retaliated on them as far as toledo, whose king complained to alfonso of the campeador's violation of the oath and covenant between them. alfonso was astonished and displeased; and suffering his mind to be influenced by the suggestions of the ricos-omes, all his hatred of the cid returned in its pristine force. he saw nothing in him now but the avenger of don sancho's death. he summoned him to burgos; but the cid replied he would meet him between that town and bivar. they accordingly met, and the campeador would have kissed his hand in homage; but the king repulsed him, angrily saying, "ruydiez, quit my land." the cid instantly pricked his mule to another piece of ground, and replied, "i am now, sir, upon my own land, and not upon yours." the king then commanded him to depart from his states forthwith, not even allowing him thirty days' time, the usual licence of the hidalgos. the moment of his banishment was not an unhappy one, for it was then that he discovered his strength; many knights and other valiant men-of-arms resolving, with his cousin-german, alvar fañez, to accompany him through desert and peopled country, and spend their wealth, and garments, and horses in his service. but the joyous exultation of this consciousness of power was soon checked by the grief of quitting his own home;--the deserted hall, the perches without hawks upon them, the porch without its seats, no cloaks hanging down the walls:--all these signs of desolation brought tears into his eyes, and he exclaimed, "my enemies have done this:" but soon recovering his christian resignation, he cried, "god be praised for all things." he passed through burgos, where the people could not receive him, for the king had prohibited them to do so; and he whose sword had been girt on in a happy hour, was condemned to pitch his tents upon the sands. [sidenote: singular story of the cid's unknightly meanness.] the chivalric history of the cid is now varied by a circumstance which has not its parallel in the life of any other cavalier on record. he was deeply distressed for present money, and he obtained some by means not recommended in any code of knighthood. he filled two chests with sand, and persuaded two jews, who had confidence in his honour, that their contents were gold. he had been accustomed to sell to these men his moorish spoils, and he demanded on the present security the sum of six hundred marks. the money was delivered. the negociation was conducted on the part of the cid by his friend, martin antolinez, who received a handsome present from the jews; but the cid, the noble-minded lofty cavalier, was the author of this unknightly piece of craft; and he consoled his conscience by the reflection that he acted more from necessity than inclination, and that in time he would redeem all. in order to avoid detection, he made the jews promise not to open the chests for a year, but to retain them only as a security. one little trait of the cid's coolness and cunning must be noticed. the jews, in their joy at the excellence of the bargain, were disposed to generosity, and offered the cid a red skin, moorish and honourable. the cid accepted it, telling his friends he would consider it as a gift, if they had bought it; otherwise, they should add its value to the loan.[ ] [sidenote: fortunes of the cid during his exile.] the cid then went to cardina; and, after bidding farewell to his wife and children, he quitted gentle castile, and went into the moorish territory. he battled with the moors and vanquished them, sparing, however, those who were the allies of alfonso. in particular, he won a great victory over them in a sally which he made from the castle of alcocer, wherein he was besieged by them. the cid of bivar was known by his green pennon and gilt saddle. he charged his standard-bearer, pero bermuez, not to venture forward before he commanded. the circumstances of the battle are described in the translation of the old poem of the cid with astonishing spirit:-- "the gates were then thrown open, and forth at once they rush'd, the out-posts of the moorish host back to the camp were push'd: the camp was all in tumult; and there was such a thunder, of cymbals and of drums, as if earth would cleave, in sunder. there you might see the moors arming themselves in haste, and the two main battles how they were forming fast, horsemen and footmen mixt, a countless troop, and vast. the moors are moving forward, the battle soon must join. 'my men stand here in order, rang'd upon a line! let not a man move from his rank before i give the sign.' pero bermuez heard the word, but he could not refrain: he held the banner in his hand, he gave his horse the rein; 'you see yon foremost squadron there, the thickest of the foes, noble cid, god be your aid, for there your banner goes! let him that serves and honours it show the duty that he owes.' earnestly the cid called out, 'for heaven's sake be still!' bermuez cried, 'i cannot hold;' so eager was his will. he spurr'd his horse, and drove him on amidst the moorish rout; they strove to win the banner, and compast him about. had not his armour been so true, he had lost either life or limb: the cid called out again, 'for heaven's sake succour him!' their shields before their breasts, forth at once they go; their lances in the rest, levell'd fair and low; their banners and their crests waving in a row; their heads all stooping down towards the saddle-bow. the cid was in the midst, his shout was heard afar, 'i am rui diaz, the champion of bivar: strike among them, gentlemen, for sweet mercy's sake.' there where bermuez fought amidst the foe, they brake three hundred banner'd knights: it was a gallant show. three hundred moors they kill'd--a man with every blow: when they wheel'd and turn'd, as many more lay slain, you might see them raise their lances and level them again. there you might see the breast-plates, how they were cleft in twain, and many a moorish shield lie shatter'd on the plain; the pennons that were white, mark'd with a crimson stain; the horses running wild whose riders had been slain. the christians call upon saint james, the moors upon mahound. there were thirteen hundred of them slain on a little spot of ground."[ ] his victory over the moors presented the cid with a fair occasion of propitiating alfonso. he accordingly dispatched alvar fañez into castile with a gift to the king of thirty moorish horses, which was accepted. alfonso did not show present honour to the cid, but he expressed his joy at the victory; and relieved from all penalties those who had joined him, and those who should be induced to follow his fortunes.[ ] these were joyful news to the cid and his host; and the faithful messenger brought also such tidings of their families, that, as men as well as castilians, they were right joyful. [sidenote: the cid's chivalric nobleness and generosity.] on every occasion the cid showed a generous indifference to his own share of the spoil; and whatever country he left, both men and women wept, and the prayers of the people went before him, so high was his reputation for acts of individual clemency. once he invaded a moorish territory with which raymond berenger, count of barcelona, was in alliance. the count and his frenchmen harnessed themselves in their gay attire, resolved to recover the spoil of the cid. but he who was born in a happy hour smiled at the vain splendour of the french cavaliers; and while his men were placing their plain gallician saddles on their horses, he assured them, that for one of their enemy whom they should slay, three would leap from their horses in terror. berenger's force was defeated: he himself was taken prisoner; and of the spoil the most precious part was his good sword, colada. the subsequent circumstances will recall to the reader's mind the chivalric bearing of the black prince and henry v. berenger was conducted to the tent of his vanquisher, and a repast was set before them; but he refused all refreshment, though my cid courteously invited him. the next day a very splendid entertainment was set forth; but the count preserved his pride and sullenness, or only broke forth into expressions of contempt and self-reproach that he had been beaten by a set of ragged fellows. my cid did not reply to this uncourtesy, but continued to urge him to partake of the repast, and not lament the chance of war. but berenger abandoned himself to unmanly despondency, and desired to be left alone to die. for three days he continued in this abject state; and he was only roused from it by the noble offer of the cid to give liberty to him and any two of his knights. the cid, however, was good humouredly resolved not to part from him, unless he partook of his hospitality. "if you do not eat heartily, count, you and i shall not part yet." they then cemented their kindness and gratitude by good cheer, and the count was permitted to take his leave: but as he rode away he frequently reverted his eyes to know if the cid were pursuing him, for his own ignoble soul could not credit the generosity of his vanquisher.[ ] [sidenote: is recalled by alfonso.] increased admiration of the cid's military talents, and the death by treachery of one of his bravest officers, induced alfonso to wish for a reconciliation with his faithful campeador. it was effected; but not till the cid had induced the king to stipulate that no hidalgo should be banished in future without a lawful hearing of his cause, and the old licence of thirty days. on another great matter he was also the friend of the public good; for he induced the king to consent to preserve the privileges of towns, and not to impose taxes on them contrary to their customs. alfonso even conceded the liberty of armed resistance to his acts, if ever they should contradict his solemn engagements. [sidenote: the cid captures toledo,] the cid's happiness was soon alloyed by the death of his son rodrigo; a young man whose military spirit was so fine and gallant, that the christians regarded him as the hope of spain. the cid was speedily called from private cares and sorrows to a more important undertaking than any he had been ever engaged in. he headed the christian troops against toledo; and those troops embraced not only the flower of spanish chivalry, but many knights from france, italy, and germany; so important to the general fate of religion and arms was the capture of toledo considered. we may lament, with many an admirer of spanish chivalry, that the memory of their gallant deeds has not been handed down to us, and censure the ancient chroniclers for wronging such worthy knights. we only know that toledo was captured by the cid on the th of may, in the year . among many subsequent military achievements of the campeador i shall select only his engagement with his old foe, raymond berenger, count of barcelona, who had hastily taken up arms to assist a moorish prince, also an enemy of the cid. if the cid had dreaded numbers he would have yielded: if he had regarded the established reputation of knights, he would have partaken of the general terror, for the french were esteemed the best knights in the world, and the best appointed; and fame proceeded to ascribe to berenger's the chivalric virtues of courage and skill in no ordinary degree. but the exhortations of the cid and his very presence animated the troops to heroism; and when the moment of battle, fixed by his own admirable skill, arrived, the event, as usual, proved that he had been born in a happy hour. berenger and his chief officers fell into his hands: he showed them great courtesy; and released them on their ransom, and their promise on their knighthood never to appear in arms against him again.[ ] [sidenote: and valentia.] the capture of valentia was the next and most important circumstance in the cid's career. the fame of his exploits had drawn to his standard a thousand knights of lineage, five hundred and fifty other horsemen, and of foot-soldiers a thousand. i shall not detail the events of the nine months' siege of valentia; for the picture does not vary in any of its colours and shades from the scenes of blood, and horror, and desolation, in other wars. [sidenote: story of spanish manners.] there is one circumstance, however, of a different character, and pleasingly illustrative of ancient manners. among the hosts of the cid was an asturian hidalgo, named martin paleaz, who was better known for his personal strength than his chivalric courage. the cid resolved to shame him into bravery; and he seized as a fitting occasion a day when martin had concealed himself while his brother-knights were tourneying with the moors. when the dinner-hour arrived, martin paleaz, not suspecting that the cid had discovered his baseness, washed his hands with the other knights, and would have taken his place at the common table; but the cid grasped his hand, and telling him that neither of them was worthy to sit with such valorous knights as those who were now before them, he led him to his own high table where it was his general custom to sit, and dine alone; alvar fañez, pero bermuez, and knights of equal renown, sitting at other high tables, while the rest of the knights reclined upon estrados with tables before them. there was no equality of knighthood, therefore, among the cavaliers of spain as in the celtic nations. there was no round table, generously dispensing with the inequalities of rank. it was a subject of honourable ambition with the knights of the cid to be pronounced worthy of sitting at the table with alvar fañez and his companions; and the simple martin paleaz plumed himself on his superior honours. the next day the christian knights held a joust to the utterance with the moors; and the cid was pleased by observing that martin paleaz was so much elated that he did not, as usual, quit the field when the lances met in rude shock. the cid, on returning to his lodging, not only placed his gallant friend by his side, but invited him to eat out of his own dish; adding, that he had deserved better that day than yesterday. this expression revealed the whole matter to paleaz: he now saw that the cid had discovered all the artifices of his cowardice, and that he had placed him by his side at table to disgrace, and not to honour him; thinking that such a recreant was not fit to sit with other knights. these reflections of shame kindled in him a spark of courage; and he now resolved to deport himself like a gallant cavalier. in several subsequent battles with the moors he fought so bravely that they marvelled, and enquired whence that devil had come. the cid rewarded him with his friendship, and also the distinction of sitting at the table with alvar fañez and other true knights.[ ] [sidenote: the cid's unjust conduct to the moors.] the cid became lord of valencia, reserving, however, the feudal and absolute sovereignty to king alfonso. he made many arrangements with the moors, to the credit of his ingenuity, rather than of his honour; for he violated them all as soon as his purposes were accomplished. finally, he permitted the conquered to live in the adjoining town and suburb of alcudia; to have their own law administered by their own cadis and alguazils; to enjoy two mosques, one in the city, and the other in the suburb, the moors paying to the cid a tenth part of their produce, as the price of his concessions. the campeador was a banished man from gentle castile, when he took valencia, the malignity of his enemies having again wrought upon the jealous temper of alfonso: but his victories once more reconciled him to the king, who accepted from him a noble present of horses, saddled and bridled, each with a bright sword hanging from the saddle-bow. his wife and daughters now joined him at valencia; and it is curious to notice, as a point in his character, that his first expression of joy was to run a career on his good horse bavieca, who performed his exercises so beautifully, that the people marvelled, and he became famous over all spain. [sidenote: the unchivalric character of the cid's wife and daughters.] the cid mistook the character of his wife and daughters; for he thought that the martial spirit of chivalry animated them as well as himself: howbeit, in truth, they were attached to the gentler duties of life. a moorish host came from africa to contest with him his right to valencia; and, in order to entertain ximena and her damsels, he placed them in a lofty tower, whence they might view, without danger, the bloody strife. but, unlike the women in other chivalric countries, they turned pale, and trembled at the scene; and the cid removed them, though their presence was important; for the courage of his troops was animated to fury when they thought that ladies were witnessing their feats of arms.[ ] [sidenote: the cid recalled by alfonso.] new presents were made to alfonso of the spoils taken on this occasion; and the king and his campeador were formally and publicly reconciled. the cid humbled himself with oriental prostrations; for many parts of moorish manners were copied by the spaniards. they had not met for some years; and time had laid his wrinkling hand on the brow of the cid. but alfonso was more particularly struck with the appearance of his beard, which had grown to a marvellous length.[ ] [sidenote: the marriages of his daughters.] [sidenote: basely treated by their husbands.] the cid was now at a height of power never reached by any subject; and his wealth attracted the admiration of men of nobler birth. the infantes of carrion solicited the hands of his daughters: the alliance was favoured by the king; and the cid and ximena, though they liked not the character of the young nobles, yielded to his importunities, and the marriages were solemnized. these marriages were an abundant source of infelicity; and he whose good fortune had generally warranted his popular title,--he that was born in a happy hour,--repented of having yielded to the king's suggestions. the infantes were men of base and cowardly minds, and totally unable to maintain a noble port in the house of the cid, where courage and martial exercises gave the tone to manners. mortified personal pride took refuge in the pride of birth; and the infantes chose to imagine that they had sullied their nobility by allying themselves with the family of the cid: but they did not consider that they had violated the chivalry of their rank when they insulted, and even beat their wives, leaving them in a wood, apparently dead. the ladies were found by a relation, and the cid became acquainted with the story. he appealed to the king, who appointed a cortez at toledo, to judge the matter; and weighty indeed must it have been thought, for the present was but the third cortez which had been held during the reign of alfonso. [sidenote: cortez at toledo to decide the cause.] to toledo, accordingly, all parties repaired. the cid had with him the best and bravest knights, a gallant array, whose tents on the hills round the city were so numerous that the cid's attendants seemed like a host, rather than a common guard of honour. the hall of the palace of galiana, the place of assemblage of the cortez, had its walls hung with cloths of gold, and estrados, with carpets, were placed on the ground. at the upper end was the king's chair, the ancient seat of the kings of toledo; and round it were rich and noble estrados for the chief lords of the cortez. near the chair of the king the cid caused, the day before the meeting, an ivory seat to be placed, which he had won in valencia, it having belonged to the kings of that city. a number of his esquires, with their swords hanging from their necks, guarded the seat, till their lord should come and take possession of it. [sidenote: picture of ancient manners.] the next morning the king, after hearing mass, repaired to the palace of galiana, with the infantes of carrion, and the counts and ricos-omes of the cortez. the ivory seat excited the envy of count garcia, the ancient rival of the cid; and the chief esquire was ready by arms to repel his sneers and sarcasms, till the king prevented the progress of the contest, by declaring that his campeador had won the seat right honourably; that never had any vassal sent to his lord such gifts as he had done; and that if any one were envious, let him achieve equal feats of honour, and the king would seat him next the throne. the cid now entered the hall, accompanied by a hundred of his choicest knights. they were apparelled both for courtesy and war. to the eye of the court their garments were only fine skins of ermine, and the usual cloak of the nation; but underneath they wore hauberks of well-tempered mail, and swords sweet and sharp in the edge. the dress of the campeador himself would have surprised raymond berenger, count of barcelona, and his mocking frenchmen. his hose was of fine cloth, his shoes were richly worked: his body was clad in the finest linen, and a red skin, all curiously worked with gold and silver. his coif was of scarlet and gold; but the beard, of which he was so conscious, was bound by a cord, in sign of mourning and woe. most of the assembly rose to greet him; and the king offered him a share of his own seat. but the cid replied, that it would better become him to be at his feet, for he owed his fame and fortune to the goodness of the king and his brother and father; and it was not fit for him that received bounty to sit with him who dispensed it. the king then commanded him to place himself on the ivory seat, for that he had won it like a good man. this he did, and the hundred knights surrounded their lord. the purpose of the cortez was declared by the king, and two noble counts were sworn alcaldes, to judge rightly and truly between the campeador and the infantes of carrion, according to the law of castile and leon. the cid then demanded that his two good swords, colada and tizona, should be restored to him. he had given them into the keeping of the infantes of carrion, that they might honour his daughters with them, and serve their king. but when they left his daughters in the oak-forest of corpes, they renounced his love, and as they were no longer his sons-in-law, they ought to render him back the swords. the alcaldes deliberated upon this demand, and decreed that the swords should be restored. the infantes delivered them to the king, pleased with the moderation of the cid's demand. alfonso drew the swords, and the whole court shone with their brightness. their hilts were made of solid gold, and all the knights present marvelled. the cid received them from the king; and, smiling, even from the strongest of his heart's affections, he laid them upon his knees, and called them the best swords in spain, and grieved that the infantes of carrion had kept them hungry, and had not fed them with flesh as they had been wont to be fed with. he delivered them to the care of alvar fañez, and pero bermuez, who solicited the honourable charge. the cid then demanded a restoration of the treasure which he had given to the infantes on occasion of his daughters' marriages. this demand was faintly resisted by the argument, that it had been spent in the king's service. the cid judiciously took advantage of the admission, that the treasure had been received, and then fairly enough contended that it touched not him, if the infantes had expended money for the king; and so alfonso himself judged the matter; and the alcaldes decreed the restitution of the treasure. to carry this ordinance into effect the court was adjourned; and when it re-assembled the cid rose from his ivory seat, and recapitulating the circumstances of the marriages, and not sparing the king for his share in them, he demanded of the infantes the reasons of their conduct: he declared he would not let them depart without mortal defiance. he added, laying his hand upon his beard, (his usual sign of wrath,) that if the king and the cortez would not right him he would do justice to himself; he would follow them to carrion; he would take them by the throat, and carry them prisoners to his daughters at valencia, where they should do penance for their offences, and be fed with the food which they deserved. the king mildly remarked, that in promoting the marriages he had acted according to the request of the infantes themselves, and he saw that much of the dishonour touched himself. to the storm of passion with which the cid had concluded his address, the king firmly replied that the cause was before the cortez, and that the alcaldes would pass a righteous sentence. the cid recovered his serenity, and kissing the king's hand, returned to his ivory seat. after a brief pause he rose, and thanking the king for his compassion for his and his daughters' dishonour, he defied the infantes to mortal combat. the king called upon them to reply; and they boldly excused their leaving their wives: for the daughters of ruy diaz of bivar were not worthy of alliance with men who were the best hidalgos in all castile. regarding the acts of personal cruelty and unchivalric deportment, they said nothing. they denied the necessity of doing battle upon such a matter with any one. count don garcia then began to lead the infantes from the court, and exclaimed, as he passed the cid, "let us leave him, sitting like a bridegroom in his ivory chair, and thinking that his beard will frighten us." the campeador stroked his chin, and sternly demanded what the count had to do with his beard. "thanks be to god," he added, "never son of woman hath taken me by it; never son of moor or of christian hath plucked it as i did yours in your castle of cabra, count, when i took your castle of cabra, and took you by the beard: there was not a boy of the host who did not pull it."--"the hair which i plucked has not, methinks, grown again," he added with a look of bitterest scorn. to this cruel sarcasm garcia could only answer by the low scurrility of desiring the cid to go back to his own country, and take toll for his mills as he used to do. this insult was scarcely to be tolerated. the knights of the cid grasped their swords, and looked at each other with fierce countenances; but their respect for the command of their lord, not to act till he bade them, kept them silent. the cid himself forgot his own injunctions, and reproached his former standard-bearer, pero bermuez, for not taking up his cause. that valiant knight, dashing aside some personal insults with which the cid had mingled his censure, folded his cloak round his arm, and fiercely striding to the count garcia, felled him to the ground. immediately the court was a scene of wild uproar; swords were drawn, and no respect for the presence of the king could quell the fray. at length the passions exhausted themselves, and the court resumed its sittings. alfonso declared that he would defend the rights of all parties, and advised garcia and his friends to support their cause by courtesy and reason, and not to revile the cid. the cause was proceeded with; and the king with the alcaldes finally decreed that the infantes, and their uncle count suero gonzales, who had abetted them in their dishonour to the ladies, should do battle with three of the cid's people, and acquit themselves if it were in their power. the battle accordingly was fought, and the champions of the cid were victors, agreeably to the decision of the twelve true men appointed as judges, and the consenting voice of the king and people. the infantes of carrion and their uncle were declared traitors. the family itself sunk into disgrace; a worthy punishment, as the spanish writers declare, of them who dishonour and desert fair lady.[ ] these circumstances were considered of equal force with a canonical dissolution of marriage; and the daughters of the cid were shortly afterwards united to the infantes of navarre and arragon, men of far more power and rank than their former lords. valencia witnessed the present, as it had the former nuptials. bull-fights, throwing at the target, and throwing the cane, were some of the amusements of the christians, and the joculars were right nobly rewarded. the moors, also, were animated and sincere in their rejoicings; and the spectators were pleasingly distracted between the christian and the moorish games. for eight days the rejoicings lasted: each day the people were feasted, and each day they all ate out of silver. [sidenote: death of the cid.] these were the last circumstances of importance in the life of the cid. five years afterwards, on the th of may, , he died at valencia. romance writers have endeavoured to adorn his closing scene; but i cannot select from their works any thing that is either beautiful or probable. [sidenote: his character.] in one of those historical works which have done honour to the literature of our age, much praise is bestowed upon the cid, ruy diaz, for his frankness, honour, and magnanimity.[ ] but, in truth, to very little of this commendation is our hero's fame entitled. his conduct to the poor jews of burgos will not be urged as a proof of his free and noble dealing, of that frank sincerity which interests us in contemplating the worthies of chivalric times; and as for his honour, that sacred possession of a knight, he pledged it often to the moors of valencia, and violated it to gratify his objects as a conqueror. look at him in the cortez: observe his coolness, his deliberation, his gradual statement of his demands. here was the calculating man of vengeance, not the gay, the wild cavalier throwing down his gauntlet, and displaying his whole soul in one burst of generous passion. there is a sternness about the cid which repels our gaze. his mind was not enriched by arabic learning, and grateful to his teachers; nor was it softened by recollections of arabian loves: and when i see him pitying his sword that it had not received the food it deserved, i can scarcely allow him a station among the heroes of chivalry, those brilliant spirits; for i recognise nothing but the barbarism of the goth, infuriated by the vengeful spirit of the moor. let the cid, however, have his due praise. several instances of his generosity to prisoners have been given. his treatment of the moors of valencia, after he had once settled the government, was noble. he suffered no difference of religion to affect his paternal regards to his people; and thence it happened that moors and christians dwelt together under his mild sway with such accord that the union seemed the long result of ages. one of those moors gave him the following praise, with which i shall conclude my remarks on his character: "the cid, ruy diaz," said he, "was the man in the world who had the bravest heart, and he was the best knight at arms, and the man who best maintained his law; and in the word which he hath promised he never fails; and he is the man in the world who is the best friend to his friend, and to his enemy he is the mortalest foe among all christians; and to the vanquished he is full of mercy and compassion; and full thoughtful and wise in whatever thing he doeth; and his countenance is such that no man seeth him for the first time without conceiving great fear." [sidenote: fate of his good horse.] as a horse was part and parcel of a knight, i cannot take leave of the cid without saying a few words regarding his steed bavieca. after the death of his master no one was permitted to bestride that good horse. gil diaz, a valiant knight, and companion of the cid, took him in charge, feeding him and leading him to water with his own hand. bavieca lived two years and a half after the death of his master the cid; and when he died gil diaz buried him before the gate of the monastery at valencia, in the public place, and planted two elms upon the grave, the one at his head, and the other at his feet. * * * * * [sidenote: spanish chivalry after his death.] [sidenote: the merits of missals decided by battle.] i have already alluded to the mighty influence of the cid on the political history of spain,--his decision of the great question of christian or mohammedan superiority. after his death the impulse which he had given to the spanish power was kept alive; the moors never recovered themselves from the prowess of his knighthood, and, finally, they were driven from the peninsula. it was only when the general christian cause was the weakest, that the spanish government, and people, who were occasionally conquerors, extended the humanities of chivalry to the moors. but when the crescent waned, this mild aspect was changed; for revenge and all the baleful passions of victory swept away the gentle graces of the cavalier, and intolerance and cruelty rose with the increasing power of the christians. concessions of liberty of conscience were made to the moors, but the treaties were broken, apparently that mockery might embitter pain. the moors and christians did not deport themselves to each other with chivalric courtesy; and history gives no warrant to the romantic stories of any magnanimity or grandeur of soul illuminating the last years of the arabs in spain.[ ] among the christians themselves, indeed, the chivalric character was sustained in all its vigour and gracefulness. ecclesiastical history furnishes us with a very amusing instance of its influence. when alphonso ix., about the year , had expelled the moors from toledo, he endeavoured to establish the roman missal in the place of st. isidore's. but the people clung to their old ideas, and resisted the innovation. those were not the days of theological argument; but the sword was the only means of deciding disputes and of determining truth. each party chose a doughty knight, and commended to his chivalry the cause of a missal. the two champions met in the lists; the two parties ranged themselves in the surrounding galleries, and to the joy of the spaniards the champion of st. isidore was victorious.[ ] [sidenote: gallantry of a knight.] but the gallantry of the spaniards is the most interesting subject of regard. james ii., king of arragon, decreed that every man, whether a knight or another, who should be in company with a noble lady, might pass safe and unmolested, unless he were guilty of murder.[ ] in the minds of spanish knights, religion and love were ever blended; and he who, thinking of his mistress, took for his motto the words, "sin vos, y sin dios y mi," (without thee, i am without god, and without myself,) was not thought guilty of impiety. in romantic gallantry the spaniard was a very perfect knight. garcia perez de vargas, who lived in the thirteenth century, was a splendid exemplar of spanish chivalry. his valour excited the envy of men of nobler birth, who displayed the meanness of their spirit in questioning his title to bear arms. he once withstood the moors, while those of more ancient heraldry quailed. when he had discomfited the foe, he returned to his host, and striking his battered shield, remarked to his envious rival, in a tone of justifiable sarcasm, "you are right in wishing to deprive me of my coat of arms, for i expose it to too great dangers. it would be far safer in your hands; for so prudent a knight as yourself would take very excellent care of it."[ ] garcia was such a doughty knight, that his very presence terrified the moors. he and a companion were once suddenly met by a party of seven of their turbaned foes. his friend took flight, but perez closed his vizor, and couched his lance. the moors declined a battle. perez reached the camp: his conduct met with its guerdon; but he had too much chivalric kindness warming his heart to answer the demand, who it was that had forsaken him in so perilous a moment. there was another circumstance in this affair which marks the gallantry of our knight. while his martial demeanour was keeping the moors at bay he found that his scarf had fallen from his shoulder. he calmly turned his horse's head, recovered his mistress's favour, and then pursued his course to the camp, the moors being still afraid to attack him.[ ] [sidenote: passage of arms at orbigo.] on the first day of the year , while the spanish court was holding its festivities at medina del campo, a noble knight, named sueno de quinones, presented himself before the king (john ii.) with a train of nine cavaliers gallantly arrayed, whose lofty demeanour and armorial ensigns showed that they prided themselves on the perfect purity of their christian descent. the king smiled graciously on the strangers; and learning from his attendants that they had come to court in order to address his power, he waved his hand in sign of permission for them to speak. a herald, whom they had brought with them, stepped in front, and in the name of sueno de quinones spoke thus: "it is just and reasonable that any one who has been so long in imprisonment as i have been should desire his liberty; and, as your vassal and subject, i appear before you to state, that i have been long bound in service to a noble lady; and, as is well known, through heralds, not only in this country but through foreign lands, every thursday i am obliged to wear a chain of iron round my neck. but, with the aid of the apostle james, i have discovered a means of liberation. i and my nine noble friends propose, during the fifteen days that precede and the fifteen days that follow the festival of that saint, to break three hundred lances, with milan points[ ], in the following manner: three lances with every knight who shall pass this way on his road to the shrine of the saint. armour and weapons will be provided in ample store for such cavaliers as shall travel only in palmer's weeds. all noble ladies who shall be on their pilgrimage unattended by a chivalric escort must be contented to lose their right-hand glove till a knight shall recover it by the valour of his arm." when the herald concluded, the king and his council conferred together, and they soon agreed that the laws of chivalry obliged them to consent to the accomplishing of this emprise of arms. when the royal permission was proclaimed by the heralds, sueno got a noble knight to take off his helmet, and thus, bareheaded, approached the throne, and humbly thanked the king. he afterwards retired with his nine friends; and having exchanged their heavy armour for silken dresses of festivity, they returned to the hall and joined the dance. six months were to elapse before the valiant and amorous sueno de quinones could be delivered from his shackle; and all that time was spent by him and his friends in exercising themselves to the use of the lance, and in providing stores of harness and lances for such knights as would joust with them. the place that was arranged for the contest was the bridge orbigo, six hours' ride from leon, and three from astorga. the marble effigies of a herald was set-up in the road; and by the label in its right hand travellers were acquainted that they had reached the passage of arms. the lists were erected in a beautiful plain formed by nature in a neighbouring wood. tents for banqueting and repose were raised, and amply furnished by the liberality of sueno. one tent was admirable for the beauty of its decorations, and more so for its purpose. it contained seven noble ladies, who, at the request of the mother of sueno, devoted themselves to attend upon such of the knights as should be wounded in the joust. at the time appointed, sueno de quinones appeared in the lists with his nine companions, all arrayed in the most splendid tourneying harness, the enamoured knight himself bearing round his neck the chain of his mistress, with the motto, which his friends also wore on some part of their armour, "il faut délibérer." many stranger knights jousted with him, and his success was generally distinguished. the fair penitents to the shrine of the saint were stopped; and such as were of noble birth were asked by the king's herald to deliver their gloves. the pride and prerogatives of the sex were offended at this demand: the ladies resisted, as much as words and looks of high disdain could resist, the representative of the king; but they yielded with grace and pleasure, when they were asked to surrender their gloves in the name of the laws of chivalry, of those laws which had been made under their auspices, and for their benefit. there was no lack of knights to peril themselves for the recovery of these gloves in the listed plain; and if the champions of the dames were ever worsted by the hardier sons of chivalry, the gallantry of the judges of the tournament would not permit the ladies to suffer from any want of skill or good fortune in their chosen knights. when the thirty days had expired, it appeared that sixty-eight knights had entered the lists against sueno de quinones; and in seven hundred and twenty-seven encounters only sixty-six lances had been broken;--a chivalric phrase, expressive either of the actual shivering of lances, or of men being thrown out of their saddles. the judges of the tournament, however, declared, that although the number of lances broken was not equal to the undertaking, yet as such a partial performance of the conditions of the passage at arms had not been the fault of sueno de quinones, they commanded the king at arms to take the chain from his neck, and to declare that the emprise had been achieved: accordingly the chain was removed, and the delivered knight entered leon in triumph.[ ] [sidenote: knights travel and joust for ladies' love.] the knights of spain were, indeed, on every occasion gallant as well as brave. when the heralds of france and england crossed the pyrenees to proclaim the tournaments, which were to be held in honour of woman's beauty, there was no lack of spanish cavaliers to obey the sound, and assert the charms of the dark-eyed maidens of their land. this was their wont during all the ages of chivalry; and so late as the fifteenth century one of them travelled so far as england by command of his mistress, and for her sake wished to run a course with sharp spears. his dress confirmed his challenge; for he wore round his arm a kerchief of pleasance, with which his lady-love had graced him before he set out on his perilous quest of honour.[ ] this historical fact is very important, as proving that the writers of spanish tales, in describing the deep devotion of spanish love, the fidelity which no time nor absence could shake, drew their pictures from no imaginary originals. the romancers shadowed forth the manners of their nation, like the good-humoured satirist, cervantes, who, while ridiculing the absurdities of knight-errantry, as displayed in works of fiction, never forgot the seriousness approaching to solemnity, the perfect courtesy, the loftiness, and the generosity of the castilian gentleman. while the knights of england were admiring the gallantry of the spanish cavalier, who appeared among them to render himself worthy the smiles of his lady-love, another knight of spain, named sir john de merlo, or melo, left his native land to add new honours to his shield. he repaired to the court of philip, duke of burgundy, which was then held at arras, and proclaiming that he wished to joust, in order to win that high fame which was the guerdon of chivalry, he sounded his challenge for any noble knight to break three lances with him. it was not long before that proved and renowned cavalier, peter de bauffremont, lord of chargny, answered the challenge, prevailing, in return, on the spaniard to consent to tourney with him on foot with battle-axes, swords, and daggers. the two noble knights then appeared in the lists of the market-place at arras, which had been fashioned into a tilting ground. the duke of burgundy sat as judge of the lists; and he was surrounded by the dukes of bourbon and of gueldres, the counts of rochemont, of vendome, d'estampes, and, indeed, the chiefest nobility of his states. the spanish knight entered then the lists, followed by four noble cavaliers of burgundy, whom the duke had appointed to do him honourable service. one of them bore on the end of a lance a small banner emblazoned with his arms. the other knights carried his lances, and thus, without more pomp, he courteously made his obeisance to the duke of burgundy, and retired from his presence by the way he had entered on the left hand of his grace. after a pause extended beyond the wonted time, in order to raise the expectations of the spectators into anxiety, the lord of chargny pressed his bounding steed into the lists. he was grandly accompanied by three burgundian lords, and the english earl of suffolk, all bearing his lances. behind him were four coursers, richly caparisoned with his arms and devices, with pages covered with robes of wrought silver; and the procession was closed by the greater part of the knights and squires of the duke of burgundy's household. the lord of chargny gracefully bent his body while his proud steed was performing its caracoles, and he then retired through a gate opposite to that of the spanish knight. at the signal of the duke the trumpets sounded to horse, the knights pricked forth, the herald's cry resounded, "faites vos devoirs, preux chevaliers;" and the career of the gallant warriors deserved the noblest meed; for they tilted with their lances with such admirable skill, that though their weapons shivered, neither cavalier was hurt. the second and the third courses were ran with similar chivalric bearing, and the morning's amusement closed. on the next day the duke of burgundy, followed by all his chivalry, repaired to the market-place of arras, in order to witness the second series of these martial games. the lord of chargny, as the challenger, appeared first; and it was full an hour before sir john de merlo entered the lists: for the spaniard resolved to retort the delay which the lord of chargny had made on the preceding morning. the king-at-arms, called golden fleece, proclaimed, in three different parts of the lists, that all who had not been otherwise ordered should retire to the galleries, or without the rails; and that no one should give any hinderance to the two champions, under pain of being punished, by the duke of burgundy, with death. the knights then advanced from their respective pavilions, wielding their battle-axes. they were armed in proof; but the spanish knight, with more than the wonted boldness of chivalry, wore his vizor raised. they rushed upon each other with impetuous daring, and exchanged many mighty blows; but the lord of chargny was sore displeased that his adversary did not close his vizor. after they had well proved their valour, the duke of burgundy threw down his warder, and the jousting ceased. but the noble knights themselves exclaimed against so early a termination of their chivalric sports; particularly the spaniard, who declared, as the reason for his anger, that he had travelled at a great expence, and with much fatigue by sea and land, from a far country, to acquire honour and renown. but the duke remained firm, only soothing his denial by complimenting him on the honourable mode in which he had accomplished his challenge; and, afterwards, the burgundian nobles vied with each other in praising a cavalier who had shown the unprecedented daring of fighting with his vizor raised. the duke also entertained him in his palace; and, in admiration of his bravery, made him so many rich presents, that the expences of his journey were amply reimbursed. he soon afterwards mounted his good steed, and left arras on his return to his own country; and beguiled the long and lonely way by recollections of the past, and dreams of future glory.[ ] [sidenote: extinction of spanish chivalry.] the remainder of the history of spanish chivalry, namely, its decline, may be shortly told. all its martial forms were destroyed by the iron yoke of the house of austria; and so perfectly, that, in the state of things which succeeded the warfare of the shield and the lance, the spanish infantry took the lead, and was the most skilful in europe. at the battle of ravenna, in the year , they defeated the chivalry of france, and proved the excellence of the new system of warfare. something, however, of that excellence must be attributed to the spirit of ancient knighthood; for it borrowed the principles of its discipline from ancient times. in one respect the chivalry of spain resembled the general chivalry of europe in its decline; for, at the introduction of the art of printing into the peninsula, the old romances were the first subjects of the press, as works most agreeable to national taste. although spanish poetry was now but a faint copy of the italian muse, yet the spirit of the antique song occasionally breathed, in wild and fitful notes, the heroism and loves of other times. the point of honour was long preserved as the gem of the spanish character; and chivalric gallantry continued intense and imaginative, for arabian literature left impressions on the spanish mind which the inquisition could not efface; and thus, while in other countries of europe woman was gradually despoiled of those divine perfections with which the fine and gallant spirit of chivalry had invested her, and moved among mortals as formed of mortal nature, yet, in the imagination of the grave, the musing spaniard, she was preserved in her proud pre-eminence, and was still the object of his heart's idolatry. chap. vi. progress of chivalry in germany and italy. _chivalry did not affect the public history of germany ... its influence on imperial manners ... intolerance and cruelty of german knights ... their harshness to their squires ... avarice of the germans ... little influence of german chivalry ... a remarkable exception to this ... a female tournament ... maximilian, the only chivalric emperor of germany ... joust between him and a french knight ... edict of frederic iii. destroyed chivalry ..._ chivalry in italy:--_lombards carried chivalry thither ... stories of chivalric gallantry ... but little martial chivalry in italy ... condottieri ... chivalry in the north ... italians excellent armourers but bad knights ... chivalry in the south ... curious circumstances attending knighthood at naples ... mode of creating knights in italy generally ... political use of knighthood ... chivalric literature ... chivalric sports._ [sidenote: chivalry did not affect the public history of germany.] chivalry may be considered either in a political or a military aspect, either as influencing the destinies of nations, or affecting the mode and circumstances of war. in germany it offers to us no circumstances of the former class. germany was connected with italy more than with any other country of europe during the middle ages. the wars of the emperors for the kingdom of italy did not proceed from any principles or feelings that can be termed chivalric; nor can any ingenuity torture the fierce contests between the popes and the emperors into knightly encounters. the chivalry of germany seldom appeared in generous rivalry with that of any other country; and in circumstances which leave no doubt of the issue, if the chivalry of england or france had been engaged, the imperial knights quailed before partially-disciplined militia. in italy the power of milan was more dreaded than that of the emperor frederic barbarossa; and he subdued the northern states rather by drawing their cities to his side, which were jealous of the milanese authority, than by the force of his chivalry. a few years afterwards the cities of lombardy formed a league against him; and when the question of italian independence was debated in arms, the militia of the cities triumphed over the flower of german chivalry in the battle of legnano. nor could germany ever afterwards thoroughly re-establish her power. many political circumstances and moral reasons prevented it; but the weakness of her military arm was the chief and prevailing cause. the germans invented nothing in chivalry, and borrowed nothing from the superior institutions of other countries. at the commencement of the fifteenth century the inferiority of their chivalry was plainly displayed. the german cuirassiers, with whom the emperor robert descended into italy, could not cope with the condottieri of jacopo verme, who protected the states of gian galeazzo visconti. it was found that the horses of the germans were not so well trained as those of the italians, and the armour of the knights was heavy and unwieldy; and thus the bigoted attachment of the germans to ancient customs saved italy from subjugation.[ ] the cuirassiers of germany were equally impotent against the hardy peasantry of switzerland. [sidenote: its influence on imperial manners.] though not in the public history, yet in what may be called the manners, of the empire, there was one great chivalric feature. the dignity of service was strikingly displayed. the proudest nobles were the servants of the emperor, his butler, his falconer, his marshal, his chamberlain; and, insensibly, as every student of german history knows, the principal officers of state usurped from the other nobles the right of electing the emperor. [sidenote: intolerance and cruelty of german knights.] chivalry was chiefly known in germany as the embodying of a ferocious spirit of religious persecution. the nation, therefore, embarked in the crusades to the holy land with fierceness, unchecked by chivalric gallantry, and recklessly poured out its best blood in the chace of a phantom. prussia, and other countries at the north of germany, were tardy in embracing christianity; and the sword became the instrument of conversion. the teutonic knights were particularly active in this pious work, when the mamlouk tartars had driven them from palestine. in other countries, the defence of the church, and hostilities against infidels, though considered as knightly duties, were not protruded beyond other obligations: but in germany, so prominently were they placed, that a cavalier used to hold himself bound, by his general oath of chivalry, to prepare for battle the moment of a war being declared, either against infidels or heretics.[ ] the german knight differed in character from the knight of other countries, though his education was similar. the course of that education is detailed in one of the most interesting german poems, the das heldenbuch, or book of heroes. "the princes young, were taught to protect all ladies fair, priests they bad them honour, and to the mass repair; all holy christian lore were they taught, i plight: hughdietrick and his noble queen caused priests to guide them right. bechtung taught them knightly games; on the warhorse firm to sit; to leap, and to defend them; rightly the mark to hit; cunningly to give the blow, and to throw the lance afar: thence the victory they gain'd, in many a bloody war. right before their breasts to bear the weighty shield, in battle and in tournament quaintly the sword to wield; strongly to lace the helmets on, when call'd to wage the fight, all to the royal brothers, bechtung taught aright. he taught them o'er the plain far to hurl the weighty rock; mighty was their strength, and fearful was the shock: when o'er the plain resounded the heavy stone aloud, six furlongs threw beyond the rest wolfdieterick the proud."[ ] [sidenote: cruelty of knights to their squires.] though the education of the squire in germany resembled the education of the squire in other countries, yet his state was not equally happy. the duties of the german youth were painful; and, though menial, as, indeed, were many of the duties of all squires, yet they were ungraced by those softening circumstances of manners which distinguished chivalric nurture in france and england.[ ] the squires, too, were more frequently persons of humble birth than of gentle condition; and knighthood, therefore, was not always the reward of their toils. the knights were cruel and severe to their young attendants. it happened once, and the circumstance illustrates the general state of manners, that when a knight was in the midst of a baronial revelling, three of his squires rushed into the hall, with the wild action of fear, and stood trembling before him. he coldly demanded where were the rest. as soon as their fear allowed them to speak, they said that their whole band had been fighting with his enemies, and that eight of them had fallen. totally unmoved by the fate of his brave and devoted young friends, and thinking only of the rigidness of discipline, he answered, "you are rightly served: who bade you ride without my orders?"[ ] well, indeed, then, may we say, with the old german authority for this story, that the man who hath held the office of squire has learnt what it is to feel the depths of pain and ignominy. no country was more desolated by private war in the middle ages than germany; and chivalry, instead of ameliorating the mode of warfare, acquired a character of wildness from the perpetual scene of horror.[ ] [sidenote: avarice of the germans.] there was no bertrand du guesclin, no black prince, no manny, no chandos, in germany: there was a rudeness about the knighthood of the teutonic cavaliers different from its state in other nations. the humanities, which it was the principle of christian chivalry to throw over the rugged front of war, were but little felt in germany, though germany was the very cradle of chivalry. i need not repeat the cruelties which were inflicted upon richard coeur de lion, during his return from the holy land. two centuries afterwards, when chivalry was in its high and palmy state in other countries, the germans continued uncourteous knights. they were a high and proud people, never admitting foreign cavaliers to companionship and brotherhood. but avarice was their most detestable quality, and effectually extinguished all sentiments of honour. "when a german hath taken a prisoner," says froissart, "he putteth him into irons, and into hard prison, without any pity, to make him pay the greater finance and ransom."[ ] on the probability arising of a war between germany and france, the french counsellors dissuaded their king, charles v., from thinking of engaging in it in person, on account of the character of the enemy. it was said, if the king went into germany, there would be but little chance of his returning. "when they (the germans) shall know that the king and all the great nobles of france are entered into their country, they will then assemble all together; and, by their better knowledge of the land, they may do us great damage; for they are a covetous people, above all other. they have no pity if they have the upper hand; and they demean themselves with cruelty to their prisoners: they put them to sundry pains, to compel them to make their ransoms the greater; and if they have a lord, or a great man, for their captive, they make great joy thereof, and will convey him into bohemia, austria, or saxony, and keep him in some uninhabitable castle. they are people worse than saracens or paynims; for their excessive covetousness quencheth the knowledge of honour."[ ] [sidenote: little influence of german chivalry.] as the corrective of the violences of feudal licentiousness, no where was chivalry more required, and no where was it less known than in germany. it is not possible to exaggerate the enormities of the nobility, and, i fear, of the clergy, during all that long tract of time which is called the age of chivalry. each castle was a den of thieves; and an archbishop thought he had a fair revenue before him, when he built his fortress on the junction of four roads.[ ] to preserve the people from the rapaciousness and cruelty of these noble and clerical robbers, knights-errant sometimes scoured the plain; but this mode of corrective was very imperfectly applied. it was in the cities and towns, which were protected by the emperors, that the oppressed and injured people found refuge. while the german historians seldom mention the protecting influence of knight-errantry, they constantly represent the benefit of towns, and press the fact upon the readers, that it was the tyranny of the nobles which occasioned their growth. in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there were confederacies among towns, and confederacies among the nobility: the former associations were formed in order to repel the aggressions of the latter. this is a feature in german history totally unknown to other countries of the great republic of europe, and distinct from all chivalric origin or chivalric effects. [sidenote: a remarkable exception to this.] except in the occasional adventurousness of knights-errant, chivalry was but once concerned in repressing the evils of the time, and interwoven with the interesting circumstances of that occasion is one of the most amusing stories in all the long annals of knighthood. the citizens, in conveying their merchandizes from one place to another, suffered dreadfully from the rapine of the barons; and finding the weapons used by common people were an insufficient protection, they wisely and boldly armed themselves in the manner of their enemies. they wielded the lance and sword, rode the heavy war-horse, practised tournaments and other martial games, and even attended tournaments in castles and courts; assuming for the occasion the armorial distinctions of noble families who were distant from the scene. so much did this state of citizenship resemble that of knighthood, that all the castles on the rhine were not inhabited by barons and knights only. [sidenote: a female tournament.] in the fourteenth century, a band of bold and wealthy burghers established themselves with their wives and children in one of the largest of these fortresses, as a barrier against the maraudings of the nobility. they became so powerful, and their deportment was so chivalric, that some of the neighbouring knights formed alliances with them. a potent baron harassed them in various ways; and after various battles, each party was willing that words, and not the sword, should terminate the war. they accordingly met on a spot of border-land, and, after arranging the immediate subject of dispute, they embraced as brothers in chivalry. while these citizen-knights were absent, the women, who remained behind, joyfully assembled on a sunny plain, which spread itself before the castle. they walked up and down, each lady praising the martial qualities of her lord. as the discourse proceeded, they became inspired with that heroic courage which they were commending, till at length they ordered the war-horses to be brought out with armour and weapons, resolving to hold a tournament. they were soon mounted and armed, and they took the names of their husbands. there was a maiden among them, and as modesty forbad her to take the name of any man of her own station in life, she chose the title of a neighbouring duke. she performed the martial exercises with such strength and adroitness, that most of the married women were cast by her from their saddles, and paid dearly, by their wounds, for their temerity and adventurousness. they then left the plain, and such of them as were injured retired to their chambers, strictly charging the servants and pages to make no disclosure of what had passed. when the knights returned, and found the horses covered with foam and dust, and few ladies to greet them, they enquired the cause of this unwonted appearance. for a while no answer could be gained; but at length they terrified a boy into a detail of the story. they laughed right merrily at the folly of their wives; and when, soon afterwards, they met some of the rhenish knights at a festival, they made the hall echo with the tale, and it was soon bruited over all germany. the duke, under whose name the honours of the tournament had been won, was surprised and pleased with the heroism of the maiden. he sought her out, gave her rich presents, not only in money, but a war-steed and a gentle palfrey, and united her in honourable marriage to a wealthy burgher.[ ] [sidenote: maximilian the only chivalric emperor of germany.] in the character of the emperors of germany, as seen in their public lives, little of the chivalric nature can be marked. the fredericks and the othos more nearly resemble our norman williams, than our plantagenet edwards. it is singular that the only chivalric emperor in germany was the prince in whose reign german chivalry expired. maximilian i. was educated in the strictest discipline of chivalry. all his youthful studies and occupations had relation to his chivalric deportment; and german writers have been fond of remarking, that while he was a mere child, he and another boy were wont to ride on men's backs, and fight with wooden swords in imitation of a joust.[ ] [sidenote: joust between him and a french knight.] he was afterwards a very gallant cavalier. when in the year , he was holding his states at worms, a french knight, named claude de batre, arrived at the city, and proclaimed by his herald that he was ready to meet in combat any german knight who was willing to stake life, limb, or liberty, or contend for any knightly distinction in a personal encounter. among the nobles and knights that were present, no one seemed willing to accept the challenge; for, besides the report of the frenchman's gigantic strength, fame had armed him with supernatural and satanic powers. the courageous maximilian could not endure to see the german chivalry braved and bearded by a stranger, and he sent a herald with his own shield, ornamented with the arms of austria and burgundy, to lay it alongside that of the frenchman. the emperor and the knight then agreed that on the morning of the tenth day from that time they would appear in public, armed, and fight to the utterance. the person of the conquered was to remain at the victor's disposal. the joust was regarded as a matter of more interest and importance than the public affairs which the diet was assembled to arrange. on the appointed morning all the brave, and all the fair of germany, met round the splendid lists which the emperor had erected for the purpose. the herald's trumpet centered the attention of the spectators,--its second flourish hushed every murmur,--and when its third and loudest blast sounded, maximilian and claude de batre pricked forwards at speed through opposite gates into the lists, and opposed lance to lance. their weapons splintered, and they drew their swords. the fight was long and obstinate; but the skill of the french knight only served to exalt the heroism of the emperor: for, finally, maximilian disarmed his antagonist, and proved the excellence of the german chivalry.[ ] [sidenote: edicts of frederick iii. destroyed chivalry.] it was frederic iii., the father of maximilian, who gave the first blow to the ancient chivalry of germany. he passed an edict allowing citizens to receive knighthood; a permission which tarnished the splendour of the order, and disgusted the old cavaliers.[ ] this measure was a fatal one; for germany above all other countries had been jealous of the pure nobility of its knighthood. knighthood was more the adjunct of rank than the reward of merit; and the germans were more solicitous to examine the quarters of a shield than the martial deserts of the bearer, more desirous to mark his ancestors' deeds than his own. the edict of frederic destroyed the pride of chivalry. knighthood was then conferred on boys who were scarcely able to perform the duties of squires, and on children at the baptismal font. but, in truth, the destruction of knighthood in germany was no real evil. chivalry had not been a perfect defence of the empire, as the austrians and swabians had found in their contests with the hungarians. on one occasion, in particular, during the thirteenth century, the knights and squires of germany were sorely galled on the plains of hungary by the arrows of the enemy, and vainly wished for a close and personal encounter. an austrian archer advised the chivalry with whom he served to retreat, and draw the hungarians far from their homes. this counsel the knights and squires, from pride and suspicion of the man's fidelity, rejected; but the danger pressed, the showers of arrows became thicker and more frequent, and the austrian and swabian horses being but partially barded, were either slain or rendered unmanageable. each knight watched the countenance of his companion, to read in it hope or advice, till at length one of them exclaimed, "let us send a messenger to these dastardly foes inviting them to peace, or to a manly and chivalric contest, for honour and love of ladies." a squire was dispatched, but was shot by an hungarian arrow. the austrian leader then called to his side a well-experienced knight, and bade him ride to the hungarian general, and invoke him by his chivalry to terminate this unknightly conflict. the old warrior replied, that if he were to carry such a message, the hungarian would infallibly answer, that he was not such a fool as to place his unharnessed men in a level and equal line against the mail-clad chivalry of austria; and that if the austrians would doff their armour, the hungarians would fight them hand to hand. the danger became more and more imminent, and the germans had no hope of escape; for they could not expect, as if they had been fighting with the chivalry of france, that a surrender of their horses and arms, and an honourable treaty for their own persons' ransom, would satisfy the foe. finally, they were compelled to yield at discretion; and it is interesting to observe, that the austrian archer, whose counsel had been despised, and who it appears might have saved himself if he would, remained at his station, and nobly shared the fate of his lords. instead of meeting with any knightly courtesy, the whole were led away into hungary, and pined out their days in prison.[ ] many other instances of the inefficacy of the german chivalry might be adduced, but the truth is so apparent on every page of the history of germany, that no particular instances are necessary. other circumstances contributed to its fall. the privileges of knighthood had been found inconvenient by the emperors. in the field of battle the cavaliers often claimed an independence which was detrimental to imperial authority. maximilian i., therefore, introduced mercenaries into his army. such of them as were natives of other countries brought with them every well-practised species of war, and raised the german military power to a level with that of the other nations of europe. the inadequacy of the german chivalry, to the present times was therefore so apparent, that no person wished to see the spirit of knighthood revived. chivalry ceased to be a national characteristic, and its badges and honours passed into the court to become the signs of imperial favour.[ ] * * * * * we will now cross the alps into italy. [sidenote: lombards carried chivalry into italy.] we shall ascend sufficiently high into the antiquities of nations, if we observe that the system of manners from which chivalry sprang was brought by the lombards from germany into the north of italy. with them in their new, as it had been in their original, seats, the title to bear arms was a distinction conferred by the state, and not a subject of private will and choice. a son did not presume to sit at the same table with his father. for the instruction of youth in military affairs there were public spectacles on sundays, and on festivals, in imitation of a knightly mêlée. a town or city was divided into two parts, each having its defenders. the mock battles were either general or between small parties, the weapons were made of wood, the helmets were safely padded, and the young warriors displayed splendid banners adorned with fanciful cognisances.[ ] the amusement of hawking, which distinguished the gothic from the latin and most southern tribes, was common with the lombards[ ]: but more than all the rest, a tone of chivalric gallantry was given to the italians, even by these long-bearded barbarians. [sidenote: stories of chivalric gallantry.] antharis, one of the lombard kings, sought in marriage theudelinda, a daughter of the king of bavaria; and not wishing to judge through another's eyes, he disguised himself as a private man, and accompanied his ambassadors to the bavarian court. after the conditions of the marriage had been discussed and the ceremonies arranged, the disguised prince stepped before the crowd, and, saluting the king, declared that he was the personal friend of antharis, who wished to receive from him a description of the lady's charms. theudelinda accordingly appeared, and the first glance assured antharis of her being worthy of his love. he did not betray his rank to the assembly; but not altogether able to conceal his joy, he touched the hand of the royal damsel as she presented him a cup of wine; and the matrons about the court, excellent judges of signs of passion, whispered their assurance that such an act of bold familiarity could never have been committed by a mere public or personal representative of antharis.[ ] * * * * * for several centuries chivalry shed but few and transient gleams of light over the gloomy waste of italian history, and i can only select one event which paints in beautiful colours the spirit of romantic gallantry. the wife of lothaire, king of italy from the year to , was adelais, a princess of the house of burgundy. lothaire was deposed, perhaps murdered by his minister, berenger; and the usurper persecuted, with the cruelty of fear, adelais, who has been described by monkish chroniclers, and chivalry will not contradict the character, as being young and beautiful. he confined her in a subterraneous dungeon; and, as if personal insult was his best security, he deprived her of her jewels and her royal apparel. a female servant was her only companion during four months of confinement, wherein she was made to endure every mortification which a noble mind can be exposed to. her wretched condition was at length discovered by a priest, named martin, who had not in the retirement of a cloister lost the sympathies of humanity. he immediately employed himself to effect her rescue, and, unseen by her jealous keepers, he worked an aperture through the earth and walls sufficient to admit a slender female form to pass. he conveyed male habiliments into the dungeon, to deceive the eyes of her jailors, and, apparelled in them, adelais and her attendant made their escape. they were met at the entrance of the aperture by their faithful monk, who fled with them to the most probable place of safety, a wood near the lake benacus. the wants of nature were furnished to them by a poor man who gained a precarious livelihood by fishing in the lake. recovered from their fatigue and alarm, martin left the wood to provide for his fair friend some surer place of safety. he went to the bishop of reggio, who, though a humane and well-purposed man, was unable to oppose the might of berenger. still the matter was not hopeless, for he remembered that there was dwelling in the impregnable fortress of canossa a virtuous and adventurous knight. to him, therefore, martin addressed himself, and azzo listened to his complaint. he and a chosen band of cavaliers donned their harness, and, repairing to the lake benacus, conducted thence the persecuted adelais to the fortress of canossa. and this was well and chivalrously achieved, for virtue was protected; and in affording this protection, azzo defied the power of the king of italy. the subsequent fate of adelais it falls not within my province to detail. the student of italian history knows that she married otho the great, emperor of germany, and that this marriage was a main cause of uniting the sovereignties of germany and italy.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: but little martial chivalry in italy.] [sidenote: condottieri.] the growth and developement of chivalry in subsequent times were checked by political circumstances. of them the chief was the formation of the republics in the north of italy during the twelfth century. the power of the feudal nobility was far less than in any other country, and the nobles were the humble allies of the towns.[ ] the citizens trusted rather to the security of their fortifications than their own strength in the field, for their infantry could not resist the charges of italian cavalry; and, except such nobles as were in alliance with them, their force consisted of infantry. the superiority of the chivalric array of the various lords and feudal princes of italy to the militia of the cities[ ] was one great cause of that great political revolution,--the change of the republics into tyrannies. the power of knights over armed burghers having been experienced, and the towns not possessing in sufficient numbers a force of cavalry, the practice arose of hiring the service of bodies of lancers, who were commonly gentlemen of small fortune but of great pretensions, and who found war the readiest way of gratifying their proud and luxurious desires. in the fourteenth century another great change occurred in the military affairs of italy. i shall lay it before my readers in the lucid diction of the english historian of that country. "the successive expeditions of henry vii., of louis of bavaria, and of john of bohemia, had filled italy with numerous bands of german cavalry, who, on the retirement of their sovereigns, were easily tempted to remain in a rich and beautiful country, where their services were eagerly demanded, and extravagantly paid. the revolution in the military art, which in the preceding century established the resistless superiority of a mounted gens-d'armerie over the burgher infantry, had habituated every state to confide its security to bodies of mercenary cavalry; and the lombard tyrants in particular, who founded their power upon these forces, were quick in discovering the advantage of employing foreign adventurers, who were connected with their disaffected subjects by no ties of country or community of language. their example was soon universally followed, native cavalry fell into strange disrepute; and the italians, without having been conquered in the field, unaccountably surrendered the decision of their quarrels and the superiority in courage and military skill, to mercenaries of other countries. when this custom of employing foreign troops was once introduced, new swarms of adventurers were continually attracted from beyond the alps to reap the rich harvest of pay and booty which were spread before them. in a country so perpetually agitated by wars among its numerous states, they found constant occupation, and, what they loved more, unbridled licence. ranging themselves under the standards of chosen leaders--the condottieri, or captains of mercenary bands,--they passed in bodies of various strength from one service to another, as their terms of engagement expired, or the temptation of higher pay invited; their chieftains and themselves alike indifferent to the cause which they supported; alike faithless, rapacious, and insolent. upon every trifling disgust they were ready to go over to the enemy: their avarice and treachery were rarely proof against seduction; and, though their regular pay was five or six times greater in the money of the age than that of modern armies, they exacted a large gratuity for every success. as they were usually opposed by troops of the same description, whom they regarded rather as comrades than enemies, they fought with little earnestness, and designedly protracted their languid operations to ensure the continuance of their emoluments. but while they occasioned each other little loss, they afflicted the country which was the theatre of contest with every horror of warfare: they pillaged, they burnt, they violated, and massacred with devilish ferocity."[ ] gradually these foreign condottieri, when not engaged in the service of any particular power, levied war like independent sovereigns; and italy had fresh reason to repent the jealousy which had made her distrust her own sons. they fought with tenfold more fury now that the contest was no longer carried on by one troop of condottieri against another, but against the italians themselves, to whom no tie of nature bound them; and so far was any cavaleresque generosity from mitigating the horrors of their wars, that one adventurer, werner was his name, and germany his country, declared, by an inscription which was blazoned on his corslet, that he was "the enemy of god, of pity, and of mercy." but the power of these foreign condottieri was not perpetual. nature rose to vindicate her rights; and there were many daring spirits among the italians, who, if not emulous of the fame, were jealous of the dominion of strangers. the company of saint george, founded by alberico de barbiano, a marauding chief of romagna, was the school of italian generals. in the fifteenth century, the force of every state was led by an italian, if not a native citizen; and when the emperor robert crossed the alps with the gens-d'armerie of germany, the milanese, headed by jacopo del verme, encountered him near brescia, and overthrew all his chivalry. [sidenote: chivalry in the north of italy.] in northern italy no knightlike humanities softened the vindictiveness of the italian mind. warriors never admitted prisoners to ransom. the annals of their contests are destitute of those graceful courtesies which shed such a beautiful lustre over the contests of england and france. no cavalier ever thought of combating for his lady's sake, and a lady's favour was never blended with his heraldic insignia. there were no regular defiances to war as in other countries: honour, that animating principle of chivalry, was not known; the object of the conquest was regarded to the exclusion of fame and military distinction. stratagems were as common as open and glorious battle; and private injuries were revenged by assassination and not by the fair and manly joust à l'outrance: and yet when a man pledged his word for the performance of any act, and wished his sincerity to be believed, he always swore by the parola di cavaliere, e non di cortigiano; so general and forcible was the acknowledgment of chivalry's moral superiority. i know nothing in the history of the middle ages more dark with crime than the wars of the italians,--nothing that displays by contrast more beautifully the graces of chivalry; and yet the italian condottieri were brave to the very height of valour. before them the german chivalry quailed, as it had formerly done before the militia of the towns. [sidenote: italians excellent armourers, but bad knights.] in the deep feelings and ardent and susceptible imaginations of the italians, chivalry, it might seem, could have raised her fairest triumph; but chivalry had no fellowship with a mercenary spirit, and sordid gain was the only motive of the italian soldiers. their acute and intelligent minds preceded most other people in military inventions. to them, in particular, is to be attributed the introduction of the long and pointed sword, against which the hauberk, or coat of mail, was no protection. they took the lead in giving the tone to military costume: they were the most ingenious people of europe during the middle ages; and their superior skill in the mechanical arts was every where acknowledged. the reader of english history may remember, that in the reign of richard ii. the earl of derby, afterwards henry iv., sent to milan for his armour, on account of his approaching combat with thomas, duke of norfolk. sir galeas, duke of milan, not only gave the messenger the best in his collection, but allowed four milanese armourers to accompany him to england, in order that the earl might be properly and completely accomplished. the milanese armour preserved its reputation even in times when other countries had acquired some skill in the mechanical arts. in the duke of brittany purchased various cuirasses at milan; and in the accounts of jousts and tournaments frequent mention is made of the superior temper and beauty of italian harness.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: chivalry in the south of italy.] in the south of italy chivalry had a longer and brighter reign. some of its customs were introduced by the lombards when they established their kingdom at beneventum; and others were planted by the normans, that people of chivalric adventurousness. knighthood was an order of the state of high consideration, and much coveted; but its glories were sometimes tarnished by the admission of unworthy members; and, in the year , the emperor frederic ii. was obliged to issue a decree, at naples, forbidding any one to receive it who was not of gentle birth. the most complete impression, however, of the chivalric character, on the minds of the italians, was made by the house of anjou, when charles and his frenchmen conquered naples in . the south of italy seems to have been far less advanced in civilisation than the commercial towns of the north; but the angevine monarchs made naples one blaze of splendid luxury. nothing had been seen in italy so brilliant as the cavalcade of charles. the golden collars of the french lords,--the surcoats and pennons, and plumed steeds of the knights,--the carriage of the queen, covered with blue velvet, and ornamented with golden lilies,--surpassed in magnificence all former shows.[ ] the entry of charles was a festival; and on that occasion the honour of knighthood was conferred on all persons who solicited it. the kings of the house of anjou pretended to revive the regulations of frederic ii.; but they soon relaxed them, and gave the military girdle to the commonalty who could not prove that their forefathers had been knights. [sidenote: curious circumstances attending knighthood at naples.] when a person was invested at naples, the bishop, or other ecclesiastic who assisted at the inauguration, not only commanded the recipient to defend the church, and regard the usual obligations of chivalry, but he exhorted him not to rise in arms against the king from any motive, or under any circumstances. this curious clause was added to the exhortation: "if you should be disloyal to your sovereign, to him who is going to make you a knight, you ought first to return him the girdle with which you are immediately to be honoured; and then you may make war against him, and none will reproach you with treachery; otherwise, you will be reputed infamous, and worthy of death." an instance of the fear of this imputation of treachery occurred when the princes of besignano and melfi, the duke of atri, and the count of maddolini, returned to louis xii., king of france, the collar of st. michael, (with which he had honoured them,) when ferdinand the catholic took possession of the kingdom.[ ] knighthood was much solicited, on account of its privileges, as well as of its titular distinction. it exempted the fortunate wearer from the payment of taxes, and gave him the power of enjoying the royal and noble amusement of the chase. but the angevine monarchs were so prodigal in granting the honour of knighthood, that it ceased to be a distinction; and in the reign of the last princes of that house the order had degenerated into a vain and empty title. [sidenote: mode of creating knights in italy generally.] such was the general state of chivalry in northern and southern italy; but there were some circumstances common to every part of the peninsula. the nobility invested each other with festive and religious ceremonies, with the bath[ ], the watching of arms, and the sacred and military shows, or with a simple stroke of a sword, and the exhortation, "sii un valoroso cavaliere," two ancient knights buckling on his golden spurs. in the year , azzo, marquis of este, was knighted by gerard, lord of camino, at a public solemnity held at ferrara. cane, lord of verona, in , gave the honour of knighthood to thirty-eight young nobles, and presented them with golden belts, and beautiful war-horses.[ ] in italy there was the usual array of knights and squires, of cavalieri and scudieri; but i can find no mention of pages distinct from the squires, and attending their lords; except, indeed, they were the domicelli, or donzelli, who, however, are supposed by muratori to have been the squires of noble rank. all the armour-bearers of the knights were not noble or of gentle birth, or we should not very often meet, in the italian annalists of the middle ages, the expression "honourable squires." in the fourteenth century knights had four titles, agreeably to the various modes of their creation:--cavalieri bagnati, or knights of the bath, who were made with the grandest ceremonies, and supposed, from their immersion, to be freed from all vice and impurity; the cavalieri di corredo, or those who were invested with a deep-green dress, and a golden garland; the cavalieri di scudo, or those who were created either by people or nobility; and the cavalieri d'arme were those who were made either before or during battle.[ ] many orders of knighthood were known in italy: some (but their history is not interesting) were peculiar to it; and others, such as the order of the knights of saint john and of the temple, had their preceptories and commanderies in that country. and, to enlarge upon a circumstance alluded to in another place, it is curious to notice the dexterity with which chivalry accommodated itself to the manners and usages of any particular society. the commercial cities in the north of italy vied in power with, and were superior in wealth to, the feudal nobility. chivalry was esteemed as a graceful decoration by every class of men, and by none with more ardour than by new families, whom opulence had raised into civic consideration. the strictness of the principles of knighthood opposed their investiture; but those principles, were made to give way; and commercial pride was satisfied with the concession of aristocratical haughtiness, that the _sons_ of men in trade might become brothers of the orders of chivalry. [sidenote: political use of knighthood.] the decoration of simple knighthood, however, was given indiscriminately without regard to birth or station. every city assumed the power of bestowing it; and after a great battle it was showered with indiscriminate profusion upon those who had displayed their courage, whether they were armed burghers or condottieri. and this was a wise measure of the italian cities: for there was always an obligation expressed or implied on the part of knights of fidelity to the person from whom they received the honour.[ ] it is amusing to observe, that, in the year , a florentine mob paused in its work of murder and rapine to play with the graceful ensigns of chivalry; and, in imitation of the power of the city, they insisted on investing their favourites with knighthood. [sidenote: chivalric literature.] chivalry had, perhaps, greater influence on the literature and manners of the italians than on their military usages. wandering minstrels from france and spain chaunted in the streets of italy tales of warriors' deeds and lady-love, particularly the stories of roland and oliver, the paladins of charlemagne, who were also the subject of song and recitation, even by the stage-players on the earliest theatre at milan.[ ] much of the popular literature of italy consisted of romances; and the chief topics of them were the exploits both in arms and amours of charlemagne and his paladins: though on one occasion buovo d'antina, a hero of chivalry, who fought and loved prior to the time of those heroes, was the theme of tuscan verse. the wars of charlemagne and his paladins with the saracens were afterwards sung by the nobler muse of pulci and boiardo, and then by ariosto, who, not confining himself to the common stores of romantic fiction, has borrowed as freely from the tales regarding arthur and the british and armoric knights as from those relating to charlemagne and the peers of france, and has thrown over the whole the graceful mantle of oriental sorcery. the chivalric duties of converting the heathens, of adoring the ladies, of fighting in the cause of heaven and woman, were thus presented to the minds of the italians; and the homer of ferrara roused the courage, or softened into love or pity, the hearts of knights and ladies, by singing the wars and loves of days which his poetry rendered bright and golden. [sidenote: chivalric sports.] these were the literary amusements of italy; the subjects of recitation in the baronial hall, and of solitary perusal in the lady's bower: with these works the italians nourished their imaginations; and a chivalric taste was diffused over the manners of public and private life. the amusement of hawking, which, as we have seen, the fathers of chivalric italy had introduced, was indulged in at every court; and the ferrarese princes were generally attended in the field by a hundred falconers, so proud and magnificent was their display. every great event was celebrated by a tournament or a triumphal show. dante speaks of the tournament as the familiar amusement of the fourteenth century. ----"e vidi gir gualdane, ferir torniamenti, e correr giostra." inferno, c. . so early as the year , on occasion of the interview between frederic barbarossa and pope alexander at venice, chivalric and civic pomp celebrated their friendship. two centuries afterwards, the recovery of cyprus presented a fair opportunity for military display. knights flocked to venice from england, france, and every country of the west, and manifested their prowess in the elegant, yet perilous, encounter of the tournament. there was a pageant, or grand triumphal show, of a splendid procession of knights cased in steel, and adorned with the favours of the ladies. the scene-painter and the mechanist combined their talents to give an allegorical representation of the christian's victory over islamism: the knights moved amidst the scenic decorations, and by their gallant bearing swelled with noble pride the hearts of the spectators. the sports of chivalry were so elegant and graceful that we might have supposed the refined italians would have embraced them in all their circumstances. but the arena of the coliseum, so admirably adapted for a tournament, was used for moorish games. the matrons and virgins of rome, arrayed in all their bravery, were seated in its ample galleries, and beheld, not a gallant and hurtless encounter between two parties of knights with lances of courtesy, but a succession of sanguinary conflicts between cavaliers and bulls. only one solitary circumstance gave an air of chivalry to the scene, and prevents us from mingling the bull-feast of the coliseum, on the st of september, , with the horrid spectacles of classic times. each knight wore a device, and fancied himself informed by the spirit of chivalry, and the presence of the ladies. "i burn under the ashes," was the motto of him who had never told his passion. "i adore lavinia, or lucretia," was written on the shield of the knight who wished to be thought the servant of love, and yet dared not avow the real name of his mistress.[ ] chap. vii. on the merits and effects of chivalry. we are now arrived at that part of our subject where we may say with the poet, "the knights are dust, and their good swords are rust: their souls are with the saints, we trust." with italy the historical tracing ceases of that system of principles which for so many centuries formed or influenced the character of europe. its rude beginnings may be marked in the patriarchal manners which preceded every known frame of artificial life, and have been shaped and modified by the legislator and the moralist. the ties of fraternity or companionship in arms, respect to elders, devotion to women, military education and military investiture, were the few and simple elements of chivalry, and in other times would have formed the foundation of other systems of manners. but a new and mighty spirit was now influencing the world, and bending to its purposes every principle and affection. christianity, with its sanctities and humanities, gave a form and character to chivalry. he who was invested with the military belt was no longer the mere soldier of ambition and rapine, but he was taught to couch his lance for objects of defence and protection, rather than for those of hostility. he was the friend of the distressed, of widows and orphans, and of all who suffered from tyranny and oppression. the doctrine of christian benevolence, that all who name the name of christ are brothers, gave beauty and grace to the principles of fraternity, which were the gothic inheritance of knights, and therefore the wars of the middle ages were distinguished for their humanities. a cavalier was kind and courteous to his prisoner, because he saw in him a brother; and while the system of ancient manners would have limited this feeling to people of one nation, a knight did not bound his humanity by country or soil, for christian chivalry was spread over most parts of europe, and formed mankind into one band, one order of men. from the same principle all the courtesies of private life were communicated to strangers; and gentleness of manners, and readiness of service, expanded from a private distinction into an universal character. since, by the christian religion, woman was restored to the rank in the moral world which nature had originally assigned her, the feelings of respect for the sex, which were entertained in the early and unsophisticated state of europe, were heightened by the new sanctions of piety. it was a principle, as well as a feeling and a love, to guard and cherish woman; and many of the amenities of chivalry proceeded from her mild influence and example. the patriarchal system of manners, shaped and sanctioned by christianity, formed the fabric of chivalry; and romance, with its many-coloured hues, gave it light and beauty. the early ages of europe gaily moved in all the wildness and vigour of youth; imagination freshened and heightened every pleasure; the world was a vision, and life a dream. the common and palpable value of an object was never looked at, but every thing was viewed in its connection with fancy and sentiment. prudence and calculation were not suffered to check noble aspirations: army after army traversed countries, and crossed the sea to the holy land, reckless of pain or danger: duties were not cautiously regarded with a view to limit the performance of them; for every principle was not only practised with zeal, but the same fervid wish to do well lent it new obligations. from these feelings proceeded all the graceful refinements, all the romance of chivalry: knighthood itself became a pledge for virtue; and as into the proud and lofty imagination of a true cavalier nothing base could enter, he did not hesitate to confide in the word of his brother of chivalry, on his pledging his honour to the performance of any particular action. there was no legal or other positive punishment consequent on the violation of his word; and, therefore, the matter being left to imagination and feeling, the contempt of his fellow-knights could be the only result of recreancy. the knight looked to fame as one of the guerdons of his toils: this value of the opinions of others taught him to dread shame and disgrace; and thus that fine sense of morality, that voluntary submission to its maxims which we call honour, became a part of knighthood. the genius of chivalry was personal, inasmuch as each knight, when not following the banner of his sovereign, was in himself an independent being, acting from his own sense of virtue, and not deriving counsel from, or sharing opprobrium with, others. this independence of action exalted his character; and, nourished by that pride and energy of soul which belong to man in an early state of society, all the higher and sterner qualities of the mind,--dignity, uncompromising fidelity to obligations, self-denial, and generousness, both of sentiment and conduct,--became the virtues of chivalry. all the religious devotion of a cavalier to woman existed in his mind, independently of, or superadded to, his oath of knighthood. she was not merely the object of his protection, but of his respect and idolatry. his love was the noble homage of strength to beauty. something supernaturally powerful had been ascribed to her by the fathers of modern europe; and this appeal to the imagination was not lost. in some ages and countries it reigned in all its religious force; in others it was refined into gentleness and courtesy: but every where, and at every time, the firmest confidence in woman's truth accompanied it, or supplied its stead; and the opinion of her virtue, which this feeling implied, had a corresponding influence on his own manners. the triumph of chivalry over all preceding systems of opinions was complete, when imagination refined the fierceness of passion into generous and gentle affection,--a refinement so perfect and beautiful, that subsequent times, with all their vaunted improvements in letters and civilisation, are obliged to revert their eyes to the by-gone days of the shield and the lance for the most pleasing and graceful pictures of lady-love. from these elements, and by means of these principles, sprang the fair and goodly system of chivalry, which extended itself, as we have seen, over most of the states of europe, blending with the strongest passions and dearest affections of the heart, influencing the manners of private life, and often determining the character of political events. in england and france its power was most marked and decided; in spain it was curiously blended with oriental feelings; germany was not much softened by its impressions; and in italy the bitterness of private war admitted but few of its graces. it is difficult to define the precise period of its duration, for it rose in the mists and gloom of barbarism; and the moment of its setting was not regarded, for other lights were then playing on the moral horizon, and fixing the attention of the world. in the part, entirely historical, of the present work, the reader must have remarked, that sometimes the decay of chivalry was gradual, and not apparently occasioned by external means; while in other countries its extinction was manifestly hastened by causes which sprang not from any seeds of weakness in itself. but, viewing the subject in its great and leading bearings, it may be observed, that chivalry was coeval with the middle ages of europe, and that its power ceased when new systems of warfare were matured, when the revival of letters was complete and general, and the reformation of religion gave a new subject for the passions and imagination. this attempt to describe a history of chivalry has proved, at least, that chivalry was no dream of poets and romancers, and that the feudal system was not the only form of real life during the middle ages. sismondi, in his work on the literature of the south, contends that chivalry was an ideal world. he then admits, that sometimes the virtues of chivalry were not entirely poetical fictions, but that they existed in the minds of the people, without, however, producing any effect on their lives. his reasons for his opinions are, that it is impossible to distinguish the countries where chivalry prevailed; that it is represented to us as remote both in time and place; and while one class of authors give accounts of the general corruption of their age, writers of after times refer to those very days, and adorn them with every virtue and grace. now, much of this reasoning is erroneous. that past ages should be praised at the expence of the present is no uncommon a circumstance, whether in morals or poetry. we have proved that the countries where chivalry prevailed are clearly distinguishable, and the degree of its influence can likewise be marked. m. sismondi does not argue as if he had been aware that there ever had existed such a writer as froissart; who does not refer to old times for his pictures of arms and amours, but describes the chivalric character of his own age. notwithstanding the light and beauty which chivalry cast over the world, the system has been more frequently condemned than praised. the objectors have rested their opinion on a sentence, said to be witty, of an old english author, that errant knights were arrant knaves, or on a few passages of reprehension which are scattered through the works of middle-age literature. sainte palaye has founded his condemnation of chivalry upon the remark of pierre de blois, a writer of the twelfth century, that the horses of knights groan under the burden, not of weapons, but of wine; not with lances, but cheeses; not with swords, but with bottles; not with spears, but with spits.[ ] not many years afterwards, john of salisbury also says, that some knights appear to think that martial glory consists in shining in elegant dress, and attaching their silken garments so tightly to their body, that they may seem part of their flesh. when they ride on their ambling palfreys they think themselves so many apollos. if they should unite for a martial chevisance, their camp will resemble that of thais, rather than that of hannibal. every one is most courageous in the banqueting hall, but in the battle he desires to be last. they would rather shoot their arrows at an enemy than meet him hand to hand. if they return home unwounded, they sing triumphantly of their battles, and declare that a thousand deaths hovered over them. the first places at supper are awarded to them. their feasts are splendid, and engrossed by self-indulgence: they avoid labour and exercise like a dog or a snake. all the dangers and difficulties of chivalry they resign to those who serve them, and in the mean time they so richly gild their shields, and adorn their camps, that every one of them looks not a scholar but a chieftain of war.[ ] all this splenetic declamation involves charges of coxcombry, luxury, and cowardice. that knights were often guilty of the first offence is probable enough, for all their minute attention to the form and fashion of armour could not but attach their minds too strongly to the effect of their personal appearance. graced also with the scarf of his sovereign-mistress, the knight well might caracole his gallant steed with an air of self-complacency: but a censure on such matters comes with little propriety from monks, who, according to chaucer, were wont to tie their beads under their chin with a true lover's knot. the personal indulgence of the knights was not the luxury of the cloister,--idle, gross, and selfish,--but it was the high and rich joviality of gay and ardent souls. they were boon or good companions in the hall, as well as in the battle-field. if their potations were deep, they surely were not dull; for the wine-cup was crowned and quaffed to the honour of beauty; and minstrelsy, with its sweetest melodies, threw an air of sentiment over the scene. how long their repasts lasted history has not related: but we have seen, in the life of that great and mighty english knight, sir walter manny, that when the trumpet sounded to horse, cavaliers overthrew, in gay disorder, every festival-appliance, in their impatience to don their harness, and mount their war-steeds; and we also saw that a cup of rich gascon wine softened the pride and anger of sir john chandos, and, awakening in him the feelings of chivalric generosity, impelled him to succour the earl of pembroke. in sooth, at the festivals of cavaliers all the noble feelings of chivalry were displayed. in those hours of dilatation of the heart, no appeal was made in vain to the principles of knighthood. even so late as the year , when the sun of chivalry was nearly set, at a high festival which the duke of burgundy gave, at brussels, to the lords and ladies of the country, two heralds entered the hall, introducing a stranger, who declared that he brought with him letters of credence from the noble lady his mistress. the letters were then delivered by him to the officer of the duke, who read them aloud. their purport was, that the lady complained of a certain powerful neighbour, who had threatened to dispossess her of her lands, unless she could find some knight that, within a year, would successfully defend her against him in single combat. the stranger then demanded a boon of the duke; and his grace, like a true son of chivalry, accorded it, without previously requiring its nature. the request was, that he should procure for the lady three knights, to be immediately trained to arms; that out of these three the lady should be permitted to choose her champion. then, and not before, she would disclose her name. as soon as the stranger concluded, a burst of joyful approval rang through the hall. three knights (and the famous bastard of burgundy was of the number) immediately declared themselves candidates for the honour of defending the unknown fair. their prowess was acknowledged by all the cavaliers present, and they affixed their seals to the articles.[ ] except the knights were actually engaged in foreign countries, on martial chevisance, all the festivals, particularly those which succeeded the graceful pastime of the tournament, were frequented by dames and damsels, whose presence calling on the knights to discharge the offices of high courtesy, chased away the god of wine. the games of chess and tables, or the dance, succeeded; while the worthy monks, pierre of blois, and john of salisbury, having no such rich delights in their refectory, were compelled to continue their carousals. how gay and imaginative were the scenes of life when chivalry threw over them her magic robe! at a ball in naples, signor galeazzo of mantua was honoured with the hand of the queen joanna. the dance being concluded, and the queen reseated on her throne, the gallant knight knelt before her, and, confessing his inability with language adequately to thank her for the honour she had done him, he vowed that he would wander through the world, and perform chivalric duties, till he had conquered two cavaliers, whom he would conduct into her presence, and leave at her disposal. the queen was pleased and flattered by this mark of homage, and assured him that she wished him joy in accomplishing a vow which was so agreeable to the customs of knighthood. the knight travelled, the knight conquered; and, at the end of a year, he presented to the queen two cavaliers. the queen received them; but, instead of exercising the power of a conqueror, she graciously gave them their liberty, recommending them, before their departure, to view the curiosities of the rich city of naples. they did so; and when they appeared before the queen to thank her for her kindness, she made them many noble presents, and they then departed, seeking adventures, and publishing the munificence and courtesy of joanna.[ ] but the charge of cowardice which the monks brought against the knights is the most vain and foolish of all their accusations, and throws a strong shade of contempt and suspicion on the rest. if they had said that chivalric daring often ran wild into rashness, we could readily enough credit the possibility of the fact; but nothing could be more absurd than to charge with cowardice men who, from the dauntlessness of their minds, and the hardy firmness of their bodies, had been invested with the military belt. the reason of all this vituperative declamation against chivalry may be gathered from a very curious passage in a writer during the reign of stephen. "the bishops, the bishops themselves, i blush to affirm it, yet not all, but many, (and he particularises the bishops of winchester, lincoln, and chester,) bound in iron, and completely furnished with arms, were accustomed to mount war-horses with the perverters of their country, to participate in their prey; to expose to bonds and torture the knights whom they took in the chance of war, or whom they met full of money; and while they themselves were the head and cause of so much wickedness and enormity, they ascribed it to their knights."[ ] hence, then, it appears that many of the bishops were robbers, and that they charged their own offences on the heads of the chivalry. the remark of the writer on the cruelty of the bishops to their prisoners is extremely curious, considering it in opposition to the general demeanour of knights to those whom the fortune of war threw into their hands. but these wars and jealousies between the knighthood and the priesthood, while they account for all the accusations which one class were perpetually making against the other, compel us to despise their mutual criminations. nothing more, perhaps, need be said to deface the pictures of the knightly character as drawn by pierre de blois and john of salisbury; and they should not have met with so much attention from me if they had not always formed the van of every attack upon chivalry. but there is one passage in dr. henry's history of england so closely applicable to the present part of my subject, that i cannot forbear from inserting it. "it would not be safe," observes that judicious historian, "to form our notions of the national character of the people of england from the pictures which are drawn of it by some of the monkish historians. the monk of malmsbury, in particular, who wrote the life of edward ii., paints his countrymen and contemporaries in the blackest colours. 'what advantage,' says he, 'do we reap from all our modern pride and insolence? in our days the lowest, poorest wretch, who is not worth a halfpenny, despises his superiors, and is not afraid to return them curse for curse. but this, you say, is owing to their rusticity. let us see, then, the behaviour of those who think themselves polite and learned. where do you meet with more abuse and insolence than at court? there, every one swelling with pride and rancour, scorns to cast a look on his inferiors, disdains his equals, and proudly rivals his superiors. the squire endeavours to outshine the knight, the knight the baron, the baron the earl, the earl the king, in dress and magnificence. their estates being insufficient to support this extravagance, they have recourse to the most oppressive acts, plundering their neighbours and stripping their dependents almost naked, without sparing even the priests of god. i may be censured for my too great boldness, if i give an ill character of my own countrymen and kindred; but if i may be permitted to speak the truth, the english exceed all other nations in the three vices of pride, perjury, and dishonesty. you will find great numbers of this nation in all the countries washed by the greek sea; and it is commonly reported that they are infamous over all these countries for their deceitful callings.' but, we must remember, (as dr. henry comments on this passage,) that this picture was drawn by a _peevish monk_, in very unhappy times, when faction raged with the greatest fury, both in the court and country." it would not alter the nature of chivalry, or detract any thing from its merits, if many instances were to be adduced of the recreancy of knights, of their want of liberality, courtesy, or any other chivalric qualities; for nothing is more unjust than to condemn any system for actions which are hostile to its very spirit and principles. one fair way of judging it, is to examine its natural tendencies. a character of mildness must have been formed wherever the principles of chivalry were acknowledged. a great object of the order was protection; and therefore a kind and gentle regard to the afflictions and misfortunes of others tempered the fierceness of the warrior. in many points chivalry was only a copy of the christian religion; and as that religion is divine, and admirably adapted to improve and perfect our moral nature, so the same merit cannot in fairness be denied to any of its forms and modifications. chivalry embraced much of the beautiful morality of christianity,--its spirit of kindness and gentleness; and men were called upon to practise the laws of mercy and humanity by all the ties which can bind the heart and conscience; by the sanctions of religion, the love of fame, by a powerful and lofty sense of honour. on the other hand, the christianity of the time was not the pure light of the gospel, for it breathed war and homicide; and hence the page of history, faithful to its trust, has sometimes painted the knights amidst the gloomy horrors of the crusades ruthlessly trampling on the enemies of the cross, and at other times generously sparing their prostrate christian foes, and gaily caracoling about the lists of the tournament. but these are not the only means of showing the general beneficial nature of the institutions of chivalry. the character of modern europe is the result of the slow and silent growth of ages informed with various and opposite elements. the impress of the romans is not entirely effaced; and two thousand years have not destroyed all the superstitions of our pagan ancestors. we must refer to past ages for the origin of many of those features of modern society which distinguish the character of europe from that of the ancient world, and of the most polished states of asia. we boast our generousness in battle, the bold display of our animosity, and our hatred of treachery and the secret meditations of revenge. to what cause can these qualities be assigned? not to any opinions which for the last few hundred years have been infused into our character, for there is no resemblance between those qualities and any such opinions; but they can be traced back to those days of ancient europe when the knight was quick to strike, and generous to forgive; and when he would present harness and arms to his foe rather than that the battle should be unfairly and unequally fought. this spirit, though not the form, of the chivalric times has survived to ours, and forms one of our graces and distinctions. the middle ages, as we have shown, were not entirely ages of feudal power; for the consequence of the personal nobility of chivalry was felt and acknowledged. the qualities of knighthood tempered and softened all classes of society, and worth was the passport to distinction. thus chivalry effected more than letters could accomplish in the ancient world; for it gave rise to the personal merit which in the knight, and in his successor, the gentleman of the present day, checks the pride of birth and the presumption of wealth. but it is in the polish of modern society that the graces of chivalry are most pleasingly displayed. the knight was charmed into courtesy by the gentle influence of woman, and the air of mildness which she diffused has never died away. while such things exist, can we altogether assent to the opinion of a celebrated author, that "the age of chivalry is gone?" many of its forms and modes have disappeared; fixed governments and wise laws have removed the necessity for, and quenched the spirit of, knight-errantry and romance; and, happily for the world, the torch of religious persecution has long since sunk into the ashes. but chivalric imagination still waves its magic wand over us. we love to link our names with the heroic times of europe; and our armorial shields and crests confess the pleasing illusions of chivalry. the modern orders of military merit (palpable copies of some of the forms of middle-age distinctions) constitute the cheap defence of nations, and keep alive the personal nobility of knighthood. we wage our wars not with the cruelty of romans, but with the gallantry of cavaliers; for the same principle is in influence now which of old inspired courage while it mitigated ferocity. courtesy of manners, that elegant drapery of chivalry, still robes our social life; and liberality of sentiment distinguishes the gentleman, as in days of yore it was wont to distinguish the knight. index. _accolade_, meaning of the, i. . note. _adelais_, tale of her imprisonment, rescue by an adventurous knight, and subsequent marriage, ii. . _albigenses_, romance of, i. . note. _alcantara_, order of, its principles, and its comparative rank with other spanish orders, i. . _alfonso_, story of his chivalric bearing, ii. . _allegories_, fantastic, made on knights and their armour, i. . . _amys and amylion_, romance of, i. . _anglo-saxons_, state of chivalry among, i. . . . . _antharis_, a lombard king, story of his romantic gallantry, ii. . _arabian horses_, their repute in chivalric times, i. . _arabic_, spanish historians, account of, ii. . note. _archers_, excellence of english, ii. . fine passage from halidon hill expressive of, ii. . note. an english archer in the days of edward iii., . importance of at battles of cressy and poictiers, . _argonautes_, order of, purpose of its institution, i. . _aristotle_, lay of, i. . _armorial bearings_, historical and philosophical sketch of the principles of, i. , . . _armour_, beauty of ancient, i. . value of enquiries into the minutiæ of, i. . uncertainty of the subject, i. . its general features, i. , &c. golden armour, . _array_, general nature of chivalric, i. . _arthur_, his knightly honour, i. . note. discovery of his remains at glastonbury, account of, i. . his court the school of chivalric virtue, . his generosity to his knights, . note. see _round table_. _athenæus_, his singular testimony to a state of chivalry, i. . _auberoch_, beleagured by the french, and chivalrously relieved by the english, ii. . _audley_, sir james, interesting story of his heroic achievements and of his generosity, ii. . _axe_, the battle, i. . description of king richard's, . note. b. _bachelor_, various meanings of the word, i. . . _bacinet_, i. . _baked meats_, fondness of people for them in the olden time, i. . and note. _ball_, the, after a tournament, i. . _band_, spanish order of the, objects of the order, i. . interesting, as descriptive of the state of spanish manners, ib. its fine chivalry to woman, i. . _banneret_, qualification of a knight, i. . his privileges, . see _chandos_. _bannockburn_, battle of, i. . _barriers_, description of, i. . note. singular battles at the, i. . . _bath_, order of, ceremonies used at the ancient creation of knights of, ii. . , &c. modern ceremonies, i. . absurdity of our heralds' dogmatic positiveness regarding the æra of the order's foundation, ii. . note. _batre_, claude de, a french knight. his joust with maximilian i. of germany, ii. . _bauldrick_, description of the, i. . _bayard_, the chivalric, his early years, ii. . enters the service of the kings of france, . his valiancy, ib. his humanity, . his gallantry, ib. holds a tournament in honour of the ladies, . his death, . _beauty_, knights fought to assert the superiority of their mistress's beauty, i. . the practice apparently absurd, but reason why it should not be too severely censured, ii. . _black prince_, his conduct at limoges, i. . his courtesy, ii. . . his liberality, ii. . his deportment to peter the cruel, ii. . not a favorite with the nobility in the english possessions in france, ii. . his cruelty to du guesclin, ib. _blois_, charles of, his contention with jane de mountfort for the duchy of brittany, i. . _blue_, the colour of constancy in days of chivalry, i. . note. see _stocking_. _bonaparte_, his generousness to a descendant of du guesclin, ii. . _bonnelance_, sir john, his remarkable courtesy to the ladies, i. . _boucmell_, john, his joust with an english squire, i. . _bourbon_, singular mode by which a duke of, gained a fortress, i. . ----, order of, account of, i. . _boucicant_, marshal, his outrageous reverence for women, i. . note. his joust at st. ingelbertes, near calais, , &c. _bovines_, importance of squires at the battle of, i. . _break-across_, to, meaning of the phrase, i. , . note. _britomart_, the perfection of chivalric heroines, i. . _brittany_, revered for its chivalric fame, ii. . _bruce_, robert, his chivalric humanity, ii. . _burgundy_, bastard of, his joust with lord scales, i. . his skill in other jousts, ii. . ----, court of, splendour of its tournaments, ii. . the most chivalric country in europe during middle of fifteenth century, ib. chivalric circumstance at the court of, ii. . c. _calais_, stories regarding, ii. - . _calatrava_, order of, its origin and history, i. . _calaynos_, the moor, praised by the spaniards, ii. . _carlisle_, sir anthony harclay, earl of, ceremonies of his degradation from knighthood, i. - . _carpet-knights_, meaning of the term, ii. . _carpio_, bernardo del, account of, ii. . _cavalry_, the principal arm of military power during the middle ages, i. . _caxton_, his lamentation over the decline of chivalry, ii. . his exaggeration of the evil, . _celts_, humility of celtic youths, i. . _cervantes_, curious error made by, i. . censures the chivalric custom of making vows, . note. satirises chivalric contempt of bodily pain, . note. ridicules the vigil of arms, i. . note. and the pride of knights, i. . note. accuracy of his pictures, ii. . _cesena_, noble defence of, by marzia degl' ubaldini, i. . _chandos_, sir john, story with the earl of oxenford, i. . history of his heroism, ii. . gallantry, . tenacious of his armorial bearings, ib. exploits at auray, . tries to dissuade the black prince from the spanish war, . ceremonies on his becoming a knight-banneret, ib. his remarkable generousness, . his death before the bridge of lusac, , &c. general grief thereat, . _character_, bluntness of the old english, shown at the creation of knights of the bath, ii. . _charity_, a great chivalric virtue, instance of, i. . _charter-house_, the, founded by sir walter manny, ii. . and note. _charlemagne_, state of chivalry in his time, i. . his expedition into spain, ii. . _chargny_, lord of, a famous jouster, ii. . his passage of arms near dijon, i. . _cherbury_, edward herbert, lord of, memoir of him, ii. . chivalric fame of his family, ib. his vanity, - . made a knight of the bath, . his curious adventures in france, . the disgusting vanity of his infidelity, . his general character, . his inferiority to the heroes of the reign of edward iii., . _chess_, the high favour of this game in days of chivalry, i. . a story of a knight's love of chess, . _chivalry_, general oath of, i. . form used in scotland, ii. . exhortations to perform chivalric obligations, i. , . beauty of chivalric costume, i. . first ages of, interesting to the reason, but not pleasing to the fancy, i. . difference between feudal and moral chivalry, i. . origin of, ib. nature of, . modified by christianity, , . early ceremonies of inauguration, . , . personal nobility of, not to be confounded with feudal territorial nobility, . morals of chivalric times unjustly censured, . real state of them, ib. &c. peculiar fineness of chivalric feeling, . note. declined in france before the common use of gunpowder, ii. . recapitulation of the circumstances which gave birth to, . its general nature, . exact time of its influence difficult to mark, . its merits, . its effects, . application of chivalric honours to men in civil stations, . connected with feudalism, i. . a compulsory honour in england, . _christianity_, its improvements on gothic chivalry, i. . _cid_, the, his birth, ii. . his early ferocious heroism, ib. his singular marriage, . enters the service of king ferdinand, . his chivalric gallantry, ib. ceremony of his being knighted, . death of the king ib. becomes the knight of sancho, king of castile, and his campeador, . mixture of evil and good in his character, ib. supports the king in his injustice, . his romantic heroism, ib. his virtuous boldness, . his second marriage, . is banished from the court of alfonso, the brother of sancho, .; but recalled ib. is banished again, . story of his unchivalric meanness, ib. his history in exile, . his nobleness and generosity, . is recalled, . captures toledo, .; and valentia, . unjust conduct to the moors, . marriage of his daughters, . his death, .; and character, . _claremont_, the lord of, his dispute with sir john chandos regarding armorial cognisances, ii. . _clary_, the lord of, singular story of the censure on him by the court of france for want of courtesy to sir peter courtenay, i. - . _clergy_, the weapons they used in battle, i. . a gallant fighting priest promoted to an archdeaconry, ii. . often turned knights, i. . _clermont_, council of, sanctions chivalry, i. . _clifford_, nicholas, his joust with john boucmell, i. , &c. _cloth of gold_, chivalric circumstances at the field of, ii. . _cochetel_, battle of, ii. . _cognisances_, i. . _coliseum_, moorish and chivalric sports in, ii. . inferiority of the old roman games in, to those of chivalry, i. . _colombe_, ernalton of sainte, bravery of him and his esquire, i. . _companions_ in arms, nature of such an union, i. - . _conde_, d. josé antonio, value of his searches into arabic spanish historians, ii. . note. _constancy_, a greater virtue in chivalric times than in the present day, i. . spenser's exhortation to, . _constantine_, fabulous order of, i. . _conversation_ of knights, its subjects, i. . _courage_ of the knight, i. - . _courtenay_, sir peter, his adventures in france, i. , &c. _courtesy_, a knightly virtue, i. . courtesy of a dragon, . note. at tournaments, . _cousines_, dame des belle, her reproof of a young page for his not being in love, i. . _crawford_, sir david de lindsay, earl of, his joust with lord wells, i. . _cross_, every military order had its, i. . wretched taste in concealing the cross of the order of the bath by a star, ib. _cyclas_, i. . _cyneheard_, his story, i. . d. _dagger_ of mercy, description of it, i. . story of its use, . _dambreticourt_, lord eustace, his chivalry inspired by the lady isabella, i. . his valour at the battle of poictiers, ii. . _dames_ and _damsels_. see _lady_. _degradation_, ceremonies of, i. . _derby_, earl of, the sort of death he desired, i. . _devices_, what they were, i. . worn in tournaments, - . _discipline_, chivalric array not inconsistent with feudal discipline, i. . _douglas_, story of the perilous castle of, i. . generousness of the good lord james of, i. , . his character, ib. note. the douglas of the sixteenth century, ii. . wins the pennon of hotspur, . his heroism and noble death, . archibald, at shrewsbury, ib. _dress_ of ladies in chivalric times, i. . importance of modesty of, . _dub_, meaning of the word, i. . note. _dynadan_, sir, a merry knight of the round table, his pretended dislike of women, i. . note. e. _edward i._, his chivalric character, i. . a chivalric anecdote of, i. . _edward ii._, state of chivalry in his reign, i. . . _edward iii._, state of armour in his time, i. . . chivalry in his reign, ii. , &c. _eloisa_, the lady, a heroine of chivalry, i. . _england_, antiquity of the sarcasm of its not being the country of original invention, ii. . note. the melancholy of its mirth curiously noticed, ib. _errantry_, facts relating to the knight-errantry of the middle ages, i. . . english knights-errant, . general facts and usages, , &c. f. _falconry._ see _hawking_. _falcons_, placed on perches above knights at chivalric entertainments, i. . _father in chivalry_, the respect which a knight bore to the cavalier that knighted him, i. . _festivals_, description of chivalric, i. . . at tournaments, . _fidelity_ to obligations, a great virtue in knights, i. . _flodden_, chivalric circumstances at battle of, ii. . _flowers_, romance of, remarks on, i. . note. _forget-me-not_, romantic story of this flower: joust concerning it, i. . _france_, state of, after the death of du guesclin, ii. . chivalry in baronial castles, ii. . knighthood given to improper persons, . extinction of chivalry in, . ridiculous imitation of chivalry by the profligate soldiers of a profligate king, . _francis i._, his chivalric qualities, ii. . circumstances which disgraced his chivalry, . knighted by bayard, . _fraternity_, origin and history of the spirit of, i. . encouraged by the institutions of arthur, . _froissart_, character of his history, _preface_. _frojaz_, don rodrigo, a spanish knight, chivalric mode of his death, i. . _furs_, fondness of people in the middle ages for them, i. . . note. g. _gallantry_, its origin, i. - . absurdity of antiquarians respecting, . note. _garter_, order of the, objects of, i. . its resemblance to a religious order, . reasons of its being established, .; ii. . commonly ascribed origin a vulgar fable, . meaning of the motto, . the collar, . _gawain_, sir, a knight of arthur's round table, character of, i. . _generousness_ of knights, high estimation of this quality, i. . instances, - . _gennet_, order of the, i. . _george_, saint, the person that was understood by this name, ii. . _germans_, superior virtue of german women owned by tacitus, i. . instances of this virtue, , . political chivalry had no influence in germany, ii. . german knights quailed before undisciplined troops, . when and where tournaments were held, i. . heraldic pride of the, . note. singular matter regarding the, . note. inferiority of to italian condottieri, . intolerance and cruelty of german knights, . their education, . cruelty to their squires, . their avarice, . little influence of german chivalry, . singular exception, . destruction of chivalry, . _gonfanon_, what it was, i. . _gonsalez_, count fernan de, a fabulous hero of spanish chivalry, ii. . _gordon_, adam, his chivalry, i. . _graville_, sir william, loses a fortress out of his love for chess-playing, i. . _green-field_, knights of the fair lady in the, story of their chevisance, i. . _gueldres_, duke of, story of his regard for knightly honour, i. . _guesclin_, bertrand du, his birth, ii. . became a cavalier in opposition to paternal wishes, . his knightly conduct at rennes, ib. amusing interview with the duke of lancaster, . his gallant bearing at cochetel, and the consequent recovery of the fame of the french arms, . taken prisoner at aurai, . redeemed, . his chivalry in spain, , &c. taken prisoner again, . treated with cruelty by the black prince, . ransomed, . made constable of france, . recovers the power of the french monarchy, ib. his companionship in arms with olivier de clisson, . his death before randan, . character, . h. _harald_, the valiant, account of, i. . _hawking_, a knowledge of, a necessary part of a knight's education, i. . a great chivalric amusement, . _hawkwood_, sir john, story of his origin, and allusions to his battles, i. . _helmets_, i. . various sorts of, i. . _hennebon_, noble defence of, by the countess of mountfort, i. - . _henry i._ and _ii._, state of chivalry in their respective reigns, . . . _henry ii._, of france, killed in a tournament, account of the circumstances, ii. . and note. _henry_, prince, son of james i., his love of chivalric exercises, ii. . _henry iv._, chivalric parley between him and the duke of orleans, ii. . his unchivalric deportment at shrewsbury, . _henry v._, his love of chivalry, ii. . . his chivalric modesty, . _henry viii._, account of his tournaments, ii. , &c. _heroines_, nature of female heroism in days of chivalry, and stories of, i. , &c. _hita_, genez perez de, nature of his volume on the fall of grenada, ii. . note. _homildon hill_, interesting knightly story regarding battle at, i. . _honour_, curious story of knightly, i. . the knights' pursuit of, i. . see, too, . note. _horn_, king, romance of, i. . _horse_ of the knight, i. . what horses were preferred, . the famous horse of the cid, ib. ii. . armour of the horse, i. . always very splendidly adorned, . _horsemanship_, care with which knights were trained to, i. . _hotspur_ fights with the douglas, ii. . his gallant deportment at otterbourn, . and at shrewsbury, . _humanities_ of chivalric war, i. . . _humility_, a knightly virtue, i. . _hunting_, young squires instructed in the art of, i. . a part of the amusements of chivalry, . _huntingdon_, sir john holland, earl of, his skill in jousting, i. . i. _inauguration_, ceremony of, into knighthood, when and where performed, i. . its circumstances, - . _ingelbertes_, saint, joust at, i. - . _ipomydon_, romance of, i. . _isabella_, the lady, a heroine of chivalry, i. . _italian_ armour, excellence of, i. .; ii. . note, . _italy_, but little martial chivalry in, ii. . chivalric education, . changes of the military art in, . chivalry in the north of, . esteem in which the word of knighthood was held, ib. chivalry in the south of, . mode of creating knights in, . religious and military orders in, . political use of knighthood, . folly of an italian mob regarding knighthood, ib. school of italian generals, . chivalric sports in, . _ivanhoe_, errors of the author of, regarding anglo-saxon and norman chivalry, i. . note; and concerning the knights templars, . note; and also concerning the nature and names of chivalric sports, . j. _james_, saint, his popularity in spain, i. . note; ii. . order of, i. . _james ii._, of arragon, gallantry of one of his decrees, ii. . _james iv._, of scotland, chivalric and romantic circumstances of his life, ii. - . _jealousy_, no part of chivalric love, i. . _joanna_ of naples, a chivalric anecdote regarding, ii. . _joust_, nature of the, to the utterance, i. . for love of ladies, . various, à l'outrance, - . a plaisance, , &c. romance of, .; ii. . use of jousts, i. . k. _knights_, their privileges, i. . expensive equipment of, necessary to the dignity, . preparations for knighthood, . his war-cry and escutcheon, . qualifications, . gentle birth not regarded when valour conspicuous, . by whom created, ib. (_for his education, see squire and page._) often turned priests, i. . associations of, in defence of the ladies, - . stipendiary knights in england, . no resemblance between and the equites of rome, . made in the battle-field, and in mines, - . knight of honour, description of, . english wore golden collars, ii. . anxiety to receive the order from great characters, . and note. no knights made on compulsion, after the days of charles i., . degradation of, in the reign of james i., . _knot_, order of the, i. . _knowles_, sir robert, remarkable story of the heroism of one of his knights, i. . l. _lady_ in chivalry, character of, i. . . her courtesy, ib. education, . amusements, . deportment, . what ladies could create knights, . singular blending of the heroic and the tender feelings in her character, . not made prisoner in war, . judge in the tournament, . . her favours worn by her knights, . . and note. _lahire_, the singular prayer of this knight, i. . _lance_, the chief weapon of the knight, i. . the staff made from the ash-tree, ib. _langurant_, lord of, bravery of, and of his squire, i. . and note. another story, . _largess_, distributed at ceremonial of inauguration, i. . at tournaments, . _launcelot_, generous modesty of this knight, i. . singular proof of his high reputation, . note. beautiful lamentation over his dead body, . _lee_, sir henry, his gallantry, ii. . _legnano_, battle of, ii. . _liberality_, a great virtue in chivalry, i. . _liegois_, their battle with the french chivalry, ii. . _lists_, description of the, i. . _london_, citizens of, their taste for chivalric amusements, ii. . _lords_, house of, errors of its committees, i. . note. _lorrys_, sir launcelet de, a gallant knight, killed in a joust for love of his lady, i. . _love_, peculiarities of chivalric, i. . - . , &c. perfection and purity of chivalric, ii. . quick-sightedness of courtly matrons regarding signs of, ii. . _louis_, saint, his barbarous intolerance, i. . _loyes_, sir, of spain, his cruelty, i. . m. _mail-armour_, various descriptions of, i. - . mail and plate, . mail worn in all ages of chivalry, . _manny_, sir walter, succours the countess of mountfort, i. . his bravery at calais, ii. . an amorous knight, . his kindness to two brother-knights, . his joyous adventurousness, . other feats, , &c. his filial piety, . gentleness of his disposition, . his high rank in england, . his sageness, . his liberality, . founds the charter-house, . _march_, countess of, story of her chivalric heroism in defending the castle of dunbar, i. . _marche_, thomas de la, his duel with john de visconti, ii. _martel_, nature of that weapon, i. . _marzia_, degl' ubaldini, story of her heroic deportment at cesena, i. . _maule_, its qualities, i. . not a perfectly chivalric weapon, . _maximilian_ the only emperor of germany of a chivalric character, ii. . his joust with a french knight, ib. _medicine_, knowlege of, possessed by dames and damsels, i. . faith of knights in medicines administered by women, . _medici_, lorenzo de, won a prize at a tournament, i. . _men-at-arms_, manner of their fighting, and description of their armour, i. . _mercenaries_, their use in the french army, ii. . _mercy_, order of our lady of, reason of the establishing of the, i. . _merlo_, sir john, a spanish knight, account of his jousting in burgundy, ii. - . _meyrick_, dr., character of his critical inquiry into ancient armour, i. . note, . note, . note. _michael_ of the wing, purposes of the establishing of this order, i. . _milan_, sir galeas, duke of, his courtesy to the earl of derby, ii. . _milanese_ armour, excellence of. see _italian_ armour. _missals_, the merits of, decided by battle, ii. . _minstrels_, description of them and their art in connection with chivalry, i. , &c. their chivalric importance in italy, ii. . _molai_, jacques de, appoints a successor to his authority over the templars, i. . _montferrand_, regnaud de, the romantic excess of his love for chivalric honours, i. . _montglaive_, guerin de, i. . _montpensier_, henry de bourbon, his death in a tournament, ii. . _mountfort_, jane de, tale of her heroism, i. . _music_, ladies in chivalry were taught, i. , . n. _naples_, chivalry at, ii. . ceremonies of chivalric inauguration in, . _navaret_, battle of, ii. . _nobility_, education of english, in the sixteenth century, ii. . _normans_, nature of their chivalry, i. . plant chivalry in italy, ii. . o. _oak_, in navarre, order of, i. . _obedience_, dignity of, i. . _olympic_ games, their inferiority to the games of chivalry, i. . _orbigo_, account of a singular passage of arms at, ii. - . _orders_, the religious, their general principles, i. . qualifications for them, . use of the religious, . military orders, ib. dormant orders, . singular titles of, . _ordonnance_, companies of, established by charles vii., their unchivalric nature, ii. . _orleans_, duke of, his satire on the heaviness of english armour, i. . _orris_, michael de, the romantic and chivalric nature of his love, i. . _ostrich_ feathers, whether originally a crest or a device of the black prince, i. , &c. _otterbourn_, description of that chivalric battle, ii. , &c. _oxenford_, earl of, amusing story of his absurd pride, i. . _oxford_, edward vere, earl of, his coxcombry and romantic gallantry, ii. . p. _page_, the first gradation in chivalry, i. . at what age a boy became one, ib. his duties, . personal service, ib. taught love, religion, and war, . his martial exercises, . (see _saintré_.) combats of pages, ii. . state of english pages during the sixteenth century, . _palaye_, sainte, character of his memoirs of ancient chivalry, preface. _paleaz_, martin, a spanish knight, his story, ii. . _passage_ of arms, what it was, i. . error of the author of ivanhoe concerning, ib. note. description of one in burgundy, .; and at orbigo, in spain, ii. . _patriotism_, not necessarily a knightly virtue, i. . but encouraged by the religious and military orders, , . _peacock_, festival and vow of the, i. . mode of dressing the, . note. _pelayo_, his history, ii. . _pembroke_, earl, stories of, ii. . - . _penitents_ of love, a singular set of fanatics in france, i. . _pennon_, the streamer at end of a lance, i. . _perceval_, mr. george, excellence of his history of italy, _preface_. cited, i. . note. ii. . . note. - . _percy._ see _hotspur_. _perfumes_, fondness of people in the middle ages for, i. . note. _philippa_, queen, her heroism, i. . _plate-armour_, description of, i. . its inconveniences i. . . note. _peter_ the cruel, his history, ii. , &c. _politeness_ of knights in battle, i. . _pride_ of knights ridiculed by cervantes, i. . _prisoners_, when made by knights, delivered to the squires, i. . curious pride of knights concerning, . ladies were never made prisoners, . _pursuivant_ of love, the favourite title of a knight, i. . _pye_, lord saint, his skill in jousting, i. , &c. q. _quinones_, sueno de, account of his holding a passage of arms at orbigo, in spain, ii. . _quintain_, nature of that amusement, i. . r. _ramsey_, william de, the chivalric nature of his death, i. . _ransoming_, the general principles of, in chivalric times, i. . _rapier_, an italian weapon, ii. . fighting with it supersedes the sword and buckler, ib. _religion_, nature of the knight's, i. . . brevity of his devotions, ib. curious instance of it, . the chivalric glory of a man being shriven in his helmet, ib. intolerance of the knight, . his ferocity against pagans and saracens, ib. his idle impiety at a tournament, . maintained opinions by the sword, . _rienzi_, cola di, instance of his coxcombry, ii. . note. _richard_ i., description of his battle-axe, i. . his chivalric character, . _rivers_, mystery of, meaning of the phrase, i. . _romance_ of chivalry displayed in the tournament, i. . great estimation of romances in chivalric times, i. . beneficial effects of, on chivalry, ii. . their popularity in england during the sixteenth century, . effects on italy, . _roncesvalles_, chivalric march through the valley of, by the soldiers of the black prince, ii. . question regarding battles in, at the time of charlemagne, . _round table_, when and where held in england, ii. . number of knights attached to the fabulous, i. . note. _roy_, raynolde du, a good jouster, chivalric reason for it, i. . _rybamount_, courtesy of edward iii. to lord eustace of, ii. . s. _sageness_, meaning of this old word, i. . _saintré_, jean de, curious account of the education in love of this knight, i. . _scales_, anthony woodville, lord, his joust with the bastard of burgundy, i. . _scarf_, ladies', on the knight, i. . . . _scotland_, form of chivalric oath in, ii. . chivalric circumstances, . frenchmen's opinions of scotsmen's chivalry, . reasons for englishmen's dislike of wars in, . courtesies between english and scottish knights, . see _james_ iv. _shield_, sentiments of honour connected with the, i. . its various shapes, . _sidney_, sir philip, his chivalric character, ii. . his arcadia, . circumstances of his life, . remarkable grief at his death, . uncommon kindness of the sidney family, ib., and note. his description of the nature of chivalric courage, i. . note. his apology for ladies studying surgery, i. . _sir_, its title in chivalry, i. . _skottowe_, mr., excellence of his work on shakspeare, i. . note. _smithfield_, anciently the principal tilting ground in london, i. . used for other purposes, note, ib. its state in the sixteenth century evidence of the degeneracy of chivalry, ii. . note. _spain_, religious orders in, account of, i. . general nature of spanish chivalry, ii. . religion and heroism, ib. gallantry, . . curious blending of spanish and oriental manners, . beneficial effects from the union of moors and spaniards, . religious toleration in spain, . loves and friendships of moors and christians, ib. peculiarities of spanish chivalry, . forms of knighthood, . various classes of knights, . spanish knights travel to distant countries, asserting the beauty of spanish maidens, . extinction of spanish chivalry, . the knight's idolatry of women outlives this extinction, . spanish poetry, . story of spanish manners . . state of spanish chivalry after the death of the cid, ii. . _spenser_, his fairy queen supports chivalry, ii. . object of the poem, ib. poem cited, passim. _spices_, fondness of knights for them, i. . note. . _spurs_, buckling them on, a part of chivalric inauguration ceremonies, i. . suspended in churches as memorials of victory and honour, ii. . note. _squire_, his personal and chivalric duties, i. , . . never sat at the same table with knights, . story of a high-spirited squire, . his dress, . various sorts of squires, . spenser's picture of one, ib. his duties in battle, . carried the pennon of a knight, ib. his gallantry, . . his martial exercises, . undertook military expeditions, . his services in the battle-field, . . nature of his armour, . story of the boldness of a, i. . english squires wore silver collars, ii. . see _bovines_. _squirehood_, the third class of the general order of chivalry, i. . of whom it was formed, . _stephen_, his courtesy to matilda, i. . important effects of chivalry in his reign, i. . _stocking_, order of the, i. . origin of the phrase blue stocking, . this contemptuous expression no longer applicable to englishwomen, . _stothard_, mrs. charles, her tour in normandy cited, i. . note. _surcoats_, their materials and purposes, i. . of the military orders, . _surgery_, knowledge of, possessed by ladies in chivalric times, i. . _surry_, earl of, incorrectness of the common tale regarding, ii. . _swinton_, sir john, his fine heroism, i. . another story of the heroism of a, . _sword_, girding of it on the knight a part of the chivalric inauguration ceremonies, i. . . the favourite weapon of the knight, i. . swords had names and mottoes; the cross hilt; the handle contained the knight's seal; spanish swords, - . story of the cid's favourite swords, ii. . t. _tabard_, description of, i. . _templars_, knights, extravagance of their ascetism, i. . note. errors of the author of waverley regarding, . note. the valiancy of the, . succession of grand masters from the persecution to the present time, , &c. present state of, . their importance in spain, . _thistle_, order of the, i. . its absurd pretensions to antiquity, ib. _thomson_, anthony todd, value of his botanical lectures, i. . note. _tournaments_, superiority of, to grecian games, i. . origin of, . objects, ., and notes. qualifications for tourneying, . . . who tourneyed, . ceremonies of the, ib. procession to the, . nature of tourneying weapons, . the preparation, . the encounter, . english regulations concerning, . note. opposed by the popes, . note. their frequency in the reign of edward iii., ii. . time of their death in england, . female tournament in germany, . _tristrem_, romance of, i. . v. _valet_, the common title of the page, i. . _vargas_, garcia perez de, a splendid exemplar of spanish chivalry. story of his romantic gallantry, ii. . _vigil_ of arms a necessary preliminary to knighthood, i. . _vilain_, sir john, anecdote of his remarkable prowess, i. . _virtue_, degree of, expected in a knight, i. . _visconti_, john de, his duel with thomas de la marche, ii. . _vows_, knightly, courage incited by, i. . fantastic, ib., &c. . w. _wallop_, sir john, his men break lances for ladies' love, ii. . _warwick_, an earl of, a famous jouster, i. . _wells_, lord, his joust with sir david de lindsay, first earl of crawford, i. . _werner_, fiendlike ferocity and impiety of, ii. . _william rufus_, authors wrong, in calling him a chivalric king, i. . but he promoted the growth of chivalry in england, i. . _wines_, dislike entertained by the englishmen of old for the wines of spain, i. . wines drank in chivalric times, . and note. wines and spices, . note. _woods_, mystery of, i. . _worcester_, john, earl of, constable. his regulations regarding tournaments in england, i. . note. _wordsworth_, his beautiful description of the occupations and life of a minstrel, i. . x. _ximena_, a spanish maiden, story of her voluntary marriage with her father's murderer, ii. . z. _zamora_, story of that town and the cid of spain, ii. . the end. london: printed by a. & r. spottiswoode, new-street-square. footnotes: [ ] warton (history of english poetry, vol. i. p. . note, vo.) notices a passage in piers plowman, which shows how the reigning passion for chivalry infected the ideas and expressions of the writers of this period. the poet is describing the crucifixion, and speaking of the person who pierced our saviour's side with a spear. this person our author calls _a knight_, and says, that he came forth _with his spear in hand and justed with jesus_. afterwards, for doing so base an act as that of wounding a dead body, he is pronounced a disgrace to _knighthood_, and our _champion chevaler chyese knight_ is ordered to yield himself recreant. fol. . b. so, too, in the morte d'arthur, joseph of arimathea is called the gentle knight that took down jesus from the cross. [ ] warton, vol. ii. p. . [ ] barnes's edward iii., p. . [ ] leland, collect. vol. ii. p. . [ ] arthur went to his mete with many other kings. and there were all the knights of the round table except those that were prisoners, or slain at a recounter, thenne at the high feast evermore they should be fulfilled the hole nombre of an hundred and fifty, for then was the round table fully accomplished. morte d'arthur. the tale of sir gauth of orkeney, c. . and see vol. i. of this work, page . [ ] walsingham, sub anno . ashmole on the order of the garter, cap. v. s. . [ ] preface to the black book of the order of the garter. [ ] walsingham, p. . froissart, c. . [ ] supplement to the encyclopædia britannica, vol. iii. part . p. . as the story of lady salisbury's garter is fabulous, we must resort to some other conjectures for an explanation of the famous motto of the order, and the one cited in the text is extremely ingenious and plausible. with much less appearance of truth, ashmole fancies that edward by this motto retorted shame and defiance upon him that should dare to think ill of so just an enterprise as he had undertaken for the recovery of his lawful right to the french crown (whose arms he had lately assumed); and that the magnanimity of those knights whom he had chosen into this order was such as would enable him to maintain that quarrel against all who durst think ill of it. ashmole's order of the garter, p. . there never was a knight more fond of impresses, mottoes, and devices, than king edward iii. he not only stamped them upon his own armour and that of his horse, but on his apparel, beds, and household furniture. "it is as it is," was one of these mottoes. another was:-- "ha! ha! the white swan, by god's soul i am thy man." [ ] gibbon is the chief supporter of the last hypothesis, in his text (vol. iv. c. .) he states positively, that "the infamous george of cappadocia has been transformed into the renowned st. george of england, the patron of arms, of chivalry, and the garter." in a note, however, he observes that this transformation is not given as absolutely certain, but as extremely probable. few people read this note, and, perhaps, gibbon did not intend they should. he wished to strike their attention by the sentence in his text, and he satisfied his conscience for literary honesty by writing the modification at the bottom of the page. [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] barnes, p. . [ ] knyghton. chron. col. . [ ] stow's chronicle. [ ] ----"these gallant yeomen, england's peculiar and appropriate sons, known in no other land. each boasts his hearth and field as free as the best lord his barony, owing subjection to no human vassalage, save to their king and law. hence are they resolute, leading the van on every day of battle, as men who know the blessings they defend. hence are they frank and generous in peace, as men who have their portion in its plenty. no other kingdom shows such worth and happiness veil'd in such low estate."-- halidon hill, act ii. sc. . [ ] this national characteristic is alluded to in latimer's sermons, folio :--a work not of very good promise for such matters. [ ] hair cut short. [ ] chaucer, prologue to the canterbury tales, line , &c. &c. [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] ibid. cc. . . [ ] froissart, cc. . . "messire eustace vous estes le chevalier au monde, que veisse oncques plus vaillamment assailer ses ennemis, ne son corps deffendre: ny ne me trouvay oncques en bataille ou je veisse, qui taint me donnast affaire, corps à corps, que vous avez huy fait. si vous en donne le pris, et aussi sur tous les chevaliers de ma cour, par droit sentence. adonc print le roy son chappelet, qu'il portoit sur son chef (qui estoit bon et riche) et le meit sur le chef de monseigneur eustace; et dit monseigneur eustace, je vous donne ce chappelet pour le mieux combattant de la jouence, de ceux de dedans et de dehors: et vous pui que vous le portez ceste année pour l'amour de moi. je say bien que vous estes gai et amoureux, et que volontiers vous vous trouvez entre dames et damoiselles. si dites, par tout la ou vous irez, que je le vous ay donné. si vous quitte vostre prison, et vous en pouvez partir demain, s'il vous plaist." [ ] froissart, cc. . . [ ] barnes's history of edward iii. p. , &c. [ ] there was a lord of manny, as well as sir walter, at edward's court. the lord was a distinguished person, for he was among the bishops, earls, and barons, who accompanied edward to france, upon his doing homage for the duchy of guienne. st. palaye has confounded the lord and the knight, and made but one of them. he overlooked the hundred and second chapter of froissart, wherein the baron and the knight are separately and distinctly mentioned. there was also another manny, called the courageous manny. he was knighted by sir eustace dambreticourt before a battle, and after fighting most valiantly he was left for dead in the field. froissart shall tell the remainder of the story. "after this discomfiture, and that all the frenchmen were departed, the courageous manny being sore hurt and near dead, lift up his head a little, and saw nothing about him but dead men lying on the ground round about him. then he rose as well as he might, and sat down, and saw well how he was not far from the fortress of nogent, which was english; then he did so much, sometimes creeping, sometimes resting, that he came to the foot of the tower of nogent; then he made tokens to them within, showing how he was one of their companions; then certain came down the tower to him, and bare him into the fortress, and dressed his wounds, and there he governed himself so well that he was healed." froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, cc. . . [ ] appendix, no. xxiv., to anstis's history of the knighthood of the bath. [ ] "mais il dit à aucuns de ses plus privés, qu'il avoit promis en angleterre devant les dames et seigneurs, qu'il seroit le premier qui entreroit en france, et prendroit chastle ou forte ville, et y feroit aucunes appertises d'armes," c. . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] quand messire gautier veit ce, il dit, j'amais ne soye salué de madame et chere amie, se je réntre en chastel n'en forteresse, jusques à tant que j'aye l'un de ces venans verse. froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] see vol. i. p. . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] vol. i. p. . ante. [ ] froissart, c. . le comte d'erby dit, qui merci prie merci doit avoir. this sentence, i suppose has escaped the notice of writers who have represented the sole amusement of knights to have consisted in cutting the throats of common people. [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] this is lord berners' rendering of the passage. the phrase "par un sien clerc" had crept into some editions of froissart; and mr. johnes's translation is, "sir walter caused the inscription to be read to him by a clerk." this, perhaps, was necessary, as the inscription was in latin, for heroes have not been famous for their clerkship. but the inference which some writers have drawn, that he could not read at all, is perfectly unwarrantable. [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, c. [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] she was the lady margaret, daughter and heiress of thomas plantagenet, surnamed of brotherton, earl of norfolk, and uncle to edward iii. [ ] dugdale. [ ] the reader may, reasonably enough, enquire who could have been the vendor? i cannot tell him: i can only copy stow in these matters. [ ] stow's london, book . c. . maitland's history of london, p. . this was the state of the charter house till the suppression of the monasteries, in the reign of henry viii. its annual value was _l._ it was given to sir thomas audley, speaker of the house of commons, with whose only daughter it went, by marriage, to thomas, duke of norfolk, and from him, by descent, to thomas, earl of suffolk. in the time of james i. it was purchased by that "right phoenix of charity," thomas sutton, citizen and girdler, for the large sum of , _l._; and he converted the buildings and gardens into an hospital for the relief of aged men, education of youth, and maintaining the service of god. [ ] froissart, . [ ] see vol. i. p. . [ ] ashmole's history of the garter, c. . s. . froissart, cc. . . [ ] dugdale, baronage, i. . [ ] authorities in ashmole, p. . [ ] froissart, c. . see the first volume of this work, page . [ ] froissart, c. . monseigneur jehan de clermont dit, chandos, ce sont bien les parolles de vos anglois, qui ne savent adviser riens de nouvel; mais quant, qu'ils voyent, leur est bel. this is a very curious proof of the antiquity of the common remark that englishmen are a borrowing and improving people, and not famous for originality of invention. it might be contended, but not in this place, that we are both. and here i will transcribe another sentence of froissart, more characteristic and true. "les anglois, selon leur coutume se divertirent moult tristement." [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, cc. , . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] froissart, liv. ii. c. . [ ] plac. parl. iii. . [ ] thomas of elmham, p. . his general expression, tapestries representing the ancient victories of england, i presume chiefly meant those of edward iii. [ ] the tales of chivalry had for their prologue some lines expressive of war and love; but in a grander strain the poetical biographer of the bruce sings:-- "ah! freedome is a noble thing; freedome makes men to have liking; freedome all solace to men gives; he lives at ease, that freely lives. a noble heart may have none ease, nor ellys[a] nought that may him please, if freedome fail: for free liking is _yearned_[b] o'er all other thing. na he that aye has lived free may not know well the property, the anger, _na_ the wretched doom that is coupled to foul thraldom. but, if he had essayed it, then all _perquer_[c] he should it wit, and should think freedom more to prize than all the gold in world that is. thus contrary things ever more discoverings of the tother are." the bruce, line , &c. [a] nor else. [b] eagerly desired. [c] perfectly. [ ] haste. [ ] laundress. [ ] child-bed. [ ] stop. [ ] pity. [ ] pitched. [ ] moved. [ ] laundress. [ ] selden's titles of honour, and pinkerton's history of scotland, on the authority of a book which i have not been able to meet with, called "certain matters composed together." edinb. . to. [ ] henry's history of england, vol. iii. p. . to. [ ] border history of england and scotland, p. . [ ] border history, p. . [ ] nisbet's heraldry, i. . [ ] knyghton, col. . [ ] this amusing opinion of the french knights should be given in the original language. "adonc eurent plusieurs chevaliers et escuyers de france passage: et retournerent en flandres, ou là ou ils pouvoyent arriver, tous affamés, sans monture, et sans armeures: et escoce maudissoyent, et le heure qu'ils y avoyent entré: et disoyent qu'oncques si duc voyage ne fut: et qu'ils voudroyent que le roi de france s'accordast aux anglois, un an ou deux, et puis allast en escoce, pour tout destruire, car oncques si mauvaises gens ne verint: n'y ne trouverent si faux et se traistres, ne de si petite congnuissance." vol. ii. c. . [ ] the scotch knights procured horse-shoes and harness ready made from flanders. froissart, vol. ii. c. . lord berners' translation. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] "henry percy," says holingshed, "was surnamed, for his often pricking, henry hotspur, as one that seldom times rested, if there were any service to be done abroad." history of scotland, p. . [ ] the gallantry of this fighting priest was afterwards rewarded by the gift of the archdeaconry of aberdeen. [ ] he was afterwards ransomed; and, according to camden, pounouny castle, in scotland, was built out of the ransom money. [ ] walsingham, (p. .) says, that the earl of dunbar came in and turned the scale in favor of the scots. nothing of this is mentioned by froissart, who had his account of the battle from the douglas family, at whose castle he resided some time. if it be said that their account was probably a prejudiced one, the same objection may be raised against that of walsingham. the douglas' always spoke of their victory with true chivalric modesty; for they declared that it was the consequence of the exhausted state of the english after the march from newcastle. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . buchanan, lib. . p. , &c. [ ] monstrelet, vol. i. c. , &c. rymer, foedera, vol. viii. p. , . [ ] this archibald douglas, earl of galloway, called the grim, was an illegitimate son of a good sir james douglas, and the successor in the earldom of douglas to the earl james who fell at otterbourn. archibald had been taken prisoner by hotspur at the battle of holmedon hill; and percy agreed, that if he would fight with him as valiantly against henry iv. as he had fought during that battle, he would give him his liberty free of ransom-money. douglas, as a soldier and an enemy of the english king, had no objection to these terms, and therefore he fought at the battle of shrewsbury. buchanan, book . [ ] well, indeed, might the scottish knight say, "another king! they grow like hydras' heads: i am the douglas, fatal to all those that wear these colours on them." shakspeare, henry iv, part i. act v. scene . [ ] otterbourne, p. . . walsingham, p. , &c. hall, folio . i mean not to say, however, that his conduct was without precedent, for at the great battle of poictiers nineteen french knights were arrayed like king john. [ ] camden has marked the commencement of this custom in the reign of henry iv., and he has been followed by all our writers on heraldry and titles of honor, except anstis, who endeavours to trace it to the reign of edward i. anstis mistook the matter entirely. undoubtedly many instances may be met with in earlier times when knights were created with the full ceremonies of oblation of the sword at the altar, of bathing, &c.; and in strictness all knights should have been created in that manner. whenever anstis met with a knight inaugurated in that way, he called him a knight of the bath. now the question is, at what time was the first royal marriage, royal christening, or other festivity, when knights were made?--made, not exactly for military objects, not in consequence of feudal tenure, but in honour of the event which they were celebrating. knights of the bath were knights of peace, knights of compliment and courtesy. camden's opinion was founded on the following passage in froissart: "the vigil before the coronation (of henry iv.) was on the evening of saturday; on that occasion, and at that time, there watched all the esquires who were the next morning to be created knights, to the number of forty-six. each of them had his esquire attending him, a separate chamber, and a separate bath, where the rites of bathing were that night performed. on the day following, the duke of lancaster (henry iv.), at the time of celebrating mass, created them knights, giving them long green coats, the sleeves whereof were cut straight, and furred with minever, and with great hoods or chaperons furred in the same manner, and after the fashion used by prelates. and every one of these knights, on his left shoulder, had a double cordon or string of white silk, to which white tassels were pendent." now there is nothing in this passage which can lead the mind to think that the coronation of henry iv. was the first occasion when knights of the bath were created; and, therefore, our writers on heraldry and titles of honor are not justified in the positiveness with which they always head their dissertations on knighthood of the bath with the year . [ ] that the shoulder-knot of the knights of the bath was worn only for a time, and on the principle of chivalry which induced men to place chains round their legs until they had performed some deeds of arms, i learn from upton, a writer of great reputation in heraldic matters, who lived in the days of henry vi. see his treatise de re militari, p. ., quoted in the appendix to anstis's history of the knighthood of the bath. [ ] thus chaucer: "a custom is unto these nobles all, a bride shall not eaten in the hall, till days four, other three at the least ypassed be, then let her go to feast." [ ] ms. norfolc. in off. arm. n. . see anstis's appendix to his history of the knighthood of the bath, p. . [ ] "for to obeie without variaunce my lordes byddyng fully and plesaunce whiche hath desire, sothly for to seyn of verray knyghthood, to remember agayn the worthyness, gif i shall not lye, and the prowesse of olde chivalries." lydgate, war of troy. [ ] henry v. act ii. chorus. [ ] he was kind and courteous to them immediately after the battle, and indeed as long as their deportment merited his friendship. the duke of orleans and four other princes of the blood royal were taken prisoners at the battle of agincourt, and for a while lived on their parole. but when they forfeited the titles of knights and gentlemen, by endeavouring to deceive and betray henry while he was negotiating with the parties that distracted france, he then removed them to close confinement in pontefract castle; nor did they obtain their liberty for many years. a great outcry has been raised against henry for his conduct in this instance,--for his not showing a chivalric deportment to men who had forfeited their honour. [ ] thus the chorus in shakspeare's henry v. addresses the audience: "so let him land, and solemnly, see him set on to london. so swift a pace hath thought, that even now you may imagine him upon blackheath. when that his lords desire him, to have borne his bruised helmet and his bended sword, before him through the city: he forbids it, being free from vainness and self-glorious pride; giving full trophy, signal, and ostent, quite from himself, to god." [ ] caxton, of the order of chivalry or knyghthood. [ ] ibid. [ ] comines, vol. i. p. . [ ] sir tristrem, scott's edition, fytte first. st. . [ ] rymer's foedera. [ ] warton pleasantly observes, that had henry never murdered his wives, his politeness to the fair sex would remain unimpeached. [ ] holingshed, p. , , &c. henry's passion for disguising himself was singular, and carried him beyond the bounds of chivalric decorum. "once on a time the king in person, accompanied by the earls of essex, wiltshire, and other noblemen, to the number of twelve, came suddenly in the morning into the queen's chamber, all apparelled in short coats of kentish kendall, with hoods on their heads, and hose of the same, every one of them carrying his bow and arrow, and a sword and a buckler, like outlaws, or robin hood's men. whereat the queen, the ladies, and all other there were abashed, as well for the strange sight, as also for their sudden coming,--and after certain dances and pastimes made, they departed." holingshed p. . [ ] holingshed, p. . [ ] holingshed, p. , . [ ] holingshed, p. , &c. [ ] shakspeare, henry viii. act i. scene . [ ] dr. nott, in his life of lord surrey, prefixed to the works of his lordship and sir thomas wyatt, has by the evidence of facts completely overthrown this pleasing tale. [ ] these curious particulars are to be gathered, as dr. nott remarks, from the following passage in hardynge's chronicle. "and as lords' sons been set, at four year age, at school to learn the doctrine of letture; and after six to have them in language and sit at meet, seemly in all nurture: at ten and twelve to revel is their cure, to dance and sing, and speak of gentleness: at fourteen year they shall to field i sure, at hunt the deer, and catch at hardiness. "for deer to hunt and slay, and see them bleed an hardiment giveth to his courage. and also in his wit he giveth heed, imagining to take them at advantage. at sixteen year to warry and to wage, to joust and ride and castles to assail, to skirmish als, and make sicker scurage, and set his watch for peril nocturnal. "and every day his armour to essay, in feats of arms with some of his meynie; his might to prove, and what that he do may if that he were in such a jeopardy of war befall, that by necessity he might algates with weapons him defend. thus should he learn in his priority his weapons all, in armes to dispend." see to the same effect, the paston letters, vol. iii. , , &c. [ ] this curious circumstance is mentioned in a journal of sir john wallop's expedition, which dr. nott dug out of the state-paper office. the whole passage is amusing. "july . wallop advances to bettune. passing by terouenne, he attempts to draw out the garrison of that place, but fails. the french defeated in a skirmish. wallop says, that he sent a letter to the commandant of terouenne, an old acquaintance, that if he had any gentlemen under his charge, who would break a staff for their ladies' sake, he would appoint six gentlemen to meet them. the challenge is accepted, and the conditions are fixed. mr. howard, peter carew, markham, shelly of calais, with his own two men, cawverly and hall, are the english appellants. they all acquit themselves gallantly at the jousts. hall, at his first course, did break his staff galliardly, in the midst of the frenchman's cuirass. markham stroke another on his head-piece, and had like to have overthrown him. peter carew stroke his very well, and had one broken on him. cawverly was reported to have made the fairest course; but by the evil running of the frenchman's horse, which fled out of the course, he was struck under the arm, and run through the body into the back, and taken into the town where he was well treated. i wish to god, said wallop, the next kinsman i had, not being my brother, had excused him." [ ] pinkerton's history of scotland, vol. ii. p. , &c. [ ] drummond, , &c. buchanan, xiii. . "for the fair queen of france sent him a turquois ring and glove, and charged him, as her knight and love, for her to break a lance; and strike three strokes with scottish brand, and march three miles on southron land, and bid the banners of his band in english breezes dance. and thus, for france's queen he drest his manly limbs in mailed vest." marmion, canto v. [ ] he was afterwards duke of norfolk, and great grandfather of the earl of surrey, who was mentioned by me in p. . ante. [ ] it has been generally thought that james, forgetting both his own wife and the queen of france, lost much time at ford, in making love to a lady heron, while his natural son, the archbishop of st. andrew's, was the paramour of miss heron the daughter. dr. lingard (history of england, vol. vi. p. . n.) seems inclined to doubt this tale, because james had only six days to take three castles and a fair lady's heart. what time was absolutely necessary for these sieges and assaults, the learned doctor has not stated. however, to speak seriously, the story has no foundation in truth; and it only arose from the beauty of lady heron, and the reputed gallantry of the scottish king. [ ] henry's history of great britain, book vi. ch. . part ii. s. . [ ] pitscottie, p. , &c. [ ] pinkerton, book xii. [ ] so reported in the conversation of ben jonson and drummond of hawthornden. [ ] thomson's seasons. summer, l. . [ ] the arcadia was popular so late as the days of charles i., as may be learned from a passage in the work of a snarling satirist, who wanted to make women mere square-elbowed family drudges. "let them learn plain works of all kind, so they take heed of too open seaming. instead of songs and musick, let them learn cookerie and laundrie; and instead of reading sir philip sydney's arcadia, let them read the grounds of good huswifery. i like not a female poetess at any hand." powell's tom of all trades, p. . [ ] this was the honourable distinction of the sidney family in general, as we learn from ben jonson's lines on penshurst. "whose liberal board doth flow with all that hospitality doth know! where comes no guest but is allow'd to eat, without his fear, and of thy lord's own meat. where the same beer and bread, and self-same wine, that is his lordship's, shall be also mine." gifford's ben jonson, vol. viii. p. . the practice of making a distinction at the table by means of a salt-cellar was very proper in early times, when the servants as well as the master of a family with his wife and children dined at one long table. it became odious, however, when a baron made this mark of servility separate his gentle from his noble friends. this was feudal pride, whereas chivalric courtesy would rather have placed the guests in generous equality about a round table. [ ] spenser, _colin clout's come home again_. [ ] nicholls's progresses of queen elizabeth, vol. iii. p. , &c. [ ] puttenham, arte of english poesie, book ii. c. . & . [ ] burton, anatomy of melancholy, p. . this passage brings to mind a corresponding one in wilson's arte of rhetoricke, printed in . "if there be any old tale or strange history, well and wittily applied to some man living, all men love to hear it. as if one were called arthur, some good fellow that were well acquainted with king arthur's book, and the knights of his round table, would want no matter to make good sport, and for a need would dub him knight of the round table, or else prove him to be one of his kin, or else (which were much) prove him to be arthur himself." [ ] "the two angry women of abingdon." the sword and buckler fighting was the degeneracy of the ancient chivalry; and smithfield, which had shone as the chief tilting ground of london, was in the sixteenth century, according to stow, "called ruffians' hall," by reason it was the usual place of frays and common fighting, during the time that sword and bucklers were in use. "when every _serving-man_, from the base to the best, carried a _buckler_ at his back, which hung by the hilt or pommel of his sword." alas, for the honor of chivalry! [ ] wilson's life of james, p. . [ ] ben jonson, masque of prince henry's barriers. [ ] g. wither. prince henry's obsequies. el. . [ ] life of edward lord herbert, written by himself, p. . [ ] life, p. . [ ] life, &c. p. . sir edward was very much annoyed at paris by a monsieur balagny, who enjoyed more attention of the ladies than he did. they used one after another to invite him to sit near them, and when one lady had his company awhile, another would say, "you have enjoyed him long enough, i must have him now." the reason of all this favour was, that he had killed eight or nine men in single fight, p. . this was the degeneracy of chivalry with a vengeance. [ ] life, p. . [ ] act i. scene . of the play whose title i shall transcribe: "the new inn: or, the light heart; a comedy. as it was never acted, but most negligently played by some, the king's servants; and more squeamishly beheld and censured by others, the king's subjects, . now at last set at liberty to the readers, his majesty's servants and subjects, to be judg'd of, ." [ ] dugdale, origines juridiciales. c. . serjeants at law were not knighted till the reign of henry viii. c. . [ ] ferne's blazon of gentry, p. . see too camden's britannia "on the degrees in england," p. . [ ] thus lord bacon says, "there be now for martial encouragement some degrees and orders of chivalry, which nevertheless are conferred promiscuously on soldiers, and no soldiers," &c. essays on the true greatness of kingdoms. [ ] fletcher, fair maid of the inn, act i. scene . [ ] rymer's foedera, vol. xv. p. . [ ] british museum, cottonian mss. nero. c. ix. folio . the assumption of dignity by the squire-governors, in order to get greater largesses, is amusing enough: but no knights of other lands were present to chastise them for their insolence. [ ] du cange, gloss. ad script. med. oevi. in verb. milites regis. [ ] du chesne. hist. franc. script. vol. ii. p. . the assertion, however, is not strictly correct; for so early as the fourth century armorica had been colonised from wales. argentré, hist. de la bretagne, p. . a connection ever since subsisted between armorica and this island; and when the britons were oppressed, they repaired to the continent for refuge. [ ] velly, hist. de la france, vol. v. p. - . [ ] velly, hist. de la france, vol. v. p. , &c. [ ] d'argentré, histoire de bretagne, livre vii. c. . paris, . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] mémoires de du guesclin, vol. iv. c. . the mode by which the queen came by her death was never certainly known. one common story was, that she had been murdered by a party of jews employed by the king, and hence he was considered a patron of judaism itself. [ ] this is froissart's story, c. ., and far more natural than the account in the mémoires de du guesclin (which mr. turner has placed in the text of his history of england). the memoir-writer gives a long melo-dramatic story of peter's application to the prince--of his tears and sobs, and other expressions of grief. the tale goes on to relate, that when the prince was won to espouse his cause, his princess, who was at her toilette, was much displeased, that he should have been imposed upon by a man so criminal as the spanish king. edward, fancying his martial prerogative infringed, exclaimed, "i see that she wants me to be always at her side. but a prince who wishes to immortalize his name must _seek_ occasions to signalise himself in war, and must by his victories obtain reward among posterity. by st. george, i _will_ restore spain to its right inheritor." mr. turner says, "that although this account is given by an enemy, yet as the circumstances correspond with the known character of edward, they seem entitled to our belief." history of england, vol. ii. p. . now, for my part, i do not believe one word of the pretty stories of the tears and the toilette. the mémoires of du guesclin are a good authority for the life of their hero; but froissart is the historian of the other side of the question, and the hero of his tale (if sometimes he loses historic dignity in the partiality of biography) is edward. froissart was acquainted with every circumstance that happened in the english army, and his account of the matter is far more rational than that of du guesclin's historian. it is expressive of the character of edward and his times. here we see the gentle knight yielding the place of honour to his friend, and the lady of the knight treating the guests sweetly and graciously. the toilette-scene is altogether omitted; and even if it had been inserted in the chronicle i should, reject it as false, for it was not characteristic of edward's noble mindedness to speak to his princess with petulance and ill humour. [ ] froissart, liv. i. c. , . [ ] froissart, c. . [ ] the memoirs of du guesclin and froissart, and a few passages in mariana, have furnished this account of the spanish war. in the general outline i have been anticipated by the popular historians of england; but i have introduced a great many circumstances essential to my subject, and, which did not come within the scope of their design. [ ] froissart, book i. c. . [ ] memoires de du guesclin, p. , &c. [ ] d'argentré, histoire de bretagne, liv. vii. c. . [ ] labineau, hist. de bretagne, vol. ii. p. . the treaty itself is so curious, that a life of du guesclin would be imperfect without it. "a tous ceux que ces lettres verront, bertrand du guesclin, duc de mouline, connestable de france, et olivier, seigneur de clisson, salut. sçavoir faisons que pour nourrir bonne paix et amour perpetuellement entre nous et nos hoirs, nous avons promises, jurées et accordées entre nous les choses qui s'ensuivint. c'est à savoir que nous bertrand du guesclin voulons estre alliez, et nous allions à toujours à vous messire olivier, seigneur de clisson contre tous ceulx qui pevent vivre et mourir, exceptez le roy de france, ses freres, le vicomte de rohan, et nos autres seigneurs de qui nous tenons terre: et vous promettons aidier et conforter de tout nostre pouvoir toutesfois que mestier en aurez, et vous nous en requerrez. item, que ou cas que nul autre seigneur de quelque estat ou condition qu'il soit, à qui vous seriez tenu de foy et hommage, excepte le roy de france, vous voudroit desheriter par puissance, et vous faire guerre en corps, en honneur, et en biens, nous vous promettons aidier, defendre, et secourir de tout nostre pooir, se vous nous en requerrez. item, voulons et consentons que de tous et quelconques proufitz et droitz, qui nous pourront venir, et echoir dorenavant, tant de prisonniers pris de guerre par nous ou nos gens, dont le proufitz nous pourroit appartenir, comme de pais raençonné vous aiez la moitié entierement. item, au cas que nous sçaurions aucune chose qui vous peust porter aucune dommage ou blasme, nous vous le ferons sçavoir et vous en accointerons le plutost que nous pourrons. item, garderons vostre corps à nostre pooir, comme nostre frere. et nous olivier, seigneur de clisson, voulons estre alliez, et nous allions à toujours à vous messire bertrand du guesclin dessus nommé, contre tous ceulx qui pevent vivre et mourir exceptez le roy de france, ses freres, le vicomte de rohan, et nos autres seigneurs de qui nous tenons terre, et vous promettons aidier et conforter de tout nostre pooir toutefois que mestier en aurez et vous nous en requerrez. item, que au cas que nul autre seigneur de quel que estat ou condition qu'il soit, à qui vous seriez tenu de foi, ou hommage, excepté le roy de france, vous voudroit desheriter par puissance, et vous faire guerre en corps, en honneur ou en biens, nous vous promettons aidier, defendre, et secourir de tout nostre pooir, si vous nous en requerrez. item, voulons et consentons que de tous ou quelconques proufitz et droitz qui nous pourront venir et echoir dorenavant, tant de prisonniers pris de guerre par nous, ou nos gens, dont le proufit nous pourroit appartenir, comme de pais raençonne, vous aiez la moitié entierement. item, au cas que nous sçaurions aucune chose qui vous peust porter dommage aucun ou blasme, nous vous la ferons sçavoir, et vous en accointerons le plutost que nous pourrons. item, garderons vostre corps à nostre pooir comme nostre frere. toutes lesquelles choses dessusdites, et chacune d'icelles, nous bertrand et olivier dessus nommée avons promises, accordées et jurées, promettons accordons et jurons sur les saintz evangiles de dieu corporellement touchiez par nous, et chascun de nous, et par les foys et sermens de nos corps bailliez l'un à l'autre tenir, garder, enteriner et accomplir l'un à l'autre, sans faire, ne venir en contre par nous, ne les nostres, ou de l'un de nous, et les tenir fermes et agreables à tous jours. en temoing desquelles choses nous avons fait mettre nos seaulz à ces presentes lettres, lesquelles nous avons fait doubler. donné à pontoison, le jour d'octobre l'an de grace mille trois cens soixante et dix." [ ] argentré, viii. , . [ ] voltaire says, that bertrand du guesclin was the first person over whom a funeral oration was delivered, and who was interred in the church destined for the tombs of the kings of france. he adds, "son corps fut porté avec les mêmes cérémonies que ceux des souverains; quatre princes du sang le suivaient; ses chevaux selon la coutume du temps, furent présentées dans l'église à l'évèque que officiait, et qui les bénit en leur imposant les mains. les détails sont peu importants; ils font connoitre l'esprit de chevalerie. l'attention que s'attiraient les grands chevaliers célèbres par leurs faits d'armes s'étendait sur les chevaux qui avoient combattre sans eux." essai sur les moeurs, c. . [ ] anselme in his palais de l'honneur, gives an amusing account of the chivalric rules for sepulchral monuments. they were better observed in france than in any other country, and even there they were not very scrupulously attended to. "they are," however, as gough remarks, (sepulchral antiquities, vol. i. p. cxvii.) "a curious specimen of monumental punctilio. knights and gentlemen might not be represented by their coats of arms, unless they had lost their lives in some battle, single combat, or rencontre with the prince himself, or in his service, unless they died and were buried within their own manors or lordships; and then to show that they died a natural death in their beds, they were represented with their coat of armour ungirded, without a helmet, bareheaded, their eyes closed, their feet resting against the back of a greyhound, and without any sword. those who died on the day of battle, or in any mortal rencontre, on the victorious side, were to be represented with a drawn sword in their right hand, and a shield in their left, their helmet on, which some think ought to be closed, and the visor let down, in token that they fell fighting against their enemies, having their coat of arms girded over their arms, and at their feet a lion. those who died in prison, or before they had paid their ransom, were represented on their tombs without spurs or helmet, without coat of arms or swords, only the scabbard girded to, and hanging at their sides. those who fell in battle or rencontre on the side of the conquered were to be represented without coats of arms, the sword at the side and in the scabbard, the visor raised and open, their hands joined on their breasts, and their feet resting against the back of a dead and overthrown lion. the child of a governor, or commander in chief, if born in a besieged city, or in the army, however young he died, was represented on his tomb, armed at all points, his head on his helmet, and clad in a coat of mail of his size at the time of his death. the military man, who at the close of his life took on him a religious habit and died in it, was represented completely armed, his sword by his side on the lower part; and on the upper the habit of the order he had assumed, and under his feet the shield of his arms. the gentleman who has been conquered and slain in the lists, in a combat of honour, ought to be placed on his tomb, armed at all points, his battle-axe lying by him, his left arm crossed over the right. the gentleman victorious in the lists was exhibited on his tomb, armed at all points, his battle-axe in his arms, his right arm crossed over the left." [ ] argentré, hist. de bretagne, liv. viii. velly in an. and memoires de du guesclin, ad fin. [ ] "jamais, _disoit il_, je ne serai aimé ne conveis (bienvenu) ainçois serai des dames très toujours éconduits, car biensçais que je suis bien laid et malfettis, mais puis que je suis laid, être veux bien hardis." vie du connetable du guesclin. [ ] chastelet, hist. de du guesclin, p. . there were no children of either of these marriages. du guesclin, however, left a son, _par amours_. the last male heir of this family died in the year , an officer in the french army. in the time of napoleon, a madame de gîvres asserted and proved her descent from the constable, and bonaparte granted her a pension of franks a year. [ ] monstrelet, vol. ii. c. . the battle between the burgundians and dauphinois, in august, , was fought with similar cruelty. vol. v. c. . [ ] all these curious particulars of ancient manners are contained in the histoire de jeanne d'arc, of m. le brun des charmettes. [ ] daniel, histoire de la milice francaise, liv. iv. c. . monstrelet, vol. viii. c. . velly, tome v. p. . [ ] boutillier, la somme rurale, compillée par lui, p. . abbeville, . [ ] memoires d'olivier de la marche, vol. ix. c. . of the collection des memoires relatifs à l'histoire de la france. [ ] perceval's history of italy, vol. ii. c. . [ ] the old french, in which this dialogue was held, is exceedingly interesting and expressive. "monseigneur de bayard, mon amy, voicy la premiere maison ou avez esté nourry, ce vous seroit grand honte si ne vous y faisiez congnoistre, aussi bien qu'avez fait ailleurs. _le bon chevalier respondit_, madame, vous savez, bien que des ma jeunesse vous ay aymée, prisée et honorée, et si vous tiens à si saige et bien enseigné, que ne voulez mal à personne, et encores a moy moings que à un autre. dites moy, s'il vous plaist que voulez vous que je face pour donner plaiser à madame ma bonne maistresse, à vous sur toutes, et au reste de la bonne et belle compaignée qui est ceans. _la dame de fleuxas lui dit alors._ il me semble, monseigneur de bayard, mais que je ne vous ennuye point, que ferez foit bien de faire quelque tournoy en ceste ville, pour l'honneur de madame qui vous en scaura très bon gré. vous avez ici alentour force de vos compaignons gentils-hommes françois et autres gentils-hommes de ces pays, lesquels s'y trouveront de bon coeur, et j'en suis asseurée. vrayment, _dit le bon chevalier_, puis que le voulez il sera faist. vous estes la dame en ce monde qui a premierement acquis mon coeur à son service, par le moyen de vostre bonne grace. je suis asseuré que je n'en auray jamais que la bouche et les mains, car de vous requirir d'autre chose je perdrois ma peine, aussi sur mon ame j'aymerois mieulx mourir que vous presser de deshonneur. bien vous prie que me veuillez donner un de vos manchons. car j'en ay à besongner. la dame qui ne savoit qu'il en vouloit faire le lui bailla, et il le meit en la manche de son pourpoint, sans faire autre bruit." memoires, vol. xiv. p. . [ ] the memoires of bayard, by one of his secretaries, have furnished me with the chief facts in this account of bayard. a very excellent english translation of them has been lately published in two vols. post vo. the memoires du bellay (paris, ,) have supplied some deficiencies in the narration of the loyal serviteur. [ ] memoires de bayard, in the great collection of french memoires, vol. xv. p. . "et puis après par maniere de jeu, cria haultement l'espée en la main dextre: tu es bien heureuse d'avoir aujourdhui à un si vertueux et puissant roy donné l'ordre de chevalerie. certes ma bonne espée, vous serez moult bien reliques gardée et sur toutes autres honorée. et ne vous porteray jamais, si ce n'est contre turcs, sarrasins, ou maures, et puis feit deux faults, et après remeit au fourreau son espée." this sword has been lost. [ ] this mode of receiving knighthood had, however, been stealing into a custom for some time. the earliest instance i have ever met with was in the case of an infant son of charles vi. (a. d. ,) who was knighted by du guesclin, a cavalier who, one would think, was sufficiently jealous of the honour of chivalry. after the ceremonies of baptism, du guesclin drew his sword, and putting it naked into the hand of the naked child, (nudo tradidit ensem nudum,) said to him, "sire, i give you this sword, and put it into your hand; and pray god that he will give you such a noble heart that you may prove as true a knight as any of your illustrious ancestors." so, too, monstrelet, in his account of the events in the year , says, that the duchess of burgundy was delivered of a son at dijon, who was knighted at the font. vol. vii. p. . [ ] part of segar's account of this tournament is too interesting to be omitted. "at the fourth course, by marvellous misadventure, the king became hurt with a splinter of the adversary's lance, which pierced his eye so deep, as thereby his brain was much bruised. thus was the nuptial feast disturbed, and joy converted to sorrow. such is the state of worldly things: gladness is ever followed by sadness, and pleasure accompanied by pain. the rest of the troop who were ready to run were with that accident marvellously amazed, and not knowing what to do, every man let fall his lance, and cursed such triumphs. some pressed to carry his person home, and others (as touched to the heart) shut their eyes from seeing a spectacle so miserable. the ladies likewise and gentlewomen of the court turned their faces from beholding, and closed their eyes with tears. to conclude, the whole number of courtiers were stricken with sorrow not explicable. the citizens, also, and, generally, all the subjects of that kingdom, were perplexed to see the tragical event of that disastrous triumph, which was intended to congratulate a new peace and an honourable alliance. the form and face of the city were thus converted from exceeding joy to unspeakable sorrow: some held up their hands to heaven, others made haste to the churches, and every one, with abundance of sighs and sobs, cried out, beseeching god to grant the king recovery; as if every man's well doing had thereon depended. then the physicians and surgeons, not only of france but of the low countries, came thither to show their skill, using all art and endeavour that might be; but the splinters of the lance had pierced the king's eye so deeply, as the tenderness of the place could not suffer it to be taken out nor seen (the brain also being pierced), no means there were to cure the wound. the king, therefore, tormented with extreme pain, fell into a burning fever, whereof at the end of eleven days he died. in all which time he did never weep, nor speak any word that might be imputed to pusillanimity; but most magnanimously took leave of life. only this he said, that seeing he was destined to die in arms, he would have been much better contented to have lost his life in the field than in those domestic pastimes." segar, of honour, lib. iii. c. . [ ] warton justly observes that this apotheosis of chivalry, in the person of their own apostle, must have ever afterwards contributed to exaggerate the characteristical romantic heroism of the spaniards, by which it was occasioned, and to propagate through succeeding ages a stronger veneration for that species of military enthusiasm to which they were naturally devoted. warton, diss. on the gesta romanorum. [ ] painters are as good witnesses for manners as romance writers; and in murphy's arabian antiquities of spain there is an engraving from a picture in the alhamra, representing a martial game, wherein both moors and christians contended. [ ] froissart, vol. ii. c. . [ ] calaynos, however, went out of fashion, not for want of merit in the hero, but by reason of the form of the verse in which he was celebrated. thus the phrase, _este no vale las coplas de calainos_, passed into a proverb. sarmiento, memorias para la historias de la poesia, y poetas espanoles, p. . [ ] caballeros granadinos aunque moros, hijos d'algo. [ ] for proofs of this circumstance, i must again refer the reader to the engravings in murphy's arabian antiquities of spain. [ ] pur su ley, pur su sennor natural, pur su terra. partidas, cited by selden, titles of honour, part ii. cap. . [ ] partidas, l. ii. tit. . lib. . tit. , &c. [ ] selden, titles of honour, part ii. c. . [ ] tomich, conquestas de los reyes de aragon e los comtes de barcelona, , folio . [ ] our english translators of ancient spanish poetry need not think, as they are inclined to do, that they are worshiping a shade in pelayo. the arabian history of spain by ahmadu-bn muhammadi-bn musa abu bakr arrazy, a writer of the fourth century of the hegira, attests his existence in the manner stated in the text. this author, whose name i will not again attempt to transcribe, is one of the authorities of mr. shakspeare, whose able dissertation on the history of the arabs in spain accompanies murphy's splendid work on the architecture of that country. great expectations have always been entertained of the illustrations of arabic-spanish history which the escurial manuscripts could furnish. the work of casiri encouraged the most ardent hopes of a successful result of more patient enquiry; and nothing could promise better than the circumstance that his very learned and intelligent successor in the librarianship, d. josé antonio conde, was engaged in the work. the results of his labours were published at madrid in and . i have not been able to meet with a copy of his work in the original spanish, but i have found it mixed up with other matter in a french book, entitled "histoire de la domination des arabes et des maures en espagne, et en portugal, depuis l'invasion de ces peuples jusqu'a leur expulsion définitive; redigée sur l'histoire traduite de l'arabe en espagnol de m. j. conde. par m. de marlés." vols. vo. paris. . from the preface of m. de marlés it appears that d. conde's book is entirely the tale of the arabic historians, and not the judicious result of a critical comparison between these writers and the spanish chroniclers. m. de marlés has endeavoured to supply the deficiency, and to write a history of spain from mariana and others on the one hand, and d. conde's arabians on the other. he has entirely failed; for a more feeble work was never written. much of the fault rests with his authorities; for his history is only another proof, of what we possessed a thousand instances before, that sufficient materials do not exist for the compilation of a good and complete spanish history. the insufficiency of d. conde's book to all real historical purposes appears in every page. something, indeed, has been gained on the subject of the moorish civil wars and dissentions, but such details are without interest. little or nothing has been added to our stores on the subject of pelayo, charlemagne's invasion, the cid, or the conclusion of the moorish history; all points whereon information is so much wanted. these remarks apply only to conde's researches into the political and civil history of spain while under the dominion of the moors, and not to his enquiries into the literary history of the arabs. [ ] chronicle, i. . [ ] chronicle, i. . [ ] the circumstances about this marriage are so contradictory to modern usages, that the whole story has been regarded as a fable. abundant evidence, however, of the marriage exists; and as that competent judge of spanish manners, mr. southey, observes, "the circumstances of the marriage are not to be disbelieved for their singularity: had such circumstances appeared incredible or repugnant to common feeling, they would not have been invented;--whether they be true or false, they are equally characteristic of the state of manners." [ ] chronicle, i. . [ ] chronicle, ii. . [ ] chronicle, ii. . [ ] these last few words are judiciously placed in the chronicle of the cid by mr. southey. they are not contained in the ancient chronicles and ballads, but they are referred to by some, and implied in all. [ ] chronicle, iii. , . [ ] chronicle, iii. - . [ ] chronicle, iii. - . müller, in his dissertation on the cid, speaks as positively that the money was repaid, as if the receipt in full for all demands, authenticated by the city of burgos, were lying on his table. there is no evidence of the repayment in the ancient writers; and when we consider that the jews were always treated in spain far worse than the musulmans, we cannot conclude that the cid would consider men whom he had cheated as entitled to justice. [ ] i borrow from mr. frere's translation of part of the cid. [ ] chronicle, iv. - . [ ] chronicle, iv. - . [ ] chronicle, v. - . [ ] chronicle, vi. . the old spanish writers observe that the cid knew how to make a good knight, as a good groom knows how to make a good horse. [ ] chronicle, vii. . ximena was like the famous oriana in amadis of gaul, who was always affrayed at military preparations. [ ] he had let it grow out of respect to alfonso; and he intended it should be a matter of admiration both with moors and christians. poema del cid, v. , &c. [ ] chronicle, books and . every reader of spanish history knows how fiercely the story of the infantes has been discussed. i shall not burden my pages with a statement of the arguments, but i think that the balance is very much in favour of the truth of the story. mr. southey's remark is judicious. "the conduct of the infantes of carrion is certainly improbable. there are instances enough of such cruelty, but none of such folly. yet nothing can be so improbable as that such a story should be invented and related so soon after their death; of persons who had really existed, and were of such rank: and that it should be accredited and repeated by all the historians who lived nearest the time." [ ] hallam's middle ages, iii. . d edit. [ ] the world has generally been acquainted with the fall of grenada by the work of genez perez de hita, which was translated into french, and acquired popularity when florian made it the foundation of his gonsalvo de cordova. there is very little historical truth in the volume, and the value of the pictures of manners it contains has been much overrated: those pictures, moreover, are moorish rather than chivalric, and therefore not of service to the present work. [ ] warton on the gesta romanorum, in the first volume of his history of english poetry. [ ] de marca, marca hispanica, p. . [ ] con razon (dize) nos quitais las armas del linage, pues las ponemos à tan graves peligros, y traucos: vos las mereceis mejor, que como mas recatado, les teneis mejor guardados. mariana, hist. de espana, xiii. . [ ] mariana, xiii. . this last story of garcia perez de vargas is the subject of a beautiful ballad, which mr. lockhart has translated. the stanzas regarding the scarf are particularly pleasing. "he look'd around, and saw the scarf, for still the moors were near, and they had pick'd it from the sward, and loop'd it on a spear. 'these moors,' quoth garci perez, 'uncourteous moors they be-- now, by my soul, the scarf they stole, yet durst not question me! "'now reach once more my helmet.' the esquire said him nay, 'for a silken string why should you fling, perchance, your life away?' --'i had it from my lady,' quoth garci, 'long ago, and never moor that scarf, be sure, in proud seville shall show.'-- "but when the moslems saw him, they stood in firm array: --he rode among their armed throng, he rode right furiously. --'stand, stand, ye thieves and robbers, lay down my lady's pledge,' he cried, and ever as he cried, they felt his faulchion's edge. "that day when the lord of vargas came to the camp alone, the scarf, his lady's largess, around his breast was thrown: bare was his head, his sword was red, and from his pommel strung seven turbans green, sore hack'd i ween, before garci perez hung." lockhart's ancient spanish ballads, p. . [ ] this is another and singular proof of the generally acknowledged excellence of italian armour. [ ] libro del paso honroso, defendido por el excelente caballero sueno de quinones, copilado de un libro antiquo de mano, por juan de pineda. . reprinted, madrid, . [ ] paston, letters, vol. i. p. . [ ] monstrelet, vol. vii. c. . [ ] sismondi. hist. des rep. ital. vii. . the germans were more observant of the forms than of the spirit of chivalry. the reader remembers that the spur, the golden spur, was the great mark of knighthood; and every ancient church in this country, or a copy of its antique monumental effigies, will inform him of the custom of placing a spur over or upon a knight's tomb. this was also a custom among the germans, who, besides, reposited spurs in churches, when age, infirmity, or other causes, unnerved the arm of the knight: moreover, they reposited spurs in churches as memorials of victory. in the fourteenth century five hundred pair of them, which had been taken in a victory over the french, were hung round the walls of the church at gröningen. ritterzeit und ritterwesen, p. . [ ] olaus. hist. septent. lib. xiv. c. . [ ] illustrations of northern antiquities, from the teutonic and scandinavian romances, p. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. i. p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] froissart, vol. i. c. . [ ] froissart, liv. ii. c. . [ ] schmidt, iv. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, p. . [ ] ibid. vol. i. p. . [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. ii. p. . [ ] ibid. vol. ii. p. . [ ] ottokar v. hornek, c. , &c. in his annals of austria. [ ] ritterzeit und ritterwesen, vol. ii. last chapter. [ ] muratori, dissert. . [ ] ibid. . [ ] giannone, lib. i. [ ] muratori, annali d'italia, vol. v. part . p. , &c. even the modenese librarian throws aside his dust and parchments, and warms himself into a humanised being at this story; while sismondi passes it over with frigid indifference. [ ] muratori, dissert. . [ ] see in the twenty-seventh dissertation of muratori (della milizia de secoli rozzi in italia) for a minute account of the armour of these different classes. i observe that mr. perceval, in his history of italy, vol. i. p. ., holds a different opinion from that which i have expressed in the text. instead of thinking that the change in the military art formed one of the causes which hastened the overthrow of the lombard liberties, he contends that, perhaps, it might be more correctly numbered among the circumstances which, after that overthrow had been accomplished, perpetuated the work of slavery. [ ] perceval's history of italy, vol. i. chap. . part . [ ] monstrelet, vol. xi. p. . [ ] muratori, dissert. . muratori describes from a contemporary chronicle the entrance of charles. the carriage of the queen seems to have excited great astonishment, as carriages were in those days seldom used by ladies, and seldomer by men. [ ] giannone, istoria civile di napoli, lib. xx. c. . s. . [ ] when that political coxcomb, cola de rienzi, thought fit to be knighted, he would not bathe in the ordinary way, but made use of the vase wherein, according to tradition, constantine had been baptised. vita di cola rienzi, c. . [ ] muratori, dissert. . . [ ] sacchetti, novelle, c. . [ ] muratori, dissert. . thus, when hildebrand guatasca, in , was made a knight at the expence of the city of arezzo, he swore fidelity to his lord, or, as grammarians would have it, his lady, the good city that had knighted him. [ ] muratori, dissert. vol. ii. c. . p. . [ ] muratori, scriptores rerum italicarum, vol. xii. p. . [ ] non ferro sed vino; non lanceis sed caseis; non ensibus sed utribus; non hastibus sed verubus onerantur. [ ] polycraticus, p. . [ ] lansdowne manuscripts, british museum, no. . article . the manuscript breaks off here; but the result of the joust is of no importance to my argument. [ ] brantome, oeuvres, les vies des dames illustres, vol. i. p. , &c. brantome relates this story on the authority of an old-italian book on duels, written by one paris de puteo. [ ] gesta stephan. p. ., cited in turner's england, vol. i. p. . vo. transcriber's note: a few typographical errors have been corrected: they are listed at the end of the text. * * * * * a complete guide to heraldry plate i. [illustration] the royal arms. a complete guide to heraldry by arthur charles fox-davies of lincoln's inn, barrister-at-law author of "the art of heraldry" editor of "armorial families," etc. etc. illustrated by nine plates in colour and nearly other designs, mainly from drawings by graham johnston herald painter to the lyon court [illustration] london t. c. & e. c. jack henrietta street, w.c. and edinburgh {vii} contents chap. page introduction ix i. the origin of armory ii. the status and the meaning of a coat of arms in great britain iii. the heralds and officers of arms iv. heraldic brasses v. the component parts of an achievement vi. the shield vii. the field of a shield and the heraldic tinctures viii. the rules of blazon ix. the so-called ordinaries and sub-ordinaries x. the human figure in heraldry xi. the heraldic lion xii. beasts xiii. monsters xiv. birds xv. fish xvi. reptiles xvii. insects xviii. trees, leaves, fruits, and flowers xix. inanimate objects xx. the heraldic helmet {viii} xxi. the crest xxii. crowns and coronets xxiii. crest coronets and chapeaux xxiv. the mantling or lambrequin xxv. the torse or wreath xxvi. supporters xxvii. the compartment xxviii. mottoes xxix. badges xxx. heraldic flags, banners, and standards xxxi. marks of cadency xxxii. marks of bastardy xxxiii. the marshalling of arms xxxiv. the armorial insignia of knighthood xxxv. the armorial bearings of a lady xxxvi. official heraldic insignia xxxvii. augmentations of honour xxxviii. ecclesiastical heraldry xxxix. arms of dominion and sovereignty xl. hatchments xli. the union jack xlii. seize-quartiers index {ix} introduction too frequently it is the custom to regard the study of the science of armory as that of a subject which has passed beyond the limits of practical politics. heraldry has been termed "the shorthand of history," but nevertheless the study of that shorthand has been approached too often as if it were but the study of a dead language. the result has been that too much faith has been placed in the works of older writers, whose dicta have been accepted as both unquestionably correct at the date they wrote, and, as a consequence, equally binding at the present day. since the "boke of st. albans" was written, into the heraldic portion of which the author managed to compress an unconscionable amount of rubbish, books and treatises on the subject of armory have issued from the press in a constant succession. a few of them stand a head and shoulders above the remainder. the said remainder have already sunk into oblivion. such a book as "guillim" must of necessity rank in the forefront of any armorial bibliography; but any one seeking to judge the armory of the present day by the standards and ethics adopted by that writer, would find himself making mistake after mistake, and led hopelessly astray. there can be very little doubt that the "display of heraldry" is an accurate representation of the laws of armory which governed the use of arms at the date the book was written; and it correctly puts forward the opinions which were then accepted concerning the past history of the science. there are two points, however, which must be borne in mind. the first is that the critical desire for accuracy which fortunately seems to have been the keynote of research during the nineteenth century, has produced students of armory whose investigations into facts have swept away the fables, the myths, and the falsehood which had collected around the ancient science, and which in their preposterous assertions had earned for armory a ridicule, a contempt, and a disbelief which the science itself, and moreover the active practice of the science, had never at any time warranted or deserved. the desire to gratify the vanity of illustrious patrons rendered the mythical traditions attached to armory more difficult to explode than in the cases of those other sciences in which no one has a personal interest in {x} upholding the wrong; but a study of the scientific works of bygone days, and the comparison, for example, of a sixteenth or seventeenth century medical book with a similar work of the present day, will show that all scientific knowledge during past centuries was a curious conglomeration of unquestionable fact, interwoven with and partly obscured by a vast amount of false information, which now can either be dismissed as utter rubbish or controverted and disproved on the score of being plausible untruth. consequently, armory, no less than medicine, theology, or jurisprudence, should not be lightly esteemed because our predecessors knew less about the subject than is known at the present day, or because they believed implicitly dogma and tradition which we ourselves know to be and accept as exploded. research and investigation constantly goes on, and every day adds to our knowledge. the second point, which perhaps is the most important, is the patent fact that heraldry and armory are not a dead science, but are an actual living reality. armory may be a quaint survival of a time with different manners and customs, and different ideas from our own, but the word "finis" has not yet been written to the science, which is still slowly developing and altering and changing as it is suited to the altered manners and customs of the present day. i doubt not that this view will be a startling one to many who look upon armory as indissolubly associated with parchments and writings already musty with age. but so long as the sovereign has the power to create a new order of knighthood, and attach thereto heraldic insignia, so long as the crown has the power to create a new coronet, or to order a new ceremonial, so long as new coats of arms are being called into being,--for so long is it idle to treat armory and heraldry as a science incapable of further development, or as a science which in recent periods has not altered in its laws. the many mistaken ideas upon armory, however, are not all due to the two considerations which have been put forward. many are due to the fact that the hand-books of armory professing to detail the laws of the science have not always been written by those having complete knowledge of their subject. some statement appears in a textbook of armory, it is copied into book after book, and accepted by those who study armory as being correct; whilst all the time it is absolutely wrong, and has never been accepted or acted upon by the officers of arms. one instance will illustrate my meaning. there is scarcely a text-book of armory which does not lay down the rule, that when a crest issues from a coronet it must not be placed upon a wreath. now there is no rule whatever upon the subject; and instances are frequent, both in ancient and in modern grants, in which coronets have been granted to be borne upon wreaths; and the wreath should {xi} be inserted or omitted _according to the original grant of the crest_. consequently, the so-called rule must be expunged. another fruitful source of error is the effort which has frequently been made to assimilate the laws of armory prevailing in the three different kingdoms into one single series of rules and regulations. some writers have even gone so far as to attempt to assimilate with our own the rules and regulations which hold upon the continent. as a matter of fact, many of the laws of arms in england and scotland are radically different; and care needs to be taken to point out these differences. the truest way to ascertain the laws of armory is by deduction from known facts. nevertheless, such a practice may lead one astray, for the number of exceptions to any given rule in armory is always great, and it is sometimes difficult to tell what is the rule, and which are the exceptions. moreover, the sovereign, as the fountain of honour, can over-ride any rule or law of arms; and many exceptional cases which have been governed by specific grants have been accepted in times past as demonstrating the laws of armory, when they have been no more than instances of exceptional favour on the part of the crown. in england no one is compelled to bear arms unless he wishes; but, should he desire to do so, the inland revenue requires a payment of one or two guineas, according to the method of use. from this voluntary taxation the yearly revenue exceeds £ , . this affords pretty clear evidence that armory is still decidedly popular, and that its use and display are extensive; but at the same time it would be foolish to suppose that the estimation in which armory is held, is equal to, or approaches, the romantic value which in former days was attached to the inheritance of arms. the result of this has been--and it is not to be wondered at--that ancient examples are accepted and extolled beyond what should be the case. it should be borne in mind that the very ancient examples of armory which have come down to us, may be examples of the handicraft of ignorant individuals; and it is not safe to accept unquestioningly laws of arms which are deduced from heraldic _handicraft_ of other days. most of them are correct, because as a rule such handicraft was done under supervision; but there is always the risk that it has not been; and _this risk should be borne in mind_ when estimating the value of any particular example of armory as proof or contradiction of any particular armorial law. there were "heraldic stationers" before the present day. a somewhat similar consideration must govern the estimate of the heraldic art of a former day. to every action we are told there is a reaction; and the reaction of the present day, admirable and commendable as it undoubtedly is, which has taken the art of armory back to the style in vogue in past centuries, needs to be kept within intelligent {xii} bounds. that the freedom of design and draughtsmanship of the old artists should be copied is desirable; but at the same time there is not the slightest necessity to copy, and to deliberately copy, the crudeness of execution which undoubtedly exists in much of the older work. the revulsion from what has been aptly styled "the die-sinker school of heraldry" has caused some artists to produce heraldic drawings which (though doubtless modelled upon ancient examples) are grotesque to the last degree, and can be described in no other way. in conclusion, i have to repeat my grateful acknowledgments to the many individuals who assisted me in the preparation of my "art of heraldry," upon which this present volume is founded, and whose work i have again made use of. the very copious index herein is entirely the work of my professional clerk, mr. h. a. kenward, for which i offer him my thanks. only those who have had actual experience know the tedious weariness of compiling such an index. a. c. fox-davies. old buildings, lincoln's inn, w. c. { } a complete guide to heraldry chapter i the origin of armory armory is that science of which the rules and the laws govern the use, display, meaning, and knowledge of the pictured signs and emblems appertaining to shield, helmet, or banner. heraldry has a wider meaning, for it comprises everything within the duties of a herald; and whilst armory undoubtedly is heraldry, the regulation of ceremonials and matters of pedigree, which are really also within the scope of heraldry, most decidedly are not armory. "armory" relates only to the emblems and devices. "armoury" relates to the weapons themselves as weapons of warfare, or to the place used for the storing of the weapons. but these distinctions of spelling are modern. the word "arms," like many other words in the english language, has several meanings, and at the present day is used in several senses. it may mean the weapons themselves; it may mean the limbs upon the human body. even from the heraldic point of view it may mean the entire achievement, but usually it is employed in reference to the device upon the shield only. of the exact origin of arms and armory nothing whatever is definitely known, and it becomes difficult to point to any particular period as the period covering the origin of armory, for the very simple reason that it is much more difficult to decide what is or is not to be admitted as armorial. { } until comparatively recently heraldic books referred armory indifferently to the tribes of israel, to the greeks, to the romans, to the assyrians and the saxons; and we are equally familiar with the "lion of judah" and the "eagle of the cæsars." in other directions we find the same sort of thing, for it has ever been the practice of semi-civilised nations to bestow or to assume the virtues and the names of animals and of deities as symbols of honour. we scarcely need refer to the totems of the north american indians for proof of such a practice. they have reduced the subject almost to an exact science; and there cannot be the shadow of a doubt that it is to this semi-savage practice that armory is to be traced if its origin is to be followed out to its logical and most remote beginning. equally is it certain that many recognised heraldic figures, and more particularly those mythical creatures of which the armorial menagerie alone has now cognisance, are due to the art of civilisations older than our own, and the legends of those civilisations which have called these mythical creatures into being. the widest definition of armory would have it that any pictorial badge which is used by an individual or a family with the meaning that it is a badge indicative of that person or family, and adopted and repeatedly used in that sense, is heraldic. if such be your definition, you may ransack the scriptures for the arms of the tribes of israel, the writings of the greek and roman poets for the decorations of the armour and the persons of their heroes, mythical and actual, and you may annex numberless "heraldic" instances from the art of nineveh, of babylon, and of egypt. your heraldry is of the beginning and from the beginning. it _is_ fact, but is it heraldry? the statement in the "boke of st. albans" that christ was a gentleman of coat armour is a fable, and due distinction must be had between the fact and the fiction in this as in all other similar cases. mr. g. w. eve, in his "decorative heraldry," alludes to and illustrates many striking examples of figures of an embryonic type of heraldry, of which the best are one from a chaldean bas-relief b. c., the earliest known device that can in any way be called heraldic, and another, a device from a byzantine silk of the tenth century. mr. eve certainly seems inclined to follow the older heraldic writers in giving as wide an interpretation as possible to the word heraldic, but it is significant that none of these early instances which he gives appear to have any relation to a shield, so that, even if it be conceded that the figures are heraldic, they certainly cannot be said to be armorial. but doubtless the inclusion of such instances is due to an attempt, conscious or unconscious, on the part of the writers who have taken their stand on the side of great antiquity to so frame the definition of armory that it shall include everything heraldic, and due perhaps somewhat to the half unconscious { } reasoning that these mythical animals, and more especially the peculiarly heraldic positions they are depicted in, which nowadays we only know as part of armory, and which exist nowhere else within our knowledge save within the charmed circle of heraldry, must be evidence of the great antiquity of that science or art, call it which you will. but it is a false deduction, due to a confusion of premise and conclusion. we find certain figures at the present day purely heraldic--we find those figures fifty centuries ago. it certainly seems a correct conclusion that, therefore, heraldry must be of that age. but is not the real conclusion, that, our heraldic figures being so old, it is evident that the figures originated long before heraldry was ever thought of, and that instead of these mythical figures having been originated by the necessities of heraldry, and being part, or even the rudimentary origin of heraldry, they had existed _for other reasons and purposes_--and that when the science of heraldry sprang into being, it found the _whole range_ of its forms and charges already existing, and that _none_ of these figures owe their being to heraldry? the gryphon is supposed to have _originated_, as is the double-headed eagle, from the dimidiation of two coats of arms resulting from impalement by reason of marriage. both these figures were known ages earlier. thus departs yet another of the little fictions which past writers on armory have fostered and perpetuated. whether the ancient egyptians and assyrians knew they were depicting mythical animals, and did it, intending them to be symbolical of attributes of their deities, something beyond what they were familiar with in their ordinary life, we do not know; nor indeed have we any certain knowledge that there have never been animals of which their figures are but imperfect and crude representations. but it does not necessarily follow that because an egyptian artist drew a certain figure, which figure is now appropriated to the peculiar use of armory, that he knew anything whatever of the laws of armory. further, where is this argument to end? there is nothing peculiarly heraldic about the lion passant, statant, dormant, couchant, or salient, and though heraldic artists may for the sake of artistic appearance distort the brute away from his natural figure, the rampant is alone the position which exists not in nature; and if the argument is to be applied to the bitter end, heraldry must be taken back to the very earliest instance which exists of any representation of a lion. the proposition is absurd. the ancient artists drew their lions how they liked, regardless of armory and its laws, which did not then exist; and, from decorative reasons, they evolved a certain number of methods of depicting the positions of _e.g._ the lion and the eagle to suit their decorative purposes. when heraldry came into existence it came in as an adjunct of decoration, and it necessarily followed that the whole of the positions in which the { } craftsmen found the eagle or the lion depicted were appropriated with the animals for heraldry. that this appropriation for the exclusive purposes of armory has been silently acquiesced in by the decorative artists of later days is simply proof of the intense power and authority which accrued later to armory, and which was in fact attached to anything relating to privilege and prerogative. to put it baldly, the dominating authority of heraldry and its dogmatic protection by the powers that were, appropriated certain figures to its use, and then defied any one to use them for more humble decorative purposes not allied with armory. and it is the trail of this autocratic appropriation, and from the decorative point of view this arrogant appropriation, which can be traced in the present idea that a griffin or a spread eagle, for example, must be heraldic. consequently the argument as to the antiquity of heraldry which is founded upon the discovery of the heraldic creature in the remote ages goes by the board. one practical instance may perhaps more fully demonstrate my meaning. there is one figure, probably the most beautiful of all of those which we owe to egypt, which is now rapidly being absorbed into heraldry. i refer to the sphinx. this, whilst strangely in keeping with the remaining mythical heraldic figures, for some reason or other escaped the exclusive appropriation of armorial use until within modern times. one of the earliest instances of its use in recognised armory occurs in the grant to sir john moore, k.b., the hero of corunna, and another will be found in the augmentation granted to admiral sir alexander cochrane, k.b. since then it has been used on some number of occasions. it certainly remained, however, for the late garter king of arms to evolve from the depths of his imagination a position which no egyptian sphinx ever occupied, when he granted two of them as supporters to the late sir edward malet, g.c.b. the sphinx has also been adopted as the badge of one of his majesty's regiments, and i have very little doubt that now egypt has come under our control the sphinx will figure in some number of the grants of the future to commemorate fortunes made in that country, or lifetimes spent in the egyptian services. if this be so, the dominating influence of armory will doubtless in the course of another century have given to the sphinx, as it has to many other objects, a distinctly heraldic nature and character in the mind of the "man in the street" to which we nowadays so often refer the arbitrament between conflicting opinions. perhaps in the even yet more remote future, when the world in general accepts as a fact that armory did not exist at the time of the norman conquest, we shall have some interesting and enterprising individual writing a book to demonstrate that because the sphinx existed in egypt long before the days of cleopatra, heraldry must of necessity be equally antique. { } i have no wish, however, to dismiss thus lightly the subject of the antiquity of heraldry, because there is one side of the question which i have not yet touched upon, and that is, the symbolism of these ancient and so-called heraldic examples. there is no doubt whatever that symbolism forms an integral part of armory; in fact there is no doubt that armory _itself_ as a whole is nothing more or less than a kind of symbolism. i have no sympathy whatever with many of the ideas concerning this symbolism, which will be found in nearly all heraldic books before the day of the late j. r. planché, somerset herald, who fired the train which exploded then and for ever the absurd ideas of former writers. that an argent field meant purity, that a field of gules meant royal or even martial ancestors, that a saltire meant the capture of a city, or a lion rampant noble and enviable qualities, i utterly deny. but that nearly every coat of arms for any one of the name of fletcher bears upon it in some form or another an arrow or an arrow-head, because the origin of the name comes from the occupation of the fletcher, who was an arrow-maker, is true enough. symbolism of that kind will be found constantly in armory, as in the case of the foxes and foxes' heads in the various coats of fox, the lions in the coats of arms of lyons, the horse in the arms of trotter, and the acorns in the arms of oakes; in fact by far the larger proportion of the older coats of arms, where they can be traced to their real origin, exhibit some such derivation. there is another kind of symbolism which formerly, and still, favours the introduction of swords and spears and bombshells into grants of arms to military men, that gives bezants to bankers and those connected with money, and that assigns woolpacks and cotton-plants to the shields of textile merchants; but that is a sane and reasonable symbolism, which the reputed symbolism of the earlier heraldry books was not. it has yet to be demonstrated, however, though the belief is very generally credited, that all these very ancient egyptian and assyrian figures of a heraldic character had anything of symbolism about them. but even granting the whole symbolism which is claimed for them, we get but little further. there is no doubt that the eagle from untold ages has had an imperial symbolism which it still possesses. but that symbolism is not necessarily heraldic, and it is much more probable that heraldry appropriated both the eagle and its symbolism ready made, and together: consequently, if, as we have shown, the _existence_ of the eagle is not proof of the coeval existence of heraldry, no more is the existence of the _symbolical_ imperial eagle. for if we are to regard all symbolism as heraldic, where are we either to begin or to end? church vestments and ecclesiastical emblems are symbolism run riot; in fact they are little else: but by no stretch of imagination can these be { } considered heraldic with the exception of the few (for example the crosier, the mitre, and the pallium) which heraldry has appropriated ready made. therefore, though heraldry appropriated ready made from other decorative art, and from nature and handicraft, the whole of its charges, and though it is evident heraldry also appropriated ready made a great deal of its symbolism, neither the earlier existence of the forms which it appropriated, nor the earlier existence of their symbolism, can be said to weigh at all as determining factors in the consideration of the age of heraldry. sloane evans in his "grammar of heraldry" (p. ix.) gives the following instances as evidence of the greater antiquity, and they are worthy at any rate of attention if the matter is to be impartially considered. "the antiquity of ensigns and symbols may be proved by reference to holy writ. " . 'take ye the sum of all the congregation of the children of israel, after their families, by the house of their fathers, with the number of their names.... and they assembled all the congregation together on the first day of the second month; and they declared their pedigrees after their families, by the house of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and upward.... and the children of israel shall pitch their tents, every man by his own camp, and every man by his own standard, throughout their hosts' (numbers i. , , ). " . 'every man of the children of israel shall pitch by his own standard, with the ensign of their father's house' (numbers ii. ). " . 'and the children of israel did according to all that the lord commanded moses: so they pitched by their standards, and so they set forward, every one after their families, according to the house of their fathers' (numbers ii. )." the latin and greek poets and historians afford numerous instances of the use of symbolic ornaments and devices. it will be sufficient in this work to quote from Æschylus and virgil, as poets; herodotus and tacitus, as historians. Æschylus. (_septem contra thebas._) the poet here introduces a dialogue between eteocles, king of thebes, the women who composed the chorus, and a herald ([greek: kêrux]), which latter is pointing out the seven captains or chiefs of the army of adrastus against thebes; distinguishing one from another by the emblematical devices upon their shields. . _tydeus._ ("[greek: toiaun autôn,--nuktos ophthalmos prepei]"--lines - .) "... frowning he speaks, and shakes the dark crest streaming o'er his shaded helm in triple wave; whilst dreadful ring around the brazen bosses of his shield, impress'd { } with his proud argument:--'a sable sky burning with stars; and in the midst full orb'd a silver moon;'--the eye of night o'er all, awful in beauty, forms her peerless light." . _capaneus._ ("[greek: echei de sêma,--prÊsÔ polin]."--lines - .) "on his proud shield portray'd: 'a naked man waves in his hand a blazing torch;' beneath in golden letters--'i will fire the city.'" . _eteoclus._ ("[greek: eschêmatistai,--purgômatôn]."--lines - .) "... no mean device is sculptured on his shield: 'a man in arms, his ladder fix'd against the enemies' walls, mounts, resolute, to rend their rampires down;' and cries aloud (the letters plainly mark'd), 'not mars himself shall beat me from the tow'rs.'" . _hippomedon._ ("[greek: ho sêmatourgos--phobon blepôn;]"--lines - .) "... on its orb, no vulgar artist expressed this image: 'a typhæus huge, disgorging from his foul enfounder'd jaws, in fierce effusion wreaths of dusky smoke. signal of kindling flames; its bending verge with folds of twisted serpents border'd round.' with shouts the giant chief provokes the war, and in the ravings of outrageous valour glares terror from his eyes ..." . _parthenopæus._ ("[greek: hon mên akompastos--hiaptesthai belê;]"--lines - .) "... upon his clashing shield, whose orb sustains the storm of war, he bears the foul disgrace of thebes:--'a rav'nous sphynx fixed to the plates: the burnish'd monster round pours a portentous gleam: beneath her lies a theban mangled by her cruel fangs:'-- 'gainst this let each brave arm direct the spear." . _amphiaraus._ ("[greek: toiauth ho mantis,--blastanei bouleumata]."--lines - .) "so spoke the prophet; and with awful port advanc'd his massy shield, the shining orb bearing no impress, for his gen'rous soul wishes to be, not to appear, the best; and from the culture of his modest worth bears the rich fruit of great and glorious deeds." { } . _polynices._ ("[greek: echei de--ta xeurêmata.]"--lines - .) "... his well-orb'd shield he holds, new wrought, and with a double impress charg'd: a warrior, blazing all in golden arms, a female form of modest aspect leads, expressing justice, as th' inscription speaks, 'yet once more to his country, and once more to his paternal throne i will restore him'-- such their devices ..." virgil. (_the Æneid._) . ("atque hic exultans--insigne decorum."--lib. ii. lines - .) "choræbus, with youthful hopes beguil'd, swol'n with success, and of a daring mind, this new invention fatally design'd. 'my friends,' said he, 'since fortune shows the way, 'tis fit we should the auspicious guide obey. for what has she these grecian arms bestowed, but their destruction, and the trojans' good? then change we shields, and their devices bear: let fraud supply the want of force in war. they find us arms.'--this said, himself he dress'd in dead androgeos' spoils, his upper vest, his painted buckler, and his plumy crest." . ("post hos insignem--serpentibus hydram."--lib. vii. lines - .) "next aventinus drives his chariot round the latian plains, with palms and laurels crown'd. proud of his steeds, he smokes along the field; his father's hydra fills his ample shield; a hundred serpents hiss about the brims; the son of hercules he justly seems, by his broad shoulders and gigantic limbs." . ("sequitur pulcherrimus astur--insigne paternæ."--lib. x. lines - .) "fair astur follows in the wat'ry field, proud of his manag'd horse, and painted shield. thou muse, the name of cinyras renew, and brave cupavo follow'd but by few; whose helm confess'd the lineage of the man, and bore, with wings display'd, a silver swan. love was the fault of his fam'd ancestry. whose forms and fortunes in his ensigns fly." { } herodotus. . _cilo_, § . ("[greek: kai sphi trixa exeurêmata egeneto--ta sêmêia poieesthai.]") "and to them is allowed the invention of three things, which have come into use among the greeks:--for the carians seem to be the first who put crests upon their helmets and sculptured devices upon their shields." . _calliope_, § . ("[greek: o deteros tôn logôn--epioêmon ankuran.]") "those who deny this statement assert that he (sophanes) bare on his shield, as a device, an anchor." tacitus. (_the annals_.--lib. .) . ("tum redire paulatim--in sedes referunt."--cap. .) "they relinquished the guard of the gates; and the eagles and other ensigns, which in the beginning of the tumult they had thrown together, were now restored each to its distinct station." potter in his "antiquities of greece" (dunbar's edition, edinburgh, , vol. ii. page ), thus speaks of the ensigns or flags ([greek: sêmeia]) used by the grecians in their military affairs: "of these there were different sorts, several of which were adorned with images of animals, or other things bearing peculiar relations to the cities they belong to. the athenians, for instance, bore an owl in their ensigns (plutarchus lysandro), as being sacred to minerva, the protectress of their city; the thebans a _sphynx_ (_idem_ pelopidas, cornelius nepos, epaminondas), in memory of the famous monster overcome by oedipus. the persians paid divine honours to the sun, and therefore represented him in their ensigns" (curtius, lib. ). again (in page ), speaking of the ornaments and devices on their ships, he says: "some other things there are in the prow and stern that deserve our notice, as those ornaments wherewith the extremities of the ship were beautified, commonly called [greek: akronea] (or [greek: neôn korônides]), in latin, _corymbi_. the form of them sometimes represented helmets, sometimes living creatures, but most frequently was winded into a round compass, whence they are so commonly named _corymbi_ and _coronæ_. to the [greek: akrostolia] in the prow, answered the [greek: aphgasta] in the stern, which were often of an orbicular figure, or fashioned like wings, to which a little shield called [greek: aspideion], or [greek: aspidiskê], was frequently affixed; sometimes a piece of wood was erected, whereon ribbons of divers colours were hung, and served instead of a flag to distinguish the ship. [greek: chêniskos] was so called from [greek: chên], _a goose_, whose { } figure it resembled, because geese were looked on as fortunate omens to mariners, for that they swim on the top of the waters and sink not. [greek: parasêmon] was the flag whereby ships were distinguished from one another; it was placed in the prow, just below the [greek: stolos], being sometimes carved, and frequently painted, whence it is in latin termed _pictura_, representing the form of a _mountain_, a _tree_, a _flower_, or any other thing, wherein it was distinguished from what was called _tutela_, or the safeguard of the ship, which always represented _some one of the gods_, to whose care and protection the ship was recommended; for which reason it was held sacred. now and then we find the _tutela_ taken for the [greek: parasêmon], and perhaps sometimes the images of gods might be represented on the flags; by some it is placed also in the prow, but by most authors of credit assigned to the stern. thus ovid in his epistle to paris:-- 'accipit et pictos puppis adunca deos.' 'the stern with painted deities richly shines.' "the ship wherein europa was conveyed from phoenicia into crete had a _bull_ for its flag, and _jupiter_ for its tutelary deity. the boeotian ships had for their tutelar god _cadmus_, represented with a _dragon_ in his hand, because he was the founder of thebes, the principal city of boeotia. the name of the ship was usually taken from the flag, as appears in the following passage of ovid, where he tells us his ship received its name from the helmet painted upon it:-- 'est mihi, sitque, precor, flavæ tutela minervæ, navis et à pictâ casside nomen habit.' 'minerva is the goddess i adore, and may she grant the blessings i implore; the ship its name a painted helmet gives.' "hence comes the frequent mention of ships called _pegasi_, _scyllæ_, _bulls_, _rams_, _tigers_, &c., which the poets took liberty to represent as living creatures that transported their riders from one country to another; nor was there (according to some) any other ground for those known fictions of pegasus, the winged bellerophon, or the ram which is reported to have carried phryxus to colchos." to quote another very learned author: "the system of hieroglyphics, or symbols, was adopted into every mysterious institution, for the purpose of concealing the most sublime secrets of religion from the prying curiosity of the vulgar; to whom nothing was exposed but the beauties of their morality." (see ramsay's "travels of cyrus," lib. .) "the old asiatic style, so highly figurative, seems, by what we find of { } its remains in the prophetic language of the sacred writers, to have been evidently fashioned to the mode of the ancient hieroglyphics; for as in hieroglyphic writing the sun, moon, and stars were used to represent states and empires, kings, queens, and nobility--their eclipse and extinction, temporary disasters, or entire overthrow--fire and flood, desolation by war and famine; plants or animals, the qualities of particular persons, &c.; so, in like manner, the holy prophets call kings and empires by the names of the heavenly luminaries; their misfortunes and overthrow are represented by eclipses and extinction; stars falling from the firmament are employed to denote the destruction of the nobility; thunder and tempestuous winds, hostile invasions; lions, bears, leopards, goats, or high trees, leaders of armies, conquerors, and founders of empires; royal dignity is described by purple, or a crown; iniquity by spotted garments; a warrior by a sword or bow; a powerful man, by a gigantic stature; a judge by balance, weights, and measures--in a word, the prophetic style seems to be a speaking hieroglyphic." it seems to me, however, that the whole of these are no more than symbolism, though they are undoubtedly symbolism of a high and methodical order, little removed from our own armory. personally i do not consider them to be armory, but if the word is to be stretched to the utmost latitude to permit of their inclusion, one certain conclusion follows. that if the heraldry of that day had an orderly existence, it most certainly came absolutely to an end and disappeared. armory as we know it, the armory of to-day, which as a system is traced back to the period of the crusades, is no mere continuation by adoption. it is a distinct development and a re-development _ab initio_. undoubtedly there is a period in the early development of european civilisation which is destitute alike of armory, or of anything of that nature. the civilisation of europe is not the civilisation of egypt, of greece, or of rome, nor a continuation thereof, but a new development, and though each of these in its turn attained a high degree of civilisation and may have separately developed a heraldic symbolism much akin to armory, as a natural consequence of its own development, as the armory we know is a development of its own consequent upon the rise of our own civilisation, nevertheless it is unjustifiable to attempt to establish continuity between the ordered symbolism of earlier but distinct civilisations, and our own present system of armory. the one and only civilisation which has preserved its continuity is that of the jewish race. in spite of persecution the jews have preserved unchanged the minutest details of ritual law and ceremony, the causes of their suffering. had heraldry, which is and has always been a matter of pride, formed a part of their distinctive life we should find it still existing. yet the fact remains { } that no trace of jewish heraldry can be found until modern times. consequently i accept unquestioningly the conclusions of the late j. r. planché, somerset herald, who unhesitatingly asserted that armory did not exist at the time of the conquest, basing his conclusions principally upon the entire absence of armory from the seals of that period, and the bayeux tapestry. [illustration: fig. .--kiku-non-hana-mon. state _mon_ of japan.] [illustration: fig. .--kiri-mon. _mon_ of the mikado.] [illustration: fig. .--awoï-mon. _mon_ of the house of minamoto tokugawa.] [illustration: fig. .--_mon_ of the house of minamoto ashikaya.] [illustration: fig. .--tomoye. _mon_ of the house of arina.] the family tokens (_mon_) of the japanese, however, fulfil very nearly all of the essentials of armory, although considered heraldically they may appear somewhat peculiar to european eyes. though perhaps never forming the entire decoration of a shield, they do appear upon weapons and armour, and are used most lavishly in the decoration of clothing, rooms, furniture, and in fact almost every conceivable object, being employed for _decorative_ purposes in precisely the same manners and methods that armorial devices are decoratively made use of in this country. a japanese of the upper classes always has his _mon_ in three places upon his _kimono_, usually at the back just below the collar and on either sleeve. the japanese servants also wear their service badge in much the same manner that in olden days the badge was worn by the servants of a nobleman. the design of the service badge occupies the whole available surface of the back, and is reproduced in a miniature form on each lappel of the _kimono_. unfortunately, like armorial bearings in europe, but to a far greater extent, the japanese _mon_ has been greatly pirated and abused. { } fig. , "kiku-non-hana-mon," formed from the conventionalised bloom (_hana_) of the chrysanthemum, is the _mon_ of the state. it is formed of sixteen petals arranged in a circle, and connected on the outer edge by small curves. fig. , "kiri-mon," is the personal _mon_ of the mikado, formed of the leaves and flower of the _paulowna imperialis_, conventionally treated. fig. , "awoï-mon," is the _mon_ of the house of minamoto tokugawa, and is composed of three sea leaves (_asarum_). the tokugawa reigned over the country as _shogune_ from until the last revolution in , before which time the emperor (the mikado) was only nominally the ruler. fig. shows the _mon_ of the house of minamoto ashikaya, which from until enjoyed the shogunat. fig. shows the second _mon_ of the house of arina, toymote, which is used, however, throughout japan as a sign of luck. [illustration: fig. .--double eagle on a coin (_drachma_) under the orthogide of kaifa naçr edin mahmud, .] [illustration: fig. .--device of the mameluke emir toka timur, governor of rahaba, .] [illustration: fig. .--lily on the bab-al-hadid gate at damascus.] [illustration: fig. .--device of the emir arkatây (a band between two keys).] [illustration: fig. .--device of the mameluke emir schaikhu.] [illustration: fig. .--device of abu abdallah, mohammed ibn naçr, king of granada, said to be the builder of the alhambra ( - ).] the saracens and the moors, to whom we owe the origin of so many of our recognised heraldic charges and the derivation of some of our terms (_e.g._ "gules," from the persian _gul_, and "azure" from the persian _lazurd_) had evidently on their part something more than the rudiments of armory, as figs. to will indicate. { } one of the best definitions of a coat of arms that i know, though this is not perfect, requires the twofold qualification that the design must be hereditary and must be connected with armour. and there can be no doubt that the theory of armory as we now know it is governed by those two ideas. the shields and the crests, if any decoration of a helmet is to be called a crest, of the greeks and the romans undoubtedly come within the one requirement. also were they indicative of and perhaps intended to be symbolical of the owner. they lacked, however, heredity, and we have no proof that the badges we read of, or the decorations of shield and helmet, were continuous even during a single lifetime. certainly as we now understand the term there must be both continuity of use, if the arms be impersonal, or heredity if the arms be personal. likewise must there be their use as decorations of the implements of warfare. if we exact these qualifications as essential, armory as a fact and as a science is a product of later days, and is the evolution from the idea of tribal badges and tribal means and methods of honour applied to the decoration of implements of warfare. it is the conjunction and association of these two distinct ideas to which is added the no less important idea of heredity. the civilisation of england before the conquest has left us no trace of any sort or kind that the saxons, the danes, or the celts either knew or practised armory. so that if armory as we know it is to be traced to the period of the norman conquest, we must look for it as an adjunct of the altered civilisation and the altered law which duke william brought into this country. such evidence as exists is to the contrary, and there is nothing that can be truly termed armorial in that marvellous piece of cotemporaneous workmanship known as the bayeux tapestry. concerning the bayeux tapestry and the evidence it affords, woodward and burnett's "treatise on heraldry," apparently following planché's conclusions, remarks: "the evidence afforded by the famous tapestry preserved in the public library of bayeux, a series of views in sewed work representing the invasion and conquest of england by william the norman, has been appealed to on both sides of this controversy, and has certainly an important bearing on the question of the antiquity of coat-armour. this panorama of seventy-two scenes is on probable grounds believed to have been the work of the conqueror's queen matilda and her maidens; though the french historian thierry and others ascribe it to the empress maud, daughter of henry iii. the latest authorities suggest the likelihood of its having been wrought as a decoration for the cathedral of bayeux, when rebuilt by william's uterine brother odo, bishop of that see, in . the exact correspondence which has been discovered between the length of the tapestry { } and the inner circumference of the nave of the cathedral greatly favours this supposition. this remarkable work of art, as carefully drawn in colour in by mr. c. stothard, is reproduced in the sixth volume of the _vetusta monumenta_; and more recently an excellent copy of it from autotype plates has been published by the arundel society. each of its scenes is accompanied by a latin description, the whole uniting into a graphic history of the event commemorated. we see harold taking leave of edward the confessor; riding to bosham with his hawk and hounds; embarking for france; landing there and being captured by the count of ponthieu; redeemed by william of normandy, and in the midst of his court aiding him against conan, count of bretagne; swearing on the sacred relics to recognise william's claim of succession to the english throne, and then re-embarking for england. on his return, we have him recounting the incidents of his journey to edward the confessor, to whose funeral obsequies we are next introduced. then we have harold receiving the crown from the english people, and ascending the throne; and william, apprised of what had taken place, consulting with his half-brother odo about invading england. the war preparations of the normans, their embarkation, their landing, their march to hastings, and formation of a camp there, form the subjects of successive scenes; and finally we have the battle of hastings, with the death of harold and the flight of the english. in this remarkable piece of work we have figures of more than six hundred persons, and seven hundred animals, besides thirty-seven buildings, and forty-one ships or boats. there are of course also numerous shields of warriors, of which some are round, others kite-shaped, and on some of the latter are rude figures, of dragons or other imaginary animals, as well as crosses of different forms, and spots. on one hand it requires little imagination to find the cross _patée_ and the cross _botonnée_ of heraldry prefigured on two of these shields. but there are several fatal objections to regarding these figures as incipient _armory_, namely that while the most prominent persons of the time are depicted, most of them repeatedly, none of these is ever represented twice as bearing the same device, nor is there one instance of any resemblance in the rude designs described to the bearings actually used by the descendants of the persons in question. if a personage so important and so often depicted as the conqueror had borne arms, they could not fail to have had a place in a nearly contemporary work, and more especially if it proceeded from the needle of his wife." lower, in his "curiosities of heraldry," clinches the argument when he writes: "nothing but disappointment awaits the curious armorist who seeks in this venerable memorial the pale, the bend, and { } other early elements of arms. as these would have been much more easily imitated with the needle than the grotesque figures before alluded to, we may safely conclude that personal arms had not yet been introduced." the "treatise on heraldry" proceeds: "the second crusade took place in ; and in montfaucon's plates of the no longer extant windows of the abbey of st. denis, representing that historical episode, there is not a trace of an armorial ensign on any of the shields. that window was probably executed at a date when the memory of that event was fresh; but in montfaucon's time, the beginning of the eighteenth century, the _science héroïque_ was matter of such moment in france that it is not to be believed that the armorial figures on the shields, had there been any, would have been left out." surely, if anywhere, we might have expected to have found evidence of armory, if it had then existed, in the bayeux tapestry. neither do the seals nor the coins of the period produce a shield of arms. nor amongst the host of records and documents which have been preserved to us do we find any reference to armorial bearings. the intense value and estimation attached to arms in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which has steadily though slowly declined since that period, would lead one to suppose that had arms existed as we know them at an earlier period, we should have found some definite record of them in the older chronicles. there are no such references, and no coat of arms in use at a later date can be relegated to the conquest or any anterior period. of arms, as we know them, there are _isolated examples_ in the early part of the twelfth century, _perhaps_ also at the end of the eleventh. at the period of the third crusade ( ) they were in actual existence as hereditary decorations of weapons of warfare. luckily, for the purposes of deductive reasoning, human nature remains much the same throughout the ages, and, dislike it as we may, vanity now and vanity in olden days was a great lever in the determination of human actions. a noticeable result of civilisation is the effort to suppress any sign of natural emotion; and if the human race at the present day is not unmoved by a desire to render its appearance attractive, we may rest very certainly assured that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries this motive was even more pronounced, and still yet more pronounced at a more remote distance of time. given an opportunity of ornament, there you will find ornament and decoration. the ancient britons, like the maories of to-day, found their opportunities restricted to their skins. the maories tattoo themselves in intricate patterns, the ancient britons used woad, though history is silent as to whether they were content with flat colour or gave their preference to patterns. it is unnecessary to trace the art of { } decoration through embroidery upon clothes, but there is no doubt that as soon as shields came into use they were painted and decorated, though i hesitate to follow practically the whole of heraldic writers in the statement that it was _the necessity for distinction in battle_ which accounted for the decoration of shields. shields were painted and decorated, and helmets were adorned with all sorts of ornament, long _before_ the closed helmet made it impossible to recognise a man by his facial peculiarities and distinctions. we have then this underlying principle of vanity, with its concomitant result of personal decoration and adornment. we have the relics of savagery which caused a man to be nicknamed from some animal. the conjunction of the two produces the effort to apply the opportunity for decoration and the vanity of the animal nickname to each other. we are fast approaching armory. in those days every man fought, and his weapons were the most cherished of his personal possessions. the sword his father fought with, the shield his father carried, the banner his father followed would naturally be amongst the articles a son would be most eager to possess. herein are the rudiments of the idea of heredity in armory; and the science of armory as we know it begins to slowly evolve itself from that point, for the son would naturally take a pride in upholding the fame which had clustered round the pictured signs and emblems under which his father had warred. another element then appeared which exercised a vast influence upon armory. europe rang from end to end with the call to the crusades. we may or we may not understand the fanaticism which gripped the whole of the christian world and sent it forth to fight the saracens. that has little to do with it. the result was the collection together in a comparatively restricted space of all that was best and noblest amongst the human race at that time. and the spirit of emulation caused nation to vie with nation, and individual with individual in the performance of illustrious feats of honour. war was elevated to the dignity of a sacred duty, and the implements of warfare rose in estimation. it is easy to understand the glory therefore that attached to arms, and the slow evolution which i have been endeavouring to indicate became a concrete fact, and it is due to the crusades that the origin of armory as we now know it was practically coeval throughout europe, and also that a large proportion of the charges and terms and rules of heraldry are identical in all european countries. the next dominating influence was the introduction, in the early part of the thirteenth century, of the closed helmet. this hid the face of the wearer from his followers and necessitated some means by which the latter could identify the man under whom they served. what more natural than that they should identify him by the { } decoration of his shield and the ornaments of his helmet, and by the coat or surcoat which he wore over his coat of mail? this surcoat had afforded another opportunity of decoration, and it had been decorated with the same signs that the wearer had painted on his shield, hence the term "coat of arms." this textile coat was in itself a product of the crusades. the crusaders went in their metal armour from the cooler atmospheres of europe to the intolerable heat of the east. the surcoat and the lambrequin alike protected the metal armour and the metal helmet from the rays of the sun and the resulting discomfort to the wearer, and were also found very effective as a preventative of the rust resulting from rain and damp upon the metal. by the time that the closed helmet had developed the necessity of distinction and the identification of a man with the pictured signs he wore or carried, the evolution of armory into the science we know was practically complete. { } chapter ii the status and the meaning of a coat of arms in great britain it would be foolish and misleading to assert that the possession of a coat of arms at the present date has anything approaching the dignity which attached to it in the days of long ago; but one must trace this through the centuries which have passed in order to form a true estimate of it, and also to properly appreciate a coat of arms at the present time. it is necessary to go back to the norman conquest and the broad dividing lines of social life in order to obtain a correct knowledge. the saxons had no armory, though they had a very perfect civilisation. this civilisation william the conqueror upset, introducing in its place the system of feudal tenure with which he had been familiar on the continent. briefly, this feudal system may be described as the partition of the land amongst the barons, earls, and others, in return for which, according to the land they held, they accepted a liability of military service for themselves and so many followers. these barons and earls in their turn sublet the land on terms advantageous to themselves, but nevertheless requiring from those to whom they sublet the same military service which the king had exacted from themselves proportionate with the extent of the sublet lands. other subdivisions took place, but always with the same liability of military service, until we come to those actually holding and using the lands, enjoying them subject to the liability of military service attached to those particular lands. every man who held land under these conditions--and it was impossible to hold land without them--was of the upper class. he was _nobilis_ or _known_, and of a rank distinct, apart, and absolutely separate from the remainder of the population, who were at one time actually serfs, and for long enough afterwards, of no higher social position than they had enjoyed in their period of servitude. this wide distinction between the upper and lower classes, which existed from one end of europe to the other, was the very root and foundation of armory. it cannot be too greatly insisted upon. there were two qualitative terms, "gentle" and "simple," which were applied to the upper and lower classes respectively. though now becoming archaic and obsolete, the terms "gentle" and "simple" { } are still occasionally to be met with used in that original sense; and the two adjectives "gentle" and "simple," in the everyday meanings of the words, are derived from, and are a _later_ growth from the original usage with the meaning of the upper and lower classes; because the quality of being gentle was supposed to exist in that class of life referred to as gentle, whilst the quality of simplicity was supposed to be an attribute of the lower class. the word gentle is derived from the latin word _gens (gentilis)_, meaning a man, because those were _men_ who were not serfs. serfs and slaves were nothing accounted of. the word "gentleman" is a _derivative_ of the word gentle, and a gentleman was a member of the gentle or upper class, and gentle qualities were so termed because they were the qualities supposed to belong to the gentle class. a man was not a gentleman, even in those days, because he happened to possess personal qualities usually associated with the gentle class; a man was a gentleman if he belonged to the gentle or upper class and not otherwise, so that "gentleman" was an identical term for one to whom the word _nobilis_ was applied, both being names for members of the upper class. to all intents and purposes at that date there was no middle class at all. the kingdom was the land; and the trading community who dwelt in the towns were of little account save as milch kine for the purposes of taxation. the social position conceded to them by the upper class was little, if any, more than was conceded to the lower classes, whose life and liberties were held very cheaply. briefly to sum up, therefore, there were but the two classes in existence, of which the upper class were those who held the land, who had military obligations, and who were noble, or in other words gentle. therefore all who held land were gentlemen; because they held land they had to lead their servants and followers into battle, and they themselves were personally responsible for the appearance of so many followers, when the king summoned them to war. now we have seen in the previous chapter that arms became necessary to the leader that his followers might distinguish him in battle. consequently all who held land having, because of that land, to be responsible for followers in battle, found it necessary to use arms. the corollary is therefore evident, that all who held lands of the king were gentlemen or noble, and used arms; and as a consequence all who possessed arms were gentlemen, for they would not need or use arms, nor was their armour of a character upon which they could display arms, unless they were leaders. the leaders, we have seen, were the land-owning or upper class; therefore every one who had arms was a gentleman, and every gentleman had arms. but the status of gentlemen existed before there were coats of arms, and the later inseparable connection between the two was an evolution. the preposterous prostitution of the word gentleman in these latter { } days is due to the almost universal attribute of human nature which declines to admit itself as of other than gentle rank; and in the eager desire to write itself gentleman, it has deliberately accepted and ordained a meaning to the word which it did not formerly possess, and has attributed to it and allowed it only such a definition as would enable almost anybody to be included within its ranks. the word gentleman nowadays has become meaningless as a word in an ordinary vocabulary; and to use the word with its original and true meaning, it is necessary to now consider it as purely a technical term. we are so accustomed to employ the word nowadays in its unrestricted usage that we are apt to overlook the fact that such a usage is comparatively modern. the following extract from "the right to bear arms" will prove that its real meaning was understood and was decided by law so late as the seventeenth century to be "a man entitled to bear arms":-- "the following case in the earl marshal's court, which hung upon the definition of the word, conclusively proves my contention:-- "'_ st november ._--w. baker, gent., humbly sheweth that having some occasion of conference with adam spencer of broughton under the bleane, co. cant., on or about th july last, the said adam did in most base and opprobrious tearmes abuse your petitioner, calling him a base, lying fellow, &c. &c. the defendant pleaded that baker is noe gentleman, and soe not capable of redresse in this court. le neve, clarenceux, is directed to examine the point raised, and having done so, declared as touching the gentry of william baker, that robert cooke, clarenceux king of arms, did make a declaration th may , under his hand and seale of office, that george baker of london, sonne of j. baker of the same place, sonne of simon baker of feversham, co. cant., was a bearer of tokens of honour, and did allow and confirm to the said george baker and to his posterity, and to the posterity of christopher baker, these arms, &c. &c. and further, le neve has received proof that the petitioner, william baker, is the son of william baker of kingsdowne, co. cant., who was the brother of george baker, and son of christopher aforesaid.' the judgment is not stated. (the original confirmation of arms by cooke, th may , may now be seen in the british museum.--_genealogist_ for , p. .)" it has been shown that originally practically all who held land bore arms. it has also been shown that armory was an evolution, and as a consequence it did not start, in this country at any rate, as a ready-made science with all its rules and laws completely known or promulgated. there is not the slightest doubt that, in the earliest infancy of the science, arms were assumed and chosen without the control of the crown; and one would not be far wrong in assuming that, so long as the rights accruing from prior appropriation of other people were respected, a landowner finding the necessity of arms in battle, was originally at liberty to assume what arms he liked. that period, however, was of but brief duration, for we find as early { } as , from the celebrated scrope and grosvenor case, ( ) that a man could have obtained at that time a definite right to his arms, ( ) that this right could be enforced against another, and we find, what is more important, ( ) that the crown and the sovereign had supreme control and jurisdiction over arms, and ( ) that the sovereign could and did grant arms. from that date down to the present time the crown, both by its own direct action and by the action of the kings of arms to whom it delegates powers for the purpose, in letters patent under the great seal, specifically issued to each separate king of arms upon his appointment, has continued to grant armorial bearings. some number of early grants of arms direct from the crown have been printed in the _genealogical magazine_, and some of the earliest distinctly recite that the recipients are made noble and created gentlemen, and that the arms are given them as _the sign of their nobility_. the class of persons to whom grants of arms were made in the earliest days of such instruments is much the same as the class which obtain grants of arms at the present day, and the successful trader or merchant is now at liberty, as he was in the reign of henry viii. and earlier, to raise himself to the rank of a gentleman by obtaining a grant of arms. a family must make its start at some time or other; let this start be made honestly, and not by the appropriation of the arms of some other man. the illegal assumption of arms began at an early date; and in spite of the efforts of the crown, which have been more or less continuous and repeated, it has been found that the use of "other people's" arms has continued. in the reign of henry v. a very stringent proclamation was issued on the subject; and in the reigns of queen elizabeth and her successors, the kings of arms were commanded to make perambulations throughout the country for the purpose of pulling down and defacing improper arms, of recording arms properly borne by authority, and of compelling those who used arms without authority to obtain authority for them or discontinue their use. these perambulations were termed visitations. the subject of visitations, and in fact the whole subject of the right to bear arms, is dealt with at length in the book to which reference has been already made, namely, "the right to bear arms." the glory of a descent from a long line of armigerous ancestors, the glory and the pride of race inseparably interwoven with the inheritance of a name which has been famous in history, the fact that some arms have been designed to commemorate heroic achievements, the fact that the display of a particular coat of arms has been the method, which society has countenanced, of advertising to the world that one is of the upper class or a descendant of some ancestor who performed some glorious deed to which the arms have reference, the fact that arms themselves are the very sign of a particular descent or of a particular { } rank, have all tended to cause a false and fictitious value to be placed upon all these pictured emblems which as a whole they have never possessed, and which i believe they were never intended to possess. it is _because_ they were the prerogative and the sign of aristocracy that they have been coveted so greatly, and consequently so often assumed improperly. now aristocracy and social position are largely a matter of personal assertion. a man assumes and asserts for himself a certain position, which position is gradually and imperceptibly but continuously increased and elevated as its assertion is reiterated. there is no particular moment in a man's life at the present time, the era of the great middle class, at which he visibly steps from a plebeian to a patrician standing. and when he has fought and talked the world into conceding him a recognised position in the upper classes, he naturally tries to obliterate the fact that he or "his people" were ever of any other social position, and he hesitates to perpetually date his elevation to the rank of gentility by obtaining a grant of arms and thereby admitting that before that date he and his people were plebeian. consequently he waits until some circumstance compels an application for a grant, and the consequence is that he thereby post-dates his actual technical gentility to a period long subsequent to the recognition by society of his position in the upper classes. arms are the sign of the technical rank of gentility. the possession of arms is a matter of hereditary privilege, which privilege the crown is willing should be obtained upon certain terms by any who care to possess it, who live according to the style and custom which is usual amongst gentle people. and so long as the possession of arms is a matter of privilege, even though this privilege is no greater than is consequent upon payment of certain fees to the crown and its officers; for so long will that privilege possess a certain prestige and value, though this may not be very great. arms have never possessed any greater value than attaches to a matter of privilege; and (with singularly few exceptions) in every case, be it of a peer or baronet, of knight or of simple gentleman, this privilege has been obtained or has been regularised by the payment at some time or other of fees to the crown and its officers. and the _only_ difference between arms granted and paid for yesterday and arms granted and paid for five hundred years ago is the simple moral difference which attaches to the dates at which the payments were made. gentility is merely hereditary rank, emanating, with all other rank, from the crown, the sole fountain of honour. it is idle to make the word carry a host of meanings it was never intended to. arms being the sign of the technical rank of gentility, the use of arms is the advertisement of one's claim to that gentility. arms mean nothing more. by { } coronet, supporters, and helmet can be indicated one's place in the scale of precedence; by adding arms for your wife you assert that she also is of gentle rank; your quarterings show the other gentle families you represent; difference marks will show your position in your own family (not a very important matter); augmentations indicate the deeds of your ancestors which the sovereign thought worthy of being held in especial remembrance. _by the use of a certain coat of arms, you assert your descent from the person to whom those arms were granted, confirmed, or allowed._ that is the beginning and end of armory. why seek to make it mean more? however heraldry is looked upon, it must be admitted that from its earliest infancy armory possessed two essential qualities. it was the definite sign of hereditary nobility and rank, and it was practically an integral part of warfare; but also from its earliest infancy it formed a means of decoration. it would be a rash statement to assert that armory has lost its actual military character even now, but it certainly possessed it undiminished so long as tournaments took place, for the armory of the tournament was of a much higher standard than the armory of the battlefield. armory as an actual part of warfare existed as a means of decoration for the implements of warfare, and as such it certainly continues in some slight degree to the present day. armory in that bygone age, although it existed as the symbol of the lowest hereditary rank, was worn and used in warfare, for purposes of pageantry, for the indication of ownership, for decorative purposes, for the needs of authenticity in seals, and for the purposes of memorials in records, pedigrees, and monuments. all those uses and purposes of armory can be traced back to a period coeval with that to which our certain knowledge of the existence of armory runs. of all those usages and purposes, one only, that of the use of armorial bearings in actual battle, can be said to have come to an end, and even that not entirely so; the rest are still with us in actual and extensive existence. i am not versed in the minutiæ of army matters or army history, but i think i am correct in saying that there was no such thing as a regular standing army or a national army until the reign of henry viii. prior to that time the methods of the feudal system supplied the wants of the country. the actual troops were in the employment, not of the crown, but of the individual leaders. the sovereign called upon, and had the right to call upon, those leaders to provide troops; but as those troops were not in the direct employment of the crown, they wore the liveries and heraldic devices of their leaders. the leaders wore their own devices, originally for decorative reasons, and later that they might be distinguished by their particular followers: hence the actual use in battle in former days of private armorial bearings. and even yet the { } practice is not wholly extinguished, for the tartans of the gordon and cameron highlanders are a relic of the usages of these former days. with the formation of a standing army, and the direct service of the troops to the crown, the liveries and badges of those who had formerly been responsible for the troops gave way to the liveries and badges of the crown. the uniform of the beefeaters is a good example of the method in which in the old days a servant wore the badge and livery of his lord. the beefeaters wear the scarlet livery of the sovereign, and wear the badge of the sovereign still. many people will tell you, by the way, that the uniform of a beefeater is identical now with what it was in the days of henry viii. it isn't. in accordance with the strictest laws of armory, the badge, embroidered on the front and back of the tunic, has changed, and is now the triple badge--the rose, the thistle, and the shamrock--of the triple kingdom of great britain and ireland. every soldier who wears a scarlet coat, the livery of his sovereign, every regiment that carries its colours, every saddle-cloth with a royal emblem thereupon, is evidence that the use of armory in battle still exists in a small degree to the present day; but circumstances have altered. the troops no longer attack to the cry of "a warwick! a warwick!" they serve his majesty the king and wear his livery and devices. they no longer carry the banner of their officer, whose servants and tenants they would formerly have been; the regiment cherishes instead the banner of the armorial bearings of his majesty. within the last few years, probably within the lifetime of all my readers, there has been striking evidence of the manner in which circumstances alter everything. the zulu war put an end to the practice of taking the colours of a regiment into battle; the south african war saw khaki substituted universally for the scarlet livery of his majesty; and to have found upon a south african battlefield the last remnant of the armorial practices of the days of chivalry, one would have needed, i am afraid, to examine the buttons of the troopers. still the scarlet coat exists in the army on parade: the life guards wear the royal cross of st. george and the star of the garter, the scots greys have the royal saltire of st. andrew, and the gordon highlanders have the gordon crest of the duke of richmond and gordon; and there are many other similar instances. there is yet another point. the band of a regiment is maintained by the officers of the regiment, and at the present day in the scottish regiments the pipers have attached to their pipes banners bearing the various _personal_ armorial bearings of the officers of the regiment. so that perhaps one is justified in saying that the use of armorial bearings in warfare has not yet come to an end. the other ancient usages of armory exist now as they existed in the earliest times. so that it is { } foolish to contend that armory has ceased to exist, save as an interesting survival of the past. it is a living reality, more _widely_ in use at the present day than ever before. certainly the military side of armory has sunk in importance till it is now utterly overshadowed by the decorative, but the fact that armory still exists as the sign and adjunct of hereditary rank utterly forbids one to assert that armory is dead, and though this side of armory is also now partly overshadowed by its decorative use, armory must be admitted to be still alive whilst its laws can still be altered. when, if ever, rank is finally swept away, and when the crown ceases to grant arms, and people cease to use them, then armory will be dead, and can be treated as the study of a dead science. { } chapter iii the heralds and officers of arms the crown is the fountain of honour, having supreme control of coat-armour. this control in all civilised countries is one of the appanages of sovereignty, but from an early period much of the actual control has been delegated to the heralds and kings of arms. the word herald is derived from the anglo-saxon--_here_, an army, and _wald_, strength or sway--though it has probably come to us from the german word _herold_. in the last years of the twelfth century there appeared at festal gatherings persons mostly habited in richly coloured clothing, who delivered invitations to the guests, and, side by side with the stewards, superintended the festivities. many of them were minstrels, who, after tournaments or battle, extolled the deeds of the victors. these individuals were known in germany as _garzune_. originally every powerful leader had his own herald, and the dual character of minstrel and messenger led the herald to recount the deeds of his master, and, as a natural consequence, of his master's ancestors. in token of their office they wore the coats of arms of the leaders they served; and the original status of a herald was that of a non-combatant messenger. when tournaments came into vogue it was natural that some one should examine the arms of those taking part, and from this the duties of the herald came to include a knowledge of coat-armour. as the sovereign assumed or arrogated the control of arms, the right to grant arms, and the right of judgment in disputes concerning arms, it was but the natural result that the personal heralds of the sovereign should be required to have a knowledge of the arms of his principal subjects, and should obtain something in the nature of a cognisance or control and jurisdiction over those arms; for doubtless the actions of the sovereign would often depend upon the knowledge of his heralds. the process of development in this country will be more easily understood when it is remembered that the marshal or earl marshal was in former times, with the lord high constable, the first in _military_ rank under the king, who usually led his army in person, and to { } the marshal was deputed the ordering and arrangement of the various bodies of troops, regiments, bands of retainers, &c., which ordering was at first facilitated and at length entirely determined by the use of various pictorial ensigns, such as standards, banners, crests, cognisances, and badges. the due arrangement and knowledge of these various ensigns became first the necessary study and then the ordinary duty of these officers of the marshal, and their possession of such knowledge, which soon in due course had to be written down and tabulated, secured to them an important part in mediæval life. the result was that at an early period we find them employed in semi-diplomatic missions, such as carrying on negotiations between contending armies on the field, bearing declarations of war, challenges from one sovereign to another, besides arranging the ceremonial not only of battles and tournaments, but also of coronations, royal baptisms, marriages, and funerals. from the fact that neither king of arms nor herald is mentioned as officiating in the celebrated scrope and grosvenor case, of which very full particulars have come down to us, it is evident that the control of arms had not passed either in fact or in theory from the crown to the officers of arms at that date. konrad grünenberg, in his _wappencodex_ ("roll of arms"), the date of which is , gives a representation of a _helmschau_ (literally helmet-show), here reproduced (fig. ), which includes the figure of a herald. long before that date, however, the position of a herald in england was well defined, for we find that on january , , the king appointed william bruges to be garter king of arms. it is usually considered in england that it would be found that in germany armory reached its highest point of evolution. certainly german heraldic art is in advance of our own, and it is curious to read in the latest and one of the best of german heraldic books that "from the very earliest times heraldry was carried to a higher degree of perfection and thoroughness in england than elsewhere, and that it has maintained itself at the same level until the present day. in other countries, for the most part, heralds no longer have any existence but in name." the initial figure which appears at the commencement of chapter i. represents john smert, garter king of arms, and is taken from the grant of arms issued by him to the tallow chandlers' company of london, which is dated september , . long before there was any college of arms, the marshal, afterwards the earl marshal, had been appointed. the earl marshal is now head of the college of arms, and to him has been delegated the whole of the control both of armory and of the college, with the exception of that part which the crown has retained in its own hands. { } after the earl marshal come the kings of arms, the heralds of arms, and the pursuivants of arms. [illustration: fig. .--_helmschau_ or helmet-show. (from konrad grünenberg's _wappencodex zu münchen_.) end of fifteenth century.] the title of king of arms, or, as it was more anciently written, king of heralds, was no doubt originally given to the chief or principal officer, who presided over the heralds of a kingdom, or some principal province, which heraldic writers formerly termed _marches_; or else the title was conferred upon the officer of arms attendant upon some particular order of knighthood. garter king of arms, who is immediately attached to that illustrious order, is likewise principal king of arms, and these, although separate and distinct offices, are and have been always united in one person. upon the revival and new modelling of the order of the bath, in the reign of george the first, a king of arms was created and attached to it, by the title of bath king of arms; and king george iii., upon the institution of the hanoverian guelphic order of knighthood, annexed to that order a king of arms, by the appellation of hanover. at the time of the creation of his office, bath king of arms was given wales as his province, the intention being that he should rank with the others, granting arms in his own province, but he was not, nor was hanover, nor is the king of arms of the order of st. michael and st. george, a member (as such) of the corporation of the college of arms. the members of that corporation considered that the gift of the province of wales, the jurisdiction over which they had previously possessed, to bath king was an infringement of their chartered privileges. the dispute was referred to the law officers of the crown, whose opinion was in favour of the corporate body. berry in his _encyclopædia heraldica_ further remarks: "the kings of arms of the provincial territories have the titles of _clarenceux_ and _norroy_, the jurisdiction of the former extending over the south, east, and west parts of england, from the river trent southwards; and that of the latter, the remaining part of the kingdom northward of that river. kings of arms have been likewise assigned other provinces over different kingdoms and dominions, and besides ulster king of arms for ireland, and lyon king of arms for scotland, others were nominated for particular provinces abroad, when united to the crown of england, such as _aquitaine_, _anjou_, and _guyenne_, who were perhaps at their first creation intended only for the services of the places whose titles they bore, when the same should be entirely subdued to allegiance to the crown of england, and who, till that time, might have had other provinces allotted to them, either provisionally or temporarily, within the realm of england. there were also other kings of arms, denominated from the dukedoms or earldoms which our princes enjoyed before they came to the throne, as _lancaster_, _gloucester_, _richmond_, and _leicester_, the three first { } having marches, or provinces, and the latter a similar jurisdiction. windsor, likewise, was a local title, but it is doubtful whether that officer was ever a king of arms. _marche_ also assumed that appellation, from his provincial jurisdiction over a territory so called. but although anciently there were at different periods several kings of arms in england, only two provincial kings of arms have, for some ages, been continued in office, viz. clarenceux and norroy, whose provinces or marches are, as before observed, separated by the river trent, the ancient limits of the escheaters, when there are only two in the kingdom, and the jurisdiction of the wardens of the forests. _norroy_ is considered the most ancient title, being the only one in england taken from the local situation of his province, unless _marche_ should be derived from the same cause. the title of _norroy_ was anciently written _norreys_ and _norreis_, king of arms of the people residing in the north; _garter_ being styled _roy des anglois_, of the people, and not _d'angleterre_, of the kingdom, the inhabitants of the north being called _norreys_,[ ] as we are informed by ancient historians. it appears that there was a king of arms for the parts or people on the north of trent as early as the reign of edward i., from which, as sir henry spelman observes, it may be inferred that the southern, eastern, and western parts had principal heralds, or kings of arms, although their titles at that early age cannot now be ascertained. _norroy_ had not the title of king till after the reign of edward ii. it was appropriated to a king of heralds, expressly called _rex norroy_, _roy d'armes del north_, _rex armorum del north_, _rex de north_, and _rex norroy du north_; and the term _roy norreys_ likewise occurs in the pell rolls of the nd edward iii.; but from that time till the th of richard ii. no farther mention is made of any such officer, from which it is probable a different person enjoyed the office by some other title during that interval, particularly as the office was actually executed by other kings of arms, immediately after that period. _john otharlake, marche king of arms_, executed it in the th of richard ii., richard del brugg, lancaster king of arms, st henry iv., and _ashwell_, _boys_, and _tindal_, successively _lancaster kings of arms_, until the end of that monarch's reign. edward iv. replaced this province under a king of arms, and revived the dormant title of _norroy_. but in the statute of resumptions, { } made st henry vii., a clause was inserted that the same should not extend to _john moore_, otherwise _norroy_, chief herald king of arms of the north parts of this realm of england, so appointed by king edward iv. by his letters patent, bearing date th july, in the eighteenth year of his reign. it has since continued without interruption. _falcon king of arms_ seems the next who had the title of king conferred upon him, and was so named from one of the royal badges of king edward iii., and it was afterwards given to a herald and pursuivant, under princes who bore the falcon as a badge or cognisance, and it is difficult to ascertain whether this officer was considered a king, herald, or pursuivant. _froissart_ in calls _faucon_ only a herald, and in mentions this officer as a king of arms belonging to the king of england; but it is certain that in the th richard ii. there was a king of arms by that appellation, and so continued until the reign of richard iii., if not later; but at what particular period of time the officer was discontinued cannot be correctly ascertained. _windsor_ has been considered by some writers to have been the title of a king of arms, from an abbreviation in some old records, which might be otherwise translated. there is, however, amongst the protections in the tower of london, one granted in the th edward iii. to _stephen de windesore, heraldo armorum rege dicto_, which seems to favour the conjecture, and other records might be quoted for and against this supposition, which might have arisen through mistake in the entries, as they contradict one another. _marche_ seems the next in point of antiquity of creation; but although sir henry spelman says that king edward iv. descended from the _earls of marche_, promoted _marche herald_ to be a king of arms, giving him, perhaps, the marches for his province, it is pretty clearly ascertained that it was of a more early date, from the express mention of _march rex heraldorum_ and _march rex heraldus_ in records of the time of richard ii., though it may be possible that it was then only a nominal title, and did not become a real one till the reign of edward iv., as mentioned by spelman. _lancaster king of arms_ was, as the same author informs us, so created by henry iv. in relation to his own descent from the lancastrian family, and the county of lancaster assigned to him as his province; but _edmondson_ contends "that that monarch superadded the title of lancaster to that of norroy, or king of the north, having, as it may be reasonably conjectured, given this province north of trent, within which district lancaster was situated, to him who had been formerly his officer of arms, by the title of that dukedom, and who might, according to custom, in some instances of former ages, retain his former title and surname of heraldship, styling himself _lancaster roy d'armes del north_." { } _leicester king of arms_ was a title similar to that of _lancaster_, and likewise a creation to the same sovereign, henry iv., who was also earl of leicester before he assumed the crown, and was given to a person who was before that time a herald. it appears that _henry grene_ was _leicester herald_, th king richard ii., and in the th of the same reign is called a _herald of the duke of guyen and lancaster_, but prior to the coronation of henry iv. he was certainly a king of heralds, and so styled in a privy seal dated antecedent to that ceremony. a similar instrument of the tenth year of that monarch's reign also mentions _henry grene_, otherwise _leicester king of arms_. as it is evident that, during the reign of henry iv., _lancaster king of arms_ has under that title the province of the north, _mr. edmondson_, with good reason, supposes that the southern province, or part of that which is now under clarenceux, might at that time be under this _leicester_, especially as the title of _clarenceux_ was not in being till after the rd of henry v., when, or soon after, the title of _leicester_ might have become extinct by the death of that officer; for although _leicester king of arms_ went over into france with henry v. in the third year of his reign, yet he is not mentioned in the constitutions made by the heralds at roan in the year - . _clarenceux_, the next king of arms in point of creation, is a title generally supposed to have been taken from _clare_, in suffolk, the castle at that place being the principal residence of the ancient earls of hereford, who were, from thence, though very improperly, called _earls of clare_, in the same manner as the earls of pembroke were often named _earls of strigoil and chepstow_; the earl of hampshire, _earl of winchester_; the earl of derby, _earl of tuttebury_; the earl of sussex, _earl of chichester_, &c. king edward iii. created his third son lionel _duke of clarence_, instead of the monosyllable _clare_ (from his marriage with the grand-daughter of the late earl), but lionel dying without issue male, henry iv. created his younger son thomas _duke of clarence_, who being slain without issue th of henry v., the honour remained in the crown, until king edward iv. conferred it upon his own brother. mr. sandford tells us that _clarence_ is the country about the town, castle, and honour of _clare_, from which duchy the name of _clarenceux king of arms_ is derived. spelman, however, contends that it is a mistake in attributing the institution of _clarenceux_ to king edward iv. after the honour of _clarence_ devolved as an escheat to the crown upon the untimely death of his brother george, as he found william horsely called by this title in the reign of henry v. and also roger lygh, under king henry vi.; and it is conjectured that the office of _clarenceux king of arms_ is not more ancient than the reign of edward iii. _gloucester herald_, frequently mentioned by historians, was originally { } the herald of the great humphry, duke of gloucester, of whom mention is made upon record in the th of henry vi.; and richard, brother to edward iv., who was created duke of gloucester, is said to have had a herald by that title during the reign of his brother, and who was attendant as such at the funeral of that monarch. in a manuscript in the ashmolean collection, it is stated that richard champnay attended as gloucester king of arms at the coronation of richard iii. upon the th july following his usurpation of the crown; but it appears by more authentic record that this richard champnay was, by the style and title of herald of arms, on the th september, in the first year of his usurpation, by patent created a king of arms and principal herald of the parts of wales, by the style and title of gloucester, giving him licence and authority to execute all and singular that by law or custom in former times belonged to the office of king of arms. it is supposed that the office ceased upon his death, which in all probability took place before that of the usurper. _richmond king of arms._--a herald called _richmond_ is frequently mentioned, as well belonging to the crown as of the nobility. but the records of the reign of king henry vii., who had before his elevation to the throne been earl of richmond, contain many entries of _richmond king of arms_; but although somewhat vague in the description, sufficiently bear out the conjecture that henry vii., previous to his coronation, created a new king of arms by the title of _richmond_, although no regular patent of creation has ever been found. sir henry spelman informs us that, in addition to the two kings of arms for the two heraldic provinces bounded north and south by the river trent, there were also two provincial kings for the dominions of our sovereign in france, styled _guyenne_ and _agincourt_ (omitting _aquitaine_ and _anjou_, which were certainly in being at the same time), and another for _ireland_ by that name, altered by king edward vi. into _ulster_. _ireland king of arms_ first occurs upon record th richard ii., anno , mentioned by _froissart_, where he is called _chandos le roy d'ireland_. a regular succession of officers, by the title of ireland king of arms, continued from that time till the reign of king edward iv., but from the death of that monarch till the creation of ulster by edward vi. it is uncertain whether the title existed, or what became of the office. edward vi. altered the title of ireland king of arms into that of ulster, or rather considered it as a new institution, from the words of his journal: "feb. . there was a king of arms made for ireland, whose name was _ulster_, and his province was all ireland; and he was the fourth king of arms, and the first herald of ireland." the patent passed under the great seal of england. guyenne, a part of aquitaine, in france, a province belonging to { } the british crown, gave title not only to a king of arms, but to a herald likewise, and sir henry spelman dates its creation in the time of edward i., although it is somewhat doubtful, and thought to be in the reign of edward iii. guyenne herald appears upon record during the reign of henry vi., and though kings of arms were frequently styled heralds in old records, it is more than probable both offices were in existence at the same time. from the time of edward iv. no such officers belonging to the crown of england seem to have been continued, and it is doubtful whether they ever held in constant succession from their first creation. _aquitaine_, which included what were afterwards called guyenne, xantoigne, gascoigne, and some islands, gave title to a king of heralds as early as the reign of edward iii., and it is conjectured to have been an officer belonging to the black prince, who had the principality of aquitaine given to him by his father; but although this officer is mentioned in the reign of richard ii. and rd of henry v., no record occurs after the latter period. _agincourt_ was also a title conferred upon a herald, in memory of that signal victory; and lands were granted to him for life, th henry v., as mentioned by sir henry spelman; but whether the office was continued, or any particular province assigned to this officer, cannot be ascertained. _anjou king of arms_ was likewise an officer of king henry vi., and attendant upon john, duke of bedford, when regent of france, who assumed the title of duke of anjou. but upon the death of the duke of bedford, this officer was promoted to lancaster king of arms; and in all probability the title of anjou, as a king of heralds, was discontinued. _volant_ also occurs upon record in the th edward iii., and _vaillant_, _le roy vaillant heraud_, and _le roy vailland_, are likewise mentioned in . henry v. instituted the office of garter king of arms; but at what particular period is rather uncertain, although mr. anstis has clearly proved that it must have taken place after the nd may, and before the rd september, in the year . stephen martin leake, esq., who filled the office, sums up its duties in the following words: "_garter_ was instituted by king henry v., a.d. , for the service of the most noble order of the garter, which was made sovereign within the office of arms over all other officers, subject to the crown of england, by the name of garter king of arms of england. in this patent he is styled principal king of english arms, and principal officer of arms of the most noble order of the garter, and has power to execute the said office by himself or deputy, being an herald. by the constitution of his office, he must be a native of { } england, and a gentleman bearing arms. to him belongs the correction of arms, and all ensigns of honour, usurped or borne unjustly, and also to grant arms to deserving persons, and supporters to the nobility and knights of the bath; to go next before the sword in solemn proceeding, none interposing, except the constable and marshal; to administer the oath to all the officers of arms; to have a habit like the registrar of the order; baron's service in the court; lodgings in windsor castle; to bear his white rod with a banner of the ensigns of the order thereon before the sovereign; also when any lord shall enter the parliament chamber, to assign him his place, according to his dignity and degree; to carry the ensign of the order to foreign princes, and to do, or procure to be done, what the sovereign shall enjoin, relating to the order; with other duties incident to his office of principal king of arms, for the execution whereof he hath a salary of one hundred pounds a year, payable at the exchequer, and an hundred pounds more out of the revenue of the order, besides fees." _bath king of arms_ was created th george i., in conformity with the statutes established by his majesty for the government of the order of the bath, and in obedience to those statutes was nominated and created by the great master of the order denominated _bath_, and in latin, _rex armorum honoratissimi ordinis militaris de balneo_. these statutes direct that this officer shall, in all the ceremonies of the order, be habited in a white mantle lined with red, having on the right shoulder the badge of the order, and under it a surcoat of white silk, lined and edged with red; that he shall wear on his breast, hanging to a golden chain about his neck, an escocheon of gold, enamelled with the arms of the order, impaling the arms of the sovereign, crowned with the imperial crown. that at all coronations he shall precede the companions of the order, and shall carry and wear his crown as other kings of arms are obliged to do. that the chain, escocheon, rod, and crown, shall be of the like materials, value, and weight, with those borne and used by garter principal king of arms, and of the like fashion, the before specified variations only excepted: and that besides the duties required of him in the several other articles of the statutes, he shall diligently perform whatever the sovereign or great master shall further command. on the th january , his majesty was further pleased by his royal sign-manual, to erect, make, constitute, and ordain the then bath king of arms, _gloucester_ king of arms, and principal herald of the parts of wales, and to direct letters patent to be made out and pass the great seal, empowering him to grant arms and crests to persons residing within the dominions of wales, either jointly with garter, or singly by himself, with the consent and at the pleasure of the earl marshal, or his deputy for the time being, and for { } the future that the office of gloucester should be inseparably annexed, united, and perpetually consolidated with the office of _bath king of arms, of the most honourable military order of the bath, and gloucester king of arms, and principal herald of the parts of wales_. and also that he, for the dignity of the order, should in all assemblies and at all times have and take place and precedency above and before all other provincial kings of arms whatsoever." this armorial jurisdiction, however, was subsequently, as has been previously explained, annulled. concerning the heralds berry remarks: "in former ages, when honour and chivalry were at their height, these officers were held in great estimation, as appears by the ceremonies which attended their creations, which was by the sovereign himself or by special commission from him, and, according to gerard leigh, was after the following manner: the king asked the person to be so created whether he were a gentleman of blood or of second coat-armour; if he was not, the king gave him lands and fees, and assigned him and his heirs proper arms. then, as the messenger was brought in by the herald of the province, so the pursuivant was brought in by the eldest herald, who, at the prince's command, performed all the ceremonies, as turning the coat of arms, setting the manacles thereof on the arms of the pursuivant, and putting about his neck the collar of ss, and when he was named, the prince himself took the cup from the herald, which was gilt, and poured the water and wine upon the head of the pursuivant, creating him by the name of _our herald_, and the king, when the oath was administered, gave the same cup to the new herald. _upton_ sums up the business of a herald thus: that it was their office to create under officers, to number the people, to commence treaties of matrimony and of peace between princes, to visit kingdoms and regions, and to be present at martial exploits, &c., and they were to wear a coat of their master's arms, wearing the same in conflicts and tournaments, in riding through foreign countries, and at all great entertainments, coronations of kings and queens, and the solemnities of princes, dukes, and other great lords. in the time of king richard ii. there belonged to the king of arms and heralds the following fees, viz.: at the coronation of the king, a bounty of £ ; when the king first displayed his banners, marks; when the king's son was made a knight, marks; when the prince and a duke first display their banners, £ ; if it be a marquis, marks; if an earl, £ ; if a baron, marks of silver crowns, of nobles; and if a knight bachelor, newly made a banneret, marks, or nobles; when the king is married, the said kings of arms and heralds to have £ ; when the queen has a child { } christened, a largess at the queen's pleasure, or of the lords of the council, which was sometimes £ , and at others marks, more or less; and when she is churched, such another largess; when princesses, duchesses, marchionesses, countesses, and baronesses have a child christened, and when they are churched, a largess suitable to their quality and pleasure; as often as the king wears his crown, or holds royal state, especially at the four great festivals of christmas, easter, whitsuntide, and all saints, to every one of the three kings of arms present when the king goes to the chapel to mass, a largess at the king's pleasure; when a maiden princess, or daughter of a duke, marquis, earl, or baron is married, there belongs to the said kings of arms, if present, the upper garment she is married in; if there be a combat within lists, there belong to the kings of arms, if present, and if not to the other heralds present, their pavilions; and if one of the combatants is vanquished, the kings of arms and heralds who are present shall have all the accoutrements of the person so vanquished, and all other armour that falls to the ground; when subjects rebel, and fortify any camp or place, and afterwards quit the same, and fly, without a battle, there appertain to the said kings of arms and heralds who are present all the carts, carriages, and tools left behind; and, at new year's tide, all the noblemen and knights of the court used to give the heralds new year's gifts. besides the king's heralds, in former times, divers noblemen had heralds and pursuivants, who went with their lords, with the king's heralds, when attending the king. the fees of the king's heralds and pursuivants of arms have since varied, and, besides fees upon creations of peers, baronets, and knights, they have still donations for attendance at court upon the festivals of christmas, easter, whitsuntide, all saints, and st. george's day; fees upon installation of knights of the garter and bath, royal marriages, funerals, public solemnities, &c., with small salaries paid from the exchequer; but their ancient fees from the nobility, upon certain occasions, have been long discontinued, and their principal emolument arises from grants of arms, the tracing of genealogies, and recording the same in the registers of the college of arms." the present _heralds_ are six in number, viz.:-- _windsor herald_, which title was instituted th of edward iii., when that monarch was in france. _chester herald_, instituted in the same reign. _richmond herald_, instituted by king edward iv. _somerset herald_, instituted by king henry viii. about the time when that monarch created his son henry fitzroy duke of somerset. _york herald_, instituted by king edward iii. in honour of his son, whom he created duke of york. { } _lancaster herald_, also instituted by edward iii. when he created his son duke of lancaster. the heralds were first incorporated as a college by richard iii. they were styled the corporation of kings, heralds, and pursuivants of arms. concerning pursuivants of arms, berry remarks that these officers, who are the lowest in degree amongst officers of arms, "were, as the name implies, followers, marshals, or messengers attendant upon the heralds. pursuivants were formerly created by the nobility (who had, likewise, heralds of arms) with great ceremony in the following manner. one of the heralds, wearing his master's coat, leading the person to be created pursuivant by the left hand, and holding a cup full of wine and water in his right, came into the presence of the lord and master of him who was to be created, and of whom the herald asked by what name he would have his pursuivant called, which the lord having mentioned, the herald then poured part of the wine and water upon his head, calling him by the name so assigned to him. the herald then took the coat of his lord, and put it over his head athwart, so that part of the coat made for the arms before and behind, and the longer part of it on both sides of the arms of the person created, and in which way the pursuivant was always to wear it. this done, an oath of fidelity was administered to the new-made pursuivant, and the ceremony concluded." this curious method of the wearing of the tabard by a pursuivant has long since been discontinued, if indeed it was ever generally adopted, a point on which i have by no means been able to satisfy myself. the appointment of heralds and pursuivants of arms by the nobility has long been discontinued, and there are now only four pursuivants belonging to the college of arms, viz.:-- _rouge-croix_, the first in point of antiquity of creation, is so styled from the red cross of st. george, the patron saint of england. _blue-mantle_, so called by king edward iii., in honour of the french coat which he assumed, being blue. _rouge-dragon_, so styled from the red dragon, one of the supporters of the royal arms of king henry vii. (who created this pursuivant), and also the badge of wales, and _portcullis_, also instituted by henry vii., and so named from that badge, or cognisance, used by him. the duties of a pursuivant are similar to those of a herald; he assists in all public processions, or ceremonies, such as royal marriages, funerals, installations, &c., and has certain fees for attendance upon such occasions. pursuivants likewise receive fees upon creations of peers, baronets, and knights, and also donations for attending court upon the principal festivals of christmas, easter, whit-sunday, all { } saints, and st. george's day, and a small salary payable out of the exchequer. they wear a tabard of damask silk, embroidered with the royal arms, like the heralds, but no collar of ss. [illustration: fig. .--officers of arms as represented in the famous tournament roll of henry viii., now preserved in the college of arms.] of the heraldic executive in scotland, lyon king of arms (sir james balfour paul), in his book "heraldry in relation to scottish history and art," writes: "at one period the lyon was solemnly crowned at his inauguration, and vested with his tabard and baton of office." the ceremony was a very elaborate one, and is fully described by sir james balfour in a ms., now in the advocates' library. there is also an account of the coronation of sir alexander durham, when laurie, the minister of the tron kirk, preached from the text, "what shall be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour?" the crown was of gold, and exactly similar to the imperial crown of scotland, save that it had no jewels. now the lyon's crown is the same as the english king of arms. the crown is only worn at royal coronations. at that of charles i. at edinburgh in , the lyon carried the vessel containing the sacred oil. in addition to his strictly armorial appointment, the lyon is also a king of arms of the most ancient and most noble order of the thistle. heralds and pursuivants formed an important part from very early times not only of the royal household, but also of those of the higher nobility, many of whom had private heralds. of these officers there is a very full list given by dr. dickson in the preface to the lord treasurer's accounts. of heralds who were or ultimately became part of the king's household we meet with rothesay, marchmont, snowdon, albany, ross, and islay; ireland, orkney, and carrick are also mentioned as heralds, but it is doubtful whether the first and last were ever more than pursuivants. of the latter class of officers the following were in the royal establishment: carrick, bute, dingwall, kintyre, ormonde, unicorn; but we also find aliszai or alishay, dragance, diligens, montrose, falkland, ireland, darnaway, garioch, ettrick, hales, lindsay, endure, douglas, and angus. of the latter garioch was created by james iv. for his brother john, earl of mar; hailes in , when lord hailes was made earl of bothwell; while lindsay and endure were both evidently attached to the lindsay family, as were douglas and angus to the noblemen whose titles they bore. in henry iv. of england granted a pursuivant under the title of shrewsbury to george, earl of march, for services rendered at the battle of that name, but we do not find that the office was continued. in scotland heralds appear at an early date, though none are mentioned as attending the coronation of alexander iii. in ; nor is there any account of any such officers accompanying that sovereign when he did homage to edward i. at westminster in . in the next { } century, however, armorial bearings were quite well known in scotland, and there is an entry in the exchequer rolls on th october of a payment of £ , s. scots for the making of seventeen armorial banners, and in there is another to the heralds for services at the tournaments; while william petilloch, herald, has a grant from david ii. of three husbandlands in bonjedward, and allan fawside gets a gift of the forfeited estate of one coupland, a herald (_temp._ edward baliol).[ ] the first mention of a herald, under his official designation, which i have met with in our records occurs in , when there is a confirmation under the great seal by david ii. of a charter by dugal mcdowille to john trupour or trumpour "_nunc dicto carric heraldo_." sir james balfour tells us that the lyon and his heralds attended the coronation of robert ii. at holyrood on rd may , but whether or not this is true--and i have not been able to verify it--it is certain that a lyon herald existed very shortly after that date, as in the exchequer rolls mention is made of the payment of a certain sum to such an officer in ; in froissart says that a herald was sent by robert ii. to london to explain that the truce had been infringed without his will and against his knowledge, and on th april a warrant was issued in london for a licence to "lion heraud" of the king of scots, authorising him to take away a complete suit of armour which he had bought in that city. it is not, however, till that we find lyon accorded the royal style. in that year a payment is made "_leoni regi heraldorum_," but at the audit following the battle of otterburn he is called _defunctus_, which suggests that he had been slain on that well-fought field. the lyon appears in several embassies about this period both to england and france, and one henry greve, designed in the english issue rolls as "king of scottish heralds," was at the tower of london in , either at or immediately after the coronation of henry iv. from onwards there is frequent mention of one douglas, "herald of the king," and in he is styled "lyon herald." of the german officers of arms they, like the english, are divided into three classes, known as _wappenkönige_, _herolde_, and _persevanten_. these, like our own officers, had peculiar titles; for example _suchenwirt_ (an austrian ducal herald), _lub-den frumen_ (a lichtenstein pursuivant), _jerusalem_ (a herald of the limmer palatinate), _romreich_ (an imperial herald). about the middle of the sixteenth century, the official names of the heralds fell into disuse; they began to make use of their ancestral names with the title of _edel_ and _ehrenvest_ (noble and honourable), but this did not last long, and the heralds found themselves thrown back { } into the old ways, into which the knightly accoutrements had already wandered. [illustration: fig. .--the velvet tabard of sir william dugdale, garter king of arms from th april to th february .] [illustration: fig. .--william bruges, the first garter king of arms, appointed th january . (from an illuminated ms. in the museum at oxford.)] the official dress of an officer of arms as such in great britain is merely his tabard (figs. , , ). this garment in style and shape has remained unchanged in this country from the earliest known period of which representations of officers of arms exist; but whilst the tabard itself has remained unaltered in its style, the arms thereupon have constantly changed, these always being the arms of the sovereign for the time being. the costume worn with the tabard has naturally been subject to many changes, but it is doubtful if any attempt to regulate such costume was ever officially made prior to the reign of queen victoria. the tabard of a pursuivant is of damask silk; that of a herald, of satin; and that of a king of arms, of velvet. the initial letter on page is a portrait of john smert, garter king of arms, and is taken from the grant of arms to the tallow chandlers' company, dated th september . he is there represented as wearing beneath his tabard black breeches and coat, and a golden crown. but fig. is actually a representation of the first garter king of arms, william bruges, appointed th january . he is represented as carrying a white staff, a practice which has been recently revived, white wands being carried by all the heralds at the public funeral of the right hon. w. e. gladstone. in germany the wands of the heralds were later painted with the colours of the escutcheons of the sovereign to whom they were attached. there was until recently no official hat for an officer of arms in england, and confirmation of this is to be found in the fact that dallaway mentions a special licence to wriothesley garter giving him permission to wear a cap on account of his great age. obviously, however, a tabard requires other clothing to be worn with it. the heralds in scotland, until quite recently, when making public proclamations were content to appear in the ordinary elastic-side boots and cloth trousers of everyday life. this gave way for a brief period, in which court dress was worn below the tabard, but now, as in england, the recognised uniform of a member of the royal household is worn. in england, owing to the less frequent ceremonial appearances of the heralds, and the more scrupulous control { } which has been exercised, no such anachronisms as were perpetuated in scotland have been tolerated, and it has been customary for the officers of arms to wear their uniform as members of the sovereign's household (in which uniform they attend the levees) beneath the tabard when making proclamations at the opening of parliament or on similar occasions. at a coronation and at some other full state ceremonies they wear knee-breeches. at the late ceremony of the coronation of king edward vii., a head-dress was designed for the officers of arms. these caps are of black velvet embroidered at the { } side with a rose, a thistle, or a harp, respectively for the english, scottish, and irish officers of arms. [illustration: fig. .--a herald. (_temp._ hen. viii.)] [illustration: fig. .--a state trumpeter. (_temp._ hen. viii.)] a great deal of confusion has arisen between the costume and the functions of a herald and a trumpeter, though the confusion has been confined to the minds of the uninitiated and the theatrical stage. the whole subject was very amusingly dealt with in the _genealogical magazine_ in an article by mr. g. ambrose lee, bluemantle, and the illustrations which he gives of the relative dresses of the heralds and the trumpeters at different periods (see figs. - ) are interesting. briefly, the matter can be summed up in the statement that there never was a trumpeter who made a proclamation, or wore a tabard, and there never was a herald who blew a trumpet. the trumpeters nearly { } always accompanied the heralds to proclaim their presence and call attention to their proclamation. [illustration: fig. .--a state trumpeter and a herald at the coronation of james i.] in france the heralds were formed into an incorporation by charles vi. in , their head being mountjoye, king of arms, with ten heralds and pursuivants under him. it will be noticed that this incorporation is earlier than that of the college of arms in england. the revolution played havoc with the french records, and no college of arms now exists in france. but it is doubtful whether at any time it reached the dignity or authority which its english counterpart has enjoyed in former times. fig. represents a french herald of the early part of the fifteenth century. it is taken from a representation of the rally of the parisians against king charles vi. in , to be found in a ms. edition of froissart, formerly in the royal library at paris. all the heralds and kings of arms (but not the pursuivants) wear the curious collar of ss about which there has been so much discussion. { } the form has remained unchanged, save that the badge is the badge for the time being of the sovereign. the heralds have their collars of ss of silver, whilst those of a king of arms are of silver gilt, and the latter have the further distinction that a portcullis is introduced on each shoulder. the heralds and kings of arms usually place these collars round their shields in representations of their arms. collars of ss are also worn by serjeants-at-arms, and by the lord chief justice. [illustration: fig. .--peace proclaimed at the royal exchange after the crimean war.] the english heralds have no equivalent badge to that which the scottish heralds wear suspended from their necks by a ribbon. in ireland both heralds and pursuivants wear a badge. in addition each king of arms has his crown; the only occasion, however, upon which this is worn being at the ceremony of a coronation. the crown is of silver gilt, formed of a circle upon which is inscribed part of the first verse of the st psalm, viz. "miserere mei deus secundum magnam misericordiam tuam": the rim is surmounted of sixteen leaves, in shape resembling the oak-leaf, every alternate one being somewhat higher than the remainder. nine of these leaves are shown in a representation of it. the cap is of crimson satin, closed at the top by a gold tassel, and turned up with ermine. garter king of arms has a baton or "sceptre" of silver gilt, about two feet in length, the top being of gold, of four sides of equal height, { } but of unequal breadth. on the two larger sides are the arms of st. george impaling the sovereign's, and on the two lesser sides the arms of st. george surrounded by the garter and motto, the whole ensigned with an imperial crown. this "sceptre" has sometimes been placed in bend behind the arms of garter king. lyon king of arms has a baton of blue enamel with gold extremities, the baton being powdered with roses, thistles, and fleurs-de-lis. lyon (sir james balfour paul) in his "heraldry in relation to scottish history and art," remarks that this is one of the few pieces of british official regalia which is still adorned with the ancient ensigns of france. but knowing how strictly all official regalia in england is required to have the armorial devices thereupon changed, as the royal arms and badges change, there can be very little doubt that the appearance of the fleur-de-lis in this case is due to an oversight. the baton happens to be that of a former lyon king of arms, which really should long since have been discarded and a new one substituted. two batons are usually placed in saltire behind the arms of lyon king of arms. [illustration: fig. .--a french herald of the early part of the fifteenth century.] ulster king of arms has a staff of office which, however, really belongs to his office as knight attendant on the most illustrious order of st. patrick. the scottish heralds each have a rod of ebony tipped with ivory, { } which has been sometimes stated to be a rod of office. this, however, is not the case, and the explanation of their possession of it is very simple. they are constantly called upon by virtue of their office to make from the market cross in edinburgh the royal proclamations. now these proclamations are read from printed copies which in size of type and paper are always of the nature of a poster. the herald would naturally find some difficulty in holding up a large piece of paper of this size on a windy day, in such a manner that it was easy to read from; consequently he winds it round his ebony staff, slowly unwinding it all the time as he reads. garter king of arms, lyon king of arms, and ulster king of arms all possess badges of their offices which they wear about their necks. the badge of garter is of gold, having on both sides the arms of st. george, impaled with those of the sovereign, within the garter and motto, enamelled in their proper colours, and ensigned with the royal crown. the badge of lyon king of arms is oval, and is worn suspended by a broad green ribbon. the badge proper consists on the obverse of the effigy of st. andrew bearing his cross before him, with a thistle beneath, all enamelled in the proper colours on an azure ground. the reverse contains the arms of scotland, having in the lower parts of the badge a thistle, as on the other side; the whole surmounted with the imperial crown. the badge of "ulster" is of gold, containing on one side the cross of st. patrick, or, as it is described in the statutes, "the cross gules of the order upon a field argent, impaled with the arms of the realm of ireland," and both encircled with the motto, "quis separabit," and the date of the institution of the order, mdcclxxxiii. the reverse exhibits the arms of the office of ulster, viz.: "or, a cross gules, on a chief of the last a lion of england between a harp and portcullis, all of the first," placed on a ground of green enamel, surrounded by a gold border with shamrocks, surmounted by an imperial crown, and suspended by a sky-blue riband from the neck. the arms of the corporation of the college of arms are: argent, a cross gules between four doves, the dexter wing of each expanded and inverted azure. crest: on a ducal coronet or, a dove rising azure. supporters: two lions rampant guardant argent, ducally gorged or. the official arms of the english kings of arms are:-- _garter king of arms._--argent, a cross gules, on a chief azure, a ducal coronet encircled with a garter, between a lion passant guardant on the dexter and a fleur-de-lis on the sinister all or. _clarenceux king of arms._--argent, a cross gules, on a chief of the second a lion passant guardant or, crowned of the last. { } _norroy king of arms._--argent, a cross gules, on a chief of the second a lion passant guardant crowned of the first, between a fleur-de-lis on the dexter and a key on the sinister of the last. badges have never been officially assigned to the various heralds by any specific instruments of grant or record; but from a remote period certain of the royal badges relating to their titles have been used by various heralds, viz.:-- _lancaster._--the red rose of lancaster ensigned by the royal crown. _york._--the white rose of york en soleil ensigned by the royal crown. _richmond._--the red rose of lancaster impaled with the white rose en soleil of york, the whole ensigned with the royal crown. _windsor._--rays of the sun issuing from clouds. the four pursuivants make use of the badges from which they derive their titles. the official arms of lyon king of arms and of lyon office are the same, namely: argent, a lion sejant full-faced gules, holding in the dexter paw a thistle slipped vert and in the sinister a shield of the second; on a chief azure, a st. andrew's cross of the field. there are no official arms for ulster's office, that office, unlike the college of arms, not being a corporate body, but the official arms of ulster king of arms are: or, a cross gules, on a chief of the last a lion passant guardant between a harp and a portcullis all of the field. { } chapter iv heraldic brasses by rev. walter j. kaye, junr., b.a., f.s.a., f.s.a. scot. _member of the monumental brass society, london; honorary member of the spalding gentlemen's society; author of "a brief history of gosberton, in the county of lincoln."_ monumental brasses do not merely afford a guide to the capricious changes of fashion in armour, in ecclesiastical vestments (which have altered but little), and in legal, civilian, and feminine costume, but they provide us also with a vast number of admirable specimens of heraldic art. the vandal and the fanatic have robbed us of many of these beautiful memorials, but of those which survive to our own day the earliest on the continent of europe marks the last resting-place of abbot ysowilpe, , at verden, in hanover. in england there was once a brass, which unfortunately disappeared long ago, to an earl of bedford, in st. paul's church, bedford, of the year , leaving as the date of the earliest one. latten (fr. _laiton_), the material of which brasses were made, was at an early date manufactured in large quantities at cologne, whence plates of this metal came to be known as cullen (köln) plates; these were largely exported to other countries, and the flemish workmen soon attained the greatest proficiency in their engraving. flemish brasses are usually large and rectangular, having the space between the figure and the marginal inscription filled either by diaper work or by small figures in niches. brasses vary considerably in size: the matrix of bishop beaumont's brass in durham cathedral measures about feet by feet, and the memorial to griel van ruwescuere, in the chapel of the lady superior of the béguinage at bruges, is only about foot square. brazen effigies are more numerous in england in the eastern and southern counties, than in parts more remote from the continent of europe. armorial bearings are displayed in a great variety of ways on monumental brasses, some of which are exhibited in the rubbings selected for illustration. in most cases separate shields are placed above and below the figures. they occur also in the spandrils of canopies and { } in the shafts and finials of the same, as well as in the centre and at the angles of border-fillets. they naturally predominate in the memorials of warriors, where we find them emblazoned not only on shield and pennon but on the scabbard and ailettes, and on the jupon, tabard, and cuirass also, while crests frequently occur on the tilting-helm. in one case (the brass of sir peter legh, , at winwick, co. lancaster) they figure upon the priestly chasuble. walter pescod, the merchant of boston, lincolnshire, , wears a gown adorned with peascods--a play upon his name; and many a merchant's brass bears his coat of arms and merchant's mark beside, pointing a moral to not a few at the present day. the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries witnessed the greatest profusion in heraldic decoration in brasses, when the tabard and the heraldic mantle were evolved. a good example of the former remains in the parish church of ormskirk, lancashire, in the brass commemorating a member of the scarisbrick family, _c._ (fig. ). ladies were accustomed at this time to wear their husband's arms upon the mantle or outer garment and their own upon the kirtle, but the fashion which obtained at a subsequent period was to emblazon the husband's arms on the dexter and their own on the sinister side of the mantle (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--brass in the scarisbrick chapel of ormskirk church, co. lancs., to a member of the scarisbrick family of that name. arms: gules, three mullets in bend between two bendlets engrailed argent. (from a rubbing by walter j. kaye.)] [illustration: fig. .--brass of margaret (daughter of henry percy, earl of northumberland), second wife of henry, st earl of cumberland, in skipton parish church. arms: on the dexter side those of the earl of cumberland, on the sinister side those of percy.] the majority of such monuments, as we behold them now, are destitute of any indications of metals or tinctures, largely owing to the action of the varying degrees of temperature in causing contraction and expansion. here and there, however, we may still detect traces of their pristine glory. but these matters received due attention from the engraver. to represent _or_, he left the surface of the brass untouched, except for gilding or perhaps polishing; this universal method has solved many heraldic problems. lead or some other white metal was inlaid to indicate _argent_, and the various tinctures were supplied by the excision of a portion of the plate, thereby forming a depression, which was filled up by pouring in some resinous substance of the requisite colour. the various kinds of fur used in armory may be readily distinguished, with the sole exception of _vair_ (_argent_ and _azure_), which presents the appearance of a row of small upright shields alternating with a similar row reversed. [illustration: fig. .--brass of sir john d'aubernoun at stoke d'abernon. arms: azure, a chevron or. (from a rubbing by walter j. kaye.)] [illustration: fig. .--brass of sir roger de trumpington at trumpington. arms: azure, crusilly and two trumpets palewise or. (from a rubbing by walter j. kaye.)] the earliest brass extant in england is that to sir john d'aubernoun, the elder (fig. ), at stoke d'abernon, in surrey, which carries us back to the year . the simple marginal inscription in norman-french, surrounding the figure, and each lombardic capital of which is set in its own matrix, reads: "sire: john: daubernoun: chivaler: gist: icy: deu: de: sa: alme: eyt: mercy:"[ ] in the space { } between the inscription and the upper portion of the figure were two small shields, of which the dexter one alone remains, charged with the arms of the knight: "azure, a chevron, or." sir john d'aubernoun is represented in a complete panoply of chain mail--his head being protected by a _coif de mailles_, which is joined to the _hauberk_ or mail { } shirt, which extends to the hands, having apparently no divisions for the fingers, and being tightened by straps at the wrists. the legs, which are not crossed, are covered by long _chausses_, or stockings of mail, { } protected at the knees by _poleyns_ or _genouillères_ of _cuir bouilli_ richly ornamented by elaborate designs. a surcoat, probably of linen, depends from the shoulders to a little below the knees, and is cut away to a point above { } the knee. this garment is tightly confined (as the creases in the surcoat show) at the waist by a girdle, and over it is passed a _guige_ whereto the long sword is attached. "pryck" spurs are fixed to the instep, and the feet rest upon a lion, whose mouth grasps the lower portion of a lance. the lance bears a pennon charged with a chevron, as also is the small heater-shaped shield borne on the knight's left arm. the whole composition measures about eight feet by three. heraldry figures more prominently in our second illustration, the brass to sir roger de trumpington, (fig. ). this fine effigy lies under the canopy of an altar-tomb, so called, in the church of st. michael and all angels, trumpington, cambridgeshire. it portrays the knight in armour closely resembling that already described, with these exceptions: the head rests upon a huge _heaume_, or tilting-helm, attached by a chain to the girdle, and the neck is here protected from side-thrusts by _ailettes_ or oblong plates fastened behind the shoulders, and bearing the arms of sir roger. a dog here replaces the lion at the feet, the lance and pennon are absent, and the shield is rounded to the body. on this brass the arms not only occur upon the shield, but also upon the ailettes, and are four times repeated on the scabbard. they afford a good example of "canting" arms: "azure, crusilly and two trumpets palewise or, with a label of five points in chief, for difference." it is interesting also to notice that the engraver had not { } completed his task, for the short horizontal lines across the dexter side of the shield indicate his intention of cutting away the surface of the field. [illustration: fig. .--brass of sir robert de septvans in chartham church.] [illustration: fig. .--brass of sir william de aldeburgh at aldborough, yorks. arms: azure, a fesse argent between three cross crosslets or. (from a rubbing by walter j. kaye.)] sir robert de setvans (formerly septvans), whose beautiful brass may be seen at chartham, kent, is habited in a surcoat whereon, together with the shield and ailettes, are seven winnowing fans--another instance of canting arms (fig. ). this one belongs to a somewhat later date, . [illustration: fig. .--brass of elizabeth knevet.] our next example is a mural effigy to sir william de aldeburgh, _c._ , from the north aisle of aldborough church, near boroughbridge, yorkshire (fig. ). he is attired like the "veray parfite gentil knight" of chaucer, in a _bascinet_ or steel cap, to which is laced the _camail_ or tippet of chain mail, and a hauberk almost concealed by a _jupon_, whereon are emblazoned his arms: "azure, a fess indented argent, between three crosslets botony, or." the first crosslet is charged with an annulet, probably as a mark of cadency. the engraver has omitted the indenture upon the fess, which, however, appears upon the shield. the knight's arms are protected by _epaulières_, _brassarts_, _coutes_, and _vambraces_; his hands, holding a heart, by gauntlets of steel. an elaborate baldric passes round his waist, from which are suspended, on the left, a cross-hilted sword, in a slightly ornamented scabbard; on the right, a _misericorde_, or dagger of mercy. the thighs are covered by cuisses--steel plates, here deftly concealed probably by satin or velvet secured by metal studs--the knees by _genouillères_, the lower leg by _jambes_, which reveal chausses of mail at the interstices. sollerets, or long, pointed shoes, whereto are attached rowel spurs, complete his outfit. the figure stands upon a bracket bearing the name "will's de aldeburgh." the parish church of eastington, gloucestershire, contains a brass to elizabeth knevet, which is illustrated and described by mr. cecil t. davis at p. of his excellent work on the "monumental brasses of gloucestershire."[ ] the block (fig. ), which presents a good example of the heraldic mantle, has been very kindly placed at my disposal by mr. davis. to confine our description to the heraldic portion of the brass, we find the following arms upon the mantle:-- "quarterly, . argent, a bend sable, within a bordure engrailed azure (knevet); . argent, a bend azure, and chief, gules (cromwell); . chequy or and gules, a chief ermine (tatshall); . chequy or and gules, a bend ermine (de cailly or clifton); . paly of six within a bordure bezanté.... . bendy of six, a canton...."[ ] a coat of arms occurs also at each corner of the slab: "nos. and are on ordinary shields, and and on lozenges. nos. and { } are charged with the same bearings as are on her mantle. no. , on a lozenge, quarterly, . knevet; . cromwell; . tatshall; . cailli; . de woodstock; . paly of six within a bordure; . bendy of six, a canton; . or, a chevron gules (stafford); . azure, a bend cottised between six lioncels rampant, or (de bohun). no. similar to no. , with the omission of and ." in later times thinner plates of metal were employed, a fact which largely contributed to preclude much of the boldness in execution hitherto displayed. a prodigality in shading, either by means of parallel lines or by cross-hatching, also tended to mar the beauty of later work of this kind. nevertheless there are some good brasses of the stuart period. these sometimes consist of a single quadrangular plate, with the upper portion occupied by armorial bearings and emblematical figures, the centre by an inscription, and the lower portion by a representation of the deceased, as at forcett, in the north riding of yorkshire. frequently, however, as at rotherham and rawmarsh, in the west riding of the same county, the inscription is surmounted by a view of the whole family, the father kneeling on a cushion at a fald-stool, with his sons in a similar attitude behind him, and the mother likewise engaged with her daughters on the opposite side, while the armorial insignia find a place on separate shields above. { } chapter v the component parts of an achievement we now come to the science of armory and the rules governing the display of these marks of honour. the term "coat of arms," as we have seen, is derived from the textile garment or "surcoat" which was worn over the armour, and which bore in embroidery a duplication of the design upon the shield. there can be very little doubt that arms themselves are older than the fact of the surcoat or the term "coat of arms." the entire heraldic or armorial decoration which any one is entitled to bear may consist of many things. it must as a minimum consist of a shield of arms, for whilst there are many coats of arms in existence, and many still rightly in use at the present day, to which no crest belongs, a crest in this country cannot lawfully exist without its complementary coat of arms. for the last two certainly, and probably nearly three centuries, no original grant of personal arms has ever been issued without it containing the grant of a crest except in the case of a grant to a woman, who of course cannot bear or transmit a crest; or else in the case of arms borne in right of women or descent from women, through whom naturally no right to a crest could have been transmitted. the grants which i refer to as exceptions are those of quarterings and impalements to be borne with other arms, or else exemplifications following upon the assumption of name and arms which in fact and theory are regrants of previously existing arms, in which cases the regrant is of the original coat with or without a crest, as the case may be, and as the arms theretofor existed. grants of impersonal arms also need not include a crest. as it has been impossible for the last two centuries to obtain a grant of arms without its necessarily accompanying grant of crest, a decided distinction attaches to the lawful possession of arms which have no crest belonging to them, for of necessity the arms must be at least two hundred years old. bearing this in mind, one cannot but wonder at the actions of some ancient families like those of astley and pole, who, lawfully possessing arms concerning which there is and can be no doubt or question, yet nevertheless invent and use crests which have no authority. one instance and one only do i know where a crest has had a { } legitimate existence without any coat of arms. this case is that of the family of buckworth, who at the time of the visitations exhibited arms and crest. the arms infringed upon those of another family, and no sufficient proof could be produced to compel their admission as borne of right. the arms were respited for further proof, while the crest was allowed, presumably tentatively, and whilst awaiting the further proof for the arms; no proof, however, was made. the arms and crest remained in this position until the year , when sir buckworth buckworth-herne, whose father had assumed the additional name of herne, obtained a royal licence to bear the name of soame in addition to and after those of buckworth-herne, with the arms of soame quarterly with the arms of buckworth. it then became necessary to prove the right to these arms of buckworth, and they were accordingly regranted with the trifling addition of an ermine spot upon the chevron; consequently this solitary instance has now been rectified, and i cannot learn of any other instance where these exceptional circumstances have similarly occurred; and there never has been a grant of a crest alone unless arms have been in existence previously. whilst arms may exist alone, and the decoration of a shield form the only armorial ensign of a person, such need not be the case; and it will usually be found that the armorial bearings of an ordinary commoner consist of shield, crest, and motto. to these must naturally be added the helmet and mantling, which become an essential to other than an abbreviated achievement when a crest has to be displayed. it should be remembered, however, that the helmet is not specifically granted, and apparently is a matter of inherent right, so that a person would not be in the wrong in placing a helmet and mantling above a shield even when no crest exists to surmount the helmet. the motto is usually to be found but is not a necessity, and there are many more coats of arms which have never been used with a motto than shields which exist without a crest. sometimes a _cri-de-guerre_ will be found instead of or in addition to a motto. the escutcheon may have supporters, or it may be displayed upon an eagle or a lymphad, &c., for which particular additions no other generic term has yet been coined save the very inclusive one of "exterior ornaments." a coronet of rank may form a part of the achievement, and the shield may be encircled by the "ribbons" or the "circles" or by the garter, of the various orders of knighthood, and by their collars. below it may depend the badge of a baronet of nova scotia, or of an order of knighthood, and added to it may possibly be what is termed a compartment, though this is a feature almost entirely peculiar to scottish armory. there is also the crowning distinction of a badge; and of all armorial insignia this is the most cherished, for the existing badges { } are but few in number. the escutcheon may be placed in front of the crosiers of a bishop, the batons of the earl marshal, or similar ornaments. it may be displayed upon a mantle of estate, or it may be borne beneath a pavilion. with two more additions the list is complete, and these are the banner and the standard. for these several features of armory reference must be made to the various chapters in which they are treated. suffice it here to remark that whilst the term "coat of arms" has through the slipshod habits of english philology come to be used to signify a representation of any heraldic bearing, the correct term for the whole emblazonment is an "achievement," a term most frequently employed to signify the whole, but which can correctly be used to signify anything which a man is entitled to represent of an armorial character. had not the recent revival of interest in armory taken place, we should have found a firmly rooted and even yet more slipshod declension, for a few years ago the habit of the uneducated in styling anything stamped upon a sheet of note-paper "a crest," was fast becoming stereotyped into current acceptance. { } chapter vi the shield the shield is the most important part of the achievement, for on it are depicted the signs and emblems of the house to which it appertains; the difference marks expressive of the cadency of the members within that house; the augmentations of honour which the sovereign has conferred; the quarterings inherited from families which are represented, and the impalements of marriage; and it is with the shield principally that the laws of armory are concerned, for everything else is dependent upon the shield, and falls into comparative insignificance alongside of it. let us first consider the shield itself, without reference to the charges it carries. a shield may be depicted in any fashion and after any shape that the imagination can suggest, which shape and fashion have been accepted at any time as the shape and fashion of a shield. there is no law upon the subject. the various shapes adopted in emblazonments in past ages, and used at the present time in imitation of past usage--for luckily the present period has evolved no special shield of its own--are purely the result of artistic design, and have been determined at the periods they have been used in heraldic art by no other consideration than the particular theory of design that has happened to dominate the decoration, and the means and ends of such decoration of that period. the lozenge certainly is reserved for and indicative of the achievements of the female sex, but, save for this one exception, the matter may be carried further, and arms be depicted upon a banner, a parallelogram, a square, a circle, or an oval; and even then one would be correct, for the purposes of armory, in describing such figures as shields on all occasions on which they are made the vehicles for the emblazonment of a design which properly and originally should be borne upon a shield. let no one think that a design ceases to be a coat of arms if it is not displayed upon a shield. many people have thought to evade the authority of the crown as the arbiter of coat-armour, and the penalties of taxation imposed by the revenue by using designs without depicting them upon a shield. this little deception has always been borne in mind, { } for we find in the royal warrants of queen elizabeth commanding the visitations that the king of arms to whom the warrant was addressed was to "correcte, cumptrolle and refourme all mann' of armes, crests, cognizaunces and devices unlawfull or unlawfully usurped, borne or taken by any p'son or p'sons within the same p'vince cont^ary to the due order of the laws of armes, and the same to rev'se, put downe or otherwise deface at his discrecon as well in coote armors, helmes, standerd, pennons and hatchmets of tents and pavilions, as also in plate jewells, pap', parchement, wyndowes, gravestones and monuments, or elsewhere wheresoev' they be sett or placed, whether they be in shelde, schoocheon, lozenge, square, rundell or otherwise howsoev' cont^arie to the autentiq' and auncient lawes, customes, rules, privileges and orders of armes." [illustration: fig. .--taken from the tomb of geoffrey plantagenet, count of anjou.] the act & victoria, section , defines (for the purpose of the taxation it enforced) armorial bearings to mean and include "any armorial bearing, crest, or ensign, by whatever name the same shall be called, and whether such armorial bearing, crest, or ensign shall be registered in the college of arms or not." the shape of the shield throughout the rest of europe has also varied between wide extremes, and at no time has any one particular shape been assigned to or peculiar to any country, rank, or condition, save possibly with one exception, namely, that the use of the cartouche or oval seems to have been very nearly universal with ecclesiastics in france, spain, and italy, though never reserved exclusively for their use. probably this was an attempt on the part of the church to get away from the military character of the shield. it is in keeping with the rule by which, even at the present day, a bishop or a cardinal bears neither helmet nor crest, using in place thereof his ecclesiastical mitre or tasselled hat, and by which the clergy, both abroad and in this country, seldom made use of a crest in depicting their arms. a clergyman in this country, however, has never been denied the right of using a crest (if he possesses one and chooses to display it) until he reaches episcopal rank. a grant of arms to a clergyman at the present day depicts his achievement with helmet, mantling, and crest in identical form with those adopted for any one else. but the laws of armory, official and amateur, have always denied the right to make use of a crest to bishop, archbishop, and cardinal. at the present day, if a grant of arms is made to a bishop of the established church, the emblazonment at the head of his patent consists of shield and mitre only. the laws of the church of england, however, require no vow of celibacy from its ecclesiastics, and consequently the descendants of a bishop would be placed in the position of having no crest to display if the bishop and his requirements were { } alone considered. so that in the case of a grant to a bishop the crest is granted for his descendants in a separate clause, being depicted by itself in the body of the patent apart from the emblazonment "in the margin hereof," which in an ordinary patent is an emblazonment of the whole achievement. a similar method is usually adopted in cases in which the actual patentee is a woman, and where, by the limitations attached to the patent being extended beyond herself, males are brought in who will bear the arms granted to the patentee as their pronominal arms. in these cases the arms of the patentee are depicted upon a lozenge at the head of the patent, the crest being depicted separately elsewhere. whilst shields were actually used in warfare the utilitarian article largely governed the shape of the artistic representation, but after the fifteenth century the latter gradually left the beaten track of utility and passed wholly into the cognisance of art and design. the earliest shape of all is the long, narrow shape, which is now but seldom seen. this was curved to protect the body, which it nearly covered, and an interesting example of this is to be found in the monumental slab of champlevé enamel, part of the tomb of geoffrey plantagenet, count of anjou (fig. ), the ancestor of our own royal dynasty of plantagenet, who died in the year . this tomb was formerly in the cathedral of le mans, and is now in the museum there. i shall have occasion again to refer to it. the shield is blue; the lions are gold. other forms of the same period are found with curved tops, in the shape of an inverted pear, but the form known as the heater-shaped shield is to all intents and purposes the earliest shape which was used for armorial purposes. the church of st. elizabeth at marburg, in hesse, affords examples of shields which are exceedingly interesting, inasmuch as they are { } original and contemporary even if only pageant shields. those which now remain are the shields of the landgrave konrad (d. ) of thuringia and of henry of thuringia (d. ). the shield of the former (see fig. ) is centimetres high and wide. konrad was landgrave of thuringia and grand master of the teutonic order of knighthood. his arms show the lion of thuringia barry of gules and argent on a field of azure, and between the hind feet a small shield, with the arms of the teutonic order of knights. the only remains of the lion's mane are traces of the nails. the body of the lion is made of pressed leather, and the yellow claws have been supplied with a paint-brush. a precious stone probably represented the eye. [illustration: fig. .--shield of the landgrave konrad of thuringia (died ).] the making and decorating of the shields lay mostly in the hands of the herald painters, known in germany as _schilter_, who, in addition to attending to the shield and crest, also had charge of all the riding paraphernalia, because most of the articles comprised therein were { } heraldically decorated. many of these shield-workers' fraternities won widespread fame for themselves, and enjoyed great consideration at that time. thus the "history of a celebrated painters' guild on the lower rhine" tells us of costly shields which the shield-workers of paris had supplied, , &c. vienna, too, was the home of a not unimportant shield-workers' guild, and the town archives of vienna contain writings of the fifteenth century treating of this subject. for instance, we learn that in an order of st. luke's parish, june , , with regard to the masterpiece of a member of the guild-- "item, a shield-worker shall make four new pieces of work with his own hand, a jousting saddle, a leather apron, a horse's head-piece, and a jousting shield, that shall he do in eight weeks, and must be able to paint it with his own hand, as knight and man-at-arms shall direct." the shield was of wood, covered with linen or leather, the charges in relief and painted. leather plastic was very much esteemed in the early middle ages. the leather was soaked in oil, and pressed or beaten into shape. besides piecing and leather plastic, pressed linen (linen dipped in chalk and lime) was also used, and a kind of tempera painting on a chalk background. after the shield was decorated with the charges, it was frequently strengthened with metal clasps, or studs, particularly those parts which were more especially exposed to blows and pressure. these clasps and nails originally had no other object than to make the shield stronger and more durable, but later on their nature was misunderstood; they were treated and used as genuine heraldic charges, and stereotyped into hereditary designs. the long strips with which the edge was bound were called the "frame" (_schildgestell_), the clasps introduced in the middle of the shield the "buckle" or "umbo" (see on fig. ), from which frequently circularly arranged metal snaps reached the edge of the shield. this latter method of strengthening the shield was called the "buckelrîs," a figure which was afterwards frequently employed as a heraldic charge, and is known in germany by the name of _lilienhaspel_ (lily-staple) or _glevenrad_, or, as we term it in england, the escarbuncle. in the second half of the fourteenth century, when the tournament provided the chief occasion for the shield, the jousting-shield, called in germany the _tartsche_ or _tartscher_, came into use, and from this class of shield the most varied shapes were gradually developed. these _tartschen_ were decidedly smaller than the earlier gothic shields, being only about one-fifth of a man's height. they were concave, and had on the side of the knight's right hand a circular indentation. this was the spear-rest, in which to place the tilting-spear. the later { } art of heraldic decoration symmetrically repeated the spear-rest on the sinister side of the shield, and, by so doing, transformed a useful fact into a matter of mere artistic design. doubtless it was argued that if indentations were correct at one point in the outline they were correct at another, and when once the actual fact was departed from the imagination of designers knew no limits. but if the spear-rest as such is introduced into the outline of a shield it should be on the dexter side. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] reverting to the various shapes of shield, however, the degeneration is explained by a remark of mr. g. w. eve in the able book which he has recently published under the title of "decorative heraldry," in which, alluding to heraldic art in general, he says (p. ):-- "with the restoration heraldry naturally became again conspicuous, with the worst form of the renaissance character in full sway, the last vestiges of the gothic having disappeared. indeed, the contempt with which the superseded style was regarded amounted to fanaticism, and explains, in a measure, how so much of good could be relinquished in favour of so weak a successor." later came the era of gilded embellishments, of flowing palms, of borders decorated with grinning heads, festoons of ribbon, and fruit and flowers in abundance. the accompanying examples are reproduced from a book, knight and rumley's "heraldry." the book is not particularly well known to the public, inasmuch as its circulation was entirely confined to heraldic artists, coach-painters, engravers, and die-sinkers. amongst these handicraftsmen its reputation was and is great. with the school of design it adopted, little or no sympathy now exists, but a short time ago (how short many of those who are now vigorous advocates of the gothic and mediæval styles would be startled to realise were they to recognise actual facts) no other style was known or considered by the public. as examples of that style the plates of knight and rumley were admittedly far in advance of any other book, and as specimens of copperplate engraving they are superb. figs. , , and show typical examples of escutcheons from knight and rumley; and as the volume was in the hands of most of the heraldic handicraftsmen, it will be found that this type of design was constantly to be met with. the external decoration of the shield was carried to great lengths, and fig. found many admirers and users amongst the gallant "sea-dogs" of the kingdom. in fact, so far was the idea carried that a trophy of military weapons was actually granted by patent as part of the supporters of the earl of bantry. fig. , from the same source, is the military equivalent. these plates are interesting as being some of the examples from which most of the heraldic handicraft of a recent period was adapted. the { } official shield eventually stereotyped itself into a shape akin to that shown in fig. , though nowadays considerable latitude is permitted. for paintings which are not upon patents the design of the shield rests with the individual taste of the different officers of arms, and recently some of the work for which they have been responsible has reached a high standard judged even by the strictest canons of art. in scotland, until very recently, the actual workmanship of the emblazonments which were issued from lyon office was so wretchedly poor that one is hardly justified in taking them into consideration as a type. with the advent into office of the present lyon king of arms (sir james balfour paul), a complete change has been made, and both the workmanship and design of the paintings upon the patents of grant and matriculation, and also in the lyon register, have been examples of everything that could be desired. { } chapter vii the field of a shield and the heraldic tinctures the shield itself and its importance in armory is due to its being the vehicle whereon are elaborated the pictured emblems and designs which constitute coat-armour. it should be borne in mind that theoretically all shields are of equal value, saving that a shield of more ancient date is more estimable than one of recent origin, and the shield of the head of the house takes precedence of the same arms when differenced for a younger member of the family. a shield crowded with quarterings is interesting inasmuch as each quartering in the ordinary event means the representation through a female of some other family or branch thereof. but the real value of such a shield should be judged rather by the age of the single quartering which represents the strict male descent male upon male, and a simple coat of arms without quarterings may be a great deal more ancient and illustrious than a shield crowded with coat upon coat. a fictitious and far too great estimation is placed upon the right to display a long string of quarterings. in reality quarterings are no more than accidents, because they are only inherited when the wife happens to be an heiress in blood. it is quite conceivable that there may be families, in fact there are such families, who are able to begin their pedigrees at the time of the conquest, and who have married a long succession of noble women, all of the highest birth, but yet none of whom have happened to be heiresses. consequently the arms, though dating from the earliest period at which arms are known, would remain in their simple form without the addition of a solitary quartering. on the other hand, i have a case in mind of a marriage which took place some years ago. the husband is the son of an alien whose original position, if report speaks truly, was that of a pauper immigrant. his wealth and other attributes have placed him in a good social position; but he has no arms, and, as far as the world is aware, no ancestry whatever. let us now consider his wife's family. starting soon after the conquest, its descendants obtained high position and married heiress after heiress, and before the commencement of this century had amassed a shield of quarterings which can readily be proved to be little short of a hundred in number. probably the number { } is really much greater. a large family followed in one generation, and one of the younger sons is the ancestor of the aforesaid wife. but the father of this lady never had any sons, and though there are many males of the name to carry on the family in the senior line and also in several younger branches, the wife, by the absence of brothers, happens to be a coheir; and as such she transmits to her issue the right to all the quarterings she has inherited. if the husband ever obtains a grant of arms, the date of them will be subsequent to the present time; but supposing such a grant to be obtained, the children will inevitably inherit the scores of quarterings which belong to their mother. now it would be ridiculous to suppose that such a shield is better or such a descent more enviable than the shield of a family such as i first described. quarterings are all very well in their way, but their glorification has been carried too far. a shield which displays an augmentation is of necessity more honourable than one without. at the same time no scale of precedence has ever been laid down below the rank of esquires; and if such precedence does really exist at all, it can only be according to the date of the grant. here in england the possession of arms carries with it no style or title, and nothing in his designation can differentiate the position of mr. scrope of danby, the male descendant of one of the oldest families in this country, whose arms were upheld in the scrope and grosvenor controversy in , or mr. daubeney of cote, from a mr. smith, whose known history may have commenced at the foundling hospital twenty years ago. in this respect english usage stands apart, for whilst a german is "von" and a frenchman was "de," if of noble birth, there is no such apparent distinction in england, and never has been. the result has been that the technical nobility attaching to the possession of arms is overlooked in this country. on the continent it is usual for a patent creating a title to contain a grant of the arms, because it is recognised that the two are inseparable. this is not now the case in england, where the grant of arms is one thing and the grant of the title another, and where it is possible, as in the case of lord st. leonards, to possess a peerage without ever having obtained the first step in rank, which is nobility or gentility. the foregoing is in explanation of the fact that except in the matter of date all shields are equal in value. so much being understood, it is possible to put that consideration on one side, and speaking from the artistically technical point of view, the remark one often hears becomes correct, that the simpler a coat of arms the better. the remark has added truth from the fact that most ancient coats of arms were simple, and many modern coats are far from being worthy of such a description. { } a coat of arms must consist of at least one thing, to wit, the "field." this is equivalent in ordinary words to the colour of the ground of the shield. a great many writers have asserted that every coat of arms must consist of at least the field, and a charge, though most have mentioned as a solitary exception the arms of brittany, which were simply "ermine." a plain shield of ermine (fig. ) was borne by john of brittany, earl of richmond (d. ), though some of his predecessors had relegated the arms of brittany to a "quarter ermine" upon more elaborate escutcheons (fig. ). this idea as to arms of one tincture was, however, exploded in woodward and burnett's "treatise on heraldry," where no less than forty different examples are quoted. the above-mentioned writer continues: "there is another use of a plain red shield which must not be omitted. in the full quartered coat of some high sovereign princes of germany--saxony (duchies), brandenburg (prussia), bavaria, anhalt--appears a plain red quartering; this is known as the _blut fahne_ or _regalien_ quarter, and is indicative of royal prerogatives. it usually occupies the base of the shield, and is often diapered." [illustration: fig. .--arms of john (de montfort, otherwise de bretagne), duke of brittany and earl of richmond. (from his seal.)] but in spite of the lengthy list which is quoted in woodward and burnett, the fact remains that only one british instance is included. the family of berington of chester (on the authority of harleian manuscript no. ) is said to bear a plain shield of azure. personally i doubt this coat of arms for the berington family of chester, which is probably connected with the neighbouring family in shropshire, who in later times certainly used very different arms. the plain shield of ermine is sometimes to be found as a quartering for brittany in the achievement of those english families who have the right to quarter the royal arms; but i know of no other british case in which, either as a quartering or as a pronominal coat, arms of one tincture exist. but there are many coats which have no charge, the distinctive device consisting of the partition of the shield in some recognised heraldic method into two or more divisions of different tinctures. amongst such coats may be mentioned the arms of waldegrave, which are simply: party per pale argent and gules; drummond of megginch, whose arms are simply: party per fess wavy or and gules; and the arms of boyle, which are: per bend embattled argent and gules. the arms of berners--which are: quarterly or and vert--are another example, as are the arms of campbell (the first quarter in the duke of argyll's achievement), which are: gyronny or and sable. { } the coat bendy argent and gules, the ancient arms of talbot, which are still borne as a quartering by the earl of shrewsbury, waterford, and talbot; and the coat chequy or and azure, a quartering for warren, which is still borne by the house of howard, all come within the same category. there are many other coats of this character which have no actual charge upon them. the colour of the shield is termed the field when it consists of only one colour, and when it consists of more than one colour the two together compose the field. the field is usually of one or more of the recognised metals, colours, or furs. the metals are gold and silver, these being termed "or" and "argent." the colours, which are really the "tinctures," if this word is to be used correctly, are: gules (red), azure (blue), vert (green), purpure (purple), and (in spite of the fact that it is not really a colour) black, which is known as sable. the metal gold, otherwise "or," is often represented in emblazonments by yellow: as a matter of fact yellow has always been used for gold in the register books of the college of arms, and lyon office has recently reverted to this practice. in ancient paintings and emblazonments the use of yellow was rather more frequent than the use of gold, but gold at all times had its use, and was never discarded. gold seems to have been usually used upon ancient patents, whilst yellow was used in the registrations of them retained in the offices of arms, but i know of no instance in british armory in which the word yellow has been used in a blazon to represent any tint distinct from gold. with regard to the other metal, silver, or, as it is always termed, "argent," the same variation is found in the usage of silver and white in representing argent that we find in yellow and gold, though we find that the use of the actual metal (silver) in emblazonment does not occur to anything like the same extent as does the use of gold. probably this is due to the practical difficulty that no one has yet discovered a silver medium which does not lose its colour. the use of aluminium was thought to have solved the difficulty, but even this loses its brilliancy, and probably its usage will never be universally adopted. this is a pity, for the use of gold in emblazonments gives a brilliancy in effect to a collection of coat-armour which it is a pity cannot be extended by an equivalent usage of silver. the use of silver upon the patents at the college of arms has been discontinued some centuries, though aluminium is still in use in lyon office. argent is therefore usually represented either by leaving the surface untouched, or by the use of chinese white. i believe i am the first heraldic writer to assert the existence of the heraldic colour of white in addition to the heraldic argent. years ago { } i came across the statement that a white label belonged only to the royal family, and could be used by no one else. i am sorry to say that though i have searched high and low i cannot find the authority for the statement, nor can i learn from any officer of arms that the existence of such a rule is asserted; but there is this curious confirmation that in the warrants by which the various labels are assigned to the different members of the royal family, the labels are called white labels. now the label of the prince of wales is of three points and is plain. heraldry knows nothing of the black lines which in drawing a coat of arms usually appear for the outline of a charge. in older work such lines are absent. in any case they are only mere accidents of draughtsmanship. bearing this in mind, and bearing in mind that the sinister supporter of the prince of wales is a unicorn argent, how on earth is a plain label of argent to be depicted thereupon? now it is necessary also that the label shall be placed upon the crest, which is a lion statant guardant or, crowned with the coronet of the prince, and upon the dexter supporter which is another golden lion; to place an argent label upon either is a flat violation of the rule which requires that metal shall not be placed upon metal, nor colour upon colour; but if the unicorn is considered argent, which it is, it would if really depicted in silver be quite possible to paint a white label upon it, for the distinction between white and silver is marked, and a white label upon a gold lion is not metal upon metal. quite recently a still further and startling confirmation has come under my notice. in the grant of a crest to thomas mowbray, earl of nottingham, the coronet which is to encircle the neck of the leopard is distinctly blazoned argent, the label to which he is previously said to have had a just hereditary right is as distinctly blazoned white, and the whole grant is so short that inadvertence could hardly be pleaded as an explanation for the distinction in blazon. instances of an official exemplification of coats of arms with labels are not uncommon, because the label in some number of families, for example courtenay and prideaux-brune and barrington, has become stereotyped into a charge. in none of these cases, however, is it either argent or white, but instances of the exemplification of a coat of arms bearing a label as a mark of cadency are, outside the members of the royal family, distinctly rare; they are necessarily so, because outside the royal family the label is merely the temporary mark of the eldest son or grandson during the lifetime of the head of the house, and the necessity for the exemplification of the arms of an eldest son can seldom occur. the one circumstance which might provide us with the opportunity is the exemplification consequent upon a change of name and arms by an eldest son during the lifetime of his father; but { } this very circumstance fails to provide it, because the exemplification only follows a change of arms, and the arms being changed, there no longer exists the necessity for a mark of cadency; so that instances of the official use of a label for cadency are rare, but of such as occur i can learn of none which has received official sanction which blazons the label white. there is, however, one coat which is said to have a label argent as a charge, this is the coat of fitz-simon, which is quoted in papworth, upon the authority of one of the harleian manuscripts, as follows: sable, three crescents, in chief a label of two drops and in fess another of one drop argent; and the same coat of arms is recorded in a funeral entry in ulster's office. the label is not here termed white, and it is peculiar that we find it of another colour in another coat of fitz-simon (azure, a lion rampant ermine, a label of four point gules). [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of henry de lacy, earl of lincoln (d. ): or, a lion rampant purpure. (from his seal.)] of other colours may be mentioned purpure (purple). this in english heraldry is a perfectly well recognised colour, and though its use is extremely rare in comparison with the others, it will be found too frequently for it to be classed as an exception. the earliest instance of this tincture which i have met with is in the coat of de lacy (fig. ). the roll of caerlaverock speaks of his "baniere ot de un cendall saffrin, o un lion rampant porprin," whilst ms. cott. calig. a. xviii. quotes the arms: "_de or, a un lion rampaund de pourpre_." the burton coat of the well-known shropshire family of lingen-burton is: quarterly purpure and azure, a cross engrailed or between four roses argent. the irish baronets of the name of burton, who claimed descent from this family, bore a very similar coat, namely: per pale azure and purpure, a cross engrailed or between four roses argent. two other colours will be found in nearly all text-books of english armory. these are murrey or sanguine, and orange or tenné. the exact tint of murrey is between gules and purpure; and tenné is an orange-tawny colour. they are both "stains," and were perhaps invented by the old heralds for the perpetration of their preposterous system of abatements, which will be found set out in full in the old heraldry books, but which have yet to be found occurring in fact. the subject of abatements is one of those pleasant little insanities which have done so much to the detriment of heraldry. one, and one only, can be said { } to have had the slightest foundation in fact; that was the entire reversal of the escutcheon in the ceremony of degradation following upon attainder for high treason. even this, however, was but temporary, for a man forfeited his arms entirely by attainder. they were torn down from his banner of knighthood; they were erased in the records of the college of arms; but on that one single occasion when he was drawn upon a hurdle to the place of his execution, they are said to have been painted reversed upon paper, which paper was fastened to his breast. but the arms then came to an end, and his descendants possessed none at all. they certainly had not the right to depict their shield upside down (even if they had cared to display such a monstrosity). unless and until the attainder was reversed, arms (like a title) were void; and the proof of this is to be found in the many regrants of arms made in cases where the attainder has remained, as in the instances of the earl of stafford and the ancestor of the present lord barnard. but that any person should have been supposed to have been willing to make use of arms carrying an abatement is preposterous, and no instance of such usage is known. rather would a man decline to bear arms at all; and that any one should have imagined the existence of a person willing to advertise himself as a drunkard or an adulterer, with variations in the latter case according to the personality of his partner in guilt, is idiotic in the extreme. consequently, as no example of an abatement has ever been found, one might almost discard the "stains" of murrey and tenné were it not that they were largely made use of for the purposes of liveries, in which usage they had no such objectionable meaning. at the present day scarlet or gules being appropriated to the royal family for livery purposes, other people possessing a shield of gules are required to make use of a different red, and though it is now termed chocolate or claret colour by the utilitarian language of the day, it is in reality nothing more than the old sanguine or murrey. of orange-tawny i can learn of but one livery at the present day. i refer to the orange-tawny coats used by the hunt servants of lord fitzhardinge, and now worn by the hunt servants of the old berkeley country, near london. _a propos_ of this it is interesting to note the curious legend that the "pink" of the hunting field is not due to any reasons of optical advantage, but to an entirely different reason. formerly no man might hunt even on his own estate until he had had licence of free warren from the crown. consequently he merely hunted by the pleasure of the crown, taking part in what was exclusively a royal sport by royal permission, and for this royal sport he wore the king's livery of scarlet. this being the case, it is a curious anomaly that although the livery of the only royal pack recently in existence, the royal buck hounds, was scarlet and gold, the master { } wore a green coat. the legend may be a fallacy, inasmuch as scarlet did not become the royal livery until the accession of the stuarts; but it is by no means clear to what date the scarlet hunting coat can be traced. there is, however, one undoubted instance of the use of sanguine for the field of a coat of arms, namely, the arms of clayhills of invergowrie,[ ] which are properly matriculated in lyon register. to these colours german heraldry has added brown, blood-red (this apparently is different from the english sanguine, as a different hatching has been invented for it), earth-colour, iron-grey, water-colour, flesh-colour, ashen-grey, orange (here also a separate hatching from the one to represent tenné has been invented), and the colour of nature, _i.e._ "proper." these doubtless are not intended to be added to the list of heraldic tinctures, but are noted because various hatchings have been invented in modern times to represent them. mr. woodward, in woodward and burnett's "treatise on heraldry," alludes to various tinctures amongst continental arms which he has come across. "besides the metals, tinctures, and furs which have been already described, other tinctures are occasionally found in the heraldry of continental nations; but are comparatively of such rarity as that they may be counted among the curiosities of blazon, which would require a separate volume. that of which i have collected instances is cendrée, or ash colour, which is borne by (among others) the bavarian family of ashua, as its _armes parlantes: cendrée, a mount of three coupeaux in base or_. "_brunâtre_, a brown colour, is even more rare as a tincture of the field; the mieroszewsky in silesia bear, '_de brunâtre, a cross patée argent supporting a raven rising sable, and holding in its beak a horseshoe proper, its points towards the chief_." "_bleu-céleste_, or _bleu du ciel_, appears occasionally, apart from what we may term 'landscape coats.' that it differs from, and is a much lighter colour than, azure is shown by the following example. the florentine cinti (now cini) bear a coat which would be numbered among the _armes fausses, or à enquérir: per pale azure and bleu-céleste, an estoile counterchanged_." "_amaranth_ or _columbine_ is the field of a coat (of which the blazon is too lengthy for insertion in this place) which was granted to a bohemian knight in ." carnation is the french term for the colour of naked flesh, and is often employed in the blazonry of that country. { } perhaps mention should here be made of the english term "proper." anything, alive or otherwise, which is depicted in its natural colours is termed "proper," and it should be depicted in its really correct tones or tints, without any attempt to assimilate these with any heraldic tincture. it will not be found in the very ancient coats of arms, and its use is not to be encouraged. when a natural animal is found existing in various colours it is usual to so describe it, for the term "proper" alone would leave uncertainty. for instance, the crest of the lane family, which was granted to commemorate the ride of king charles ii. behind mistress jane lane as her servant, in his perilous escape to the coast after the disastrous battle of worcester, is blazoned "a strawberry roan horse, couped at the flanks proper, bridled sable, and holding between the feet an imperial crown also proper." lord cowper's supporters were, on either side of the escutcheon, "a light dun horse proper, with a large blaze down the face, the mane close shorn except a tuft on the withers, a black list down the back, a bob tail, and the near fore-foot and both hind feet white." another instance that might be quoted are the supporters of lord newlands, which are: "on either side a dapple-grey horse proper, gorged with a riband and suspended therefrom an escutcheon gules, charged with three bezants in chevron." the crest of the family of bewes, of st. neots, cornwall, is: "on a chapeau gules, turned up ermine, a pegasus rearing on his hind legs of a bay colour, the mane and tail sable, winged or, and holding in the mouth a sprig of laurel proper." there are and were always many occasions in which it was desired to represent armorial bearings in black and white, or where from the nature of the handicraft it was impossible to make use of actual colour. but it should always be pointedly remembered that unless the right colours of the arms could be used the tinctures were entirely ignored in all matters of handicraft until the seventeenth century. various schemes of hatchings, however, were adopted for the purpose of indicating the real heraldic colours when arms were represented and the real colours could not be employed, the earliest being that of francquart in belgium, _circa_ . woodward says this was succeeded by the systems of butkens, ; petra sancta, ; lobkowitz, ; gelenius; and de rouck, ; but all these systems differed from each other, and were for a time the cause of confusion and not of order. eventually, however, the system of petra sancta (the author of _tesseræ gentilitia_) superseded all the others, and has remained in use up to the present time. [illustration: fig. .] upon this point herr ströhl in his _heraldischer atlas_ remarks: "the system of hatching used by marcus vulson de la colombière, , in the course of time found acceptance everywhere, and has { } maintained itself in use unaltered until the present day, and these are shown in fig. , only that later, hatchings have been invented for brown, grey, &c.; which, however, seems rather a superfluous enriching." none of these later creations, by the way, have ever been used in this country. for the sake of completeness, however, let them be mentioned (see fig. ): _a_, brown; _b_, blood-red; _c_, earth-colour; _d_, iron-grey; _e_, water-colour; _f_, flesh-colour; _g_, ashen-grey; _h_, orange; and _i_, colour of nature. in english armory "tenné" is represented by a combination of horizontal (as azure) lines with diagonal lines from sinister to dexter (as purpure), and sanguine or murrey by a combination of diagonal lines from dexter to sinister (as vert), and from sinister to dexter (as purpure). [illustration: fig. .] the hatchings of the shield and its charges always accommodate themselves to the angle at which the shield is placed, those of the crest to the angle of the helmet. a curious difficulty, however, occurs when a shield, as is so often the case in this country, forms a part of the crest. such a shield is seldom depicted quite upright upon the wreath. are the tincture lines to follow the angle of the smaller shield in the crest or the angle of the helmet? opinion is by no means agreed upon the point. but though this system of representing colours by "hatching" has been adopted and extensively made use of, it is questionable whether { } it has ever received official sanction, at any rate in great britain. it certainly has never been made use of in any _official_ record or document in the college of arms. most of the records are in colour. the remainder are all without exception "tricked," that is, drawn in outline, the colours being added in writing in the following contracted forms: "o," or "or," for or; "a," "ar," or "arg," for argent; "g," or "gu," for gules; "az," or "b" (for blue, owing to the likelihood of confusion between "ar" and "az," "b" being almost universally used in old trickings), for azure; "s," or "sa," for sable; "vt" for vert, and "purp" for purpure. it is unlikely that any change will be made in the future, for the use of tincture lines is now very rapidly being discarded by all good heraldic artists in this country. with the reversion to older and better forms and methods these hatchings become an anachronism, and save that sable is represented by solid black they will probably be unused and forgotten before very long. the plain, simple names of colours, such as red and green, seemed so unpoetical and unostentatious to the heralds and poets of the middle ages, that they substituted for gold, topaz; for silver, pearl or "meergries"; for red, ruby; for blue, sapphire; for green, emerald; and for black, diamond or "zobel" (sable, the animal, whence the word "sable"). let the following blazonment from the grant of arms to mödling bei wien in serve as example of the same: "mit namen ain schilt gleich getailt in fasse, des ober und maister tail von rubin auch mit ainer fasse von berlein, der under thail von grunt des schilts von schmaragaden, darinneain pantel von silber in rampannt"--(_lit._ "namely, a shield equally divided in fess, the upper and greater part of ruby, also with a fess of pearl, the under part of the field of the shield of emerald, therein a panther of silver, rampant"); that is, "per fess gules and vert, in chief a fess argent, in base a panther rampant of the last." even the planets, and, as abbreviations, their astronomical signs, are occasionally employed: thus, the _sun_ for gold, the _moon_ for silver, _mars_ for red, _jupiter_ for blue, _venus_ for green, _saturn_ for black, and _mercury_ for purple. this aberration of intellect on the part of mediæval heraldic writers, for it really amounted to little more, had very little, if indeed it had any, english official recognition. no one dreams of using such blazon at the present time, and it might have been entirely disregarded were it not that guillim sanctions its use; and he being the high priest of english armory to so many, his example has given the system a certain currency. i am not myself aware of any instance of the use of these terms in an english patent of arms. the furs known to heraldry are now many, but originally they were only two, "ermine" and "vair." ermine, as every one knows, is of { } white covered with black spots, intended to represent the tails of the animal. from ermine has been evolved the following variations, viz. ermines, erminois, pean, and erminites. "ermines" is a black field with white ermine spots (the french term for this is _contre-hermin_, the german, _gegen-hermelin_). a gold background with black ermine spots is styled erminois, and pean is a black ground with gold ermine spots. planché mentions still another, as does parker in his "glossary of heraldry," namely, "erminites," which is supposed to be white, with black ermine spots and a red hair on each side of the spot. i believe there is no instance known of any such fur in british armory. it is not mentioned in ströhl's "heraldic atlas," nor can i find any foreign instance, so that who invented it, or for what purpose it was invented, i cannot say; and i think it should be relegated, with abatements and the _seize quartiers_ of jesus christ, to the category of the silly inventions of former heraldic writers, not of former heralds, for i know of no official act which has recognised the existence of erminites. the german term for erminois is _gold-hermelin_, but there are no distinctive terms either in french or german heraldry for the other varieties. thus, erminois would be in french blazon: d'or, semé d'hermines de sable; pean would be de sable, semé d'hermines d'or. though ermine is always nowadays represented upon a white background, it was sometimes depicted with black ermine spots upon a field of silver, as in the case of some of the stall plates of the knights of the garter in st. george's chapel at windsor. ermine spots are frequently to be found as charges. for instance, in the well-known coat of kay, which is: "argent, three ermine spots in bend between two bendlets sable, the whole between as many crescents azure." as charges two ermine spots figure upon the arms recently granted to sir francis laking, bart., g.c.v.o. the ermine spot has also sometimes been used in british armory as the difference mark granted under a royal licence to assume name and arms when it is necessary to indicate the absence of blood relationship. other instances of the use of an ermine spot as a charge are:-- or, on two bars azure, as many barrulets dancetté argent, a chief indented of the second charged with an ermine spot or (sawbridge). argent, a chevron between three crows sable, in each beak an ermine spot (lloyd, bishop of st. asaph, ; lichfield, ; and worcester, - ). argent, a fess gules between three ermine spots sable (kilvington). argent, two bars sable, spotted ermine, in chief a lion passant gules (hill, co. wexford). the earliest form in which ermine was depicted shows a nearer approach to the reality of the black tail, inasmuch as the spots above the tail to which we are now accustomed are a modern variant. { } when a bend is ermine, the spots (like all other charges placed upon a bend) must be bendwise; but on a chevron, saltire, &c., they are drawn upright. the other variety of fur is "vair." this originated from the fur of a kind of squirrel (the ver or vair, differently spelt; latin _varus_), which was much used for the lining of cloaks. the animal was bluey-grey upon the back and white underneath, and the whole skin was used. it will be readily seen that by sewing a number of these skins together a result is obtained of a series of cup-shaped figures, alternating bluey-grey and white, and this is well shown in fig. , which shows the effigy upon the tomb of geoffrey plantagenet, count of anjou, where the lining of vair to his cloak is plainly to be seen. [illustration: fig. .--arms of william de ferrers, earl of derby (d. ): "scutum variatum auro & gul." (from ms. cott. nero, d. .)] the word seems to have been used independently of heraldry for fur, and the following curious error, which is pointed out in parker's "glossary of the terms used in heraldry," may be noted in passing. the familiar fairy tale of cinderella was brought to us from the french, and the slippers made of this costly fur, written, probably, _verre_ for _vairé_, were erroneously translated "glass" slippers. this was, of course, an impossible material, but the error has always been repeated in the nursery tale-books. [illustration: fig. .--arms of robert de ferrers, earl of derby ( - ). (from stained glass in dorchester church.)] in the oldest records vair is represented by means of straight horizontal lines alternating with horizontal wavy or nebuly lines (see fig. ), but the cup-shaped divisions therefrom resulting having passed through various intermediate forms (see fig. ), have now been stereotyped into a fixed geometrical pattern, formed of rows of ear-shaped shields of alternate colours and alternately reversed, so depicted that each reversed shield fits into the space left by those on either side which are not reversed (see fig. , _k_). the accompanying illustration will show plainly what is intended. in some of the older designs it was similar to that shown in the arms of the earl ferrers, earl of derby, - , the sketch (fig. ) being taken from almost contemporary stained glass in dorchester church, oxon.; whilst sometimes the { } division lines are drawn, after the same manner, as _nebuly_. there does not seem to have been any fixed proportion for the number of rows of vair, as fig. shows the arms of the same earl as represented upon his seal. the palpable pun upon the name which a shield vairé supplied no doubt affords the origin of the arms of ferrers. some families of the name at a later date adopted the horseshoes, which are to be found upon many farrer and ferrers shields, the popular assumption being that they are a reference to the "farrier" from whom some would derive the surname. woodward, however, states that a horseshoe being the badge of the marshalls, horseshoes were assumed as _armes parlantes_ by their descendants the ferrers, who appear to have borne: sable, six horseshoes argent. as a matter of fact the only one of that family who bore the horseshoes seems to have been william de ferrers, earl of derby (d. ), as will be seen from the arms as on his seal (fig. ). { } his wife was sybilla, daughter of william marshall, earl of pembroke. his son reverted to the plain shield of vairé, or, and gules. the arms of the ferrers family at a later date are found to be: gules, seven mascles conjoined or, in which form they are still borne by ferrers of baddesley clinton; but whether the mascles are corruptions of the horseshoes, or whether (as seems infinitely more probable) they are merely a corrupted form of the vairé, or, and gules, it is difficult to say. personally i rather doubt whether any ferrers ever used the arms: argent, six horseshoes sable. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--arms of robert de ferrers, earl of derby ( - ). (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of william de ferrers, earl of derby: vaire, or, and gules, a bordure argent, charged with eight horseshoes sable. (from a drawing of his seal, ms. cott. julius, c vii.)] plate ii. [illustration] the early manner of depicting vair is still occasionally met with in foreign heraldry, where it is blazoned as vair ondé or vair ancien. the family of margens in spain bears: vair ondé, on a bend gules three griffins or; and tarragone of spain: vair ondé, or and gules. german heraldry seems to distinguish between _wolkenfeh_ (cloud vair) and _wogenfeh_ (wave vair; see fig. , _n_). the former is equivalent to vair ancient, the latter to vair en point. the verbal blazon of vair nearly always commences with the metal, but in the arrangement of the panes there is a difference between french and english usage. in the former the white panes are generally (and one thinks more correctly) represented as forming the first, or upper, line; in british heraldry the reverse is more usually the case. it is usual to depict the white panes of ordinary vair with white rather than silver, though the use of the latter cannot be said to be incorrect, there being precedents in favour of that form. when an ordinary is of vair or vairy, the rows of vair may be depicted either horizontally or following the direction of the ordinary. there are accepted precedents for both methods. vair is always blue and white, but the same subdivision of the field is frequently found in other colours; and when this is the case, it is termed vairy of such and such colours. when it is vairy, it is usually of a colour and metal, as in the case of ferrers, earls of derby, above referred to; though a fur is sometimes found to take the place of one or other, as in the arms of gresley, which are: "vairé gules and ermine." i know of no instance where vairé is found of either two metals or of two colours, nor at the same time do i know of any rule against such a combination. probably it will be time enough to discuss the contingency when an instance comes to light. gerard leigh mentions vair of three or more tinctures, but instances are very rare. parker, in his "glossary," refers to the coat of roger holthouse, which he blazons: "vairy argent, azure, gules, and or, en point." the _vair_ of commerce was formerly of three sizes, and the distinction is continued in foreign armory. the middle or ordinary { } size is known as _vair_; a smaller size as _menu-vair_ (whence our word "miniver"); the largest as _beffroi_ or _gros vair_, a term which is used in armory when there are less than four rows. the word _beffroi_ is evidently derived from the bell-like shape of the _vair_, the word _beffroi_ being anciently used in the sense of the alarm-bell of a town. in french armory, _beffroi_ should consist of three horizontal rows; _vair_, of four; _menu-vair_, of six. this rule is not strictly observed, but in french blazon if the rows are more than four it is usual to specify the number; thus varroux bears: _de vair de cinq traits_. _menu-vair_ is still the blazon of some families; banville de trutemne bears: _de menu-vair de six tires_; the barons van houthem bore: _de menu-vair, au franc quartier de gueules chargé de trois maillets d'or_. in british armory the foregoing distinctions are unknown, and _vair_ is only of one size, that being at the discretion of the artist. when the vair is so arranged that in two horizontal rows taken together, either the points or the bases of two panes of the same tincture are in apposition, the fur is known as counter vair (contre vair) (see fig. , _l_). another variation, but an infrequent one, is termed vair in pale, known in german heraldry as _pfahlfeh_ (_vair appointé_ or _vair en pal_; but if of other colours than the usual ones, _vairé en pal_). in this all panes of the same colour are arranged in vertical, or palar, rows (fig. , _m_). german heraldry apparently distinguishes between this and _stürzpfahlfeh_, or _reversed_ vair in pale. vair in bend (or in bend-sinister) is occasionally met with in foreign coats; thus mignianelli in italy bears: _vairé d'or et d'azur en bande_; while _vairé en barre_ (that is, in bend-sinister) _d'or et de sable_ is the coat of pichon of geneva. "vair en pointe" is a term applied by nisbet to an arrangement by which the azure shield pointing downwards has beneath it an argent shield pointing downwards, and _vice versâ_, by which method the resulting effect is as shown in fig. , _n_. the german term for this is _wogenfeh_, or wave vair. fig. , _o_, shows a purely german variety--_wechselfeh_, or alternate vair; and fig. , _p_, which is equivalent to the english vairé of four colours, is known in german armory as _buntfeh, i.e._ gay-coloured or checked vair. ordinary vair in german heraldry is known as _eisenhüt-feh_, or iron hat vair. on account of its similarity, when drawn, to the old iron hat of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (see fig. ), this skin has received the name of _eisenhutlein_ (little iron hat) from german heraldic students, a name which later gave rise to many incorrect interpretations. an old charter in the archives of the chapter-house of lilienfield, in lower austria, under the seal (fig. ) of one chimrad pellifex, , proves that at that time vair was so styled. the name of pellifex (in { } german _wildwerker_, a worker in skins, or furrier) is expressed in a punning or canting form on the dexter side of the shield. this conrad the furrier was burgomaster of vienna - . a considerable number of british and foreign families bear _vair_ only; such are ferrers and gresley, above mentioned; varano, dukes de camerino; vaire and vairiÈre, in france; veret, in switzerland; gouvis, fresnay (brittany); de vera in spain; loheac (brittany); varenchon (savoy); soldanieri (florence). _counter vair_ is borne by loffredo of naples; by bouchage, du plessis angers, and brotin, of france. hellemmes of tournay uses: _de contre vair, à lac otice de gueules brochante sur le tout_. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--seal of chimrad pellifex, .] mr. woodward, in his "treatise on heraldry," writes: "two curious forms of vair occasionally met with in italian or french coats are known as _plumeté_ and _papelonné_. in _plumeté_ the field is apparently covered with feathers. _plumeté d'argent et d'azur_ is the coat of ceba (note that these are the tinctures of _vair_); soldonieri of udine, _plumeté au natural_ (but the soldonieri of florence bore: _vairé argent and sable_ with _a bordure chequy or and azure_); tenremonde of brabant: _plumeté or and sable_. in the arms of the scaltenighi of padua, the benzoni of milan, the giolfini, catanei, and nuvoloni of verona, each feather of the _plumeté_ is said to be charged with an ermine spot sable. the bearing of papelonnÉ is more frequently found; in it the field is covered with what appear to be scales, the heraldic term _papelonné_ being derived from a supposed resemblance of these scales to the wings of butterflies; for example the coat of monti: _gules, papelonné argent_. donzel at besançon bears: papelonné d'or et de sable. it is worthy of note that donzé of lorraine used: gules, three bars wavy or. the franconis of lausanne are said to bear: _de gueules papelonné d'argent_, and on _a chief of the last a rose of the first_, but the coat is otherwise blazoned: _vaire gules and or_, &c. the coat of arquinvilliers, or hargenvilliers, in picardy, of _d'hermine papelonné de { } gueules_ (not being understood, this has been blazoned "_semé of caltraps_"). so also the coat of chemillÉ appears in french books of blazon indifferently as: _d'or papelonné de gueules_: and _d'or semé de chausse-trapes de gueules_. guÉtteville de guÉnonville is said to bear: _d'argent semé de chausse-trapes de sable_, but it is more probable that this is simply _d'argent papelonné de sable_. the barisoni of padua bear: _or, a bend of scales, bendwise argent, on each scale an ermine spot sable, the bend bordered sable_. the alberici of bologna bear: _papelonné of seven rows, four of argent, three of or_; but the alberghi of the same city: _papelonné of six rows, three of argent, as many of gules_. the connection with _vairé_ is much clearer in the latter than in the former. cambi (called figliambuchi), at florence, carried: _d'argent, papelonné de gueules_; monti of florence and sicily, and ronquerolles of france the reverse. no one who is familiar with the licence given to themselves by armorial painters and sculptors in italy, who were often quite ignorant of the meaning of the blazons they depicted, will doubt for a moment the statement that papelonné was originally a corruption from or perhaps is simply ill-drawn vair." potent, and its less common variant counter potent, are usually ranked in british heraldic works as separate furs. this has arisen from the writers being ignorant that in early times _vair_ was frequently depicted in the form now known as _potent_ (see fig. , _q_). (by many heraldic writers the ordinary _potent_ is styled _potent-counter-potent_. when drawn in the ordinary way, _potent_ alone suffices.) an example of _vair_ in the form now known as potent is afforded by the seal of jeanne de flandre, wife of enguerrand iv. (de courcy); here the well-known arms of courcy, _barry of six vair and gules_, are depicted as if the bars of vair were composed of bars of _potent_ (vrÉe, _généalogie des comtes de flandre_). in a _roll of arms of the time of edward i._ the _vair_ resembles _potent_ (-counter-potent), which dr. perceval erroneously terms an "invention of later date." the name and the differentiation may be, but not the fact. in the first nobility roll of the year , the arms of no. , robert de bruis, baron of brecknock, are: barry of six, vaire ermine and gules, and azure. here the vair is potent; so is it also in no. , where the coat of ingelram de ghisnes, or gynes, is: gules, a chief vair. the same coat is thus drawn in the second nobility roll, , no. . potent, like its original _vair_, is always of _argent_ and _azure_, unless other tinctures are specified in the blazon. the name _potent_ is the old english word for a crutch or walking-staff. chaucer, in his description of "elde" (_i.e._ old age) writes: "so olde she was, that she ne went a fote, but it were by potent." { } and though a potent is a heraldic charge, and a cross potent a well-known variety of that ordinary, "potent" is usually intended to indicate the fur of blue and white as in fig. , _q_. it is not of frequent usage, but it undoubtedly has an accepted place in british armory, as also has "counter-potent," which, following the same rules as counter-vair, results in a field as fig. , _r_. the german terms for potent and counter-potent are respectively _sturzkrückenfeh_ and _gegensturzkrückenfeh_ german heraldry has evolved yet another variant of potent, viz. _verschobenes gegensturzkrückenfeh_ (_i.e._ displaced potent-counter-potent), as in fig. , _s_. there is still yet another german heraldic fur which is quite unknown in british armory. this is called _kursch_, otherwise "vair bellies," and is usually shown to be hairy and represented brown. possibly this is the same as the _plumeté_ to which mr. woodward refers. some heraldic writers also speak of _varry_ as meaning the pieces of which the vair is composed; they also use the terms _vairy cuppy_ and _vairy tassy_ for _potent-counter-potent_, perhaps from the drawings in some instances resembling _cups_; that is a possible meaning of _tassa_. it may be said that all these variations of the ancient _vair_ arise from mere accident (generally bad drawing), supplemented by over refinement on the part of the heraldic writers who have described them. this generalisation may be extended in its application from vair to many other heraldic matters. to all intents and purposes british heraldry now or hitherto has only known vair and potent. one of the earliest rules one learns in the study of armory is that colour cannot be placed upon colour, nor metal upon metal. now this is a definite rule which must practically always be rigidly observed. many writers have gone so far as to say that the only case of an infraction of this rule will be found in the arms of jerusalem: argent, a cross potent between four crosslets or. this was a favourite windmill at which the late dr. woodward tilted vigorously, and in the appendix to his "treatise on heraldry" he enumerates some twenty-six instances of the violation of the rule. the whole of the instances he quoted, however, are taken from continental armory, in which these exceptions--for even on the continent such _armes fausses_ are noticeable exceptions--occur much more frequently than in this country. nevertheless such exceptions _do_ occur in british armory, and the following instances of well-known coats which break the rule may be quoted. the arms of lloyd of ffos-y-bleiddied, co. cardigan, and danyrallt, co. carmarthen, are: "sable, a spearhead imbrued proper between three scaling-ladders argent, on a chief _gules_ a castle of the second." burke, in his "general armory," says this coat of arms was granted to cadifor ap dyfnwal, ninth in descent from roderick the great, prince of wales, by his cousin the great lord rhys, for taking the castle of { } cardigan by escalade from the earl of clare and the flemings in . another instance is a coat of meredith recorded in ulster's office and now inherited by the hon. richard edmund meredith, a judge of the supreme court of judicature of ireland and a judicial commissioner of the irish land commission. these arms are: "gules, on a chevron sable, between three goats' heads erased, as many trefoils or." an instance of comparatively recent date will be found in the grant of the arms of thackeray. a little careful research, no doubt, would produce a large number of english instances, but one is bound to admit the possibility that the great bulk of these cases may really be instances of augmentation. furs may be placed upon either metal or colour, as may also any charge which is termed proper. german heralds describe furs and natural colours as amphibious. it is perfectly legitimate to place fur upon fur, and though not often found, numbers of examples can be quoted; probably one will suffice. the arms of richardson are: sable, two hawks belled or, on a chief indented ermine, a pale ermines, and three lions' heads counterchanged. it is also correct to place ermine upon argent. but such coats are not very frequently found, and it is usual in designing a coat to endeavour to arrange that the fur shall be treated as metal or colour according to what may be its background. the reason for this is obvious. it is correct, though unusual, for a charge which is blazoned proper, and yet depicted in a recognised heraldic colour, to be placed upon colour; and where such cases occur, care should be taken that the charges are blazoned proper. a charge composed of more than one tincture, that is, of a metal and colour, may be placed upon a field of either; for example the well-known coat of stewart, which is: or, a fess chequy azure and argent; other examples being: per pale ermine and azure, a fess wavy gules (broadbent); and: azure, a lion rampant argent, debruised by a fess per pale of the second and gules (walsh); but in such coats it will usually be found that the first tincture of the composite charge should be in opposition to the field upon which it is superimposed. for instance, the arms of stewart are: or, a fess chequy azure and argent, and to blazon or depict them with a fess chequy argent and azure would be incorrect. when an ordinary is charged upon both metal and colour, it would be quite correct for it to be of either metal, colour, or fur, and in such cases it has never been considered either exceptional or an infraction of the rule that colour must not be placed upon colour, nor metal upon metal. there is one point, however, which is one of these little points one has to learn from actual experience, and which i believe has never yet been quoted in any handbook of heraldry, and that is, that this rule must be thrown overboard with regard to { } crests and supporters. i cannot call to mind an instance of colour upon colour, but a gold collar around the neck of an argent crest will constantly be met with. the sinister supporter of the royal achievement is a case in point, and this rule, which forbids colour upon colour, and metal upon metal, only holds with regard to supporters and crests when the crest or supporter itself is treated as a field and _charged with_ one or more objects. the royal labels, as already stated, appear to be a standing infraction of the rule if white and argent are to be heraldically treated as identical. the rule is also disregarded entirely as regards augmentations and scottish cadency bordures. so long as the field is party, that is, divided into an equal number of pieces (for example, paly, barruly, or bendy, or party per bend or per chevron), it may be composed of two metals or two colours, because the pieces all being equal, and of equal number, they all are parts of the field lying in the same plane, none being charges. before leaving the subject of the field, one must not omit to mention certain exceptions which hardly fall within any of the before-mentioned categories. one of these can only be described by the word "landscape." it is not uncommon in british armory, though i know of but one instance where the actual field itself needs to be so described. this is the coat of the family of franco, the paternal ancestors of sir massey lopes, bart., and lord ludlow. the name was changed from franco to lopes by royal licence dated the th of may . whether this coat of arms originated in an english grant, or whether the english grant of it amounts to no more than an attempt at the registration of a previously existing or greatly similar foreign coat of arms for the name of franco, i am unaware, but the coat certainly is blazoned: "in a landscape field, a fountain, therefrom issuing a palm-tree all proper." but landscape has very extensively been made use of in the augmentations which were granted at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries. in these cases the augmentation very generally consisted of a chief and thereon a representation either of some fort or ship or action, and though the field of the augmentation is officially blazoned argent in nearly every case, there is no doubt the artist was permitted, and perhaps intended, to depict clouds and other "atmosphere" to add to the verisimilitude of the picture. these augmentations will be more especially considered in a later chapter, but here one may perhaps be permitted to remark, that execrable as we now consider such landscape heraldry, it ought not to be condemned in the wholesale manner in which it has been, because it was typical of the over elaboration to be found in all art and all artistic ideas of the period in which we find it originating. heraldry and heraldic art have { } always been a mirror of the artistic ideas prevalent at equivalent periods, and unless heraldry is to be wholly relegated to consideration as a dead subject, it is an anachronism to depict an action the date of which is well known (and which date it is desired to advertise and not conceal) in a method of art belonging to a different period. in family arms the case is different, as with those the idea apparently is always the concealment of the date of nobility. the "landscape" variety of heraldry is more common in germany than with us, and ströhl writes: "of very little heraldic worth are the old house and home signs as they were used by landed proprietors, tradesmen, and artisans or workmen, as indicative of their possessions, wares, or productions. these signs, originally simply outline pictures, were later introduced into heraldic soil, inasmuch as bourgeois families raised to the nobility adopted their house signs as heraldic charges upon their shields." there are also many coats of arms which run: "in base, a representation of water proper," and one of the best instances of this will be found in the arms of oxford, though for the sake of preserving the pun the coat in this case is blazoned: "argent, an ox gules passing over a ford proper." similar instances occur in the arms of renfrew, queensferry, leith, ryde, and scores of other towns. it has always been considered permissible to represent these either by an attempt to depict natural water, or else in the ancient heraldic way of representing water, namely "barry wavy argent and azure." there are many other coats of arms which are of a similar character though specifically blazoned "barry wavy argent and azure." now this representation of water in base can hardly be properly said to be a charge, but perhaps it might be dismissed as such were it not that one coat of arms exists in scotland, the whole of the field of which is simply a representation of water. unfortunately this coat of arms has never been matriculated in lyon register or received official sanction; but there is no doubt of its ancient usage, and were it to be now matriculated in conformity with the act of , there is very little doubt that the ancient characteristic would be retained. the arms are those of the town of inveraray in argyllshire, and the blazon of the coat, according to the form it is depicted upon the corporate seal, would be for the field: "the sea proper, therein a net suspended from the dexter chief and the sinister fess points to the base; and entangled in its meshes five herrings," which is about the most remarkable coat of arms i have ever come across. occasionally a "field," or portion of a field, will be found to be a representation of masonry. this may be either proper or of some metal or colour. the arms of the city of bath are: "party per fesse { } embattled azure and argent, the base masonry, in chief two bars wavy of the second; over all, a sword in pale gules, hilt and pommel or." the arms of reynell are: "argent, masoned sable, a chief indented of the second." seme the use of the term "semé" must be considered before we leave the subject of the field. it simply means "powdered with" or "strewed with" any objects, the number of the latter being unlimited, the purpose being to evenly distribute them over the shield. in depicting anything semé, care is usually taken that some of the charges (with which the field is semé) shall be partly defaced by the edges of the shield, or the ordinary upon which they are charged, or by the superior charge itself, to indicate that the field is not charged with a specific number of objects. [illustration: fig. .--arms of john, lord de la warr (d. ). (from ms. ashm. , iv.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of john, lord beaumont, k.g. (d. ). from his garter plate: and , beaumont; and , azure, three garbs or (for comyn).] [illustration: fig. .--arms of gilbert umfraville, earl of kyme (d. ). (from harl. ms. .)] there are certain special terms which may be noted. a field or charge semé of fleurs-de-lis is termed "semé-de-lis," but if semé of bezants it is bezanté, and is termed platé if semé of plates. a field semé of billets is billetty or billetté, and when semé of cross crosslets it is termed crusilly. a field or charge semé of drops is termed goutté or gutty. instances of coats of which the field is semé will be found in the arms of de la warr (see fig. ), which are: gules, crusilly, and a lion rampant argent; beaumont (see fig. ): azure, semé-de-lis and a lion rampant or; and umfraville (see fig. ): gules, semé of crosses flory, and a cinquefoil or. the goutte or drop occasionally figures (in a specified number) as a charge; but such cases are rare, its more frequent use being to show { } a field semé. british heraldry alone has evolved separate names for the different colours, all other nations simply using the term "goutté" or "gutté," and specifying the colour. the terms we have adopted are as follows: for drops of gold, "gutté-d'or"; silver, "gutté-d'eau"; for gules, "gutté-de-sang"; azure, "gutté-de-larmes"; vert, "gutté-d'huile"; and sable, "gutté-de-poix." the term semé must not be confused with diapering, for whilst the objects with which a field is semé are an integral part of the arms, diapering is a purely artistic and optional matter. diapering the diapering of armorial emblazonments is a matter with which the _science_ of armory has no concern. diaper never forms any part of the blazon, and is never officially noticed, being considered, and very properly allowed to remain, a purely artistic detail. from the artistic point of view it has some importance, as in many of the earliest instances of handicraft in which armorial decoration appears, very elaborate diapering is introduced. the frequency with which diapering is met with in armorial handicraft is strangely at variance with its absence in heraldic paintings of the same periods, a point which may perhaps be urged upon the attention of some of the heraldic artists of the present day, who would rather seem to have failed to grasp the true purpose and origin and perhaps also the use of diaper. in stained glass and enamel work, where the use of diaper is most frequently met with, it was introduced for the express purpose of catching and breaking up the light, the result of which was to give an enormously increased effect of brilliance to the large and otherwise flat surfaces. these tricks of their art and craft the old handicraftsmen were past masters in the use of. but no such purpose could be served in a small painting upon vellum. for this reason early heraldic emblazonments are seldom if ever found to have been diapered. with the rise of heraldic engraving amongst the "little masters" of german art, the opportunity left to their hands by the absence of colour naturally led to the renewed use of diaper to avoid the appearance of blanks in their work. the use of diaper at the present day needs to be the result of careful study and thought, and its haphazard employment is not recommended. if, as woodward states (an assertion one is rather inclined to doubt), there are some cases abroad in which the constant use of diapering has been stereotyped into an integral part of the arms, these cases must be exceedingly few in number, and they certainly have no counterpart in the armory of this country. where for artistic reasons { } diapering is employed, care must always be taken that the decorative form employed cannot be mistaken for a field either charged or semé. partition lines if there is one subject which the ordinary text-books of armory treat in the manner of classification adapted to an essay on natural history or grammar, with its attendant rigidity of rule, it is the subject of partition lines; and yet the whole subject is more in the nature of a set of explanations which must each be learned on its own merits. the usual lines of partition are themselves well enough known; and it is hardly necessary to elaborate the different variations at any great length. they may, however, be enumerated as follows: engrailed, embattled, indented, invecked or invected, wavy or undy, nebuly, dancetté, raguly, potenté, dovetailed, and urdy. these are the lines which are recognised by most modern heraldic text-books and generally recapitulated; but we shall have occasion later to refer to others which are very well known, though apparently they have never been included in the classification of partition lines (fig. ). _engrailed_, as every one knows, is formed by a continuous and concurrent series of small semicircles conjoined each to each, the sharp points formed by the conjunction of the two arcs being placed _outwards_. this partition line may be employed for the rectilinear charges known as "ordinaries" or "sub-ordinaries." in the bend, pale, pile, cross, chief, and fess, when these are described as engrailed the enclosing lines of the ordinary, other than the edges of the shield, are all composed of these small semicircles with the points turned _outwards_, and the word "outwards" must be construed as pointing away from the centre of the ordinary when it is depicted. in the case of a chief the points are turned downwards, but it is rather difficult to describe the use of the term when used as a partition line of the field. the only instance i can call to mind where it is so employed is the case of baird of ury, the arms of this family being: per pale engrailed gules and or, a boar passant counterchanged. in this instance the points are turned towards the sinister side of the shield, which would seem to be correct, as, there being no ordinary, they must be outwards from the most important position affected, which in this case undoubtedly is the dexter side of the shield. in the same way "per fess engrailed" would be presumably depicted with the points outwards from the chief line of the shield, that is, they would point downwards; and i should imagine that in "per bend engrailed" the points of the semicircles would again be placed inclined towards the dexter base of the shield, but i may be wrong in these two latter cases, for they are only supposition. this { } point, however, which puzzled me much in depicting the arms of baird of ury, i could find explained in no text-book upon the subject. [illustration: fig. .--lines of partition.] the term _invected_ or _invecked_ is the precise opposite of engrailed. it is similarly composed of small semicircles, but the points are turned inwards instead of outwards, so that it is no more than the exact reverse of engrailed, and all the regulations concerning the one need to be observed concerning the other, with the proviso that they are reversed. { } the partition line _embattled_ has certain peculiarities of its own. when dividing the field there can be no difficulty about it, inasmuch as the crenellations are equally inwards and outwards from any point, and it should be noted that the term "crenellé" is almost as often used as "embattled." when, however, the term describes an ordinary, certain points have to be borne in mind. the fess or the bar embattled is drawn with the crenellations _on the upper side_ only, the under edge being plain unless the ordinary is described both as "embattled and counter-embattled." similarly a chevron is only crenellated on the upper edge unless it is described as both embattled and counter-embattled, but a pale embattled is crenellated on both edges as is the cross or saltire. strictly speaking, a bend embattled is crenellated upon the upper edge only, though with regard to this ordinary there is much laxity of practice. i have never come across a pile embattled; but it would naturally be embattled on both edges. some writers make a distinction between embattled and bretessed, giving to the former term the meaning that the embattlements on the one side are opposed to the indentations on the other, and using the term bretessed to signify that embattlements are opposite embattlements and indentations opposite indentations. i am doubtful as to the accuracy of this distinction, because the french term bretessé means only counter-embattled. the terms _indented_ and _dancetté_ need to be considered together, because they differ very little, and only in the fact that whilst indented may be drawn with any number of teeth, dancetté is drawn with a limited number, which is usually three complete teeth in the width of the field. but it should be observed that this rule is not so hard and fast that the necessity of artistic depicting may not modify it slightly. an ordinary which is indented would follow much the same rules as an ordinary which was engrailed, except that the teeth are made by small straight lines for the indentations instead of by small semicircles, and instances can doubtless be found of all the ordinaries qualified by the term indented. dancetté, however, does not lend itself so readily to general application, and is usually to be found applied to either a fess or chief, or occasionally a bend. in the case of a fess dancetté the indentations on the top and bottom lines are made to fit into each other, so that instead of having a straight band with the edge merely toothed, one gets an up and down zig-zag band with three complete teeth at the top and three complete teeth at the bottom. whilst a fess, a bar, a bend, and a chief can be found dancetté, i do not see how it would be possible to draw a saltire or a cross dancetté. at any rate the resulting figure would be most ugly, and would appear ill-balanced. a pile and a chevron seem equally impossible, though there does not { } seem to be the like objection to a pale dancetté. an instance of a bend dancetté is found in the arms of cuffe (lord desart), which are: argent, on a bend dancetté sable, plain cotised azure, three fleurs-de-lis, and on each cotise as many bezants. _wavy_ or _undy_, which is supposed to have been taken from water, and _nebuly_, which is supposed to be derived from clouds, are of course lines which are well known. they are equally applicable to any ordinary and to any partition of the field; but in both cases it should be noticed by artists that there is no one definite or accepted method of depicting these lines, and one is quite at liberty, and might be recommended, to widen out the indentations, or to increase them in height, as the artistic requirements of the work in hand may seem to render advisable. it is only by bearing this in mind and treating these lines with freedom that really artistic work can sometimes be produced where they occur. there is no fixed rule either as to the width which these lines may occupy or as to the number of indentations as compared with the width of the shield, and it is a pity to introduce or recognise any regulations of this character where none exist. there are writers who think it not unlikely that vairé and barry nebuly were one and the same thing. it is at any rate difficult in some old representations to draw any noticeable distinctions between the methods of depicting barry nebuly and vair. the line _raguly_ has been the subject of much discussion. it, and the two which follow, viz. potenté and dovetailed, are all comparatively modern introductions. it would be interesting if some enthusiast would go carefully through the ancient rolls of arms and find the earliest occurrences of these terms. my own impression is that they would all be found to be inventions of the mediæval writers on heraldry. raguly is the same as embattled, with the crenellations put upon the slant. some writers say they should slant one way, others give them slanting the reverse. in a pale or a bend the teeth must point upwards; but in a fess i should hesitate to say whether it were more correct for them to point to the dexter or to the sinister, and i am inclined to consider that either is perfectly correct. at any rate, whilst they are usually drawn inclined to the dexter, in woodward and burnett they are to the sinister, and guillim gives them turned to the dexter, saying, "this form of line i never yet met with in use as a partition, though frequently in composing of ordinaries referring them like to the trunks of trees with the branches lopped off, and that (as i take it) it was intended to represent." modern heraldry supplies an instance which in the days of mr. guillim, of course, did not exist to refer to. this instance occurs in the arms of the late lord leighton, which were: "quarterly per fesse raguly or and gules, in the second and { } third quarters a wyvern of the first." it is curious that guillim, even in the edition of , does not mention any of the remaining terms. dovetailed in modern armory is even yet but seldom made use of, though i can quote two instances of coats of arms in which it is to be found, namely, the arms of kirk, which are: "gules, a chevron dovetailed ermine, on a chief argent, three dragons' heads couped of the field;" and ambrose: "azure, two lions passant in pale argent, on a chief dovetailed of the last, a fleur-de-lis between two annulets of the first." other instances of dovetailed used as a line of partition will be found in the case of the arms of farmer, which are: "per chevron dovetailed gules and argent, in chief two lions' heads erased of the last, and in base a salamander in flames proper;" and in the arms of fenton namely: "per pale argent and sable, a cross dovetailed, in the first and fourth quarters a fleur-de-lis, and in the second and third a trefoil slipped all countercharged." there are, of course, many others. the term _potenté_, as will be seen from a reference to fig. , is used to indicate a line which follows the form of the division lines in the fur potent. as one of the partition lines potenté is very rare. as to the term _urdy_, which is given in woodward and burnett and also in berry, i can only say i personally have never come across an instance of its use as a partition line. a cross or a billet urdy one knows, but urdy as a partition line i have yet to find. it is significant that it is omitted in parker except as a term applicable to a cross, and the instances and variations given by berry, "urdy in point paleways" and "contrary urdy," i should be much more inclined to consider as variations of vair; and, though it is always well to settle points which can be settled, i think urdy and its use as a partition line may be well left for further consideration when examples of it come to hand. there is one term, however, which is to be met with at the present time, but which i have never seen quoted in any text-book under the heading of a partition line; that is, "flory counter-flory," which is of course formed by a succession of fleurs-de-lis alternately reversed and counterchanged. they might of course be blazoned after the quotation of the field as "per bend" or "per chevron" as the case might be, simply as so many fleurs-de-lis counterchanged, and alternately reversed in a specified position; but this never appears to be the case, and consequently the fleurs-de-lis would appear to be essentially parts of the field and not charges. i have sometimes thought whether it would not be more correct to depict "per something" flory and counter-flory without completing the fleurs-de-lis, simply leaving the alternate tops of the fleurs-de-lis to show. in the cases of the illustrations which have come under my notice, however, the whole fleur-de-lis is depicted, and as an instance of the use of the term may be mentioned the arms of { } dumas, which are: "per chevron flory and counter-flory or and azure, in chief two lions' gambs erased, and in base a garb counterchanged." but when the term flory and counter-flory is used in conjunction with an ordinary, _e.g._ a fess flory and counter-flory, the _half_ fleurs-de-lis, only alternately reversed, are represented on the _outer_ edges of the ordinary. i think also that the word "_arched_" should now be included as a partition line. i confess that the only form in which i know of it is that it is frequently used by the present garter king of arms in designing coats of arms with chiefs arched. recently garter has granted a coat with a chief double arched. but if a chief can be arched i see no reason why a fesse or a bar cannot equally be so altered, and in that case it undoubtedly becomes a recognised line of partition. perhaps it should be stated that a chief arched is a chief with its base line one arc of a large circle. the diameter of the circle and the consequent acuteness of the arch do not appear to be fixed by any definite rule, and here again artistic requirements must be the controlling factor in any decision. elvin in his "dictionary of heraldic terms" gives a curious assortment of lines, the most curious of all, perhaps, being indented embowed, or hacked and hewed. where such a term originated or in what coat of arms it is to be found i am ignorant, but the appearance is exactly what would be presented by a piece of wood hacked with an axe at regular intervals. elvin again makes a difference between bretessed and embattled-counter-embattled, making the embattlement on either side of an ordinary identical in the former and alternated in the latter. he also makes a difference between raguly, which is the conventional form universally adopted, and raguled and trunked, where the ordinary takes the representation of the trunk of a tree with the branches lopped; but these and many others that he gives are refinements of idea which personally i should never expect to find in actual use, and of the instances of which i am unaware. i think, however, the term "_rayonné_," which is found in both the arms of o'hara and the arms of colman, and which is formed by the addition of rays to the ordinary, should take a place amongst lines of partition, though i admit i know of no instance in which it is employed to divide the field. methods of partition the field of any coat of arms is the surface colour of the shield, and is supposed to include the area within the limits formed by its outline. there are, as has been already stated, but few coats of a single colour minus a charge to be found in british heraldry. but there { } are many which consist of a field divided by partition lines only, of which some instances were given on page . a shield may be divided by partition lines running in the direction of almost any "ordinary," in which case the field will be described as "per bend" or "per chevron," &c. it may be: per fess fig. per bend " per bend sinister " per pale " per chevron " per cross " (though it should be noted that the more usual term employed for this is "quarterly") per saltire fig. but a field cannot be "per pile" or "per chief," because there is no other way of representing these ordinaries. [illustration: fig. .--per fess.] [illustration: fig. .--per bend.] [illustration: fig. .--per bend sinister.] [illustration: fig. .--per pale.] [illustration: fig. .--per chevron.] [illustration: fig. .--per cross or quarterly.] a field can be composed of any number of pieces in the form of the ordinaries filling the area of the shield, in which case the field is said to be "barry" (figs. and ), "paly" (fig. ), "bendy" (fig. ), "chevronny" (fig. ), &c., but the number of pieces must be specified. { } [illustration: fig. .--per saltire.] [illustration: fig. .--barry.] [illustration: fig. .--barry nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--paly.] [illustration: fig. .--bendy.] [illustration: fig. .--chevronny.] another method of partition will be found in the fields "checky" (or "chequy") and lozengy; but these divisions, as also the foregoing, will be treated more specifically under the different ordinaries. a field which is party need not necessarily have all its lines of partition the same. this peculiarity, however, seldom occurs except in the case of a field quarterly, the object in coats of this character being to prevent different quarters of one coat of arms being ranked as or taken to be quarterings representing different families. { } chapter viii the rules of blazon the word "blazon" is used with some number of meanings, but practically it may be confined to the verb "to blazon," which is to describe in words a given coat of arms, and the noun "blazon," which is such a description. care should be taken to differentiate between the employment of the term "blazon" and the verb "to emblazon," which latter means to depict in colour. it may here be remarked, however, that to illustrate by the use of outline with written indications of colour is termed "to trick," and a picture of arms of this character is termed "a trick." the term _trick_ has of late been extended (though one almost thinks improperly) to include representations of arms in which the colours are indicated by the specified tincture lines which have been already referred to. the subject of blazon has of late acquired rather more importance than has hitherto been conceded to it, owing to an unofficial attempt to introduce a new system of blazoning under the guise of a supposed reversion to earlier forms of description. this it is not, but even if it were what it claims to be, merely the revival of ancient forms and methods, its reintroduction cannot be said to be either expedient or permissible, because the ancient practice does not permit of extension to the limits within which more modern armory has developed, and modern armory, though less ancient, is armory equally with the more ancient and simpler examples to be found in earlier times. to ignore modern armory is simply futile and absurd. the rules to be employed in blazon are simple, and comparatively few in number. the commencement of any blazon is of necessity a description of the _field_, the one word signifying its colour being employed if it be a simple field; or, if it be composite, such terms as are necessary. thus, a coat divided "per pale" or "per chevron" is so described, and whilst the scottish field of this character is officially termed "parted" [per pale, or per chevron], the english equivalent is "party," though this { } word in english usage is more often omitted than not in the blazon which commences "per pale," or "per chevron," as the case may be. the description of the different colours and different divisions of the field have all been detailed in earlier chapters, but it may be added that in a "party" coloured field, that colour or tincture is mentioned first which occupies the more important part of the escutcheon. thus, in a field "per bend," "per chevron," or "per fess," the upper portion of the field is first referred to; in a coat "per pale," the dexter side is the more important; and in a coat "quarterly," the tinctures of the st and th quarters are given precedence of the tinctures of the nd and rd. the only division upon which there has seemed any uncertainty is the curious one "gyronny," but the correct method to be employed in this case can very easily be recognised by taking the first quarter of the field, and therein considering the field as if it were simply "per bend." after the field has been described, anything of which the field is semé must next be alluded to, _e.g._ gules, semé-de-lis or, &c. the second thing to be mentioned in the blazon is the principal charge. we will consider first those cases in which it is an ordinary. thus, one would speak of "or, a chevron gules," or, if there be other charges as well as the ordinary, "azure, a bend between two horses' heads or," or "gules, a chevron between three roses argent." the colour of the ordinary is not mentioned until after the charge, if it be the same as the latter, but if it be otherwise it must of course be specified, as in the coat: "or, a fess gules between three crescents sable." if the ordinary is charged, the charges thereupon, being less important than the charges in the field, are mentioned subsequently, as in the coat: "gules, on a bend argent between two fountains proper, a rose gules between two mullets sable." the position of the charges need not be specified when they would naturally fall into a certain position with regard to the ordinaries. thus, a chevron between three figures of necessity has two in chief and one in base. a bend between two figures of necessity has one above and one below. a fess has two above and one below. a cross between four has one in each angle. in none of these cases is it necessary to state the position. if, however, those positions or numbers do not come within the category mentioned, care must be taken to specify what the coat exactly is. if a bend is accompanied only by one charge, the position of this charge must be stated. for example: "gules, a bend or, in chief a crescent argent." a chevron with four figures would be described: "argent, a chevron between three escallops in chief and one in base sable," though it would be equally correct to say: "argent, a chevron { } between four escallops, three in chief and one in base sable." in the same way we should get: "vert, on a cross or, and in the st quarter a bezant, an estoile sable;" though, to avoid confusion, this coat would more probably be blazoned: "vert, a cross or, charged with an estoile sable, and in the first quarter a bezant." this example will indicate the latitude which is permissible if, for the sake of avoiding confusion and making a blazon more readily understandable, some deviation from the strict formulas would appear to be desirable. if there be no ordinary on a shield, the charge which occupies the chief position is mentioned first. for example: "or, a lion rampant sable between three boars' heads erased gules, two in chief and one in base." many people, however, would omit any reference to the position of the boars' heads, taking it for granted that, as there were only three, they would be and , which is the normal position of three charges in any coat of arms. if, however, the coat of arms had the three boars' heads all above the lion, it would then be necessary to blazon it: "or, a lion rampant sable, in chief three boars' heads erased gules." when a field is _semé_ of anything, this is taken to be a part of the field, and not a representation of a number of charges. consequently the arms of long are blazoned: "sable, semé of cross crosslets, a lion rampant argent." as a matter of fact the semé of cross crosslets is always termed _crusilly_, as has been already explained. when charges are placed around the shield in the position they would occupy if placed upon a bordure, these charges are said to be "in orle," as in the arms of hutchinson: "quarterly, azure and gules, a lion rampant erminois, within four cross crosslets argent, and as many bezants alternately in orle;" though it is equally permissible to term charges in such a position "an orle of [_e.g._ cross crosslets argent and bezants alternately]," or so many charges "in orle" (see fig. ). if an ordinary be engrailed, or invected, this fact is at once stated, the term occurring before the colour of the ordinary. thus: "argent, on a chevron nebuly between three crescents gules, as many roses of the field." when a charge upon an ordinary is the same colour as the field, the name of the colour is not repeated, but those charges are said to be "of the field." it is the constant endeavour, under the recognised system, to avoid the use of the name of the same colour a second time in the blazon. thus: "quarterly, gules and or, a cross counterchanged between in the first quarter a sword erect proper, pommel and hilt of the second; in the second quarter a rose of the first, barbed and seeded of the third; in the third quarter a fleur-de-lis azure; and { } in the fourth quarter a mullet _gold_"--the use of the term "gold" being alone permissible in such a case. any animal which needs to be described, also needs its position to be specified. it may be rampant, segreant, passant, statant, or trippant, as the case may be. it may also sometimes be necessary to specify its position upon the shield, but the terms peculiarly appropriated to specific animals will be given in the chapters in which these animals are dealt with. [illustration: fig. .--arms of aymer de valence, earl of pembroke: "baruly argent and azure, an orle of martlets gules." (from his seal.)] with the exception of the chief, the quarter, the canton, the flaunch, and the bordure, an ordinary or sub-ordinary is always of greater importance, and therefore should be mentioned before any other charge, but in the cases alluded to the remainder of the shield is first blazoned, before attention is paid to these figures. thus we should get: "argent, a chevron between three mullets gules, on a chief of the last three crescents of the second;" or "sable, a lion rampant between three fleurs-de-lis or, on a canton argent a mascle of the field;" or "gules, two chevronels between three mullets pierced or, within a bordure engrailed argent charged with eight roses of the field." the arms in fig. are an interesting example of this point. they are those of john de bretagne, earl of richmond (d. ), and would properly be blazoned: "chequy or and azure, a bordure gules, charged with lions passant guardant or ('a bordure of england'), over all a canton (sometimes a quarter) ermine." [illustration: fig. .--the arms of john de bretagne, earl of richmond.] if two ordinaries or sub-ordinaries appear in the same field, certain discretion needs to be exercised, but the arms of fitzwalter, for example, are as follows: "or, a fess between two chevrons gules." when charges are placed in a series following the direction of any ordinary they are said to be "in bend," "in chevron," or "in pale," as the case may be, and not only must their position on the shield as regards each other be specified, but their individual direction must also be noted. a coat of arms in which three spears were placed side by side, but each erect, would be blazoned: "gules, three tilting-spears palewise in fess;" but if the spears were placed horizontally, one above the other, they would be blazoned: "three tilting-spears fesswise in pale," { } because in the latter case each spear is placed fesswise, but the three occupy in relation to each other the position of a pale. three tilting-spears fesswise which were not _in pale_ would be depicted and . when one charge surmounts another, the undermost one is mentioned first, as in the arms of beaumont (see fig. ). here the lion rampant is the principal charge, and the bend which debruises it is consequently mentioned afterwards. in the cases of a cross and of a saltire, the charges when all are alike would simply be described as between four objects, though the term "cantonned by" four objects is sometimes met with. if the objects are not the same, they must be specified as being in the st, nd, or rd quarters, if the ordinary be a cross. if it be a saltire, it will be found that in scotland the charges are mentioned as being in chief and base, and in the "flanks." in england they would be described as being _in pale_ and _in fess_ if the alternative charges are the same; if not, they would be described as _in chief_, on the dexter side, on the sinister side, and _in base_. [illustration: fig. .--arms of john de beaumont, lord beaumont (d. ): azure, semé-de-lis and a lion rampant or, over all a bend gobony argent and gules. (from his seal.)] when a specified number of charges is immediately followed by the same number of charges elsewhere disposed, the number is not repeated, the words "as many" being substituted instead. thus: "argent, on a chevron between three roses gules, as many crescents of the field." when any charge, ordinary, or mark of cadency surmounts a single object, that object is termed "debruised" by that ordinary. if it surmounts _everything_, as, for instance, "a bendlet sinister," this would be termed "over all." when a coat of arms is "party" coloured in its field and the charges are alternately of the same colours transposed, the term _counterchanged_ is used. for example, "party per pale argent and sable, three chevronels between as many mullets pierced all counterchanged." in that case the coat is divided down the middle, the dexter field being argent, and the sinister sable; the charges on the sable being argent, whilst the charges on the argent are sable. a mark of cadency is mentioned last, and is termed "for difference"; a mark of bastardy, or a mark denoting lack of blood descent, is termed "for distinction." certain practical hints, which, however, can hardly be termed rules, were suggested by the late mr. j. gough nicholls in , when writing in the _herald and genealogist_, and subsequent practice has since conformed therewith, though it may be pointed out with advantage that these suggestions are practically, and to all intents and purposes, { } the same rules which have been observed officially over a long period. amongst these suggestions he advises that the blazoning of every coat or quarter should begin with a capital letter, and that, save on the occurrence of proper names, no other capitals should be employed. he also suggests that punctuation marks should be avoided as much as possible, his own practice being to limit the use of the comma to its occurrence after each tincture. he suggests also that figures should be omitted in all cases except in the numbering of quarterings. when one or more quarterings occur, each is treated separately on its own merits and blazoned entirely without reference to any other quartering. [illustration: fig. .--a to b, the chief; c to d, the base; a to c, dexter side; b to d, sinister side. a, dexter chief; b, sinister chief; c, dexter base; d, sinister base. , , , chief; , , , base; , , , pale; , , , fess; , fess point.] in blazoning a coat in which some quarterings (grand quarterings) are composed of several coats placed sub-quarterly, sufficient distinction is afforded for english purposes of writing or printing if roman numerals are employed to indicate the grand quarters, and arabic figures the sub-quarters. but in _speaking_ such a method would need to be somewhat modified in accordance with the scottish practice, which describes grand quarterings as such, and so alludes to them. the extensive use of bordures, charged and uncharged, in scotland, which figure sometimes round the sub-quarters, sometimes round the grand quarters, and sometimes round the entire escutcheon, causes so much confusion that for the purposes of blazoning it is essential that the difference between quarters and grand quarters should be clearly defined. in order to simplify the blazoning of a shield, and so express the position of the charges, the _field_ has been divided into _points_, of which those placed near the top, and to the dexter, are always considered the more important. in heraldry, dexter and sinister are determined, not from the point of view of the onlooker, but from that of the bearer of the shield. the diagram (fig. ) will serve to explain the plan of a shield's surface. [illustration: fig. .] if a second shield be placed upon the fess point, this is called an inescutcheon (in german, the "heart-shield"). the enriching of the shield with an inescutcheon came into lively use in germany in the course of the latter half of the fifteenth century. later on, further points of honour were added, as the honour point (a, fig. ), and the nombril point (b, fig. ). these extra shields laid upon the others should correspond as much as possible in shape to the chief shield. if between the inescutcheon and the chief shield still another be inserted, { } it is called the "middle shield," from its position, but except in anglicised versions of continental arms, these distinctions are quite foreign to british armory. in conclusion, it may be stated that although the foregoing are the rules which are usually observed, and that every effort should be made to avoid unnecessary tautology, and to make the blazon as brief as possible, it is by no manner of means considered officially, or unofficially, that any one of these rules is so unchangeable that in actual practice it cannot be modified if it should seem advisable so to do. for the essential necessity of accuracy is of far greater importance than any desire to be brief, or to avoid tautology. this should be borne in mind, and also the fact that in official practice no such hide-bound character is given to these rules, as one is led to believe is the case when perusing some of the ordinary text-books of armory. they certainly are not laws, they are hardly "rules," perhaps being better described as accepted methods of blazoning. { } chapter ix the so-called ordinaries and sub-ordinaries arms, and the charges upon arms, have been divided into many fantastical divisions. there is a type of the precise mind much evident in the scientific writing of the last and the preceding centuries which is for ever unhappy unless it can be dividing the object of its consideration into classes and divisions, into sub-classes and sub-divisions. heraldry has suffered in this way; for, oblivious of the fact that the rules enunciated are impossible as rigid guides for general observance, and that they never have been complied with, and that they never will be, a "tabular" system has been evolved for heraldry as for most other sciences. the "precise" mind has applied a system obviously derived from natural history classification to the principles of armory. it has selected a certain number of charges, and has been pleased to term them ordinaries. it has selected others which it has been pleased to term sub-ordinaries. the selection has been purely arbitrary, at the pleasure of the writer, and few writers have agreed in their classifications. one of the foremost rules which former heraldic writers have laid down is that an ordinary must contain the third part of the field. now it is doubtful whether an ordinary has ever been drawn containing the third part of the field by rigid measurement, except in the solitary instance of the pale, when it is drawn "per fess counterchanged," for the obvious _purpose_ of dividing the shield into six equal portions, a practice which has been lately pursued very extensively owing to the ease with which, by its adoption, a new coat of arms can be designed bearing a distinct resemblance to one formerly in use without infringing the rights of the latter. certainly, if the ordinary is the solitary charge upon the shield, it will be drawn about that specified proportion. but when an attempt is made to draw the walpole coat (which cannot be said to be a modern one) so that it shall exhibit three ordinaries, to wit, one fess and two chevrons (which being interpreted as three-thirds of the shield, would fill it entirely), and yet leave a goodly proportion of the field still visible, the absurdity is apparent. and a very large proportion of the classification and rules which occupy such a large proportion of the space in the majority of heraldic text-books are equally unnecessary, { } confusing, and incorrect, and what is very much more important, such rules have never been recognised by the powers that have had the control of armory from the beginning of that control down to the present day. i shall not be surprised to find that many of my critics, bearing in mind how strenuously i have pleaded elsewhere for a right and proper observance of the laws of armory, may think that the foregoing has largely the nature of a recantation. it is nothing of the kind, and i advocate as strenuously as i have ever done, the compliance with and the observance of every rule which can be shown to exist. but this is no argument whatever for the idle invention of rules which never have existed; or for the recognition of rules which have no other origin than the imagination of heraldic writers. nor is it an argument for the deduction of unnecessary regulations from cases which can be shown to have been exceptions. too little recognition is paid to the fact that in armory there are almost as many rules of exception as original rules. there are vastly more plain exceptions to the rules which should govern them. on the subject of ordinaries, i cannot see wherein lies the difference between a bend and a lion rampant, save their difference in form, yet the one is said to be an ordinary, the other is merely a charge. each has its special rules to be observed, and whilst a bend can be engrailed or invected, a lion can be guardant or regardant; and whilst the one can be placed between two objects, which objects will occupy a specified position, so can the other. each can be charged, and each furnishes an excellent example of the futility of some of the ancient rules which have been coined concerning them. the ancient rules allow of but one lion and one bend upon a shield, requiring that two bends shall become bendlets, and two lions lioncels, whereas the instance we have already quoted--the coat of walpole--has never been drawn in such form that either of the chevrons could have been considered chevronels, and it is rather late in the day to degrade the lions of england into unblooded whelps. to my mind the ordinaries and sub-ordinaries are no more than first charges, and though the bend, the fess, the pale, the pile, the chevron, the cross, and the saltire will always be found described as honourable ordinaries, whilst the chief seems also to be pretty universally considered as one of the honourable ordinaries, such hopeless confusion remains as to the others (scarcely any two writers giving similar classifications), that the utter absurdity of the necessity for any classification at all is amply demonstrated. classification is only necessary or desirable when a certain set of rules can be applied identically to all the set of figures in that particular class. even this will not hold with the ordinaries which have been quoted. { } a pale embattled is embattled upon both its edges; a fess embattled is embattled only upon the upper edge; a chief is embattled necessarily only upon the lower; and the grave difficulty of distinguishing "per pale engrailed" from "per pale invected" shows that no rigid rules can be laid down. when we come to sub-ordinaries, the confusion is still more apparent, for as far as i can see the only reason for the classification is the tabulating of rules concerning the lines of partition. the bordure and the orle can be, and often are, engrailed or embattled; the fret, the lozenge, the fusil, the mascle, the rustre, the flanche, the roundel, the billet, the label, the pairle, it would be practically impossible to meddle with; and all these figures have at some time or another, and by some writer or other, been included amongst either the ordinaries or the sub-ordinaries. in fact there is no one quality which these charges possess in common which is not equally possessed by scores of other well-known charges, and there is no particular reason why a certain set should be selected and dignified by the name of ordinaries; nor are there any rules relating to ordinaries which require the selection of a certain number of figures, or of any figures to be controlled by those rules, with one exception. the exception is to be found not in the rules governing the ordinaries, but in the rules of blazon. after the field has been specified, the principal charge must be mentioned first, and no charge can take precedence of a bend, fess, pale, pile, chevron, cross, or saltire, except one of themselves. if there be any reason for a subdivision those charges must stand by themselves, and might be termed the honourable ordinaries, but i can see no reason for treating the chief, the quarter, the canton, gyron, flanche, label, orle, tressure, fret, inescutcheon, chaplet, bordure, lozenge, fusil, mascle, rustre, roundel, billet, label, shakefork, and pairle, as other than ordinary charges. they certainly are purely heraldic, and each has its own special rules, but so in heraldry have the lion, griffin, and deer. here is the complete list of the so-called ordinaries and sub-ordinaries: the bend; fess; bar; chief; pale; chevron; cross; saltire; pile; pairle, shakefork or pall; quarter; canton; gyron; bordure; orle; tressure; flanche; label, fret; inescutcheon; chaplet; lozenge; fusil; mascle; rustre; roundel; billet, together with the diminutives of such of these as are in use. with reference to the origin of these ordinaries, by the use of which term is meant for the moment the rectilinear figures peculiar to armory, it may be worth the passing mention that the said origin is a matter of some mystery. guillim and the old writers almost universally take them to be derived from the actual military scarf or a representation of it placed across the shield in various forms. other writers, taking the surcoat and its decoration as the real origin of coats of arms, derive { } the ordinaries from the belt, scarf, and other articles of raiment. planché, on the other hand, scouted such a derivation, putting forward upon very good and plausible grounds the simple argument that the origin of the ordinaries is to be found in the cross-pieces of wood placed across a shield for strengthening purposes. he instances cases in which shields, apparently charged with ordinaries but really strengthened with cross-pieces, can be taken back to a period long anterior to the existence of regularised armory. but then, on the other hand, shields can be found decorated with animals at an equally early or even an earlier period, and i am inclined myself to push planché's own argument even farther than he himself took it, and assert unequivocally that the ordinaries had in themselves no particular symbolism and no definable origin whatever beyond that easy method of making some pattern upon a shield which was to be gained by using straight lines. that they ever had any military meaning, i cannot see the slightest foundation to believe; their suggested and asserted symbolism i totally deny. but when we can find, as planché did, that shields were strengthened with cross-pieces in various directions, it is quite natural to suppose that these cross-pieces afforded a ready means of decoration in colour, and this would lead a good deal of other decoration to follow similar forms, even in the absence of cross-pieces upon the definite shield itself. the one curious point which rather seems to tell against planché's theory is that in the earliest "rolls" of arms but a comparatively small proportion of the arms are found to consist of these rectilinear figures, and if the ordinaries really originated in strengthening cross-pieces one would have expected a larger number of such coats of arms to be found; but at the same time such arms would, in many cases, in themselves be so palpably mere meaningless decoration of cross-pieces upon plain shields, that the resulting design would not carry with it such a compulsory remembrance as would a design, for example, derived from lines which had plainly had no connection with the construction of the shield. nor could it have any such basis of continuity. whilst a son would naturally paint a lion upon his shield if his father had done the same, there certainly would not be a similar inducement for a son to follow his father's example where the design upon a shield were no more than different-coloured strengthening pieces, because if these were gilt, for example, the son would naturally be no more inclined to perpetuate a particular form of strengthening for his shield, which might not need it, than any particular artistic division with which it was involved, so that the absence of arms composed of ordinaries from the early rolls of arms may not amount to so very much. still further, it may well be concluded that the compilers of early rolls { } of arms, or the collectors of the details from which early rolls were made at a later date, may have been tempted to ignore, and may have been justified in discarding from their lists of arms, those patterns and designs which palpably were then no more than a meaningless colouring of the strengthening pieces, but which patterns and designs by subsequent continuous usage and perpetuation became accepted later by certain families as the "arms" their ancestors had worn. it is easy to see that such meaningless patterns would have less chance of survival by continuity of usage, and at the same time would require a longer continuity of usage, before attaining to fixity as a definite design. the undoubted symbolism of the cross in so many early coats of arms has been urged strongly by those who argue either for a symbolism for all these rectilinear figures or for an origin in articles of dress. but the figure of the cross preceded christianity and organised armory, and it had an obvious decorative value which existed before, and which exists now outside any attribute it may have of a symbolical nature. that it is an utterly fallacious argument must be admitted when it is remembered that two lines at right angles make a cross--probably the earliest of all forms of decoration--and that the cross existed before its symbolism. herein it differs from other forms of decoration (e.g. the masonic emblems) which cannot be traced beyond their symbolical existence. the cross, like the other heraldic rectilinear figures, came into existence, meaningless as a decoration for a shield, before armory as such existed, and probably before christianity began. then being in existence the crusading instinct doubtless caused its frequent selection with an added symbolical meaning. but the argument can truthfully be pushed no farther. the bend the bend is a broad band going from the dexter chief corner to the sinister base (fig. ). according to the old theorists this should contain the third part of the field. as a matter of fact it hardly ever does, and seldom did even in the oldest examples. great latitude is allowed to the artist on this point, in accordance with whether the bend be plain or charged, and more particularly according to the charges which accompany it in the shield and their disposition thereupon. "azure, a bend or," is the well-known coat concerning which the historic controversy was waged between scrope and grosvenor. as every one knows, it was finally adjudged to belong to the former, and a right to it has also been proved by the cornish family of carminow. { } a bend is, of course, subject to the usual variations of the lines of partition (figs. - ). a bend compony (fig. ), will be found in the arms of beaumont, and the difference between this (in which the panes run with the bend) and a bend barry (in which the panes are horizontal, fig. ), as in the arms of king,[ ] should be noticed. [illustration: fig. .--bend.] [illustration: fig. .--bend engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--bend invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--bend embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--bend embattled counter-embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--bend raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--bend dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--bend indented.] [illustration: fig. .--bend dancetté.] a bend wavy is not very usual, but will be found in the arms of wallop, de burton, and conder. a bend raguly appears in the arms of strangman. { } when a bend and a bordure appear upon the same arms, the bend is not continued over the bordure, and similarly it does not surmount a tressure (fig. ), but stops within it. a bend upon a bend is by no means unusual. an example of this will be found in a coat of waller. cases where this happens need to be carefully scrutinised to avoid error in blazoning. [illustration: fig. .--bend wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--bend nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--bend compony.] [illustration: fig. .--bend barry.] [illustration: fig. .--bend within tressure.] [illustration: fig. .--bend lozengy.] a bend lozengy, or of lozenges (fig. ), will be found in the arms of bolding. a bend flory and counterflory will be found in the arms of fellows, a quartering of tweedy. a bend chequy will be found in the arms of menteith, and it should be noticed that the checks run the way of the bend. ermine spots upon a bend are represented the way of the bend. occasionally two bends will be found, as in the arms of lever: argent, two bends sable, the upper one engrailed (_vide_ lyon register--escutcheon of pretence on the arms of goldie-scot of craigmore, ); or as in the arms of james ford, of montrose, : gules, two bends vairé argent and sable, on a chief or, a greyhound courant sable between two towers gules. a different form appears in the arms of zorke or yorke (see papworth), which are blazoned: azure, a bend argent, impaling argent, a bend azure. a solitary instance of _three_ bends (which, however, effectually proves that a bend cannot { } occupy the third part of the field) occurs in the arms of penrose, matriculated in lyon register in as a quartering of cumming-gordon of altyre. these arms of penrose are: argent, three bends sable, each charged with as many roses of the field. a charge half the width of a bend is a bendlet (fig. ), and one half the width of a bendlet is a cottise (fig. ), but a cottise cannot exist alone, inasmuch as it has of itself neither direction nor position, but is only found accompanying one of the ordinaries. the arms of harley are an example of a bend cottised. bendlets will very seldom be found either in addition to a bend, or charged, but the arms of vaile show both these peculiarities. [illustration: fig. .--bendlets.] a bend will usually be found between two charges. occasionally it will be found between four, but more frequently between six. in none of these cases is it necessary to specify the position of the subsidiary charges. it is presumed that the bend separates them into even numbers, but their exact position (beyond this) upon the shield is left to the judgment of the artist, and their disposition is governed by the space left available by the shape of the shield. a further presumption is permitted in the case of a bend between _three_ objects, which are presumed to be two in chief and one in base. but even in the case of three the position will be usually found to be specifically stated, as would be the case with any other uneven number. [illustration: fig. .--bend cottised.] charges on a bend are placed in the direction of the bend. in such cases it is not necessary to specify that the charges are bendwise. when a charge or charges occupy the position which a bend would, they are said to be placed "in bend." this is not the same thing as a charge placed "bendwise" (or bendways). in this case the charge itself is slanted into the angle at which the bend crosses the shield, but the position of the charge upon the shield is not governed thereby. when a bend and chief occur together in the same arms, the chief will usually surmount the bend, the latter issuing from the angle between the base of the chief and the side of the shield. an instance to the contrary, however, will be found in the arms of fitz-herbert of swynnerton, in which the bend is continued over the chief. this instance, however (as doubtless all others of the kind), is due to the { } use of the bend in early times as a mark of difference. the coat of arms, therefore, had an earlier and separate existence without the bend, which has been superimposed as a difference upon a previously existing coat. the use of the bend as a difference will be again referred to when considering more fully the marks and methods of indicating cadency. [illustration: fig. .--bend sinister.] a curious instance of the use of the sun's rays in bend will be found in the arms of warde-aldam.[ ] the bend sinister (fig. ), is very frequently stated to be the mark of illegitimacy. it certainly has been so used upon some occasions, but these occasions are very few and far between, the charge more frequently made use of being the bendlet or its derivative the baton (fig. ). these will be treated more fully in the chapter on the marks of illegitimacy. the bend sinister, which is a band running from the sinister chief corner through the centre of the escutcheon to the dexter base, need not necessarily indicate bastardy. naturally the popular idea which has originated and become stereotyped concerning it renders its appearance extremely rare, but in at least two cases it occurs without, as far as i am aware, carrying any such meaning. at any rate, in neither case are the coats "bastardised" versions of older arms. these cases are the arms of shiffner: "azure, a bend sinister, in chief two estoiles, in like bend or; in base the end and stock of an anchor gold, issuing from waves of the sea proper;" and burne-jones: "azure, on a bend sinister argent, between seven mullets, four in chief and three in base or, three pairs of wings addorsed purpure." [illustration: fig. .--baton sinister.] no coat with the chief charge a single bendlet occurs in papworth. a single case, however, is to be found in the lyon register in the duly matriculated arms of porterfield of that ilk: "or, a bendlet between a stag's head erased in chief and a hunting-horn in base sable, garnished gules." single bendlets, however, both dexter and sinister, occur as ancient difference marks, and are then sometimes known as ribands. so described, it occurs in blazon of the arms of abernethy: "or, a lion rampant gules, debruised of a ribbon sable," quartered by lindsay, earl of crawford and balcarres; but here again the bendlet is a mark { } of cadency. in the _gelre armorial_, in this particular coat the ribbon is made "engrailed," which is most unusual, and which does not appear to be the accepted form. in many of the scottish matriculations of this abernethy coat in which this riband occurs it is termed a "cost," doubtless another form of the word cottise. when a bend or bendlets (or, in fact, any other charge) are raised above their natural position in the shield they are termed "enhanced" (fig. ). an instance of this occurs in the well-known coat of byron, viz.: "argent, three bendlets enhanced gules," and in the arms of manchester, which were based upon this coat. [illustration: fig. .--bendlets enhanced.] [illustration: fig. .--pale.] [illustration: fig. .--pale engrailed.] when the field is composed of an even number of equal pieces divided by lines following the angle of a bend the field is blazoned "bendy" of so many (fig. ). in most cases it will be composed of six or eight pieces, but as there is no diminutive of "bendy," the number must always be stated. the pale the pale is a broad perpendicular band passing from the top of the escutcheon to the bottom (fig. ). like all the other ordinaries, it is stated to contain the third part of the area of the field, and it is the only one which is at all frequently drawn in that proportion. but even with the pale, the most frequent occasion upon which this proportion is definitely given, this exaggerated width will be presently explained. the artistic latitude, however, permits the pale to be drawn of this proportion if this be convenient to the charges upon it. like the other ordinaries, the pale will be found varied by the different lines of partition (figs. - ). the single circumstance in which the pale is regularly drawn to contain a full third of the field by measurement is when the coat is "per fess and a pale counterchanged." this, it will be noticed, divides the shield into six equal portions (fig. ). the ease with which, by { } the employment of these conditions, a new coat can be based upon an old one which shall leave three original charges in the same position, and upon a field of the original tincture, and yet shall produce an entirely different and distinct coat of arms, has led to this particular form being constantly repeated in modern grants. [illustration: fig. .--pale invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--pale embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--pale raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--pale dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--pale indented.] [illustration: fig. .--pale wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--pale nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--pale rayonné.] [illustration: fig. .--pale per fesse counter changed.] the diminutive of the pale is the pallet (fig. ), and the pale cottised is sometimes termed "endorsed." except when it is used as a mark of difference or distinction (then usually wavy), the pallet is not found singly; but two pallets, or three, are not exceptional. charged upon other ordinaries, particularly on the chief and the chevron, pallets are of constant occurrence. { } when the field is striped vertically it is said to be "paly" of so many (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--pallets.] [illustration: fig. .--the arms of amaury de montfort, earl of gloucester; died before . (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of simon de montfort, earl of leicester; died . (from ms. cott., nero, d. .)] [illustration: fig. .--fess.] [illustration: fig. .--fess engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--fess invecked.] the arms shown in fig. are interesting inasmuch as they are doubtless an early form of the coat per pale indented argent and gules, which is generally described as a banner borne for the honour of hinckley, by the simons de montfort, earls of leicester, father and son. in a roll _temp._ henry iii., to simon the younger is ascribed "le banner party endentee dargent & de goules," although the arms of both father and son are known to have been as fig. : "gules, a lion rampant queue-fourchée argent." more probably the indented coat gives the original montfort arms. the fess the fess is a broad horizontal band crossing the escutcheon in the centre (fig. ). it is seldom drawn to contain a full third of the area of the shield. it is subject to the lines of partition (figs. - ). { } a curious variety of the fess dancetté is borne by the shropshire family plowden of plowden. they bear: azure, a fess dancetté, the upper points terminating in fleurs-de-lis (fig. ). a fess couped (fig. ) is found in the arms of lee. [illustration: fig. .--fess embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--fess embattled counter-embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--fess raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--fess dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--fess indented.] [illustration: fig. .--fess dancetté.] [illustration: fig. .--fess wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--fess nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--the arms of plowden.] the "fess embattled" is only crenellated upon the upper edge; but when both edges are embattled it is a fess embattled and counter-embattled. the term _bretessé_ (which is said to indicate that the battlements on the upper edge are opposite the battlements on the lower edge, and the indentations likewise corresponding) is a term and a distinction neither of which are regarded in british armory. { } a fess wreathed (fig. ) is a bearing which seems to be almost peculiar to the carmichael family, but the arms of waye of devon are an additional example, being: sable, two bars wreathed argent and gules. i know of no other ordinary borne in a wreathed form, but there seems no reason why this peculiarity should be confined to the fess. [illustration: fig. .--fess couped.] [illustration: fig. .--fess wreathed.] [illustration: fig. .--two bars.] [illustration: fig. .--bars embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--bars engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--bars invecked.] it is a fixed rule of british armory that there can be only _one_ fess upon a shield. if two figures of this character are found they are termed _bars_ (fig. ). but it is hardly correct to speak of the bar as a diminutive of the fess, because if two bars only appear on the shield there would be little, if any, diminution made from the width of the fess when depicting the bars. as is the case with other ordinaries, there is much latitude allowed to the artist in deciding the dimensions, it being usually permitted for these to be governed by the charges upon the fess or bars, and the charges between which these are placed. bars, like the fess, are of course equally subject to all the varying lines of partition (figs. - ). the diminutive of the bar is the barrulet, which is half its width and double the width of the cottise. but the barrulet will _almost invariably_ be found borne in _pairs_, when such a pair is usually known as a "bar gemel" and not as two barrulets. thus a coat with four barrulets { } would have these placed at equal distances from each other; but a coat with two bars gemel would be depicted with two of its barrulets placed closely together in chief and two placed closely together in base, the disposition being governed by the fact that the two barrulets comprising the "bar gemel" are only _one charge_. fig. shows three bars gemel. there is theoretically no limit to the number of bars or bars gemel which can be placed upon the shield. in practical use, however, four will be found the maximum. [illustration: fig. .--bars raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--bars dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--bars gemel.] a field composed of four, six, eight, or ten horizontal pieces of equal width is "barry of such and such a number of pieces," the number being always specified (figs. and ). a field composed of an equal number of horizontally shaped pieces, when these exceed ten in number, is termed "barruly" of such and such a number. the term barruly is also sometimes used for ten pieces. if the number is omitted "barry" will usually be of six pieces, though sometimes of eight. on the other hand a field composed of five, seven, or nine pieces is not barry, but (_e.g._) two bars, three bars, and four bars respectively. this distinction in modern coats needs to be carefully noted, but in ancient coats it is not of equal importance. anciently also a shield "barry" was drawn of a greater number of pieces (see figs. , and ) than would nowadays be employed. in modern armory a field so depicted would more correctly be termed "barruly." whilst a field can be and often is barry of two colours or two metals, an uneven number of pieces must of necessity be of metal and colour or fur. consequently in a shield _e.g._ divided into seven equal horizontal divisions, alternately gules and sable, there must be a mistake somewhere. although these distinctions require to be carefully noted as regards modern arms, it should be remembered that they are distinctions evolved by the intricacies and requirements of modern armory, and ancient arms were not so trammelled. { } a field divided horizontally into three equal divisions of _e.g._ gules, sable, and argent is theoretically blazoned by british rules "party per fess gules and argent, a fess sable." this, however, gives an exaggerated width to the fess which it does not really possess with us, and the german rules, which would blazon it "tierced per fess gules, sable, and argent," would seem preferable. [illustration: fig. .--arms of william de valence, earl of pembroke (d. ); barruly azure and argent, a label of five points gules, the files depending from the chief line of the shield, and each file charged with three lions passant guardant or. (from ms. reg. , c. vii.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of laurence de hastings, earl of pembroke (d. ); quarterly, and , or, a maunch gules (for hastings); and , barruly argent and azure, an orle of martlets (for valence). (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of edmund grey, earl of kent (d. ): quarterly, and , barry of six, argent and azure, in chief three torteaux (for grey); and , hastings and valence sub-quarterly. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--barry, per chevron counter-changed.] [illustration: fig. .--barry-bendy.] [illustration: fig. .--paly-bendy.] a field which is barry may also be counterchanged, as in the arms of ballingall, where it is counterchanged per pale; but it can also be counterchanged per chevron (fig. ), or per bend dexter or sinister. such counterchanging should be carefully distinguished from fields which are "barry-bendy" (fig. ), or "paly-bendy" (fig. ). in these latter cases the field is divided first by lines horizontal (for barry) or perpendicular (for paly), and subsequently by lines bendy (dexter or sinister). { } the result produced is very similar to "lozengy" (fig. ), and care should be taken to distinguish the two. barry-bendy is sometimes blazoned "fusilly in bend," whilst paly-bendy is sometimes blazoned "fusilly in bend sinister," but the other terms are the more accurate and acceptable. [illustration: fig. .--lozengy.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron embattled and counter-embattled.] "lozengy" is made by use of lines in bend crossed by lines in bend sinister (fig. ), and "fusilly" the same, only drawn at a more acute angle. the chevron probably the ordinary of most frequent occurrence in british, as also in french armory, is the chevron (fig. ). it is comparatively rare in german heraldry. the term is derived from the french word _chevron_, meaning a rafter, and the heraldic chevron is the same shape as a gable rafter. in early examples of heraldic art the chevron will be found depicted reaching very nearly to the top of the shield, the angle contained within the chevron being necessarily more acute. the chevron then attained very much more nearly to its full area of one-third of the field than is now given to it. as the chevron became accompanied by charges, it was naturally drawn so that it would allow of these charges being more easily represented, and its height became { } less whilst the angle it enclosed was increased. but now, as then, it is perfectly at the pleasure of the artist to design his chevron at the height and angle which will best allow the proper representation of the charges which accompany it. [illustration: fig. .--chevron indented.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron doubly cottised.] the chevron, of course, is subject to the usual lines of partition (figs. - ), and can be cottised and doubly cottised (fig. ). it is usually found between three charges, but the necessity of modern differentiation has recently introduced the disposition of four charges, three in chief and one in base, which is by no means a happy invention. an even worse disposition occurs in the arms of a certain family of mitchell, where the four escallops which are the principal charges are arranged two in chief and two in base. [illustration: fig. .--chevron quarterly.] ermine spots upon a chevron do not follow the direction of it, but in the cases of chevrons vair, and chevrons chequy, authoritative examples can be found in which the chequers and rows of vair both do, and do not, conform to the direction of the chevron. my own preference is to make the rows horizontal. a chevron quarterly is divided by a line chevronwise, apparently { } dividing the chevron into two chevronels, and then by a vertical line in the centre (fig. ). a chevron in point embowed will be found in the arms of trapaud quartered by adlercron (fig. ). a field per chevron (fig. ) is often met with, and the division line in this case (like the enclosing lines of a real chevron) is subject to the usual partition lines, but how one is to determine the differentiation between per chevron engrailed and per chevron invecked i am uncertain, but think the points should be upwards for engrailed. the field when entirely composed of an even number of chevrons is termed "chevronny" (fig. ). the diminutive of the chevron is the chevronel (fig. ). chevronels "interlaced" or "braced" (fig. ), will be found in the arms of sirr. the chevronel is very seldom met with singly, but a case of this will be found in the arms of spry. a chevron "rompu" or broken is depicted as in fig. . [illustration] fig. .--armorial bearings of rodolph ladeveze adlercron, esq.: quarterly, and , argent, an eagle displayed, wings inverted sable, langued gules, membered and ducally crowned or (for adlercron): and , argent, a chevron in point embowed between in chief two mullets and in base a lion rampant all gules (for trapaud). mantling sable and argent. crest: on a wreath of the colours, a demi-eagle displayed sable, langued gules, ducally crowned or, the dexter wing per fess argent and azure, the sinister per fess of the last and or. motto: "quo fata vocant." the pile the pile (fig. ) is a triangular wedge usually (and unless otherwise specified) issuing from the chief. the pile is subject to the usual lines of partition (figs. - ). the early representation of the pile (when coats of arms had no secondary charges and were nice and simple) made the point nearly reach to the base of the escutcheon, and as a consequence it naturally was not so wide. it is now usually drawn so that its upper edge occupies very nearly the whole of the top line of the escutcheon; but { } the angles and proportions of the pile are very much at the discretion of the artist, and governed by the charges which need to be introduced in the field of the escutcheon or upon the pile. [illustration: fig. .--chevronels.] [illustration: fig. .--chevronels braced.] [illustration: fig. .--chevron rompu.] [illustration: fig. .--pile.] [illustration: fig. .--pile engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--pile invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--pile embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--pile indented.] [illustration: fig. .--pile wavy.] a single pile may issue from any point of the escutcheon except the base; the arms of darbishire showing a pile issuing from the dexter chief point. a single pile cannot issue in base if it be unaccompanied by other piles, as the field would then be blazoned per chevron. two piles issuing in chief will be found in the arms of holles, earl of clare. when three piles, instead of pointing directly at right angles to the line of the chief, all point to the same point, touching or nearly touching { } at the tips, as in the arms of the earl of huntingdon and chester or in the arms of isham,[ ] they are described as three piles in point. this term and its differentiation probably are modern refinements, as with the early long-pointed shield any other position was impossible. the arms of henderson show three piles issuing from the sinister side of the escutcheon. a disposition of three piles which will very frequently be found in modern british heraldry is two issuing in chief and one in base (fig. ). piles terminating in fleurs-de-lis or crosses patée are to be met with, and reference may be made to the arms of poynter and dickson-poynder. each of these coats has the field pily counter-pily, the points ending in crosses formée. [illustration: fig. .--pile nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--pile raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--pile dovetailed.] an unusual instance of a pile in which it issues from a chevron will be found in the arms of wright, which are: "sable, on a chevron argent, three spear-heads gules, in chief two unicorns' heads erased argent, armed and maned or, in base on a pile of the last, issuant from the chevron, a unicorn's head erased of the field." the shakefork the pall, pairle, or shakefork (fig. ), is almost unknown in english heraldry, but in scotland its constant occurrence in the arms of the cunninghame and allied families has given it a recognised position among the ordinaries. as usually borne by the cunninghame family the ends are couped and pointed, but in some cases it is borne throughout. the pall in its proper ecclesiastical form appears in the arms of the archiepiscopal sees of canterbury, armagh, and dublin. though { } in these cases the pall or pallium (fig. ), is now considered to have no other heraldic status than that of an appropriately ecclesiastical charge upon an official coat of arms, there can be very little doubt that originally the pall of itself was the heraldic symbol in this country of an archbishop, and borne for that reason by all archbishops, including the archbishop of york, although his official archiepiscopal coat is now changed to: "gules, two keys in saltire argent, in chief a royal crown or." [illustration: fig. .--three piles, two in chief and one in base.] [illustration: fig. .--shakefork.] [illustration: fig. .--ecclesiastical pallium.] [illustration: fig. .--cross.] [illustration: fig. .--cross engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--cross invecked.] the necessity of displaying this device of rank--the pallium--upon a field of some tincture has led to its corruption into a usual and stereotyped "charge." the cross the heraldic cross (fig. ), the huge preponderance of which in armory we of course owe to the crusades, like all other armorial charges, has strangely developed. there are nearly four hundred varieties known to armory, or rather to heraldic text-books, and doubtless authenticated examples could be found of most if not of them all. but some dozen or twenty forms are about as many as will be found regularly or constantly occurring. some but not all of the varieties of the cross are subject to the lines of partition (figs. - ). { } when the heraldic cross was first assumed with any reason beyond geometrical convenience, there can be no doubt that it was intended to represent the sacred cross itself. the symbolism of the cross is older than our present system of armory, but the cross itself is more ancient than its symbolism. a cross depicted upon the long, pointed shields of those who fought for the cross would be of that shape, with the elongated arm in base. [illustration: fig. .--cross embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--cross indented.] [illustration: fig. .--cross raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--cross dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--passion cross.] [illustration: fig. .--cross calvary.] but the contemporary shortening of the shield, together with the introduction of charges in its angles, led naturally to the arms of the cross being so disposed that the parts of the field left visible were as nearly as possible equal. the sacred cross, therefore, in heraldry is now known as a "passion cross" (fig. ) (or sometimes as a "long cross"), or, if upon steps or "grieces," the number of which needs to be specified, as a "cross calvary" (fig. ). the crucifix (fig. ), under that description is sometimes met with as a charge. the ordinary heraldic cross (fig. ) is always continued throughout the shield unless stated to be couped (fig. ). of the crosses more regularly in use may be mentioned the cross botonny (fig. ), the cross flory (fig. ), which must be distinguished from the cross fleuretté (fig. ); the cross moline, { } (fig. ), the cross potent (fig. ), the cross patée or formée (fig. ), the cross patonce (fig. ), and the cross crosslet (fig. ). plate iii. [illustration] [illustration: fig. .--crucifix.] [illustration: fig. .--cross couped.] [illustration: fig. .--cross botonny.] [illustration: fig. .--cross flory.] [illustration: fig. .--cross fleuretté.] [illustration: fig. .--cross moline.] [illustration: fig. .--cross potent.] [illustration: fig. .--cross patée (or formée).] [illustration: fig. .--cross patonce.] of other but much more uncommon varieties examples will be found of the cross parted and fretty (fig. ), of the cross patée quadrate (fig. ), of a cross pointed and voided in the arms of dukinfield (quartered by darbishire), and of a cross cleché voided and pometté as in the arms of cawston. a cross quarter-pierced (fig. ) has the field visible at the centre. a cross tau or st. anthony's cross is shown in fig. , the real maltese cross in fig. , and the patriarchal cross in fig. . { } whenever a cross or cross crosslet has the bottom arm elongated and pointed it is said to be "fitched" (figs. and ), but when a point is added at the foot_ e.g._ of a cross patée, it is then termed "fitchée at the foot" (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--cross crosslet.] [illustration: fig. .--cross parted and fretty.] [illustration: fig. .--cross patée quadrate.] [illustration: fig. .--cross quarter-pierced.] [illustration: fig. .--cross tau.] [illustration: fig. .--maltese cross.] [illustration: fig. .--patriarchal cross.] [illustration: fig. .--cross crosslet fitched.] [illustration: fig. .--cross patée fitched.] of the hundreds of other varieties it may confidently be said that a large proportion originated in misunderstandings of the crude drawings of early armorists, added to the varying and alternating descriptions applied at a more pliable and fluent period of heraldic blazon. a striking illustration of this will be found in the cross botonny, which is now, and has been for a long time past, regularised with us as a distinct variety of { } constant occurrence. from early illustrations there is now no doubt that this was the original form, or one of the earliest forms, of the cross crosslet. it is foolish to ignore these varieties, reducing all crosses to a few original forms, for they are now mostly stereotyped and accepted; but at the same time it is useless to attempt to learn them, for in a lifetime they will mostly be met with but once each or thereabouts. a field semé of cross crosslets (fig. ) is termed crusilly. [illustration: fig. .--cross patée fitched at foot.] [illustration: fig. .--crusilly.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire embattled.] the saltire the saltire or saltier (fig. ) is more frequently to be met with in scottish than in english heraldry. this is not surprising, inasmuch as the saltire is known as the cross of st. andrew, the patron saint of scotland. its form is too well known to need description. it is of course subject to the usual partition lines (figs. - ). when a saltire is charged the charges are usually placed conformably therewith. the field of a coat of arms is often per saltire. when one saltire couped is the principal charge it will usually be { } found that it is couped conformably to the outline of the shield; but if the couped saltire be one of a number or a subsidiary charge it will be found couped by horizontal lines, or by lines at right angles. the saltire has not developed into so many varieties of form as the cross, and (_e.g._) a saltire botonny is assumed to be a cross botonny placed saltireways, but a saltire parted and fretty is to be met with (fig. ). the chief the chief (fig. ), which is a broad band across the top of the shield containing (theoretically, but not in fact) the uppermost third of the area of the field, is a very favourite ordinary. it is of course subject to the variations of the usual partition lines (figs. - ). it is usually drawn to contain about one-fifth of the area of the field, though in cases where it is used for a landscape augmentation it will usually be found of a rather greater area. [illustration: fig. .--saltire indented.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire raguly.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--saltire parted and fretty.] the chief especially lent itself to the purposes of honourable augmentation, and is constantly found so employed. as such it will be referred to in the chapter upon augmentations, but a chief of this character may perhaps be here referred to with advantage, as this will { } indicate the greater area often given to it under these conditions, as in the arms of ross-of-bladensburg (plate ii.). knights of the old order of st. john of jerusalem and also of the modern order of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem in england display above their personal arms a chief of the order, but this will be dealt with more fully in the chapter relating to the insignia of knighthood. [illustration: fig. .--chief.] [illustration: fig. .--chief engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--chief invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--chief embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--chief indented.] [illustration: fig. .--chief dancetté.] [illustration: fig. .--chief wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--chief nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--chief raguly.] save in exceptional circumstances, the chief is never debruised or surmounted by any ordinary. the chief is ordinarily superimposed over the tressure and over the bordure, partly defacing them by the elimination of the upper { } part thereof. this happens with the bordure when it is a part of the original coat of arms. if, however, the chief were in existence at an earlier period and the bordure is added later as a mark of difference, the bordure surrounds the chief. on the other hand, if a bordure exists, even as a mark of difference, and a chief of augmentation is _subsequently_ added, or a canton for distinction, the chief or the canton in these cases would surmount the bordure. similarly a bend when added later as a mark of difference surmounts the chief. such a case is very unusual, as the use of the bend for differencing has long been obsolete. [illustration: fig. .--chief dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--arms of peter de dreux, earl of richmond (_c._ ): chequy or and azure, a quarter ermine. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of de vere, earls of oxford: quarterly gules and or, in the first quarter a mullet argent.] a chief is never couped or cottised, and it has no diminutive in british armory. the quarter the quarter is not often met with in english armory, the best-known instance being the well-known coat of shirley, earl ferrers, viz: paly of six or and azure, a quarter ermine. the arms of the earls of richmond (fig. ) supply another instance. of course as a division of the field under the blazon of "quarterly" (_e.g._ or and azure) it is constantly to be met with, but a single quarter is rare. originally a single quarter was drawn to contain the full fourth part of the shield, but with the more modern tendency to reduce the size of all charges, its area has been somewhat diminished. whilst a quarter will only be found within a plain partition line, a field divided quarterly (occasionally, but i think hardly so correctly, termed "per cross") is not so limited. examples of quarterly fields will be found in the historic shield of de vere (fig. ) and de mandeville. an irregular partition line is often introduced in a new grant to conjoin quarterings { } borne without authority into one single coat. the diminutive of the quarter is the canton (fig. ), and the diminutive of that the chequer of a chequy field (fig. ). the canton [illustration: fig. .--canton.] the canton is supposed to occupy one-third of the chief, and that being supposed to occupy one-third of the field, a simple arithmetical sum gives us one-ninth of the field as the theoretical area of the canton. curiously enough, the canton to a certain extent gives us a confirmation of these ancient proportions, inasmuch as all ancient drawings containing both a fess and a canton depict these conjoined. this will be seen in the garter plate of earl rivers. in modern days, however, it is very seldom that the canton will be depicted of such a size, though in cases where, as in the arms of boothby, it forms the only charge, it is even nowadays drawn to closely approximate to its theoretical area of one-ninth of the field. it may be remarked here perhaps that, owing to the fact that there are but few instances in which the quarter or the canton have been used as the sole or principal charge, a coat of arms in which these are employed would be granted with fewer of the modern bedevilments than would a coat with a chevron for example. i know of no instance in modern times in which a quarter, when figuring as a charge, or a canton have been subject to the usual lines of partition. the canton (with the single exception of the bordure, when used as a mark of cadency or distinction) is superimposed _over_ every other charge or ordinary, no matter what this may be. theoretically the canton is supposed to be always a later addition to the coat, and even though a charge may be altogether hidden or "absconded" by the canton, the charge is always presumed to be there, and is mentioned in the blazon. [illustration: fig. .--chequy.] both a cross and a saltire are sometimes described as "cantonned" by such-and-such charges, when they are placed in the blank spaces left by these ordinaries. in addition, the spaces left by a cross (but not by a saltire) are frequently spoken of _e.g._ as the dexter chief canton or the sinister base canton. { } the canton is frequently used to carry an augmentation, and these cantons of augmentation will be referred to under that heading, though it may be here stated that a "canton of england" is a canton gules, charged with three lions passant guardant or, as in the arms of lane (plate ii.). the canton, unless it is _an original charge_, need not conform to the rule forbidding colour on colour, or metal on metal; otherwise the canton of ulster would often be an impossibility. the canton, with rare exceptions, is always placed in the dexter chief corner. the canton of augmentation in the arms of clerke, bart.--"argent, on a bend gules, between three pellets as many swans of the field; on a sinister canton azure, a demi-ram salient of the first, and in chief two fleurs-de-lis or, debruised by a baton"--is, however, a sinister one, as is the canton upon the arms of charlton. in this latter case the sinister canton is used to signify illegitimacy. this will be more fully dealt with in the chapter upon marks of illegitimacy. a curious use of the canton for the purposes of marshalling occurs in the case of a woman who, being an heiress herself, has a daughter or daughters only, whilst her husband has sons and heirs by another marriage. in such an event, the daughter being heir (or in the case of daughters these being coheirs) of the mother, but not heir of the father, cannot transmit as quarterings the arms of the father whom she does not represent, whilst she ought to transmit the arms of the mother whom she does represent. the husband of the daughter, therefore, places upon an escutcheon of pretence the arms of her mother, with those of her father on a canton thereupon. the children of the marriage quarter this combined coat, the arms of the father always remaining upon a canton. this will be more fully dealt with under the subject of marshalling. the canton has yet another use as a "mark of distinction." when, under a royal licence, the name and arms of a family are assumed where there is no blood descent from the family, the arms have some mark of distinction added. this is usually a plain canton. this point will be treated more fully under "marks of cadency." woodward mentions three instances in which the lower edge of the canton is "indented," one taken from the calais roll, viz. the arms of sir william de la zouche--"gules, bezantée, a canton indented at the bottom"--and adds that the canton has been sometimes thought to indicate the square banner of a knight-baronet, and he suggests that the lower edge being indented may give some weight to the idea. as the canton does not appear to have either previously or subsequently formed any part of the arms of zouche, it is possible that in this instance some { } such meaning may have been intended, but it can have no such application generally. the "canton of ulster"--_i.e._ "argent, a sinister hand couped at the wrist gules"--is the badge of a baronet of england, ireland, great britain, or the united kingdom. this badge may be borne upon a canton, dexter or sinister, or upon an inescutcheon, at the pleasure of the wearer. there is some little authority and more precedent for similarly treating the badge of a nova scotian baronet, but as such baronets _wear_ their badges it is more usually depicted below the shield, depending by the orange tawny ribbon of their order. the gyron [illustration: fig. .--gyronny.] as a charge, the gyron (sometimes termed an esquire) is very seldom found, but as a subdivision of the field, a coat "gyronny" (fig. ) is constantly met with, all arms for the name of campbell being gyronny. save in rare cases, a field gyronny is divided quarterly and then per saltire, making eight divisions, but it may be gyronny of six, ten, twelve, or more pieces, though such cases are seldom met with and always need to be specified. the arms of campbell of succoth are gyronny of eight _engrailed_, a most unusual circumstance. i know of no other instance of the use of lines of partition in a gyronny field. the arms of lanyon afford an example of the gyron as a charge, as does also the well-known shield of mortimer (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--the arms of roger mortimer, earl of march and ulster (d. ): quarterly, and , azure, three bars or (sometimes but not so correctly quoted barry of six), on a chief of the first two pallets between two base esquires of the second, over all an inescutcheon argent (for mortimer); and , or, a cross gules (for ulster). (from his seal.)] the inescutcheon the inescutcheon is a shield appearing as a charge upon the coat of arms. certain writers state that it is termed an inescutcheon if only one appears as the charge, but that when more than one is present they are merely termed escutcheons. this is an unnecessary refinement not officially recognised or adhered to, though unconsciously one often is led to make this distinction, which seems to spring naturally to one's mind. { } when one inescutcheon appears, it is sometimes difficult to tell whether to blazon the arms as charged with a bordure or an inescutcheon. some coats of arms, for example the arms of molesworth, will always remain more or less a matter of uncertainty. but as a matter of fact a bordure should not be wide enough to fill up the field left by an inescutcheon, nor an inescutcheon large enough to occupy the field left by a bordure. the inescutcheon in german armory (or, as they term it, the heart escutcheon), when superimposed upon other quarterings, is usually the paternal or most important coat of arms. the same method of marshalling has sometimes been adopted in scotland, and the arms of hay are an instance. it usually in british heraldry is used to carry the arms of an heiress wife, but both these points will be dealt with later under the subject of marshalling. the inescutcheon, no matter what its position, should never be termed an escutcheon of pretence if it forms a charge upon the original arms. a curious instance of the use of an inescutcheon will be found in the arms of gordon-cumming (plate iii.). when an inescutcheon appears on a shield it should conform in its outline to the shape of the shield upon which it is placed. the bordure the bordure (fig. ) occurs both as a charge and as a mark of difference. as may be presumed from its likeness to our word border, the bordure is simply a border round the shield. except in modern grants in which the bordure forms a part of the original design of the arms, there can be very little doubt that the bordure has always been a mark of difference to indicate either cadency or bastardy, but its stereotyped continuance without further alteration in so many coats of arms in which it originally was introduced as a difference, and also its appearance in new grants, leave one no alternative but to treat of it in the ordinary way as a charge, leaving the consideration of it as a mark of difference to a future chapter. there is no stereotyped or official size for the bordure, the width of which has at all times varied, though it will almost invariably be found that a scottish bordure is depicted rather wider than is an english one; and naturally a bordure which is charged is a little wider than an entirely plain one. the bordure of course is subject to { } all the lines of partition (figs. - ). bordures may also be per fesse, per pale (fig. ), quarterly (fig. ), gyronny (fig. ), or tierced in pairle (fig. ), &c. [illustration: fig. .--bordure.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure engrailed.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure invecked.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure embattled.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure indented.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure wavy.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure nebuly.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure dovetailed.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure potenté.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure per pale.] the bordure has long since ceased to be a mark of cadency in england, but as a mark of distinction the bordure wavy (fig. ) is still used to indicate bastardy. a bordure of england was granted by royal warrant as an augmentation to h.m. queen victoria eugenie of spain, on the occasion of her marriage. the use of the bordure is, however, the recognised method of differencing in scotland, but it is curious that with the scots the bordure wavy is in no way a mark of illegitimacy. the scottish bordure for indicating this fact is { } the bordure compony (fig. ), which has been used occasionally for the same purpose in england, but the bordures added to indicate cadency and the various marks to indicate illegitimacy will be discussed in later chapters. the difference should here be observed between the bordure compony (fig. ), which means illegitimacy; the bordure counter compony (fig. ), which may or may not have that meaning; and the bordure chequy (fig. ), which certainly has no relation to bastardy. in the two former the panes run with the shield, in the latter the chequers do not. whilst the bordure as a mark of cadency or illegitimacy surrounds the whole shield, being superimposed upon even the chief and canton, a bordure when merely a charge gives way to both. [illustration: fig. .--bordure quarterly.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure gyronny.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure tierced in pairle.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure compony.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure counter compony.] [illustration: fig. .--bordure chequy.] a certain rule regarding the bordure is the sole remaining instance in modern heraldry of the formerly recognised practice of conjoining two coats of arms (which it might be necessary to marshal together) by "dimidiation" instead of using our present-day method of impalement. to dimidiate two coats of arms, the dexter half of one shield was conjoined to the sinister half of the other. the objections to such a practice, however, soon made themselves apparent (_e.g._ a dimidiated chevron was scarcely distinguishable from a bend), and the "dimidiation" of arms was quickly abandoned in favour of { } "impalement," in which the entire designs of both coats of arms are depicted. but in impaling a coat of arms which is surrounded by a bordure, the bordure is not continued down the centre between the two coats, but stops short top and bottom at the palar line. the same rule, by the way, applies to the tressure, but not to the orle. the curious fact, however, remains that this rule as to the dimidiation of the bordure in cases of impalement is often found to have been ignored in ancient seals and other examples. the charges upon the bordure are often three, but more usually eight in number, in the latter case being arranged three along the top of the shield, one at the base point, and two on either side. the number should, however, always be specified, unless (as in a bordure bezantée, &c.) it is immaterial; in which case the number eight must be _exceeded_ in emblazoning the shield. the rule as to colour upon colour does not hold and seems often to be ignored in the cases of bordures, noticeably when these occur as marks of scottish cadency. the orle the orle (fig. ), or, as it was originally termed in ancient british rolls of arms, "un faux ecusson," is a narrow bordure following the exact outline of the shield, but within it, showing the field (for at least the width usually occupied by a bordure) between the outer edge of the orle and the edge of the escutcheon. an orle is about half the width of a bordure, rather less than more, but the proportion is never very exactly maintained. the difference may be noted between this figure and the next (fig. ), which shows an inescutcheon within a bordure. [illustration: fig. .--orle.] [illustration: fig. .--an inescutcheon within a bordure.] though both forms are very seldom so met with, an orle may be subject to the usual lines of partition, and may also be charged. examples of both these variations are met with in the arms of yeatman-biggs, and the arms of gladstone afford an instance of an orle "flory." the arms of knox, earl of ranfurly, are: gules, a falcon volant or, within an orle wavy on the outer and engrailed on the inner edge argent. when a series of charges are placed round the edges of the { } escutcheon (_theoretically_ in the position occupied by the orle, but as a matter of actual fact usually more in the position occupied by the bordure), they are said to be "in orle," which is the correct term, but they will often be found blazoned "an orle of (_e.g._) martlets or mounds." the tressure the tressure is really an orle gemel, _i.e._ an orle divided into two narrow ones set closely together, the one inside the other. it is, however, usually depicted a trifle nearer the edge of the escutcheon than the orle is generally placed. the tressure cannot be borne singly, as it would then be an orle, but plain tressures under the name of "concentric orles" will be found mentioned in papworth. in that ordinary eight instances are given of arms containing more than a single orle, though the eight instances are plainly varieties of only four coats. two concentric orles would certainly be a tressure, save that perhaps they would be drawn of rather too great a width for the term "tressure" to be properly applied to them. [illustration: fig. .--tressure flory and counter-flory.] if these instances be disregarded, and i am inclined to doubt them as genuine coats, there certainly is no example of a plain tressure in british heraldry, and one's attention must be directed to the tressure flory and counterflory (fig. ), so general in scottish heraldry. originating entirely in the royal escutcheon, one cannot do better than reproduce the remarks of lyon king of arms upon the subject from his work "heraldry in relation to scottish history and art":-- "william the lion has popularly got the credit of being the first to introduce heraldic bearings into scotland, and to have assumed the lion as his personal cognisance. the latter statement may or may not be true, but we have no trace of hereditary arms in scotland so early as his reign ( - ). certainly the lion does not appear on his seal, but it does on that of his son and successor alexander ii., with apparent remains of the double tressure flory counterflory, a device which is clearly seen on the seals of alexander iii. ( - ). we are unable to say what the reason was for the adoption of such a distinctive coat; of course, if you turn to the older writers you will find all sorts of fables on the subject. even the sober and sensible nisbet states that 'the lion has been carried on the armorial ensign of { } scotland since the first founding of the monarchy by king fergus i.'--a very mythical personage, who is said to have flourished about b.c., though he is careful to say that he does not believe arms are as old as that period. he says, however, that it is 'without doubt' that charlemagne entered into an alliance with achaius, king of scotland, and for the services of the scots the french king added to the scottish lion the double tressure fleur-de-lisée to show that the former had defended the french lilies, and that therefore the latter would surround the lion and be a defence to him." all this is very pretty, but it is not history. chalmers remarks in his "caledonia" that the lion may possibly have been derived from the arms of the old earls of northumberland and huntingdon, from whom some of the scottish kings were descended; and he mentions an old roll of arms preserved by leland,[ ] which is certainly not later than , in which the arms of scotland are blazoned as: _or, a lion gules within a bordure or fleuretté gules_, which we may reasonably interpret as an early indication of what may be considered as a foreign rendering of the double tressure. sylvanus morgan, one of the very maddest of the seventeenth-century heraldic writers, says that the tressure was added to the shield of scotland, in testimony of a league between scotland and france, by charles v.; but that king did not ascend the throne of france till , at which time we have clear proof that the tressure was a firmly established part of the scottish arms. one of the earliest instances of anything approaching the tressure in the scottish arms which i have met with is in an armorial of matthew paris, which is now in the cottonian mss. in the british museum, and at one time belonged to st. alban's monastery. here the arms of the king of scotland are given as: "or, a lion rampant flory gules in a bordure of the same." the drawing represents a lion within a bordure, the latter being pierced by ten fleurs-de-lis, their heads all looking inwards, the other end not being free, but attached to the inner margin of the shield. this, you will observe, is very like the arms i mentioned as described by chalmers, and it may possibly be the same volume which may have been acquired by sir robert cotton. in there was a curious attempt of the scottish parliament to displace the tressure. an act was passed in that year, for some hitherto unexplained reason, by which it was ordained "that in tyme to cum thar suld be na double tresor about his (the king's) armys, but that he suld ber hale armys of the lyoun without ony mair." seeing that at the time of this enactment the scottish kings had borne the tressure for upwards of years, it is difficult to understand the cause of this procedure. like many other acts, however, it never seems to have { } been carried into effect; at least i am not aware of even a solitary instance of the scottish arms without the tressure either at or after this period. * * * * * there are other two representations of the scottish arms in foreign armorials, to which i may briefly allude. one is in the _armorial de gelre_, a beautiful ms. in the royal library at brussels, the scottish shields in which have been figured by mr. stodart in his book on scottish arms, and, more accurately, by sir archibald dunbar in a paper read to the society of antiquaries of scotland in . the armorial is believed to be the work of claes heynen, gelre herald to the duke of gueldres between and , with later additions by another hand. the coat assigned in it to the king of scotland is the lion and double tressure; the lion is uncrowned, and is armed and langued azure; above the shield is a helmet argent adorned behind with a short capelin or plain mantling, on which is emblazoned the saltire and chief of the bruces, from which we may gather that the arms of david ii. are here represented; the lining is blue, which is unusual, as mantlings are usually lined or doubled with a metal, if not with ermine. the helmet is surmounted by an imperial crown, with a dark green bonnet spotted with red.[ ] on the crown there is the crest of a lion sejant guardant gules, imperially crowned or, holding in his paw a sword upright; the tail is coué or placed between the hind-legs of the lion, but it then rises up and flourishes high above his back in a sufficiently defiant fashion. this shows that the scottish arms were well known on the continent of europe nearly a hundred years before the date of the grunenberg ms., while virgil de solis (c. ) gives a sufficiently accurate representation of the royal shield, though the fleur-de-lis all project outwards as in the case of grunenberg; he gives the crest as a lion rampant holding a sword in bend over his shoulder. another ancient representation of the scottish arms occurs in a ms. treatise on heraldry of the sixteenth century, containing the coats of some foreign sovereigns and other personages, bound up with a scottish armorial, probably by david lindsay, lyon in . the tressure, like the bordure, in the case of an impalement stops at the line of impalement, as will be seen by a reference to the arms of queen anne after the union of the crowns of england and scotland. it is now held, both in england and scotland, that the tressure flory and counterflory is, as a part of the royal arms, protected, and cannot be granted to any person without the express licence of the { } sovereign. this, however, does not interfere with the matriculation or exemplification of it in the case of existing arms in which it occurs. many scottish families bear or claim to bear the royal tressure by reason of female descent from the royal house, but it would seem much more probable that in most if not in all cases where it is so borne by right its origin is due rather to a gift by way of augmentation than to any supposed right of inheritance. the apparently conflicting statements of origin are not really antagonistic, inasmuch as it will be seen from many analogous english instances (_e.g._ mowbray, manners, and seymour) that near relationship is often the only reason to account for the grant of a royal augmentation. as an ordinary augmentation of honour it has been frequently granted. the towns of aberdeen and perth obtained early the right of honouring their arms with the addition of the royal tressure. it appears on the still existing matrix of the burgh seal of aberdeen, which was engraved in . james v. in granted a warrant to lyon to surround the arms of john scot, of thirlestane, with the royal tressure, in respect of his ready services at soutra edge with three score and ten lances on horseback, when other nobles refused to follow their sovereign. the grant was put on record by the grantee's descendant, patrick, lord napier, and is the tressured coat borne in the second and third quarters of the napier arms. when the royal tressure is granted to the bearer of a quartered coat it is usually placed upon a bordure surrounding the quartered shield, as in the case of the arms of the marquess of queensberry, to whom, in , the royal tressure was granted upon a _bordure or_. a like arrangement is borne by the earls of eglinton, occurring as far back as a seal of earl hugh, appended to a charter of . the royal tressure had at least twice been granted as an augmentation to the arms of foreigners. james v. granted it to nicolas canivet of dieppe, secretary to john, duke of albany (reg. mag. sig., xxiv. , oct. , ). james vi. gave it to sir jacob van eiden, a dutchman on whom he conferred the honour of knighthood. on th march , a royal warrant was granted directing lyon to add a "double tressure counterflowered as in the royal arms of scotland" to the arms of archibald, viscount primrose. here the tressure was _gules_, as in the royal arms, although the field on which it was placed was _vert_. in a later record of the arms of archibald, earl of rosebery, in , this heraldic anomaly was brought to an end, and the blazon of the arms of primrose is now: "vert, three primroses within a double tressure flory counterflory or." (see stodart, "scottish arms," vol. i. pp. , , where mention is also made of an older { } use of the royal tressure or, by "archbald primrose of dalmenie, knight and baronet, be his majesty charles ii. create, _vert, three primroses within a double tressure flowered counter-flowered or_.") another well-known scottish instance in which the tressure occurs will be found in the arms of the marquess of ailsa (fig. ). two instances are known in which the decoration of the tressure has differed from the usual conventional fleurs-de-lis. the tressure granted to charles, earl of aboyne, has crescents without and demi-fleurs-de-lis within, and the tressure round the gordon arms in the case of the earls of aberdeen is of thistles, roses, and fleurs-de-lis alternately. the tressure gives way to the chief and canton, but all other ordinaries are enclosed by the tressure, as will be seen from the arms of lord ailsa. [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of sir archibald kennedy, marquess of ailsa: argent, a chevron gules between three cross crosslets fitchée sable, all within a double tressure flory and counter-flory of the second. mantling gules, doubled ermine. crest: upon a wreath of his liveries, a dolphin naiant proper. supporters: two swans proper, beaked and membered gules. motto: "avise la fin." (from the painting by mr. graham johnston in the lyon register.)] the lozenge, the fusil, the mascle, and the rustre why these, which are simply varying forms of one charge, should ever have been included amongst the list of ordinaries is difficult to understand, as they do not seem to be "ordinaries" any more than say the mullet or the crescent. my own opinion is that they are no more than distinctively heraldic charges. the _lozenge_ (fig. ), which is the original form, is the same shape as the "diamond" in a pack of cards, and will constantly be found as a charge. in addition to this, the arms of a lady as maid, or as widow, are always displayed upon a lozenge. upon this point reference should be made to the chapters upon marshalling. the arms of kyrke show a single lozenge as the charge, but a single lozenge is very rarely met with. the arms of guise show seven lozenges conjoined. the arms of barnes show four lozenges conjoined in cross, and the arms of bartlett show five lozenges conjoined in fess. although the lozenge is very seldom found in english armory as a single charge, nevertheless as a lozenge throughout (that is, with its four points touching the borders of the escutcheon) it will be found in some number of instances in continental heraldry, for instance in the family of eubing of bavaria. an indefinite number of lozenges conjoined as a bend or a pale are known as a bend lozengy, or a pale lozengy, but care should be taken in using this term, as it is possible for these ordinaries to be plain { } ordinaries tinctured "lozengy of two colours." the arms of bolding are an example of a bend lozengy. the _fusil_ is supposed to be, and is generally depicted, of a greater height and less width than a lozenge, being an altogether narrower figure (fig. ). though this distinction is generally observed, it is not always easy to decide which figure any emblazonment is intended to represent, unless the blazon of the arms in question is known. in many cases the variations of different coats of arms, to suit or to fit the varying shapes of shields, have resulted in the use of lozenges and fusils indifferently. fusils occur in the historic arms of daubeney, from which family daubeney of cote, near bristol, is descended, being one of the few families who have an undoubted male descent from a companion of william the conqueror. in the ordinary way five or more lozenges in fess would be fusils, as in the arms of percy, duke of northumberland, who bears in the first quarter: azure, five fusils conjoined in fess or. the charges in the arms of montagu, though only three in number, are always termed fusils. but obviously in early times there could have been no distinction between the lozenge and the fusil. [illustration: fig. .--lozenge.] [illustration: fig. .--fusil.] [illustration: fig. .--mascle.] [illustration: fig. .--rustre.] the _mascle_ is a lozenge voided, _i.e._ only the outer framework is left, the inner portion being removed (fig. ). mascles have no particular or special meaning, but are frequently to be met with. the blazon of the arms of de quincy in charles's roll is: "de goules poudré a fause losengez dor," and in another roll (ms. brit. mus. , ) the arms are described: "de gules a set fauses lozenges de or" (fig. ). the great seiher de quincy, earl of winchester, father of roger, bore quite different arms (fig. ). in louis de bruges, lord of gruthuyse, was created earl of winchester, having no relation to the de quincy line. the arms of de bruges, or rather of gruthuyse, were very different, yet nevertheless, we find upon the patent roll ( edward iv. pt. , _m._ ) a grant of the following arms: "azure, dix mascles d'or, enormé d'une canton de nostre propre armes de angleterre; cest a savoir de gules a une lipard passant d'or, armée { } d'azure," to louis, earl of winchester (fig. ). the recurrence of the mascles in the arms of the successive earls of winchester, whilst each had other family arms, and in the arms of ferrers, whilst not being the original ferrers coat, suggests the thought that there may be hidden some reference to a common saintly patronage which all enjoyed, or some territorial honour common to the three of which the knowledge no longer remains with us. there are some number of coats which are said to have had a field masculy. of course this is quite possible, and the difference between a field masculy and a field fretty is that in the latter the separate pieces of which it is composed interlace each other; but when the field is masculy it is all one fretwork surface, the field being visible through the voided apertures. nevertheless it seems by no means certain that in every case in which the field masculy occurs it may not be found in other, and possibly earlier, examples as fretty. at any rate, very few such coats of arms are even supposed to exist. the arms of de burgh (fig. ) are blazoned in the grimaldi roll: "masclee de vêre and de goules," but whether the inference is that this blazon is wrong or that lozenge and mascle were identical terms i am not aware. [illustration: fig. .--arms of roger de quincy, earl of winchester (d. ): gules, seven mascles conjoined, three, three and one or. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of seiher de quincy, earl of winchester (d. ): or, a fess gules, a label of seven points azure. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of louis de bruges, earl of winchester (d. .)] the _rustre_ is comparatively rare (fig. ). it is a lozenge pierced in the centre with a circular hole. it occurs in the arms of j. d. g. dalrymple, esq., f.s.a. some few coats of arms are mentioned in papworth in which the rustre appears; for example the arms of pery, which are: "or, three rustres sable;" and goodchief, which are: "per fess or and sable, three rustres counterchanged;" but so seldom is the figure met with that it may be almost dropped out of consideration. how it ever reached the position of being considered one of the ordinaries has always been to me a profound mystery. { } the fret the fret (fig. ), which is very frequently found occurring in british armory, is no doubt derived from earlier coats of arms, the whole field of which was covered by an interlacing of alternate bendlets and bendlets sinister, because many of the families who now bear a simple fret are found in earlier representations and in the early rolls of arms bearing coats which were fretty (fig. ). instances of this kind will be found in the arms of maltravers, verdon, tollemache, and other families. [illustration: fig. .--arms of hubert de burgh, earl of kent (d. ). (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--the fret.] [illustration: fig. .--fretty.] [illustration: fig. .--arms of john fitz alan, earl of arundel (d. ): quarterly, and , gules, a lion rampant or (for fitz alan); and , sable, fretty or (for maltravers). (from his seal, _c._ .)] "sable fretty or" was the original form of the arms of the ancient and historic family of maltravers. at a later date the arms of maltravers are found simply "sable, a fret or," but, like the arms of so many other families which we now find blazoned simply as charged with a fret, their original form was undoubtedly "fretty." they appear fretty as late as in the year , which is the date at which the garter plate of sir william arundel, k.g. ( - ), was set up in st. george's chapel at windsor. his arms as there displayed are in the first and fourth quarters, "gules, a lion rampant or," and in the second and third, "purpure fretty or" for maltravers. probably the seal of john fitz alan, earl of arundel (d. ), roughly marks the period, and shows the source of the confusion (fig. ). but it should be noted that sir richard arundel, lord maltravers, bore at the siege of rouen, in the year , gules a lion rampant or, quarterly with "sable a fret or" (for maltravers). this would seem to indicate { } that those who treat the fret and fretty as interchangeable have good grounds for so doing. a sir john maltravers bore "sable fretty or" at the siege of calais, and another sir john maltravers, a knight banneret, bore at the first dunstable tournament "sable fretty or, a label of three points argent." as he is there described as le fitz, the label was probably a purely temporary mark of difference. in a roll of arms which is believed to belong to the latter part of the reign of henry iii., a sir william maltravers is credited with "sable fretty or, on a quarter argent, three lions passant in pale gules." the palpable origin of the fret or fretty in the case of the arms of maltravers is simply the canting similarity between a traverse and the name maltravers. another case, which starting fretty has ended in a fret, occurs in the arms of the family of harington. sir john de haverington, or sir john de harington, is found at the first dunstable tournament in bearing "sable fretty argent," and this coat of arms variously differenced appears in some number of the other early rolls of arms. the harington family, as may be seen from the current baronetages, now bear "sable a fret argent," but there can be little doubt that in this case the origin of the fretty is to be found in a representation of a herring-net. the fret is usually depicted _throughout_ when borne singly, and is then composed of a bendlet dexter and a bendlet sinister, interlaced in the centre by a mascle. occasionally it will be found couped, but it is then, as a rule, only occupying the position of a subsidiary charge. a coat which is _fretty_ is entirely covered by the interlacing bendlets and bendlets sinister, no mascles being introduced. the flaunch [illustration: fig. .--flaunches.] the flaunch, which is never borne singly, and for which the additional names of "flasks" and "voiders" are sometimes found, is the segment of a circle of large diameter projecting into the field from either side of the escutcheon, of a different colour from the field. it is by no means an unusual charge to be met with, and, like the majority of other ordinaries, is subject to the usual lines of partition, but so subject is, however, of rather rare occurrence. planché, in his "pursuivant of arms," mentions the old idea, which is repeated by woodward, "that the base son of a noble woman, if he doe gev armes, must give upon the same a surcoat, but unless you do { } well mark such coat you may take it for a coat flanchette." the surcoat is much the same figure that would remain after flaunches had been taken from the field of a shield, with this exception, that the flaunches would be wider and the intervening space necessarily much narrower. in spite of the fact that this is supposed to be one of the recognised rules of armory, one instance only appears to be known of its employment, which, however, considering the circumstances, is not very much to be wondered at. one exceptional case surely cannot make a rule. i know of no modern case of a mother's coat bastardised--but i assume it would fall under the ordinary practice of the bordure wavy. the roundle the roundle is a generic name which comprises all charges which are plain circular figures of colour or metal. foreign heraldry merely terms them roundles of such and such a colour, but in england we have special terms for each tincture. [illustration: fig. .--fountain.] [illustration: fig. .--the arms of stourton.] when the roundle is gold it is termed a "bezant," when silver a "plate," when gules a "torteau," when azure a "hurt," when sable an "ogress," "pellet," or "gunstone," when vert a "pomeis," when purpure a "golpe," when tenné an "orange," when sanguine a "guze." the golpes, oranges, and guzes are seldom, if ever, met with, but the others are of constant occurrence, and roundles of fur are by no means unknown. a roundle of more than one colour is described as a roundle "per pale," for example of gules and azure, or whatever it may be. the plates and bezants are naturally flat, and must be so represented. they should never be shaded up into a globular form. the torteau is sometimes found shaded, but is more correctly flat, but probably the pellet or ogress and the pomeis are intended to be globular. roundles of fur are always flat. one curious roundle is a very common charge in british armory, that is, the "fountain," which is a roundle barry wavy argent and azure (fig. ). this is the conventional heraldic representation of water, of course. a fountain will be found termed a "syke" when occurring in the arms of any family of the name of sykes. it { } typifies naturally anything in the nature of a well, in which meaning it occurs on the arms of stourton (fig. ). the arms of stourton are one of the few really ancient coats concerning which a genuine explanation exists. the blazon of them is: sable a bend or, between six fountains proper. concerning this coat of arms aubrey says: "i believe anciently 'twas only sable a bend or." with all deference to aubrey, i personally neither think he was right, nor do i pay much attention to his _opinions_, particularly in this case, inasmuch as every known record of the stourton arms introduces the six fountains. the name stourton, originally "de stourton," is emphatically a territorial name, and there is little opportunity for this being gainsaid, inasmuch as the lordship and manor of stourton, in the counties of wilts and somerset, remained in the possession of the lords stourton until the year . the present lord mowbray and stourton still owns land within the parish. consequently there is no doubt whatever that the lords stourton derived their surname from this manor of stourton. equally is it certain that the manor of stourton obtained its name from the river stour, which rises within the manor. the sources of the river stour are six wells, which exist in a tiny valley in stourton park, which to this day is known by the name of "the six wells bottom." in the present year of grace only one of the six wells remains visible. when sir richard colt hoare wrote, there were four visible. of these four, three were outside and one inside the park wall. the other two within the park had been then closed up. when leland wrote in to , the six wells were in existence and visible; for he wrote: "the ryver of stoure risith ther of six fountaynes or springes, whereof be on the northe side of the parke, harde withyn the pale, the other be north also, but withoute the parke. the lorde stourton giveth these fountaynes yn his armes." guillim says the same thing: "these six fountains are borne in signification of six springs, whereof the river of sture in wiltshire hath his beginning, and passeth along to sturton, the seat of that barony." here, then, is the origin of the six fountains upon the coat of arms; but aubrey remarks that three of the six springs in the park are in the county of wilts, whereas mr. camden has put them all in somersetshire. however, the fact is that three of the springs were inside the park and three outside, and that three were in wiltshire and three in somersetshire. here, then, is to be found the division upon the coat of arms of the six fountains in the two sets of three each, and it is by no means an improbable suggestion that the bend which separates the three from the three is typical of, or was suggested by, either the park wall or pale, or by the line of division between the two counties, and the more probable of the two seems to { } be the park wall. the coat of arms is just a map of the property. now, with regard to the arms, as far as is known there has not been at any time the slightest deviation by the family of the lords stourton from the coat quoted and illustrated. but before leaving the subject it may be well to point out that in the few cases in which an ancient coat of arms carries with it an explanation, such explanation is usually to be found either in some such manner as that in which these arms of stourton have been explained, or else in some palpable pun, and not in the mythical accounts and legends of supernatural occurrences which have been handed down, and seldom indeed in any explanation of personal nobility which the tinctures or charges are sometimes said to represent. what is now considered quite a different charge from the fountain is the whirlpool or gurges, which is likewise intended to represent water, and is borne by a family of the name of gorges, the design occupying the whole of the field. this is represented by a spiral line of azure commencing in the centre of an argent field, continuing round and round until the edges of the shield are reached; but there can be very little doubt that this was an early form of representing the watery roundle which happens to have been perpetuated in the instance of that one coat. the fountains upon the seal of the first lord stourton are represented in this manner. examples of a field semé of roundles are very usual, these being termed bezanté or platé if semé of bezants or plates; but in the cases of roundles of other colours the words "semé of" need to be used. the annulet [illustration: fig. .--annulet.] closely akin to the roundel is the annulet (fig. ) and though, as far as i am aware, no text-book has as yet included this in its list of ordinaries and sub-ordinaries, one can see no reason, as the annulet is a regularly used heraldic figure, why the lozenge should have been included and the annulet excluded, when the annulet is of quite as frequent occurrence. it is, as its name implies, simply a plain ring of metal or colour, as will be found in the arms of lowther, hutton, and many other families. annulets appear anciently to have been termed false roundles. annulets will frequently be found interlaced. { } care should be taken to distinguish them from gem-rings, which are always drawn in a very natural manner with stones, which, however, in real life would approach an impossible size. the label [illustration: fig. .--the label.] the label (fig. ) as a charge must be distinguished from the label as a mark of difference for the eldest son, though there is no doubt that in those cases in which it now exists as a charge, the origin must be traced to its earlier use as a difference. concerning its use as a mark of difference it will be treated of further in the chapter upon marks of difference and cadency, but as a charge it will seldom be found in any position except in chief, and not often of other than three points, and it will always be found drawn throughout, that is, with the upper line extended to the size of the field. it consists of a narrow band straight across the shield, from which depend at right angles three short bands. these shorter arms have each of late years been drawn more in the shape of a dovetail, but this was not the case until a comparatively recent period, and now-a-days we are quite as inclined to revert to the old forms as to perpetuate this modern variety. other names for the label are the "lambel" and the "file." the label is the only mark of difference now borne by the royal family. every member of the royal family has the royal arms assigned to him for use presumably during life, and in these warrants, which are separate and personal for each individual, both the coronet and the difference marks which are to be borne upon the label are quoted and assigned. this use of the label, however, will be subsequently fully dealt with. as a charge, the label occurs in the arms of barrington: "argent, three chevronels gules, a label azure;" and babington: "argent, ten torteaux, four, three, two, and one, in chief a label of three points azure;" also in the earlier form of the arms of de quincy (fig. ) and courtenay (fig. ). various curious coats of arms in which the label appears are given in papworth as follows:-- "... a label of four points in bend sinister ... wm. de curli, th hen. iii. (cotton, julius f., vii. .) "argent, a label of five points azure. henlington, co. gloucester. (harl. ms. , fo. .) "or, a file gules, with three bells pendent azure, clappers sable. (belfile.) { } "sable, three crescents, in chief a label of two drops and in fess another of one drop argent. fitz-simons. (harl. ms. and .) "or, three files borne barways gules, the first having five points, the second four, and the last three. liskirke, holland. (gwillim.)" a curious label will have been noticed in the arms of de valence (fig. ). the billet the billet (fig. ), though not often met with as a charge, does sometimes occur, as for example, in the arms of alington. [illustration: fig. .--arms of hugh courtenay, earl of devon (d. ): or, three torteaux, a label azure. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--the billet.] [illustration: fig. .--billetté.] its more frequent appearance is as an object with which a field or superior charge is semé, in which case these are termed billetté (fig. ). the best known instance of this is probably the coat borne on an inescutcheon over the arms of england during the joint reign of william and mary. the arms of gasceline afford another example of a field billetté. these are "or, billetté azure, and a label gules." though not many instances are given under each subdivision, papworth affords examples of coats with every number of billets from to , but many of them, particularly some of those from to in number, are merely mistaken renderings of fields which should have been termed billetté. the billet, slightly widened, is sometimes known as a block, and as such will be found in the arms of paynter. other instances are to be found where the billets are termed delves or gads. the billet will sometimes be found pointed at the bottom, in which case it is termed "urdy at the foot." but neither as a form of semé, nor as a charge, is the billet of sufficiently frequent use to warrant its inclusion as one of the ordinaries or sub-ordinaries. { } [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of r. e. yerburgh, esq.: per pale argent and azure, on a chevron between three chaplets all counterchanged, an annulet for difference. mantling azure and argent. crest: on a wreath of the colours, a falcon close or, belled of the last, preying upon a mallard proper.] [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of robert berry, esq.: quarterly, and , vert, a cross crosslet argent (for berry); and , parted per pale argent and sable, on a chaplet four mullets counterchanged (for nairne), in the centre of the quarters a crescent or, for difference. mantling vert, doubled argent. crest: upon a wreath of his liveries, a demi-lion rampant gules, armed and langued, holding in his dexter paw a cross crosslet fitchée azure; and in an escroll over the same this motto, "in hoc signo vinces," and in another under the shield, "l'espérance me comforte."] the chaplet why the chaplet was ever included amongst the ordinaries and sub-ordinaries passes my comprehension. it is not of frequent occurrence, and i have yet to ascertain in which form it has acquired this status. the chaplet which is usually meant when the term is employed is the garland of oak, laurel, or other leaves or flowers (fig. ), which is found more frequently as part of a crest. there is also the chaplet, which it is difficult to describe, save as a large broad annulet { } such as the one which figures in the arms of nairne (fig. ), and which is charged at four regular intervals with roses, mullets, or some other objects. the chaplet of oak and acorns is sometimes known as a civic crown, but the term chaplet will more frequently be found giving place to the use of the word wreath, and a chaplet of laurel or roses, unless completely conjoined and figuring as a charge upon the shield, will be far more likely to be termed a wreath or garland of laurel or roses than a chaplet. there are many other charges which have no great distinction from some of these which have been enumerated, but as nobody hitherto has classed them as ordinaries i suppose there could be no excuse for so introducing them, but the division of any heraldic charges into ordinaries and sub-ordinaries, and their separation from other figures, seems to a certain extent incomprehensible and very unnecessary. { } chapter x the human figure in heraldry if we include the many instances of the human head and the human figure which exist as crests, and also the human figure as a supporter, probably it or its parts will be nearly as frequently met with in armory as the lion; but if crests and supporters be disregarded, and the human figure be simply considered as a charge upon the shield, it is by no means often to be met with. english (but not scottish) official heraldry now and for a long time past has set its face against the representation of any specific saint or other person in armorial bearings. in many cases, however, particularly in the arms of ecclesiastical sees and towns, the armorial bearings registered are simply the conventionalised heraldic representation of seal designs dating from a very much earlier period. seal engravers laboured under no such limitations, and their representations were usually of some specific saint or person readily recognisable from accompanying objects. consequently, if it be desirable, the identity of a figure in a coat of arms can often be traced in such cases by reference to a seal of early date, whilst all the time the official coat of arms goes no further than to term the figure that of a saint. the only representation which will be found in british heraldry of the deity is in the arms of the see of chichester, which certainly originally represented our lord seated in glory. whether by intention or carelessness, this, however, is now represented and blazoned as: "azure, a prester [presbyter] john sitting on a tombstone, in his left hand a mound, his right hand extended all or, with a linen mitre on his head, and in his mouth a sword proper." possibly it is a corruption, but i am rather inclined to think it is an intentional alteration to avoid the necessity of any attempt to pictorially represent the deity. christ upon the cross, however, will be found represented in the arms of inverness (fig. ). the shield used by the town of halifax has the canting "holy face" upon a chequy field. this coat, however, is without authority, though it is sufficiently remarkable to quote the blazon in full: "chequy or and azure, a man's face with long hair and bearded and dropping blood, and surmounted { } by a halo, all proper; in chief the letters halez, and in base the letters fax." [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of the royal burgh of inverness: gules, our lord upon the cross proper. mantling gules, doubled or. crest: upon a wreath of the proper liveries a cornucopia proper. supporters: dexter, a dromedary; sinister, an elephant, both proper. (from a painting by mr. graham johnston in lyon register.)] no other instance is known, but, on the other hand, representations of the virgin mary with her babe are not uncommon. she will be found so described in the arms of the royal burgh of banff. the virgin mary and child appear also in the arms of the town of leith, { } viz.: "argent, in a sea proper, an ancient galley with two masts, sails furled sable, flagged gules, seated therein the virgin mary with the infant saviour in her arms, and a cloud resting over their heads, all also proper." the virgin and child appear in the crest of marylebone (fig. ), but in this case, in accordance with the modern english practice, the identity is not alluded to. the true derivation of the name from "st. mary le bourne" (and not "le bon") is perpetuated in the design of the arms. a demi-figure of the virgin is the crest of rutherglen;[ ] and the virgin and child figure, amongst other ecclesiastical arms, on the shields of the sees of lincoln ["gules, two lions passant-guardant or; on a chief azure, the holy virgin and child, sitting crowned, and bearing a sceptre of the second"], salisbury ["azure, the holy virgin and child, with sceptre in her left hand all or"], sodor and man ["argent, upon three ascents the holy virgin standing with her arms extended between two pillars, on the dexter whereof is a church; in base the ancient arms of man upon an inescutcheon"], southwell ["sable, three fountains proper, a chief paly of three, on the first or, a stag couchant proper, on the second gules, the virgin holding in her arms the infant jesus, on the third also or, two staves raguly couped in cross vert"], and tuam ["azure, three figures erect under as many canopies or stalls of gothic work or, their faces, hands, and legs proper; the first representing an archbishop in his pontificals; the second the holy virgin mary, a circle of glory over her head, holding in her left arm the infant jesus; and the third an angel having his dexter arm elevated, and under the sinister arm a lamb, all of the second"]. { } [illustration: fig. .--arms of marylebone: per chevron sable and barry wavy of six, argent and azure in chief, in the dexter a fleur-de-lis, and in the sinister a rose, both or. crest: on a wreath of the colours, upon two bars wavy argent and azure, between as many lilies of the first, stalked and leaved vert, a female figure affronté proper, vested of the first, mantled of the second, on the left arm a child also proper, vested or, around the head of each a halo of the last. motto: "fiat secundum verbum tuum."] { } various saints figure in different scottish coats of arms, and amongst them will be found the following:-- st. andrew, in the arms of the national bank of scotland, granted in ["or, the image of st. andrew with vesture vert and surcoat purpure bearing before him the cross of his martyrdom argent, all resting on a base of the second, in the dexter flank a garb gules, in the sinister a ship in full sail sable, the shield surrounded with two thistles proper, disposed in orle"]; st. britius, in the arms of the royal burgh of kirkcaldy ["azur, ane abbay of three pyramids argent, each ensigned with a cross patée or. and on the reverse of the seal is insculped in a field azure the figure of st. bryse with long garments, on his head a mytre, in the dexter a fleur-de-lis, the sinister laid upon his breast all proper. standing in ye porch of the church or abbay. ensigned on the top as before all betwixt a decrescent and a star in fess or. the motto is 'vigilando munio.' and round the escutcheon of both sydes these words--'sigillum civitatus kirkaldie'"]; st. columba, in the arms of the college of the holy spirit at cumbræ ["quarterly, and grand quarters, azure, st. columba in a boat at sea, in his sinister hand a dove, and in the dexter chief a blazing star all proper; and grand quarters, quarterly, i. and iv., argent, an eagle displayed with two heads gules; ii. and iii., parted per bend embattled gules and argent; over the second and third grand quarters an escutcheon of the arms of boyle of kelburne, viz. or, three stags' horns gules"]; st. duthacus, in the arms of the royal burgh of tain ["gules, st. duthacus in long garments argent, holding in his dexter hand a staff garnished with ivy, in the sinister laid on his breast a book expanded proper"]; st. Ægidius (st. giles), in the arms of the royal burgh of elgin ["argent, sanctus Ægidius habited in his robes and mitred, holding in his dexter hand a pastoral staff, and in his left hand a clasped book, all proper. supporters; two angels proper, winged or volant upwards. motto: 'sic itur ad astra,' upon ane compartment suitabil to a burgh royal, and for their colours red and white"]; st. ninian, in the arms of the episcopal see of galloway ["argent, st. ninian standing and full-faced proper, clothed with a pontifical robe purple, on his head a mitre, and in his dexter hand a crosier or"]; and st. adrian, in the arms of the town of pittenweem ["azur, in the sea a gallie with her oars in action argent, and therein standing the figure of st. adrian, with long garments close girt, and a mytre on his head proper, holding in his sinister hand a crosier or. on the stern a flag developed argent, charged with the royall armes of scotland, with this word, 'deo duce'"]. biblical characters of the old testament have found favour upon the continent, and the instances quoted by woodward are too amusing to omit:-- "the families who bear the names of saints, such as st. andrew, st. george, st. michael, have (perhaps not unnaturally) included in their arms representation of their family patrons. "the bavarian family of reider include in their shield the mounted effigy of the good knight st. martin dividing his cloak with a beggar (date of diploma ). the figure of the great apostle of the gentiles appears in the arms of von pauli joerg, and jorger, of austria, similarly make use of st. george. "continental heraldry affords not a few examples of the use of the personages of holy writ. the adamoli of lombardy bear: 'azure, { } the tree of life entwined with the serpent, and accosted with our first parents, all proper' (_i.e._ in a state of nature). the addition of a chief of the empire to this coat makes it somewhat incongruous. "the family of adam in bavaria improve on sacred history by eliminating eve, and by representing adam as holding the apple in one hand, and the serpent wriggling in the other. on the other hand, the spanish family of eva apparently consider there is a sufficiently transparent allusion to their own name, and to the mother of mankind, in the simple bearings: 'or, on a mount in base an apple-tree vert, fructed of the field, and encircled by a serpent of the second.' "the family of abel in bavaria make the patriarch in the attitude of prayer to serve as their crest; while the coat itself is: 'sable, on a square altar argent, a lamb lying surrounded by fire and smoke proper.' "samson slaying the lion is the subject of the arms of the vesentina family of verona. the field is gules, and on a terrace in base vert the strong man naked bestrides a golden lion and forces its jaws apart. the polish family of samson naturally use the same device, but the field is azure and the patriarch is decently habited. the starckens of the island of oesel also use the like as _armes parlantes_; the field in this case is or. after these we are hardly surprised to find that daniel in the lions' den is the subject of the arms of the rhenish family of daniels, granted late in the eighteenth century; the field is azure. the bolognese daniels are content to make a less evident allusion to the prophet; their arms are: "per fess azure and vert, in chief 'the lion of the tribe of judah' naissant or, holding an open book with the words 'libri aperti sunt' (daniel vii. ). "the archangel st. michael in full armour, as conventionally represented, treading beneath his feet the great adversary, sable, is the charge on an azure field of the van schorel of antwerp." other instances will be found, as st. kentigern (who is sometimes said to be the same as st. mungo), and who occurs as the crest of glasgow: "the half-length figure of st. kentigern affronté, vested and mitred, his right hand raised in the act of benediction, and having in his left hand a crosier, all proper;" st. michael, in the arms of linlithgow: "azure, the figure of the archangel michael, with wings expanded, treading on the belly of a serpent lying with its tail nowed fesswise in base, all argent, the head of which he is piercing through with a spear in his dexter hand, and grasping with his sinister an escutcheon charged with the royal arms of scotland." the same saint also figures in the arms of the city of brussels; while the family of mitchell-carruthers bears as a crest: "st. michael in armour, { } holding a spear in his dexter hand, the face, neck, arms and legs bare, all proper, the wings argent, and hair auburn." st. martin occurs in the arms of dover, and he also figures, as has been already stated, on the shield of the bavarian family of reider, whilst st. paul occurs as a charge in the arms of the dutch family of von pauli. the arms of the see of clogher are: "a bishop in pontifical robes seated on his chair of state, and leaning towards the sinister, his left hand supporting a crosier, his right pointing to the dexter chief, all or, the feet upon a cushion gules, tasselled or." a curious crest will be found belonging to the arms of a family of stewart, which is: "a king in his robes, crowned." the arms of the episcopal see of ross afford another instance of a bishop, together with st. boniface. the arms of the town of queensferry, in scotland, show an instance of a queen. "a king in his robes, and crowned," will be found in the arms of dartmouth ["gules, the base barry wavy, argent and azure, thereon the hulk of a ship, in the centre of which is a king robed and crowned, and holding in his sinister hand a sceptre, at each end of the ship a lion sejant guardant all or]." allegorical figures, though numerous as supporters, are comparatively rare as charges upon a shield; but the arms of the university of melbourne show a representation of the figure of victory ["azure, a figure intended to represent victory, robed and attired proper, the dexter hand extended holding a wreath of laurel or, between four stars of eight points, two in pale and two in fess argent"], which also appears in other coats of arms. the figure of truth will be found in the coats of arms for various members of the family of sandeman. the bust of queen elizabeth was granted by that queen, as a special mark of her royal favour, to sir anthony weldon, her clerk of the spicery. apollo is represented in the arms of the apothecaries' company: "azure, apollo, the inventor of physic, proper, with his head radiant, holding in his left hand a bow and in his right hand an arrow or, supplanting a serpent argent." the figure of justice appears in the arms of wiergman [or wergman]. neptune appears in the arms granted to sir isaac heard, lancaster herald, afterwards garter king of arms, and is again to be found in the crest of the arms of monneypenny ["on a dolphin embowed, a bridled neptune astride, holding with his sinister hand a trident over his shoulder"]. the figure of temperance occurs in the crest of goodfellow. { } the head of st. john the baptist in a charger figures in the crest of the tallow chandlers' livery company and in the arms of ayr, whilst the head of st. denis is the charge upon the arms of a family of that name. angels, though very frequently met with as supporters, are far from being usual, either as a charge upon a shield or as a crest. the crest of leslie, however, is an angel. the crest of lord kintore is an angel in a praying posture or, within an orle of laurel proper. cherubs are far more frequently to be met with. they are represented in various forms, and will be found in the arms of chaloner, thackeray, maddocks, and in the crest of carruthers. the nude figure is perhaps the most usual form in which the human being is made use of as a charge, and examples will be found in the arms of wood (lord halifax), and in the arms of oswald. the arms of dalziell show an example--practically unique in british heraldry--of a naked man, the earliest entry ( ) of the arms of dalziell of binns (a cadet of the family) in the lyon register, having them then blazoned: "sable, a naked man with his arms extended _au naturel_, on a canton argent, a sword and pistol disposed in saltire proper." this curious coat of arms has been the subject of much speculation. the fact that in some early examples the body is swinging from a gibbet has led some to suppose the arms to be an allusion to the fact, or legend, that one of the family recovered the body of kenneth iii., who had suffered death by hanging at the hands of the picts. but it seems more likely that if the gibbet is found in any authoritative versions of the arms possibly the coat may owe its origin to a similar reason to that which is said, and probably correctly, to account for the curious crest of the davenport family, viz.: "a man's head in profile couped at the shoulders proper, about the neck a rope or," or as it is sometimes termed, "a felon's head proper, about the neck a halter or." there is now in the possession of the capesthorne branch of the davenport family a long and very ancient roll, containing the names of the master robbers captured and beheaded in the times of koran, roger, and thomas de davenport, and probably the davenport family held some office or royal commission which empowered them to deal in a summary way with the outlaws which infested the peak country. it is more than probable that the crest of davenport should be traced to some such source as this, and i suggest the possibility of a similar origin for the arms of dalziel. as a crest the savage and demi-savage are constantly occurring. { } they are in heraldry distinguished by the garlands of leaves about either or both loins and temples. men in armour are sometimes met with. the arms of o'loghlen are an instance in point, as are the crests of marshall, morse, bannerman, and seton of mounie. figures of all nationalities and in all costumes will be found in the form of supporters, and occasionally as crests, but it is difficult to classify them, and it must suffice to mention a few curious examples. the human figure as a supporter is fully dealt with in the chapter devoted to that subject. the arms of jedburgh have a mounted warrior, and the same device occurs in the crest of the duke of fife, and in the arms of lanigan-o'keefe. the arms of londonderry afford an instance of a skeleton. the emblematical figure of fortune is a very favourite charge in foreign heraldry. a family of the name of rodd use the colossus of rhodes as a crest: and the arms of sir william dunn, bart., are worth the passing mention ["azure, on a mount in base a bale of wool proper, thereon seated a female figure representing commerce, vested argent, resting the dexter hand on a stock of an anchor, and in the sinister a caduceus, both or, on the chief of the last a tree eradicated, thereon hanging a hunting-horn between a thistle slipped proper on the dexter and a fleur-de-lis azure on the sinister. crest: a cornucopia fesswise, surmounted by a dexter hand couped proper, holding a key in bend sinister or. motto: 'vigilans et audax.'"]. the crests of vivian ["a demi-hussar of the th regiment, holding in his right hand a sabre, and in his left a pennon flying to the sinister gules, and inscribed in gold letters, 'croix d'orade,' issuant from a bridge of one arch, embattled, and at each end a tower"], and macgregor ["two brass guns in saltire in front of a demi-highlander armed with his broadsword, pistols, and with a target, thereon the family arms of macgregor," viz.: "argent: a sword in bend dexter azure, and an oak-tree eradicated in bend sinister proper, in the dexter chief an antique crown gules, and upon an escroll surmounting the crest the motto, 'e'en do and spare not'"] are typical of many crests of augmentation and quasi-augmentation granted in the early part of the nineteenth century. the crest of the devonshire family of arscot ["a demi-man affronté in a turkish habit, brandishing in his dexter hand a scimitar, and his sinister hand resting on a tiger's head issuing from the wreath"] is curious, as is the crest granted by sir william le neve in to sir robert minshull, viz.: "a turk kneeling on one knee, habited { } gules, legs and arms in mail proper, at the side a scymitar sable, hilted or, on the head a turban with a crescent and feather argent, holding in the dexter hand a crescent of the last." the crest of pilkington ["a mower with his scythe in front habited as follows: a high-crowned hat with flap, the crown party per pale, flap the same, counterchanged; coat buttoned to the middle, with his scythe in bend proper, habited through quarterly and counterchanged argent and gules"], and the very similar crest of de trafford, in which the man holds a flail, are curious, and are the subjects of appropriate legends. the crest of clerk of pennycuick (a demi-man winding a horn) refers to the curious tenure by which the pennycuick estate is supposed to be held, namely, that whenever the sovereign sets foot thereupon, the proprietor must blow a horn from a certain rocky point. the motto, "free for a blast," has reference to the same. the arms of the college of surgeons in edinburgh, i fancy, afford the only instance of what is presumably a corpse, the blazon being: "azure, a man (human body) fesswise between a dexter hand having an eye on the palm issuing out of a cloud downward and a castle situate on a rock proper, within a bordure or charged with several instruments peculiar to the art (_sic_); on a canton of the first a saltire argent surmounted of a thistle vert, crowned of the third." when we come to parts of the human body instances of heads, arms, and legs are legion. there are certain well-known heraldic heads, and though many instances occur where the blazon is simply a "man's head," it will be most frequently found that it is more specifically described. sloane evans in his "grammar of heraldry" specifies eight different varieties, namely: . the wild man's; . the moor's; . the saracen's; . the saxon's; . the englishman's; . the old man's; . the woman's; . the child's. the wild man's or savage's head is usually represented with a wreath of leaves about the temples, but not necessarily so (fig. ). the head of the moor, or "blackamoor," as it is more usually described, is almost always in profile, and very frequently adorned with a twisted wreath (torse) about the temples (fig. ). the head of the saracen is also usually found with wreaths about the temples (fig. ). the head of the saxon is borne by several welsh families, and is supposed to be known by the absence of a beard. the englishman's head, which is borne by the welsh family of lloyd of plymog, has no very distinctive features, except that whilst the hair and beard of the savage are generally represented brown, they { } are black in the case of the moor and saracen, and fair for the saxon and englishman. the old man's head, which, like that of the saxon and englishman, is seldom met with, is bald and grey-haired and bearded. but for all practical purposes these varieties may be all disregarded except the savage's (fig. ), the blackamoor's (fig. ), and the saracen's (fig. ). examples of the savage's head will be found in the arms of eddington of balbartan ["azure, three savages' heads couped argent"], in the arms of gladstone, and in the canting coat of rochead of whitsonhill ["argent, a savage's head erased, distilling drops of blood proper, between three combs azure"]. moir of otterburn bears the moors' heads ["argent, three negroes' heads couped proper within a bordure counter-indented sable and or"], and moir of stonniwood matriculated a somewhat similar coat in which the heads are termed mauritanian ["argent, three mauritanian negroes' heads couped and distilling guttés-de-sang"]. alderson of homerton, middlesex, bears saracens' heads ["argent, three saracens' heads affronté, couped at the shoulders proper, wreathed about the temples of the first and sable"]. [illustration: fig. .--a savage's head.] [illustration: fig. .--a blackamoor's head.] [illustration: fig. .--a saracen's head.] the woman's head (fig. ) in heraldry is always represented young and beautiful (that is, if the artist is capable of so drawing it), and it is almost invariably found with golden hair. the colour, however, should be blazoned, the term "crined" being used. five maidens' heads appear upon the arms of the town of reading, and the crest of thornhill shows the same figure. the arms of the mercers' livery company ["gules, a demi-virgin couped below the shoulders, issuing from clouds all proper, vested or, crowned with an eastern crown of the last, her hair dishevelled, and wreathed round the temples with roses of the second, all within an orle of clouds proper"] and of the master of the revels in scotland ["argent, a lady rising out of a cloud in the nombril point, richly apparelled, on her head a garland of ivy, holding in her right hand a poinziard crowned, in her left a vizard all proper, standing { } under a veil or canopy azure, garnished or, in base a thistle vert"] are worthy of quotation. the boy's head will seldom be found except in welsh coats, of which the arms of vaughan and price are examples. another case in which the heads of children appear are the arms of fauntleroy ["gules, three infants' heads couped at the shoulders proper, crined or"], which are a very telling instance of a canting device upon the original form of the name, which was "enfantleroy." children, it may be here noted, are seldom met with in armory, but instances will be found in the arms of davies, of marsh, co. salop ["sable, a goat argent, attired or, standing on a child proper swaddled gules, and feeding on a tree vert"], of the foundling hospital ["per fesse azure and vert, in chief a crescent argent, between two mullets of six points or, in base an infant exposed, stretching out its arms for help proper"], and in the familiar "bird and bantling" crest of stanley, earls of derby. arms and hands are constantly met with, and have certain terms of their own. a hand should be stated to be either dexter (fig. ), or sinister (fig. ), and is usually blazoned and always understood to be couped at the wrist. if the hand is open and the palm visible it is "apaumé" (figs. and ), but this being by far the most usual position in which the hand is met with, unless represented to be holding anything, the term "apaumé" is not often used in blazon, that position being presumed unless anything contrary is stated. [illustration: fig. .--a woman's head and bust.] [illustration: fig. .--a dexter hand.] [illustration: fig. .--a sinister hand.] the hand is occasionally represented "clenched," as in the arms and crest of fraser-mackintosh. when the thumb and first two fingers are raised, they are said to be "raised in benediction" (fig. ). the cubit arm (fig. ), should be carefully distinguished from the arm couped at the elbow (fig. ). the former includes only about two-thirds of the entire arm from the elbow. the form "couped at the elbow" is not frequently met with. when the whole arm from the shoulder is used, it is always bent at { } the elbow, and this is signified by the term "embowed," and an arm embowed necessarily includes the whole arm. fig. shows the usual position of an arm embowed, but it is sometimes placed embowed to the dexter (fig. ), upon the point of the elbow, that is, "embowed fesseways" (fig. ), and also, but still more infrequently, resting on the upper arm (fig. ). either of the latter positions must be specified in the blazon. two arms "counter-embowed" occur in many crests (figs. and ). [illustration: fig. .--a hand "in benediction."] [illustration: fig. .--a cubit arm.] [illustration: fig. .--an arm couped at the elbow.] [illustration: fig. .--an arm embowed.] [illustration: fig. .--an arm embowed to the dexter.] [illustration: fig. .--an arm embowed fesseways.] [illustration: fig. .--an arm embowed the upper part in fesse.] [illustration: fig. .--two arms counter-embowed.] [illustration: fig. .--two arms counter-embowed and interlaced.] when the arm is bare it is termed "proper." when clothed it is termed either "vested" or "habited" (fig. ). the cuff is very { } frequently of a different colour, and the crest is then also termed "cuffed." the hand is nearly always bare, but if not represented of flesh colour it will be presumed and termed to be "gloved" of such and such a tincture. when it is represented in armour it is termed "in armour" or "vambraced" (fig. ). even when in armour the hand is usually bare, but if in a gauntlet this must be specifically so stated (fig. ). the armour is always represented as riveted _plate_ armour unless it is specifically stated to be _chain armour_, as in the crest of bathurst, or _scale armour_. armour is sometimes decorated with gold, when the usual term employed will be "garnished or," though occasionally the word "purfled" is used. gloves are occasionally met with as charges, _e.g._ in the arms of barttelot. gauntlets will be found in the arms of vane. [illustration: fig. .--a cubit arm habited.] [illustration: fig. .--an arm embowed in armour.] [illustration: fig. .--a cubit arm in armour, the hand in a gauntlet.] legs are not so frequently met with as arms. they will be found, however, in the arms of the isle of man and the families gillman, bower, legg, and as the crest of eyre. boots will be found in the crests of various families of the name of hussey. bones occur in the arms of scott-gatty and baines. a skull occurs in the crest of græme ["two arms issuing from a cloud erected and lighting up a man's skull encircled with two branches of palm, over the head a marquess's coronet, all proper"]. a woman's breast occurs in the canting arms of dodge (plate vi.) ["barry of six or and sable, on a pale gules, a woman's breast distilling drops of milk proper. crest: upon a wreath of the colours, a demi sea-dog azure, collared, maned, and finned or"]. an eye occurs in the crest of blount of maple-durham ["on a wreath of the colours, the sun in splendour charged in the centre with an eye all proper"]. the man-lion, the merman, mermaid, melusine, satyr, satyral, harpy, sphinx, centaur, sagitarius, and weirwolf are included in the chapter upon mythical animals. { } chapter xi the heraldic lion heraldic art without the lion would not amount to very much, for no figure plays such an important or such an extensive part in armory as the lion, in one or other of its various positions. these present-day positions are the results of modern differentiation, arising from the necessity of a larger number of varying coats of arms; but there can be little doubt that in early times the majority of these positions did not exist, having been gradually evolved, and that originally the heraldic animal was just "a lion." the shape of the shield was largely a governing factor in the manner in which we find it depicted; the old artists, with a keener artistic sense than is evidenced in so many later examples of heraldic design, endeavoured to fill up as large a proportion of the space available as was possible, and consequently when only one lion was to be depicted upon the shield they very naturally drew the animal in an upright position, this being the one most convenient and adaptable for their purpose. probably their knowledge of natural history was very limited, and this upright position would seem to them the most natural, and probably was the only one they knew; at any rate, at first it is almost the only position to be found. a curious commentary upon this may be deduced from the head-covering of geoffrey of anjou (fig. ), which shows a lion. this lion is identically of the form and shape of the lions rampant upon the shield, but from the nature of the space it occupies, is what would now be termed statant; but there is at the same time no such alteration in the relative position of the limbs as would now be required. this would seem to indicate very clearly that there was but the one stereotyped pattern of a lion, which answered all their purposes, and that our fore-runners applied that one pattern to the spaces they desired to decorate. early heraldry, however, when the various positions came into recognised use, soon sought to impose this definite distinction, that the lion could only be depicted erect in the _rampant_ position, and that an animal represented to be walking must therefore be a _leopard_ from the very position which it occupied. this, however, was a distinction known only to the more pedantic heralds, and found greatest favour { } amongst the french; but we find in glover's roll, which is a copy of a roll originally drawn up about the year , that whilst he gives lions to six of the english earls, he commences with "le roy d'angleterre porte, gules, trois lupards d'or." on the other hand, the monkish chronicler john of harmoustier in touraine (a contemporary writer) relates that when henry i. chose geoffrey, son of foulk, earl of anjou, touraine, and main, to be his son-in-law, by marrying him to his only daughter and heir, maud the empress, and made him knight; after the bathing and other solemnities (pedes ejus solutaribus in superficie leonculos aureos habentibus muniuntur), boots embroidered with golden lions were drawn on his legs, and also that (clypeus leonculos aureos imaginarios habens collo ejus suspenditur) a shield with lions of gold therein was hung about his neck. it is, therefore, evident that the refinement of distinction between a lion and a leopard was not of the beginning; it is a later addition to the earlier simple term of lion. this distinction having been invented by french heralds, and we taking so much of our heraldry, our language, and our customs from france, adopted, and to a certain extent used, this description of lions passant as "leopards." there can be no doubt, however, that the lions passant guardant upon the english shield have always been represented as _lions_, no matter what they may have been called, and the use of the term leopard in heraldry to signify a certain position for the lion never received any extensive sanction, and has long since become obsolete in british armory. in french blazon, however, the old distinction is still observed, and it is curious to observe that on the coins of the channel islands the shield of arms distinctly shows three leopards. the french lion is our lion rampant, the french leopard is our lion passant guardant, whilst they term our lion passant a _léopard-lionné_, and our lion rampant guardant is their _lion-léopardé_. a lion rampant and any other beast of prey is usually represented in heraldry with the tongue and claws of a different colour from the animal. if it is not itself gules, its tongue and claws are usually represented as of that colour, unless the lion be on a field of gules. they are then represented azure, the term being "armed and langued" of such and such a colour. it is not necessary to mention that a lion is "armed and langued" in the blazon when tongue and claws are emblazoned in gules, but whenever any other colour is introduced for the purpose it is better that it should be specified. outside british heraldry a lion is always supposed to be rampant unless otherwise specifically described. the earliest appearance of the lions in the arms of any member of the royal family in england would appear to be the seal of king john when he was prince and before he { } ascended the throne. this seal shows his arms to be two lions passant. the english royal crest, which originated with richard i., is now always depicted as a lion statant guardant. there can be no doubt, however, that this guardant attitude is a subsequent derivation from the position of the lions on the shield, when heraldry was ceasing to be actual and becoming solely pictorial. we find in the case of the crest of edward the black prince, now suspended over his tomb in canterbury cathedral, that the lion upon the chapeau looks straight forward over the front of the helm (see fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] another ancient rule belonging to the same period as the controversy between leopards and lions was that there cannot be more than _one lion_ upon a shield, and this was one of the great arguments used to determine that the charges on the royal arms of england must be leopards and not lions. it was admitted as a rule of british armory to a limited extent, viz., that when two or more lions rampant appeared upon the same shield, unless combatant, they were always formerly described as lioncels. thus the arms of bohun are: "azure, a bend argent, cottised between six lioncels rampant or." british heraldry has, however, long since disregarded any such rule (if any definite rule ever really existed upon the point), though curiously enough in the recent grant of arms to the town of warrington the animals are there blazoned six "lioncels." the artistic evolution of the lion rampant can be readily traced in the examples and explanations which follow, but, as will be understood, the employment in the case of some of these models cannot strictly be said to be confined within a certain number of years, though the details and periods given are roughly accurate, and sufficiently so to typify the changes which have occurred. until perhaps the second half of the thirteenth century the body of the lion appears straight upright, so that the head, the trunk, and the left hind-paw fall into the angle of the shield. the left fore-paw is horizontal, the right fore- and the right hind-paw are placed diagonally (or obliquely) upwards (fig. ). the paws each end in three knobs, similar to a clover-leaf, out of which the claws come forth. the fourth or inferior toes appeared in heraldry somewhat later. the jaws are closed or only very slightly opened, without the tongue being visible. the tail is thickened in the middle with a bunch of longer hair and is turned down towards the body. [illustration: fig. .--shield, helmet, and crest of edward the black prince, suspended over his tomb in canterbury cathedral.] [illustration: fig. .] in the course of the period lasting from the second half of the thirteenth to the second half of the fourteenth centuries, the right hind-paw sinks lower until it forms a right angle with the left. the mouth { } grows pointed, and in the second half of the period the tongue becomes visible. the tail also shows a knot near its root (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] in examples taken from the second half of the fourteenth century and the fifteenth century the lion's body is no longer placed like a pillar, but lays its head back to the left so that the right fore-paw falls into an oblique upward line with the trunk. the toes are lengthened, appearing almost as fingers, and spread out from one another; the tail, adorned with flame-like bunches of hair, strikes outwards and loses the before-mentioned knot, which only remains visible in a forked tail (_queue-fourché_). the jaws grow deep and are widely opened, and the breast rises and expands under the lower jaw (fig. ). lions of peculiar virility and beauty appear upon a fourteenth-century banner which shows the arms of the family of talbot, earls of shrewsbury: gules, a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed or, quartered with the arms of _strange_: argent, two lions passant in pale gules, armed and langued azure. fig. gives the lower half of the banner which was published in colours in the catalogue of the heraldic exhibition in london, . [illustration: fig. .--arms of strange and talbot. (from a design for a banner.)] [illustration: fig. .] fig. is an italian coat of arms of the fourteenth century, and shows a lion of almost exactly the same design, except the paws are { } here rendered somewhat more heraldically. the painting (azure, a lion rampant argent) served as an "ex libris," and bears the inscription "libe accusacionum mey p. he ..." (the remainder has been cut away. it is reproduced from warnecke's "german bookplates," .) when we come to modern examples of lions, it is evident that the artists of the present day very largely copy lions which are really the creations of, or adaptations from, the work of their predecessors. the lions of the late mr. forbes nixon, as shown in fig. , which were specially drawn by him at my request as typical of his style, are respectively as follows:-- a winged lion passant coward. a lion rampant regardant. a lion rampant queue-fourché. a lion passant crowned. a lion passant. a lion rampant. a lion rampant to the sinister. a lion passant guardant, ducally gorged. a lion statant guardant, ducally crowned. a lion rampant. a lion statant guardant. a lion sejant guardant erect. lions drawn by mr. scruby will be found in figs. and , which are respectively: "argent, a lion rampant sable," "sable, a lion passant guardant argent," and "sable, a lion rampant argent." these again were specially drawn by mr. scruby as typical of his style. the lions of mr. eve would seem to be entirely original. their singularly graceful form and proportions are perhaps best shown by figs. and , which are taken from his book "decorative heraldry." the lions of mr. graham johnston can be appreciated from the examples in figs. - . examples of lions drawn by miss helard will be found in figs. , . the various positions which modern heraldry has evolved for the lions, together with the terms of blazon used to describe these positions, are as follows, and the differences can best be appreciated from a series drawn by the same artist, in this case mr. graham johnston:-- _lion rampant._--the animal is here depicted in profile, and erect, resting upon its sinister hind-paw (see fig. ). { } _lion rampant guardant._--in this case the head of the lion is turned to face the spectator (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--lions. (drawn by mr. j. forbes nixon.)] _lion rampant regardant._--in this case the head is turned completely round, looking backwards (fig. ). _lion rampant, double-queued._--in this case the lion is represented as { } having two tails (fig. ). these must both be apparent from the base of the tail, otherwise confusion will arise with the next example. _lion rampant queue-fourché._--in this case one tail springs from the base, which is divided or "forked" in the centre (fig. ). there is no doubt that whilst in modern times and with regard to modern arms this distinction must be adhered to, anciently queue-fourché and double-queued were interchangeable terms. [illustration: fig. .--lion passant guardant. (by mr. g. scruby.)] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant. (by mr. g. scruby.)] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant and lion statant guardant, by mr. g. w. eve. (from "decorative heraldry.")] [illustration: fig. .--lion statant, lion passant guardant, and lion passant regardant, by mr. g. w. eve. (from "decorative heraldry.")] _lion rampant tail nowed._--the tail is here tied in a knot (fig. ). it is not a term very frequently met with. _lion rampant tail elevated and turned over its head._--the only instances of the existence of this curious variation (fig. ) which have come under my own notice occur in the coats of two families of the name { } of buxton, the one being obviously a modern grant founded upon the other. [illustration: fig. .--a lion rampant. (by miss helard.)] [illustration: fig. .--a lion rampant. (by miss helard.)] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant guardant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant regardant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant double queued.] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant queue-fourché.] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant, tail nowed.] _lion rampant with two heads._--this occurs (fig. ) in the coat of arms, probably founded on an earlier instance, granted in to { } mason of greenwich, the arms being: "per fess ermine and azure, a lion rampant with two heads counterchanged." this curious charge had been adopted by mason's college in birmingham, and on the foundation of birmingham university it was incorporated in its arms. _lion rampant guardant bicorporated._--in this case the lion has one head and two bodies. an instance of this curious creature occurs in the arms of attewater, but i am not aware of any modern instance of its use. [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant, tail elevated and turned over its head.] [illustration: fig. .--lion rampant, with two heads.] [illustration: fig. .--tricorporate lion.] [illustration: fig. .--lion coward.] _lion rampant tricorporate._--in this case three bodies are united in one head (fig. ). both this and the preceding variety are most unusual, but the tricorporate lion occurs in a coat of arms (_temp._ car. ii.) registered in ulster's office: "or, a tricorporate lion rampant, the bodies disposed in the dexter and sinister chief points and in base, all meeting in one head guardant in the fess point sable." _lion coward._--in this case the tail of the lion is depressed, passing between its hind legs (fig. ). the exactitude of this term is to some extent modern. though a lion cowarded was known in ancient days, there can be no doubt that formerly an artist felt himself quite at liberty to put the tail between the legs if this seemed artistically desirable, without necessarily having interfered with the arms by so doing. [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of alexander charles richards maitland, esq.: or, a lion rampant gules, couped in all his joints of the field, within a double tressure flory and counterflory azure, a bordure engrailed ermine. mantling gules and or. crest: upon a wreath of his liveries, a lion sejant erect and affronté gules, holding in his dexter paw a sword proper, hilted and pommelled gold, and in his sinister a fleur-de-lis argent. motto: "consilio et animis."] _lion couped in all its joints_ is a charge which seems peculiar to the family of maitland, and it would be interesting to learn to what source its origin can be traced. it is represented with each of its four paws, its head and its tail severed from the body, and removed slightly away therefrom. a maitland coat of arms exhibiting this peculiarity will be found in fig. . { } _lions rampant combatant_ are so termed when two are depicted in one shield facing each other in the attitude of fighting (fig. ). a very curious and unique instance of a lion rampant occurs in the arms of williams (matriculated in lyon register in , as the second and third quarterings of the arms of sir james williams drummond of hawthornden, bt.), the coat in question being: argent, a lion rampant, the body sable, the head, paws, and tuft of the tail of the field. _lion passant._--a lion in this position (fig. ) is represented in the act of walking, the dexter forepaw being raised, but all three others being upon the ground. _lion passant guardant._--this (fig. ) is the same as the previous position, except that the head is turned to face the spectator. the lions in the quartering for england in the royal coat of arms are "three lions passant guardant in pale." _lion of england._--this is "a lion passant guardant or," and the term is only employed for a lion of this description when it occurs as or in an honourable augmentation, then being usually represented on a field of gules. a lion passant guardant or, is now never granted to any applicant except under a specific royal warrant to that effect. it occurs in many augmentations, _e.g._ wolfe, camperdown, and many others; and when three lions passant guardant in pale or upon a canton gules are granted, as in the arms of lane (plate ii.), the augmentation is termed a "canton of england." _lion passant regardant_ is as the lion passant, but with the head turned right round looking behind (fig. ). a lion is not often met with in this position. _lions passant dimidiated._--a curious survival of the ancient but now { } obsolete practice of dimidiation is found in the arms of several english seaport towns. doubtless all can be traced to the "so-called" arms of the "cinque ports," which show three lions passant guardant dimidiated with the hulks of three ships. there can be no doubt whatever that this originally came from the dimidiation of two separate coats, viz. the royal arms of england (the three lions passant guardant), and the other "azure, three ships argent," typical of the cinque ports, referring perhaps to the protection of the coasts for which they were liable, or possibly merely to their seaboard position. whilst sandwich[ ] uses the two separate coats simply dimidiated upon one shield, the arms of hastings[ ] vary slightly, being: "party per pale gules and azure, a lion passant guardant or, between in chief and in base a lion passant guardant of the last dimidiated with the hulk of a ship argent." from long usage we have grown accustomed to consider these two conjoined and dimidiated figures as one figure (fig. ), and in the recent grant of arms to ramsgate[ ] a figure of this kind was granted as a simple charge. [illustration: fig. .--two lions rampant combatant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion passant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion passant guardant.] the arms of yarmouth[ ] afford another instance of a resulting figure of this class, the three lions passant guardant of england being here dimidiated with as many herrings naiant. _lion statant._--the distinction between a lion passant and a lion statant is that the lion statant has all four paws resting upon the { } ground. the two forepaws are usually placed together (fig. ). whilst but seldom met with as a charge upon a shield, the lion statant is by no means rare as a crest. _lion statant tail extended._--this term is a curious and, seemingly, a purposeless refinement, resulting from the perpetuation in certain cases of one particular method of depicting the crest--originally when a crest a lion was always so drawn--but it cannot be overlooked, because in the crests of both talbot, earl of shrewsbury, and percy, duke of northumberland, the crest is now stereotyped as a lion in this form (fig. ) upon a chapeau. [illustration: fig. .--lion passant regardant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion passant guard. dimidiated with the hulk of a ship.] [illustration: fig. .--lion statant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion statant tail extended.] [illustration: fig. .--lion statant guardant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion salient.] _lion statant guardant_ (fig. ).--this (crowned) is of course the royal crest of england, and examples of it will be found in the arms of the sovereign and other descendants, legitimate and illegitimate, of sovereigns of this country. an exceptionally fine rendering of it occurs in the windsor castle bookplates executed by mr. g. w. eve. _lion salient._--this, which is a very rare position for a lion, represents it in the act of springing, the _two_ hind legs being on the ground, the others in the air (fig. ). { } _lion salient guardant._--there is no reason why the lion salient may not be guardant or regardant, though an instance of the use of either does not come readily to mind. _lion sejant._--very great laxity is found in the terms applied to lions sejant, consequently care is necessary to distinguish the various forms. the true lion sejant is represented in profile, seated on its haunches, with the forepaws resting on the ground (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--lion sejant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion sejant guardant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion sejant regardant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion sejant erect.] [illustration: fig. .--lion sejant guardant erect.] [illustration: fig. .--lion sejant regardant erect.] _lion sejant guardant._--this is as the foregoing, but with the face (only) turned to the spectator (fig. ). _lion sejant regardant._--in this the head is turned right back to gaze behind (fig. ). _lion sejant erect_ (or, as it is sometimes not very happily termed, sejant-rampant).--in this position the lion is sitting upon its haunches, but the body is erect, and it has its forepaws raised in the air (fig. ). _lion sejant guardant erect_ is as the last figure, but the head faces the spectator (fig. ). _lion sejant regardant erect_ is as the foregoing, but with the head turned right round to look backwards (fig. ). _lion sejant affronté._--in this case the lion is seated on its haunches, { } but _the whole body_ is turned to face the spectator, the forepaws resting upon the ground in front of its body. ugly as this position is, and impossible as it might seem, it certainly is to be found in some of the early rolls. _lion sejant erect affronté_ (fig. ).--this position is by no means unusual in scotland. a lion sejant erect and affronté, &c., is the royal crest of scotland, and it will also be found in the arms of lyon office. a good representation of the lion sejant affronté and erect is shown in fig. , which is taken from jost amman's _wappen und stammbuch_ ( ). it represents the arms of the celebrated lansquenet captain sebastian schärtlin (schertel) von burtenbach ["gules, a lion sejant affronté erect, double-queued, holding in its dexter paw a key argent and in its sinister a fleur-de-lis"]. his victorious assault on rome in , and his striking successes against france in , are strikingly typified in these arms, which were granted in . [illustration: fig. .--arms of sebastian schärtlin von burtenbach.] [illustration: fig. .--lion couchant.] [illustration: fig. .--lion dormant.] _lion couchant._--in this position the lion is represented lying down, but the head is erect and alert (fig. ). _lion dormant._--a lion dormant is in much the same position as a lion couchant, except that the eyes are closed, and the head rests upon the extended forepaws (fig. ). lions dormant are seldom met with, but they occur in the arms of lloyd, of stockton hall, near york. _lion morné._--this is a lion without teeth and claws, but no instance of the use of the term would appear to exist in british armory. woodward mentions amongst other continental examples the arms of the old french family of de mornay ["fascé d'argent et de gueules au lion morné de sable, couronné d'or brochant sur le tout"]. _lions as supporters._--refer to the chapter on supporters. _winged lion._--the winged lion--usually known as the lion of st. mark--is not infrequently met with. it will be found both passant { } and sejant, but more frequently the latter (fig. ). the true lion of st. mark (that is, when used as a badge for sacred purposes to typify st. mark) has a halo. winged lions are the supporters of lord braye. _sea lion_ (or, to use another name for it, a _morse_) is the head, forepaws, and upper part of a lion conjoined to the tail of a fish. the most frequent form in which sea lions appear are as supporters, but they are also met with as crests and charges. when placed horizontally they are termed naiant. sea lions, however, will also be found "sejant" and "sejant-erect" (fig. ). when issuing from waves of the sea they are termed "assurgeant." _lion-dragon._--one hesitates to believe that this creature has any existence outside heraldry books, where it is stated to be of similar form and construction to the sea lion, the difference being that the lower half is the body and tail of a wyvern. i know of no actual arms or crest in which it figures. [illustration: fig. .--winged lion.] [illustration: fig. .--sea lion.] [illustration: fig. .--man-lion.] _man-lion_ or _man-tiger_.--this is as a lion but with a human face. two of these are the supporters of lord huntingdon, and one was granted to the late lord donington as a supporter, whilst as charges they also occur in the arms of radford. this semi-human animal is sometimes termed a "lympago" (fig. ). _other terms relating to lions_ occur in many heraldic works--both old and new--but their use is very limited, if indeed of some, any example at all could be found in british armory. in addition to this, whilst the fact may sometimes exist, the _term_ has never been adopted or officially recognised. personally i believe most of the terms which follow may for all practical purposes be entirely disregarded. amongst such terms are _contourné_, applied to a lion passant or rampant to the sinister. it would, however, be found blazoned in these words and not as contourné. "dismembered," "demembré," "dechaussée," and "trononnée" are all "heraldry-book" terms specified to mean the same as "couped in all its joints," but the uselessness and uncertainty concerning these terms is exemplified by the fact that the { } same books state "dismembered" or "demembré" to mean (when applied to a lion) that the animal is shown without legs or tail. the term "embrued" is sometimes applied to a lion to signify that its mouth is bloody and dropping blood; and "vulned" signifies wounded, heraldically represented by a blotch of gules, from which drops of blood are falling. a lion "disarmed" is without teeth, tongue, or claws. a term often found in relation to lions rampant, but by no means peculiar thereto, is "debruised." this is used when it is partly defaced by another charge (usually an ordinary) being placed over it. another of these guide-book terms is "decollated," which is said to be employed in the case of a lion which has its head cut off. a lion "defamed" or "diffamed" is supposed to be rampant to the sinister but looking backwards, the supposition being that the animal is being (against his will) chased off the field with infamy. a lion "evire" is supposed to be emasculated and without signs of sex. in this respect it is interesting to note that in earlier days, before mock modesty and prudery had become such prominent features of our national life, the genital organ was always represented of a pronounced size in a prominent position, and it was as much a matter of course to paint it gules as it now is to depict the tongue of that colour. to prevent error i had better add that this is not now the usual practice. lions placed back to back are termed "endorsed" or "addorsed," but when two lions passant in pale are represented, one passing to the dexter and one to the sinister, they are termed "counter-passant." this term is, however, also used sometimes when they are merely passant towards each other. a more correct description in such cases would be passant "respecting" or "regarding" each other. the term _lionné_ is one stated to be used with animals other than lions when placed in a rampant position. whilst doubtless of regular acceptation in french heraldry as applied to a leopard, it is unknown in english, and the term rampant is indifferently applied; _e.g._ in the case of a leopard, wolf, or tiger when in the rampant position. _lionced_ is a term seldom met with, but it is said to be applied (for example to a cross) when the arms end in lions' heads. i have yet to find an authentic example of the use of such a cross. when a bend or other ordinary issues from the mouths of lions (or other animals), the heads issuing from the edges or angles of the escutcheon, the ordinary is said to be "engouled." a curious term, of the use of which i know only one example, is "fleshed" or "flayed." this, as doubtless will be readily surmised, means that the skin is removed, leaving the flesh gules. this was the method by which the supporters of wurtemburg were "differenced" for the duke of teck, the forepaws being "fleshed." { } woodward gives the following very curious instances of the lion in heraldry:-- "only a single example of the use of the lioness as a heraldic charge is known to me. the family of coing, in lorraine, bears: d'azure, à une lionne arrêtée d'or. "the following fourteenth-century examples of the use of the lion as a heraldic charge are taken from the oft-quoted _wappenrolle von zurich_, and should be of interest to the student of early armory:-- * * * * * " : end: azure, a lion rampant-guardant argent, its feet or. " . wildenvels: per pale argent and sable, in the first a demi-lion statant-guardant issuant from the dividing line. " . tannenvels: azure, a lion rampant or, queué argent. " . rinach: or, a lion rampant gules, headed azure. "a curious use of the lion as a charge occurs in several ancient coats of the low countries, _e.g._ in that of trasegnies, whose arms are: bandé d'or et d'azur, à l'ombre du lion brochant sur le tout, à la bordure engrêlée d'or. here the ombre du lion is properly represented by a darker shade of the tincture (either of or or of azure), but often the artist contents himself with simply drawing the outline of the animal in a neutral tint. "among other curiosities of the use of the lion are the following foreign coats:-- "boissiau, in france, bears: de gueules, semé de lions d'argent. "minutoli, of naples: gules, a lion rampant vair, the head and feet or. "loen, of holland: azure, a decapitated lion rampant argent, three jets of blood spurting from the neck proper. "papacoda, of naples: sable, a lion rampant or, its tail turned over its head and held by its teeth. "the counts reinach, of franconia: or, a lion rampant gules, hooded and masked azure (see above)." to these instances the arms of westbury may well be added, these being: quarterly, or and azure, a cross patonce, on a bordure twenty lions rampant all counter-changed. no doubt the origin of such a curious bordure is to be found in the "bordure of england," which, either as a mark of cadency or as an indication of affinity or augmentation, can be found in some number of instances. probably one will suffice as an example. this is forthcoming in fig. , which shows the arms of john de bretagne, earl of richmond. of a similar nature is the bordure of spain (indicative of his maternal descent) borne by richard of conisburgh, earl of cambridge, who bore: quarterly france and england, a label of three points argent, each charged with { } as many torteaux, on a bordure of the same twelve lions rampant purpure (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--arms of bohemia, from the "pulver turme" at prague. (latter half of the fifteenth century.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of richard of conisburgh, earl of cambridge. (from ms. cott., julius c. vii.)] before leaving the lion, the hint may perhaps be usefully conveyed that the temptation to over-elaborate the lion when depicting it heraldically should be carefully avoided. the only result is confusion--the very contrary of the essence of heraldic emblazonment, which was, is, and should be, the method of clear advertisement of identity. examples of over-elaboration can, however, be found in the past, as will be seen from fig. . this example belongs to the latter half of the fifteenth century, and represents the arms of bohemia. it is taken from a shield on the "pulver turme" at prague. parts of lions are very frequently to be met with, particularly as crests. in fact the most common crest in existence is the _demi-lion rampant_ (fig. ). this is the upper half of a lion rampant. it is comparatively seldom found other than rampant and couped, so that the term "a demi-lion," unless otherwise qualified, may always be assumed to be a demi-lion rampant couped. as charges upon the shield three will be found in the arms of bennet, earl of tankerville: "gules, a bezant between three demi-lions rampant argent." the demi-lion may be both guardant and regardant. _demi-lions rampant and erased_ are more common as charges than as crests. they are to be found in several harrison coats of arms. [illustration: fig. .--a demi-lion rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--a demi-lion passant.] [illustration: fig. .--a lion's head couped.] _demi-lions passant_ (fig. ) are rather unusual, but in addition to the seeming cases in which they occur by dimidiation they are sometimes found, as in the case of the arms of newman. { } _demi-lion affronté._--the only case which has come under notice would appear to be the crest of campbell of aberuchill. _demi-lion issuant._--this term is applied to a demi-lion when it issues from an ordinary, _e.g._ from the base line of the chief, as in the arms of dormer, markham, and abney; or from behind a fesse, as in the arms of chalmers. _demi-lion naissant_ issues from the centre of an ordinary, and not from behind it. _lions' heads_, both couped (fig. ) and erased, are very frequently met with both as charges on the shield and as crests. [illustration: fig. .--a lion's face.] _lion's gamb._--many writers make a distinction between the _gamb_ (which is stated to be the lower part only, couped or erased half-way up the leg) and the _paw_, but this distinction cannot be said to be always rigidly observed. in fact some authorities quote the exact reverse as the definition of the terms. as charges the gamb or paw will be found to occur in the arms of lord lilford ["or, a lion's gamb erased in bend dexter between two crosslets fitchée in bend sinister gules"], and in the arms of newdigate. this last is a curious example, inasmuch as, without being so specified in the blazon, the gambs are represented in the position occupied by the sinister foreleg of a lion passant. the crest upon the garter plate of edward cherleton, lord cherleton of powis, must surely be unique. it consists of two lions' paws embowed, the outer edge of each being adorned with fleurs-de-lis issuant therefrom. _a lion's tail_ will sometimes be found as a crest, and it also occurs as a charge in the arms of corke, viz.: "sable, three lions' tails erect and erased argent." _a lion's face_ (fig. ) should be carefully distinguished from a lion's head. in the latter case the neck, either couped or erased, must be shown; but a lion's face is affronté and cut off closely behind the ears. the distinction between the head and the face can be more appropriately considered in the case of the leopard. { } chapter xii beasts next after the lion should be considered the tiger, but it must be distinctly borne in mind that heraldry knows two kinds of tigers--the heraldic tiger (figs. and ) and the bengal tiger (figs. and ). doubtless the heraldic tiger, which was the only one found in british armory until a comparatively recent date, is the attempt of artists to depict their idea of a tiger. the animal was unknown to them, except by repute, and consequently the creature they depicted bears little relation to the animal of real life; but there can be no doubt that their intention was to depict an animal which they knew to exist. the heraldic tiger had a body much like the natural tiger, it had a lion's tufted tail and mane, and the curious head which it is so difficult to describe, but which appears to be more like the wolf than any other animal we know. this, however, will be again dealt with in the chapter on fictitious animals, and is here only introduced to demonstrate the difference which heraldry makes between the heraldic tiger and the real animal. a curious conceit is that the heraldic tiger will anciently be often found spelt "tyger," but this peculiar spelling does not seem ever to have been applied to the tiger of nature. [illustration: fig. .--heraldic tyger rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--heraldic tyger passant.] [illustration: fig. .--bengal tiger passant.] [illustration: fig. .--bengal tiger rampant.] { } when it became desirable to introduce the real tiger into british armory as typical of india and our eastern empire, something of course was necessary to distinguish it from the tyger which had previously usurped the name in armory, and for this reason the natural tiger is always heraldically known as the bengal tiger. this armorial variety appears towards the end of the eighteenth century in this country, though in foreign heraldry it appears to have been recognised somewhat earlier. there are, however, but few cases in which the bengal tiger has appeared in armory, and in the majority of these cases as a supporter, as in the supporters of outram, which are two tigers rampant guardant gorged with wreaths of laurel and crowned with eastern crowns all proper. another instance of the tiger as a supporter will be found in the arms of bombay. an instance in which it appears as a charge upon a shield will be found in the arms granted to the university of madras. [illustration: fig. .--leopard passant.] [illustration: fig. .--leopard passant guardant.] [illustration: fig. .--leopard rampant.] another coat is that granted in to augustus beaty bradbury of edinburgh, which was: "argent, on a mount in base vert, a bengal tiger passant proper, on a chief of the second two other tigers dormant also proper." a _tigress_ is said to be occasionally met with, and when so, is sometimes represented with a mirror, in relation to the legend that ascribes to her such personal vanity that her young ones might be taken from under her charge if she had the counter attraction of a hand-glass! at least so say the heraldry books, but i have not yet come across such a case. the leopard (figs. , , and ) has to a certain extent been referred to already. doubtless it is the peculiar cat-like and stealthy walk which is so characteristic of the leopard which led to any animal in that position being considered a leopard; but the leopard in its natural state was of course known to europeans in the early days of heraldry, and appears amongst the lists of heraldic animals apart from its existence as "a lion passant." the animal, { } however, except as a supporter or crest, is by no means common in english heraldry. it will be found, however, in the crests of some number of families; for example, taylor and potts. [illustration: fig. .--leopard's head erased.] [illustration: fig. .--leopard's head erased and affronté.] [illustration: fig. .--leopard's face.] [illustration: fig. .--leopard's face jessant-de-lis.] a very similar animal is the ounce, which for heraldic purposes is in no way altered from the leopard. parts of the latter will be found in use as in the case of the lion. as a crest the demi-leopard, the leopard's head (fig. ), and the leopard's head affronté (fig. ) are often to be met with. in both cases it should be noticed that _the neck is visible_, and this should be borne in mind, because this constitutes the difference between the leopard's head and the leopard's face (fig. ). the leopard's face is by far the most usual form in which the leopard will be found in armory, and can be traced back to quite an early period in heraldry. the leopard's face shows no neck at all, the head being removed close behind the ears. it is then represented affronté. for some unfathomable reason these charges when they occur in the arms of shrewsbury are usually referred to locally as "loggerheads." they were perpetuated in the arms of the county in its recent grant. a curious development or use of the leopard's face occurs when it is jessant-de-lis (fig. ). this will be found referred to at greater length under the heading of the fleur-de-lis. { } [illustration: fig. .--arms of styria. (drawn by hans burgkmair, .)] the _panther_ is an animal which in its relation to heraldry it is difficult to know whether to place amongst the mythical or actual animals. no instance occurs to me in which the panther figures as a charge in british heraldry, and the panther as a supporter, in the few cases in which it is met with, is certainly not the actual animal, inasmuch as it is invariably found flammant, _i.e._ with flames issuing from the mouth and ears. in this character it will be found as a supporter of the duke of beaufort, and derived therefrom as a supporter of lord raglan. foreign heraldry carries the panther to a most curious result. it is frequently represented with the tail of a lion, horns, and for its fore-legs the claws of an eagle. even in england it is usually represented vomiting flames, but the usual method of depicting it on the continent is greatly at variance with our own. fig. represents the same arms of styria--vert, a panther argent, armed close, vomiting flames of fire--from the title-page of the _land-bond_ of styria in the year , drawn by hans burgkmair. in _physiologus_, a greek writing { } of early christian times of about the date , which in the course of time has been translated into every tongue, mention is made of the panther, to which is there ascribed the gaily spotted coat and the pleasant, sweet-smelling breath which induces all other animals to approach it; the dragon alone retreats into its hole from the smell, and consequently the panther appears to have sometimes been used as a symbol of christ. the earliest armorial representations of this animal show the form not greatly dissimilar to nature; but very soon the similarity disappears in continental representations, and the fancy of the artist transferred the animal into the fabulous creature which is now represented. the sweet-smelling breath, _suozzon-stanch_ as it is called in the early german translation of the _physiologus_, was expressed by the flames issuing from the mouth, but later in the sixteenth century flames issued from every opening in the head. the head was in old times similar to that of a horse, occasionally horned (as in the seal of count heinrich von lechsgemünd, ); the fore-feet were well developed. in the second half of the fourteenth century the fore-feet assume the character of eagles' claws, and the horns of the animal were a settled matter. in the neighbourhood of lake constance we find the panther with divided hoofs on his hind-feet; perhaps with a reference to the panther's "cleanness." according to the mosaic law, of course, a four-footed animal, to be considered clean, must not have paws, and a ruminant must not have an undivided hoof. italian heraldry is likewise acquainted with the panther, but under another name (_la dolce_, the sweet one) and another form. the dolce has a head like a hare, and is unhorned. (see a. anthony v. siegenfeld, "the territorial arms of styria," graz, .) the panther is given by segar, garter king of arms - , as one of the badges of king henry vi., where it is silver, spotted of various colours, and with flames issuing from its mouth and ears. no doubt this royal badge is the origin of the supporter of the duke of beaufort. english armory knows an animal which it terms the male griffin, which has no wings, but which has gold rays issuing from its body in all directions. ströhl terms the badge of the earls of ormonde, which from his description are plainly male griffins, _keythongs_, which he classes with the panther; and probably he is correct in looking upon our male griffin as merely one form of the heraldic panther. the _cat_, under the name of the cat, the wild cat, the cat-a-mountain, or the cat-a-mount (figs. , , and ), is by no means infrequent in british armory, though it will usually be found in scottish or irish examples. the arms of keates and scott-gatty in which it figures are english examples, however. { } the wolf (figs. - ) is a very frequent charge in english armory. apart from its use as a supporter, in which position it is found in conjunction with the shields of lord welby, lord rendell, and viscount wolseley, it will be found in the arms of lovett and in by far the larger proportion of the coats for the name of wilson and in the arms of low. [illustration: fig. .--cat-a-mountain sejant guardant.] [illustration: fig. .--cat-a-mountain sejant guardant erect.] [illustration: fig. .--cat-a-mountain passant guardant.] [illustration: fig. .--wolf rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--wolf salient.] [illustration: fig. .--wolf courant.] the wolf, however, in earlier representations has a less distinctly wolf-like character, it being sometimes difficult to distinguish the wolf from some other heraldic animals. this is one of these cases in which, owing to insufficient knowledge and crude draughtsmanship, ancient heraldry is not to be preferred to more realistic treatment. the demi-wolf is a very frequent crest, occurring not only in the arms and crests of members of the wilson and many other families, but also as the crest of wolfe. the latter crest is worthy of remark, inasmuch as the royal crown which is held within its paws typifies the assistance given to king charles ii., after the battle of worcester, by mr. francis wolfe of madeley, to whom the crest was granted. king charles, it may be noted, also gave to mr. wolfe a silver tankard, upon the lid of which was a representation of this crest. wolves' heads are particularly common, especially in scottish heraldry. an example of them will be found in the arms of { } "struan" robertson, and in the coats used by all other members of the robertson clan having or claiming descent from, or relationship with, the house of struan. the wolf's head also appears in the arms of skeen. woodward states that the wolf is the most common of all heraldic animals in spanish heraldry, where it is frequently represented as _ravissant, i.e._ carrying the body of a lamb in its mouth or across its back. [illustration: fig. .--wolf passant.] [illustration: fig. .--wolf statant.] [illustration: fig. .--a lynx coward.] [illustration: fig. .--fox passant.] [illustration: fig. .--fox sejant.] [illustration: fig. .--a fox's mask.] much akin to the wolf is the _lynx_; in fact the heraldic representation of the two animals is not greatly different. the lynx does not often occur in heraldry except as a supporter, but it will be found as the crest of the family of lynch. the lynx is nearly always depicted and blazoned "coward," _i.e._ with its tail between its legs (fig. ). another instance of this particular animal is found in the crest of comber. a _fox_ (figs. and ) which from the similarity of its representation is often confused with a wolf, is said by woodward to be very seldom met with in british heraldry. this is hardly a correct statement, inasmuch as countless instances can be produced in which a fox figures as a charge, a crest, or a supporter. the fox is found on the arms and as the crest, and two are the supporters of lord ilchester, and instances of its appearance will be found amongst others in the arms { } or crests, for example, of fox, colfox, and ashworth. probably the most curious example of the heraldic fox will be found in the arms of sir watkin williams wynn, who for the arms of williams quarters: "argent, two foxes counter-salient gules, the dexter surmounted of the sinister." the face of a fox is termed its mask (fig. ). _the bear_ (figs. - ) is frequently found figuring largely in coats of arms for the names of barnard, baring, barnes, and bearsley, and for other names which can be considered to bear canting relation to the charge. in fact the arms, crest, and motto of barnard together form such an excellent example of the little jokes which characterise heraldry that i quote the blazon in full. the coat is "argent, a bear rampant sable," the crest is "a demi-bear sable," and the motto "bear and forbear." [illustration: fig. .--bear rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--bear passant.] [illustration: fig. .--bear statant.] the bear is generally muzzled, but this must not be presumed unless mentioned in the blazon. bears' paws are often found both in crests and as charges upon shields, but as they differ little if anything in appearance from the lion's gamb, they need not be further particularised. to the bear's head, however, considerable attention should be paid, inasmuch as the manner of depicting it in england and scotland differs. the bear's head, according to english ideas of heraldry, would be depicted down to the shoulders, and would show the neck couped or erased (fig. ). in scottish heraldry, bears' heads are almost invariably found couped or erased close behind the ears without any of the neck being visible (figs. and ); they are not, however, represented as caboshed or affronté. { } [illustration: fig. .--bear sejant erect.] [illustration: fig. .--bear's head couped (english).] [illustration: fig. .--bear's head couped (scottish).] [illustration: fig. .--bear's head erased and muzzled (scottish).] [illustration: fig. .--boar rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--boar passant.] [illustration: fig. .--boar statant.] [illustration: fig. .--boar's head erased (english).] [illustration: fig. .--boar's head couped (scottish).] [illustration: fig. .--boar's head erased (scottish).] _the boar_ is an animal which, with its parts, will constantly be met with in british armory (figs. - ). theoretically there is a difference between the boar, which is the male of the domestic animal, and the wild boar, which is the untamed creature of the woods. whilst the latter is usually blazoned as a wild boar or sanglier, the latter is just a boar; but for all practical purposes no difference whatever is made in heraldic representations of these varieties, though it may be noted that the crest of swinton is often described as a sanglier, as invariably is also the crest of douglas, earl of morton ["a sanglier sticking between the cleft of an oak-tree fructed, with a lock holding the clefts together all proper"]. the boar, like the lion, is usually described as armed and langued, but this is not necessary when the tusks are represented in their own colour and when the tongue is gules. it will, however, be very frequently found that the tusks are or. the "armed," however, does not include the hoofs, and if these are to { } be of any colour different from that of the animal, it must be blazoned "unguled" of such and such a tincture. precisely the same distinction occurs in the heads of boars (figs. - ) that was referred to in bears. the real difference is this, that whilst the english boar's head has the neck attached to the head and is couped or erased at the shoulders, the scottish boar's head is separated close behind the ears. no one ever troubled to draw any distinction between the two for the purposes of blazon, because the english boars' heads were more usually drawn with the neck, and the boars' heads in scotland were drawn couped or erased close. but the boars head in welsh heraldry followed the scottish and not the english type. matters armorial, however, are now cosmopolitan, and one can no longer ascertain that the crest of campbell must be scottish, or that the crest of any other family must be english; and consequently, though the terms will not be found employed officially, it is just as well to distinguish them, because armory can provide means of such distinction--the true description of an english boar's head being couped or erased "at the neck," the scottish term being a boar's head couped or erased "close." occasionally a boar's head will be stated to be borne erect; this is then shown with the mouth pointing upwards. a curious example of this is found in the crest of tyrrell: "a boar's head erect argent, in the mouth a peacock's tail proper." woodward mentions three very strange coats of arms in which the charge, whilst not being a boar, bears very close connection with it. he states that among the curiosities of heraldry we may place the canting arms of ham, of holland: "gules, five hams proper, , , ." the verhammes also bear: "or, three hams sable." these commonplace charges assume almost a poetical savour when placed beside the matter-of-fact coat of the family of bacquere: "d'azur, à un ecusson d'or en abîme, accompagné de trois groins de porc d'argent," and that of the wursters of switzerland: "or, two sausages gules on a gridiron sable, the handle in chief." horses it is not a matter of surprise that the horse is frequently met with in armory. it will be found, as in the arms of jedburgh, carrying a mounted warrior (fig. ), and the same combination appears as the crest of the duke of fife. { } the horse will be found rampant (or forcene, or salient) (fig. ), and will be found courant (fig. ), passant (fig. ), and trotting. [illustration: fig. .--a chevalier on horseback.] [illustration: fig. .--horse rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--horse courant.] [illustration: fig. .--horse passant.] when it is "comparisoned" or "furnished" it is shown with saddle and bridle and all appurtenances; but if the saddle is not present it would only be blazoned "bridled." "gules, a horse argent," really the arms of westphalia, is popularly known in this country as the coat of hanover, inasmuch as it was the most prominent charge upon the inescutcheon or quartering of hanover formerly borne with the royal arms. every one in this country is familiar with the expression, "the white horse of hanover." horses will also be found in many cases as supporters, and these will be referred to in the chapter upon that subject, but reference should be particularly made here to the crest of the family of lane, of king's bromley, which is a strawberry roan horse, couped at the flanks, bridled, saddled, and holding in its feet the imperial crown proper. this commemorates the heroic action of mistress jane lane, afterwards lady fisher, and the sister of sir thomas lane, of king's bromley, who, after the battle of worcester and when king charles was in hiding, rode from staffordshire to the south coast upon a strawberry roan horse, with king charles as her serving-man. for this the lane family were first of all granted the canton of england as an augmentation to their arms, and shortly afterwards this crest of the demi-horse (plate ii.). the arms of trevelyan afford an interesting example of a horse, being: "gules, issuant out of water in base proper, a demi-horse argent, hoofed and maned or." the heads of horses are either so described or (and more usually) termed "nags' heads," though what the difference may be is beyond { } the comprehension of most people; at any rate heraldry knows of none. the crest of the family of duncombe is curious, and is as follows: "out of a ducal coronet or, a horse's hind-leg sable, the shoe argent." though they can hardly be termed animate charges, perhaps one may be justified in here mentioning the horse-shoe (fig. ), which is far from being an uncommon charge. it will be found in various arms for the name of ferrar, ferrers, farrer, and marshall; and, in the arms of one scottish family of smith, three horse-shoes interlaced together form an unusual and rather a curious charge. other instances in which it occurs will be found in the arms of burlton, and in the arms used by the town of oakham. in the latter case it doubtless has reference to the toll of a horse-shoe, which the town collects from every peer or member of the royal family who passes through its limits. the collection of these, which are usually of silver, and are carefully preserved, is one of the features of the town. [illustration: fig. .--horse-shoe.] [illustration: fig. .--sea-horse.] [illustration: fig. .--pegasus rampant.] the sea-horse, the unicorn, and the pegasus may perhaps be more properly considered as mythical animals, and the unicorn will, of course, be treated under that heading; but the sea-horse and the pegasus are so closely allied in form to the natural animal that perhaps it will be simpler to treat of them in this chapter. the sea-horse (fig. ) is composed of the head and neck of a horse and the tail of a fish, but in place of the fore-feet, webbed paws are usually substituted. two sea-horses respecting each other will be found in the coat of arms of pirrie, and sea-horses naiant will be found in the arms of mccammond. it is a matter largely left to the discretion of the artist, but the sea-horse will be found as often as not depicted with a fin at the back of its neck in place of a mane. a sea-horse as a crest will be found in the case of belfast and in the crests of clippingdale and jenkinson. the sea-horse is sometimes represented winged, but i know of no officially sanctioned example. when represented rising from the sea the animal is said to be "assurgeant." { } the pegasus (figs. and ), though often met with as a crest or found in use as a supporter, is very unusual as a charge upon an escutcheon. it will be found, however, in the arms of the society of the inner temple and in the arms of richardson, which afford an example of a pegasus rampant and also an example in the crest of a pegasus sejant, which at present is the only one which exists in british heraldry. fig. gives a solitary instance of a mare. the arms, which are from grünenberg's _wappenbuch_ ( ), are attributed to "herr von frouberg from the forest in bavaria," and are: gules, a mare rampant argent, bridled sable. [illustration: fig. .--pegasus passant.] [illustration: fig. .--arms of herr von frouberg.] [illustration: fig. .--talbot passant.] [illustration: fig. .--talbot statant.] [illustration: fig. .--talbot rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--talbot sejant.] the _ass_ is not a popular charge, but the family of mainwaring have an ass's head for a crest. dogs dogs will be found of various kinds in many english and scottish coats of arms, though more frequently in the former than in the latter. the original english dog, the hound of early days, is, of course, the talbot (figs. , , , and ). under the heading of { } supporters certain instances will be quoted in which dogs of various kinds and breeds figure in heraldry, but the talbot as a charge will be found in the arms of the old staffordshire family, wolseley of wolseley, a cadet of which house is the present field-marshal viscount wolseley. the wolseley arms are: "argent, a talbot passant gules." other instances of the talbot will be found in the arms or crests of the families of grosvenor, talbot, and gooch. the arms "azure, three talbots statant or," were granted by cooke to edward peke of heldchurchgate, kent. a sleuth-hound treading gingerly upon the points of a coronet ["on a ducal coronet, a sleuth-hound proper, collared and leashed gules"] was the crest of the earl of perth and melfort, and one wonders whether the motto, "gang warily," may not really have as much relation to the perambulations of the crest as to the dangerous foothold amongst the galtraps which is provided for the supporters. [illustration: fig. .--greyhound passant.] [illustration: fig. .--greyhound courant.] greyhounds (figs. and ) are, of course, very frequently met with, and amongst the instances which can be mentioned are the arms of clayhills, hughes-hunter of plas coch, and hunter of hunterston. a curious coat of arms will be found under the name of udney of that ilk, registered in the lyon office, namely: "gules, two greyhounds counter-salient argent, collared of the field, in the inner point a stag's head couped and attired with ten tynes, all between the three fleurs-de-lis, two in chief and one in base, or." another very curious coat of arms is registered as the design of the reverse of the seal of the royal burgh of linlithgow, and is: "or, a greyhound bitch sable, chained to an oak-tree within a loch proper." this curious coat of arms, however, being the reverse of the seal, is seldom if ever made use of. two bloodhounds are the supporters to the arms of campbell of aberuchill. the dog may be salient, that is, springing, its hind-feet on the ground; passant, when it is sometimes known as trippant, otherwise walking; and courant when it is at full speed. it will be found occasionally couchant or lying down, but if depicted chasing another animal (as in the arms of echlin) it is described as "in full chase," or "in full course." a mastiff will be found in the crest of crawshay, and there is a { } well-known crest of a family named phillips which is "a dog sejant regardant surmounted by a bezant charged with a representation of a dog saving a man from drowning." whether this crest has any official authority or not i do not know, but i should imagine it is highly doubtful. foxhounds appear as the supporters of lord hindlip; and when depicted with its nose to the ground a dog is termed "a hound on scent." a winged greyhound is stated to be the crest of a family of benwell. a greyhound "courant" will be found in the crests of daly and watney; and a curious crest is that of biscoe, which is a greyhound seizing a hare. the crest of anderson, until recently borne by the earl of yarborough, is a water spaniel. [illustration: fig. .--a sea-dog.] [illustration: fig. .--bull rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--bull passant.] the sea-dog (fig. ) is a most curious animal. it is represented much as the talbot, but with scales, webbed feet, and a broad scaly tail like a beaver. in my mind there is very little doubt that the sea-dog is really the early heraldic attempt to represent a beaver, and i am confirmed in that opinion by the arms of the city of oxford. there has been considerable uncertainty as to what the sinister supporter was intended to represent. a reference to the original record shows that a beaver is the real supporter, but the representation of the animal, which in form has varied little, is very similar to that of a sea-dog. the only instances i am aware of in british heraldry in which it occurs under the name of a sea-dog are the supporters of the barony of stourton and the crest of dodge[ ] (plate vi.). bulls the bull (figs. and ), and also the calf, and very occasionally the cow and the buffalo, have their allotted place in heraldry. { } they are amongst the few animals which can never be represented proper, inasmuch as in its natural state the bull is of very various colours. and yet there is an exception to even this apparently obvious fact, for the bulls connected with or used either as crests, badges, or supporters by the various branches of the nevill family are all pied bulls ["arms of the marquis of abergavenny: gules, on a saltire argent, a rose of the field, barbed and seeded proper. crest: a bull statant argent, pied sable, collared and chain reflexed over the back or. supporters; two bulls argent, pied sable, armed, unguled, collared and chained, and at the end of the chain two staples or. badges: on the dexter a rose gules, seeded or, barbed vert; on the sinister a portcullis or. motto: 'ne vile velis.'"] the bull in the arms of the town of abergavenny, which are obviously based upon the arms and crest of the marquess of abergavenny, is the same. examples of the bull will be found in the arms of verelst, blyth, and ffinden. a bull salient occurs in the arms of de hasting ["per pale vert and or, a bull salient counterchanged"]. the arms of the earl of shaftesbury show three bulls, which happen to be the quartering for ashley. this coat of arms affords an instance, and a striking one, of the manner in which arms have been improperly assumed in england. the surname of the earl of shaftesbury is ashley-cooper. it may be mentioned here in passing, through the subject is properly dealt with elsewhere in the volume, that in an english sub-quarterly coat for a double name the arms for the last and most important name are the first and fourth quarterings. but lord shaftesbury himself is the only person who bears the name of cooper, all other members of the family except his lordship being known by the name of ashley only. possibly this may be the reason which accounts for the fact that by a rare exception lord shaftesbury bears the arms of ashley in the first and fourth quarters, and cooper in the second and third. but by a very general mistake these arms of ashley ["argent, three bulls passant sable, armed and unguled or"] were until recently almost invariably described as the arms of cooper. the result has been that during the last century they were "jumped" right and left by people of the name of cooper, entirely in ignorance of the fact that the arms of cooper (if it were, as one can only presume, the popular desire to indicate a false relationship to his lordship) are: "gules, a bend engrailed between six lions rampant or." the ludicrous result has been that to those who know, the arms have stood self-condemned, and in the course of time, as it has become necessary for these messrs. cooper to legalise these usurped insignia, the new grants, differentiated versions of arms previously in use, have nearly all been founded upon this ashley coat. at any rate there must be a score or more cooper { } grants with bulls as the principal charges, and innumerable people of the name of cooper are still using without authority the old ashley coat pure and simple. the bull as a crest is not uncommon, belonging amongst other families to ridley, sykes, and de hoghton; and the demi-bull, and more frequently the bull's head, are often met with. a bull's leg is the crest of de la vache, and as such appears upon two of the early garter plates. winged bulls are the supporters of the butchers' livery company. a bull's scalp occurs upon a canton over the arms of cheney, a coat quartered by johnston and cure. [illustration: fig. .--bull's head caboshed.] [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of john henry metcalfe, esq.: argent, three calves passant sable, a canton gules.] the ox seldom occurs, except that, in order sometimes to preserve a pun, a bovine animal is sometimes so blazoned, as in the case of the arms of the city of oxford. cows also are equally rare, but occur in the arms of cowell ["ermine, a cow statant gules, within a bordure sable, bezantée"] and in the modern grants to the towns of rawtenstall and cowbridge. cows' heads appear on the arms of veitch ["argent, three cows' heads erased sable"], and these were transferred to the cadency bordure of the haig arms when these were rematriculated for mr. h. veitch haig. calves are of much more frequent occurrence than cows, appearing in many coats of arms in which they are a pun upon the name. they will be found in the arms of vaile and metcalfe (fig. ). special attention may well be drawn to the last-mentioned illustration, inasmuch as it is by mr. j. h. metcalfe, whose heraldic work has obtained a well-deserved reputation. a bull or cow is termed "armed" if the horns are of a different tincture from the head. the term "unguled" applies to the hoofs, and "ringed" is used when, as is sometimes the case, a ring passes through the nostrils. a bull's head is sometimes found caboshed (fig. ), as in the crest of macleod, or as in the arms of walrond. the position of the tail is one of those matters which are left to the artist, and unless the blazon contains any statement to the contrary, it may be placed in any convenient position. { } stags the stag, using the term in its generic sense, under the various names of stag, deer, buck, roebuck, hart, doe, hind, reindeer, springbok, and other varieties, is constantly met with in british armory, as well as in that of other countries. [illustration: fig. .--stag lodged.] [illustration: fig. .--stag trippant.] [illustration: fig. .--stag courant.] [illustration: fig. .--stag springing.] [illustration: fig. .--stag at gaze.] [illustration: fig. .--stag statant.] in the specialised varieties, such as the springbok and the reindeer, naturally an attempt is made to follow the natural animal in its salient peculiarities, but as to the remainder, heraldry knows little if any distinction after the following has been properly observed. the stag, which is really the male red deer, has horns which are branched with pointed branches from the bottom to the top; but a buck, which is the fallow deer, has broad and flat palmated horns. anything in the nature of a stag must be subject to the following terms. if lying down it is termed "lodged" (fig. ), if walking it is termed "trippant" (fig. ), if running it is termed "courant" (fig. ), or "at speed" or "in full chase." it is termed "salient" when springing (fig. ), though the term "springing" is sometimes employed, and it is said to be "at gaze" when statant with the head turned to face the spectator (fig. ); but it should be noted that a stag may also be "statant" (fig. ); and it is not "at gaze" unless the head is turned round. { } when it is necessary owing to a difference of tincture or for other reasons to refer to the horns, a stag or buck is described as "attired" of such and such a colour, whereas bulls, rams, and goats are said to be "armed." when the stag is said to be attired of ten or any other number of tynes, it means that there are so many points to its horns. like other cloven-footed animals, the stag can be unguled of a different colour. the stag's head is very frequently met with, but it will be almost more frequently found as a stag's head caboshed (fig. ). in these cases the head is represented affronté and removed close behind the ears, so that no part of the neck is visible. the stag's head caboshed occurs in the arms of cavendish and stanley, and also in the arms of legge, earl of dartmouth. figs. and are examples of other heads. [illustration: fig. .--stag's head caboshed.] [illustration: fig. .--stag's head erased.] [illustration: fig. .--buck's head couped.] [illustration: fig. .--hind.] [illustration: fig. .--reindeer.] [illustration: fig. .--winged stag rampant.] the attires of a stag are to be found either singly (as in the arms of boyle) or in the form of a pair attached to the scalp. the crest of jeune affords an instance of a scalp. the hind or doe (fig. ) is sometimes met with, as in the crest of hatton, whilst a hind's head is the crest of conran. the reindeer (fig. ) is less usual, but reindeer heads will be found in the arms of fellows. it, however, appears as a supporter for { } several english peers. winged stags (fig. ) were the supporters of de carteret, earls of granville, and "a demi-winged stag gules, collared argent," is the crest of fox of coalbrookdale, co. salop. much akin to the stag is the antelope, which, unless specified to be an _heraldic_ antelope, or found in a very old coat, is usually represented in the natural form of the animal, and subject to the foregoing rules. _heraldic antelope._--this animal (figs. , , and ) is found in english heraldry more frequently as a supporter than as a charge. as an instance, however, of the latter form may be mentioned the family of dighton (lincolnshire): "per pale argent and gules, an heraldic antelope passant counterchanged." it bears little if any relation to the real animal, though there can be but small doubt that the earliest forms originated in an attempt to represent an antelope or an ibex. since, however, heraldry has found a use for the real antelope, it has been necessary to distinguish it from the creations of the early armorists, which are now known as heraldic antelopes. examples will be found in the supporters of lord carew, in the crest of moresby, and of bagnall. [illustration: fig. .--heraldic antelope statant.] [illustration: fig. .--the heraldic antelope rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--heraldic antelope passant.] the difference chiefly consists in the curious head and horns and in the tail, the heraldic antelope being an heraldic tiger, with the feet and legs similar to those of a deer, and with two straight serrated horns. _ibex._--this is another form of the natural antelope, but with two saw-edged horns projecting from the forehead. a curious animal, namely, the sea-stag, is often met with in german heraldry. this is the head, antlers, fore-legs, and the upper part of the body of a stag conjoined to the fish-tail end of a mermaid. { } the only instance i am aware of in which it occurs in british armory is the case of the arms of marindin, which were recently matriculated in lyon register (fig. ). this coat, however, it should be observed, is really of german or perhaps of swiss origin. [illustration: fig. .--armorial bearings of marindin.] the ram and goat the ram (figs. and ), the consideration of which must of necessity include the sheep (fig. ), the paschal lamb (fig. ), and the fleece (fig. ), plays no unimportant part in armory. the chief heraldic difference between the ram and the sheep, to some extent, in opposition to the agricultural distinctions, lies in the fact that the ram is always represented with horns and the sheep without. the lamb and the ram are always represented with the natural tail, but the sheep is deprived of it. a ram can of course be "armed" (_i.e._ with the horns of a different colour) and "unguled," but the latter will seldom be found to be the case. the ram, the sheep, and the lamb will nearly always be found either passant or statant, but a demi-ram is naturally represented in a rampant posture, though in such a case the word "rampant" is not necessary in the blazon. occasionally, as in the crest of marwood, the ram will be found couchant. as a charge upon a shield the ram will be found in the arms of sydenham ["argent, three rams passant sable"], and a ram couchant occurs in the arms of pujolas (granted ) ["per fess wavy azure and argent, in base on a mount vert, a ram couchant sable, armed and unguled or, in chief three doves proper"]. the arms of ramsey ["azure, a chevron between three { } rams passant or"] and the arms of harman ["sable, a chevron between six rams counter-passant two and two argent, armed and unguled or"] are other instances in which rams occur. a sheep occurs in the arms of sheepshanks ["azure, a chevron erminois between in chief three roses and in base a sheep passant argent. crest: on a mount vert, a sheep passant argent"]. [illustration: fig. .--ram statant.] [illustration: fig. .--ram rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--sheep passant.] [illustration: fig. .--paschal lamb.] [illustration: fig. .--fleece.] [illustration: fig. .--ram's head caboshed.] [illustration: fig. .--goat passant.] [illustration: fig. .--goat rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--goat salient.] the lamb, which is by no means an unusual charge in welsh coats of arms, is most usually found in the form of a "paschal lamb" (fig. ), or some variation evidently founded thereupon. the fleece--of course originally of great repute as the badge of { } the order of the golden fleece--has in recent years been frequently employed in the grants of arms to towns or individuals connected with the woollen industry. the demi-ram and the demi-lamb are to be found as crests, but far more usual are rams' heads, which figure, for example, in the arms of ramsden, and in the arms of the towns of huddersfield, and barrow-in-furness. the ram's head will sometimes be found caboshed, as in the arms of ritchie and roberts. perhaps here reference may fittingly be made to the arms granted by lyon office in to thomas bonar, co. kent ["argent, a saltire and chief azure, the last charged with a dexter hand proper, vested with a shirt-sleeve argent, issuing from the dexter chief point, holding a shoulder of mutton proper to a lion passant or, all within a bordure gules"]. _the goat_ (figs. - ) is very frequently met with in armory. its positions are passant, statant, rampant, and salient. when the horns are of a different colour it is said to be "armed." other animals _the elephant_ is by no means unusual in heraldry, appearing as a crest, as a charge, and also as a supporter. nor, strange to say, is its appearance exclusively modern. the elephant's head, however, is much more frequently met with than the entire animal. heraldry generally finds some way of stereotyping one of its creations as peculiarly its own, and in regard to the elephant, the curious "elephant and castle" (fig. ) is an example, this latter object being, of course, simply a derivative of the howdah of indian life. few early examples of the elephant omit the castle. the elephant and castle is seen in the arms of dumbarton and in the crest of corbet. a curious practice, the result of pure ignorance, has manifested itself in british armory. as will be explained in the chapter upon crests, a large proportion of german crests are derivatives of the stock basis of two bull's horns, which formed a recognised ornament for a helmet in viking and other pre-heraldic days. as heraldry found its footing it did not in germany displace those horns, which in many cases continued alone as the crest or remained as a part of it in the form of additions to other objects. the craze for decoration at an early period seized upon the horns, which carried repetitions of the arms or their tinctures. as time went on the { } decoration was carried further, and the horns were made with bell-shaped open ends to receive other objects, usually bunches of feathers or flowers. so universal did this custom become that even when nothing was inserted the horns came to be always depicted with these open mouths at their points. but german heraldry now, as has always been the case, simply terms the figures "horns." in course of time german immigrants made application for grants of arms in this country, which, doubtless, were based upon other german arms previously in use, but which, evidence of right not being forthcoming, could not be recorded as borne of right, and needed to be granted with alteration as a new coat. the curious result has been that these horns have been incorporated in some number of english grants, but they have universally been described as elephants' proboscides, and are now always so represented in this country. a case in point is the crest of verelst, and another is the crest of allhusen. [illustration: fig. .--elephant and castle.] [illustration: fig. .--hare salient.] [illustration: fig. .--coney.] [illustration: fig. .--squirrel.] elephants' tusks have also been introduced into grants, as in the arms of liebreich (borne in pretence by cock) and randles ["or, a chevron wavy azure between three pairs of elephants' tusks in saltire proper"]. _the hare_ (fig. ) is but rarely met with in british armory. it appears in the arms of cleland, and also in the crest of shakerley, bart. ["a hare proper resting her forefeet on a grab or"]. a very curious coat ["argent, three hares playing bagpipes gules"] belongs to an ancient derbyshire family fitzercald, now represented (through the sacheverell family) by coke of trussley, who quarter the fitzercald shield. _the rabbit_ (fig. ), or, as it is more frequently termed heraldically, the coney, appears more frequently in heraldry than the hare, being the canting charge on the arms of coningsby, cunliffe ["sable, three conies courant argent"], and figuring also as the supporters of montgomery cunningham ["two conies proper"]. _the squirrel_ (fig. ) occurs in many english coats of arms. it is always sejant, and very frequently cracking a nut. { } _the ape_ is not often met with, except in the cases of the different families of the great fitz gerald clan. it is usually the crest, though the duke of leinster also has apes as supporters. one family of fitzgerald, however, bear it as a charge upon the shield ["gules, a saltire invected per pale argent and or, between four monkeys statant of the second, environed with a plain collar and chained of the second. mantling gules and argent. crest: on a wreath of the colours, a monkey as in the arms, charged on the body with two roses, and resting the dexter fore-leg on a saltire gules. motto: 'crom-a-boo'"], and the family of yorke bear an ape's head for a crest. the ape is usually met with "collared and chained" (fig. ), though, unlike any other animal, the collar of an ape environs its loins and not its neck. a winged ape is included in elvin's "dictionary of heraldry" as a heraldic animal, but i am not aware to whom it is assigned. [illustration: fig. .--ape collared and chained.] [illustration: fig. .--brock.] [illustration: fig. .--otter.] _the brock_ or _badger_ (fig. ) figures in some number of english arms. it is most frequently met with as the crest of brooke, but will be also found in the arms or crests of brocklebank and motion. _the otter_ (fig. ) is not often met with except in scottish coats, but an english example is that of sir george newnes, and a demi-otter issuant from a fess wavy will be found quartered by seton of mounie. an otter's head, sometimes called a seal's head, for it is impossible to distinguish the heraldic representations of the one or the other, appears in many coats of arms of different families of the name of balfour, and two otters are the supporters belonging to the head of the scottish house of balfour. _the ermine_, _the stoat_, and _the weasel_, &c., are not very often met with, but the ermine appears as the crest of crawford and the marten as the crest of a family of that name. { } [illustration: fig. .--urcheon.] _the hedgehog_, or, as it is usually heraldically termed, the _urcheon_ (fig. ), occurs in some number of coats. for example, in the arms of maxwell ["argent, an eagle with two heads displayed sable, beaked and membered gules, on the breast an escutcheon of the first, charged with a saltire of the second, surcharged in the centre with a hurcheon (hedgehog) or, all within a bordure gules"], harris, and as the crest of money-kyrle. _the beaver_ has been introduced into many coats of late years for those connected in any way with canada. it figures in the arms of lord strathcona and mount royal, and in the arms of christopher. the beaver is one of the supporters of the city of oxford, and is the sole charge in the arms of the town of biberach (fig. ). originally the arms were: "argent, a beaver azure, crowned and armed gules," but the arms authorised by the emperor frederick iv., th july , were: "azure, a beaver or." [illustration: fig. .--arms of the town of biberach. (from ulrich reichenthal's _concilium von constanz_, augsburg, .)] it is quite impossible, or at any rate very unnecessary, to turn a work on armory into an illustrated guide to natural history, which would be the result if under the description of heraldic charges the attempt were made to deal with all the various animals which have by now been brought to the armorial fold, owing to the inclusion of each for special and sufficient reasons in one or two isolated grants. far be it from me, however, to make any remark which should seem to indicate the raising of any objection to such use. in my opinion it is highly admirable, providing there is some definite reason in each case for the introduction of these strange animals other than mere caprice. they add to the interest of heraldry, and they give to modern arms and armory a definite status and meaning, which is a relief from the endless monotony of meaningless lions, bends, chevrons, mullets, and martlets. but at the same time the isolated use in a modern grant of such an animal as the kangaroo does not make it one of the peculiarly heraldic menagerie, and consequently such instances must be dismissed herein with brief mention, particularly as many of these creatures heraldically exist only as supporters, in which chapter some are more fully { } discussed. save as a supporter, the only instances i know of the _kangaroo_ are in the coat of moore and in the arms of arthur, bart. _the zebra_ will be found as the crest of kemsley. _the camel_, which will be dealt with later as a supporter, in which form it appears in the arms of viscount kitchener, the town of inverness (fig. ), and some of the livery companies, also figures in the reputed but unrecorded arms of camelford, and in the arms of cammell of sheffield and various other families of a similar name. the fretful _porcupine_ was borne ["gules, a porcupine erect argent, tusked, collared, and chained or"] by simon eyre, lord mayor of london in : and the creature also figures as one of the supporters and the crest of sidney, lord de lisle and dudley. [illustration: fig. .--bat.] _the bat_ (fig. ) will be found in the arms of heyworth and as the crest of a dublin family named wakefield. _the tortoise_ occurs in the arms of a norfolk family named gandy, and is also stated by papworth to occur in the arms of a scottish family named goldie. this coat, however, is not matriculated. it also occurs in the crests of deane and hayne. _the springbok_, which is one of the supporters of cape colony, and two of which are the supporters of viscount milner, is also the crest of randles ["on a wreath of the colours, a springbok or south african antelope statant in front of an assegai erect all proper"]. _the rhinoceros_ occurs as one of the supporters of viscount colville of culross, and also of the crest of wade, and the _hippopotamus_ is one of the supporters of speke. _the crocodile_, which is the crest and one of the supporters of speke, is also the crest of westcar ["a crocodile proper, collared and chained or"]. _the alpaca_, and also two _angora goats'_ heads figure in the arms of benn. _the rat_ occurs in the arms of ratton,[ ] which is a peculiarly good example of a canting coat. _the mole_, sometimes termed a moldiwarp, occurs in the arms of mitford ["argent, a fess sable between three moles displayed sable"]. { } chapter xiii monsters the heraldic catalogue of beasts runs riot when we reach those mythical or legendary creatures which can only be summarised under the generic term of monsters. most mythical animals, however, can be traced back to some comparable counterpart in natural history. the fauna of the new world was of course unknown to those early heraldic artists in whose knowledge and imagination, no less than in their skill (or lack of it) in draughtsmanship, lay the nativity of so much of our heraldry. they certainly thought they were representing animals in existence in most if not in all cases, though one gathers that they considered many of the animals they used to be misbegotten hybrids. doubtless, working on the assumption of the mule as the hybrid of the horse and the ass, they jumped to the conclusion that animals which contained salient characteristics of two other animals which they knew were likewise hybrids. a striking example of their theories is to be found in the heraldic camelopard, which was anciently devoutly believed to be begotten by the leopard upon the camel. a leopard they would be familiar with, also the camel, for both belong to that corner of the world where the north-east of the african continent, the south-east of europe, and the west of asia join, where were fought out the wars of the cross, and where heraldry took on itself a definite being. there the known civilisations of the world met, taking one from the other knowledge, more or less distorted, ideas and wild imaginings. a stray giraffe was probably seen by some journeyer up the nile, who, unable to otherwise account for it, considered and stated the animal to be the hybrid offspring of the leopard and camel. another point needs to be borne in mind. earlier artists were in no way fettered by any supposed necessity for making their pictures realistic representations. realism is a modernity. their pictures were decoration, and they thought far more of making their subject fit the space to be decorated than of making it a "speaking likeness." nevertheless, their work was not all imagination. in the _crocodile_ { } we get the basis of the dragon, if indeed the heraldic dragon be not a perpetuation of ancient legends, or even perhaps of then existing representations of those winged antediluvian animals, the fossilised remains of which are now available. wings, however, need never be considered a difficulty. it has ever been the custom (from the angels of christianity to the personalities of mercury and pegasus) to add wings to any figure held in veneration. why, it would be difficult to say, but nevertheless the fact remains. _the unicorn_, however, it is not easy to resolve into an original basis, because until the seventeenth century every one fondly believed in the existence of the animal. mr. beckles wilson appears to have paid considerable attention to the subject, and was responsible for the article "the rise of the unicorn" which recently appeared in _cassel's magazine_. that writer traces the matter to a certain extent from non-heraldic sources, and the following remarks, which are taken from the above article, are of considerable interest:-- "the real genesis of the unicorn was probably this: at a time when armorial bearings were becoming an indispensable part of a noble's equipment, the attention of those knights who were fighting under the banner of the cross was attracted to the wild antelopes of syria and palestine. these animals are armed with long, straight, spiral horns set close together, so that at a side view they appeared to be but a single horn. to confirm this, there are some old illuminations and drawings extant which endow the early unicorn with many of the attributes of the deer and goat kind. the sort of horn supposed to be carried by these eastern antelopes had long been a curiosity, and was occasionally brought back as a trophy by travellers from the remote parts of the earth. there is a fine one to be seen to-day at the abbey of st. denis, and others in various collections in europe. we now know these so-called unicorn's horns, usually carved, to belong to that marine monster the narwhal, or sea-unicorn. but the fable of a breed of horned horses is at least as old as pliny" [had the "gnu" anything to do with this?], "and centuries later the crusaders, or the monkish artists who accompanied them, attempted to delineate the marvel. from their first rude sketches other artists copied; and so each presentment was passed along, until at length the present form of the unicorn was attained. there was a time--not so long ago--when the existence of the unicorn was as implicitly believed in as the camel or any other animal not seen in these latitudes; and the translators of the bible set their seal upon the legend by translating the hebrew word _reem_ (which probably meant a rhinoceros) as 'unicorn.' thus the worthy thomas fuller came to consider the existence of the unicorn clearly proved by the mention of it in scripture! describing { } the horn of the animal, he writes, 'some are plain, as that of st. mark's in venice; others wreathed about it, which probably is the effect of age, those wreaths being but the wrinkles of most vivacious unicorns. the same may be said of the colour: white when newly taken from the head; yellow, like that lately in the tower, of some hundred years' seniority; but whether or no it will soon turn black, as that of plinie's description, let others decide.' "all the books on natural history so late as the seventeenth century describe at length the unicorn; several of them carefully depict him as though the artist had drawn straight from the life. "if art had stopped here, the wonder of the unicorn would have remained but a paltry thing after all. his finer qualities would have been unrecorded, and all his virtues hidden. but, happily, instead of this, about the animal first conceived in the brain of a greek (as pegasus also was), and embodied through the fertile fancy of the crusader, the monks and heraldists of the middle ages devised a host of spiritual legends. they told of his pride, his purity, his endurance, his matchless spirit. "'the greatnesse of his mynde is such that he chooseth rather to dye than be taken alive.' indeed, he was only conquerable by a beautiful maiden. one fifteenth-century writer gives a recipe for catching a unicorn. 'a maid is set where he hunteth and she openeth her lap, to whom the unicorn, as seeking rescue from the force of the hunter, yieldeth his head and leaveth all his fierceness, and resteth himself under her protection, sleepeth until he is taken and slain.' but although many were reported to be thus enticed to their destruction, only their horns, strange to say, ever reached europe. there is one in king edward's collection at buckingham palace. "naturally, the horn of such an animal was held a sovereign specific against poison, and 'ground unicorn's horn' often figures in mediæval books of medicine. "there was in shakespeare's time at windsor castle the 'horn of a unicorn of above eight spans and a half in length, valued at above £ , .' this may have been the one now at buckingham palace. one writer, describing it, says:-- "'i doe also know that horn the king of england possesseth to be wreathed in spires, even as that is accounted in the church of st. dennis, than which they suppose none greater in the world, and i never saw anything in any creature more worthy praise than this horne. it is of soe great a length that the tallest man can scarcely touch the top thereof, for it doth fully equal seven great feet. it weigheth thirteen pounds, with their assize, being only weighed by the gesse of the hands it seemeth much heavier.' { } "spenser, in the 'faerie queen,' thus describes a contest between the unicorn and the lion:-- 'like as the lyon, whose imperial powre a proud rebellious unicorn defyes, t'avoide the rash assault and wrathful stowre of his fiers foe, him to a tree applies. and when him running in full course he spyes he slips aside; the whiles that furious beast his precious horne, sought of his enimyes, strikes in the stroke, ne thence can be released, but to the victor yields a bounteous feast.' "'it hath,' remarked guillim, in , 'been much questioned among naturalists which it is that is properly called the unicorn; and some have made doubt whether there be such a beast or no. but the great esteem of his horn in many places to be seen may take away that needless scruple.' [illustration: fig. .--unicorn rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--unicorn passant.] [illustration: fig. .--unicorn statant.] "another old writer, topsell, says:-- [illustration: fig. .--unicorn rampant.] "'these beasts are very swift, and their legs have not articles. they keep for the most part in the deserts, and live solitary in the tops of the mountaines. there was nothing more horrible than the voice or braying of it, for the voice is strained above measure. it fighteth both with the mouth and with the heeles, with the mouth biting like a lyon, and with the heeles kicking like a horse.' "nor is belief in the unicorn confined to europe. by chinese writers it is characterised as a 'spiritual beast.' the existence of the unicorn is firmly credited by the most intelligent natives and by not a few europeans. a very trustworthy observer, the abbé huc, speaks very positively on the subject: 'the unicorn really exists in tibet.... we had for a long time a small mongol treatise on natural history, for the use of children, in which a unicorn formed one of the pictorial illustrations.'" the unicorn, however, as it has heraldically developed, is drawn { } with the body of a horse, the tail of the heraldic lion, the legs and feet of the deer, the head and mane of a horse, to which is added the long twisted horn from which the animal is named, and a beard (figs. , , and ). a good representation of the unicorn will be found in the figure of the royal arms herein, and in fig. , which is as fine a piece of heraldic design as could be wished. the crest of yonge of colbrooke, devonshire, is "a demi-sea-unicorn argent, armed gules, finned or," and the crest of tynte (kemeys-tynte of cefn mably and halswell) is "on a mount vert, a unicorn sejant argent, armed and crined or." the unicorn will be found in the arms of styleman, quartered by le strange, and swanzy. [illustration: fig. .--gryphon segreant.] [illustration: fig. .--gryphon passant.] [illustration: fig. .--gryphon statant.] _the griffin_ or _gryphon_.--though in the popular mind any heraldic monster is generically termed a griffin, the griffin has, nevertheless, very marked and distinct peculiarities. it is one of the hybrid monstrosities which heraldry is so fond of, and is formed by the body, hind-legs, and tail of a lion conjoined to the head and claws of an eagle, the latter acting as its forepaws (figs. - ). it has the wings of the eagle, which are never represented close, but it also has ears, and this, by the way, should be noted, because herein is the only distinction between a griffin's head and an eagle's head when the rest of the body is not represented (fig. ). though but very seldom so met with, it is occasionally found proper, by which description is meant that the plumage is of the brown colour of the eagle, the rest of the body being the natural colour of the lion. the griffin is frequently found with its beak and fore-legs of a different colour from its body, { } and is then termed "armed," though another term, "beaked and fore-legged," is almost as frequently used. a very popular idea is that the origin of the griffin was the dimidiation of two coats of arms, one having an eagle and the other a lion as charges, but taking the origin of armory to belong to about the end of the eleventh century, or thereabouts, the griffin can be found as a distinct creation, not necessarily heraldic, at a very much earlier date. an exceedingly good and an early representation of the griffin will be found in fig. . it is a representation of the great seal of the town of schweidnitz in the jurisdiction of breslau, and belongs to the year . the inscription is "+ s universitatis civium de swidnitz." in the grant of arms to the town in the year , the griffin is gules on a field of argent. [illustration: fig. .--seal of the town of schweidnitz.] the griffin will be found in all sorts of positions, and the terms applied to it are the same as would be applied to a lion, except in the single instance of the rampant position. a griffin is then termed "segreant" (fig. ). the wings are usually represented as endorsed and erect, but this is not compulsory, as will be noticed by reference to the supporters of the earl of mar and kellie, in which the wings are inverted. [illustration: fig. .--gryphon's head erased.] [illustration: fig. .--male gryphon.] there is a certain curiosity in english heraldry, wholly peculiar to it, which may be here referred to. a griffin in the ordinary way is merely so termed, but a male griffin by some curious reasoning has no wings, but is adorned with spikes showing at some number of points on its body (fig. ). i have, under my remarks upon the panther, hazarded the supposition that the male griffin of english heraldry is nothing more than a british development and form of the continental heraldic panther which is unknown to us. the origin of the clusters and spikes, unless they are to be found in the flames of fire associated with the panther, must remain a mystery. the male griffin is very seldom met with, but two of these creatures are the supporters of sir george john egerton dashwood, bart. whilst we consider the griffin a purely mythical animal, there is no doubt whatever that earlier writers devoutly believed that such animals existed. sir john maundeville tells us in his "travels" that they abound in bacharia. "sum men seyn that thei han the body upward as an egle, and benethe as a lyoun; and treuly thei seyn sothe that thei ben of that schapp. but a griffoun { } hathe the body more gret and more strong than eight lyouns of such lyouns as ben o' this half (of the world), and more gret and stronger than an egles such as we han amonges us ...," and other writers, whilst not considering them an original type of animal, undoubtedly believed in their existence as hybrid of the eagle and the lion. it is of course a well-known fact that the mule, the most popular hybrid, does not breed. this fact would be accepted as accounting for the rarity of animals which were considered to be hybrids. though there are examples of griffins in some of the earliest rolls of arms, the animal cannot be said to have come into general use until a somewhat later period. nowadays, however, it is probably next in popularity to the lion. the demi-griffin is very frequently found as a crest. a griffin's head (fig. ) is still yet more frequently met with, and as a charge upon the shields it will be found in the arms of raikes, kay, and many other families. a variety of the griffin is found in the gryphon-marine, or sea-griffin. in it the fore part of the creature is that of the eagle, but the wings are sometimes omitted; and the lower half of the animal is that of a fish, or rather of a mermaid. such a creature is the charge in the arms of the silesian family of mestich: "argent, a sea-griffin proper" (siebmacher, _wappenbuch_, i. ). "azure, a (winged) sea-griffin per fesse gules and argent crowned or," is the coat of the barons von puttkammer. one or two other pomeranian families have the like charge without wings. _the dragon._--much akin to the griffin is the dragon, but the similarity of appearance is more superficial than real, inasmuch as in all details it differs, except in the broad similarity that it has four legs, a pair of wings, and is a terrible creature. the much referred to "griffin" opposite the law courts in the strand is really a dragon. the head of a dragon is like nothing else in heraldry, and from what source it originated or what basis existed for ancient heraldic artists to imagine it from must remain a mystery, unless it has developed from the crocodile or some antediluvian animal much akin. it is like nothing else in heaven or on earth. its neck is covered with scales not unlike those of a fish. all four legs are scaled and have claws, the back is scaled, the tongue is barbed, and the under part of the body is likewise scaled, but here, in rolls of a much larger size. great differences will be found in the shape of the ears, but the wings of the dragon are always represented as the wings of a bat, with the long ribs or bones carried to the base (figs. - ). the dragon is one of the most artistic of heraldic creations, and lends itself very readily to the genius of any artist. in nearly all modern representations the tail, like the tongue, { } will be found ending in a barb, but it should be observed that this is a comparatively recent addition. all dragons of the tudor period were invariably represented without any such additions to their tails. the tail was long and smooth, ending in a blunt point. whilst we have separate and distinct names for many varieties of dragon-like creatures, other countries in their use of the word "dragon" include the wyvern, basilisk, cockatrice, and other similar creatures, but the distinct name in german heraldry for our four-footed dragon is the _lindwurm_, and fig. is a representation of the dragon according to german ideas, which nevertheless might form an example for english artists to copy, except that we very seldom represent ours as coward. [illustration: fig. .--dragon rampant.] [illustration: fig. .--dragon passant.] [illustration: fig. .--dragon statant.] [illustration: fig. .--a german dragon.] the red dragon upon a mount vert, which forms a part of the royal achievement as the badge of wales, is known as the red dragon of cadwallader, and in deference to a loudly expressed sentiment on the subject, his majesty the king has recently added the welsh dragon differenced by a label of three points argent as an additional badge to the achievement of his royal highness the prince of wales. the red dragon was one of the supporters of the tudor kings, being used by henry vii., henry viii., and edward vi. queen elizabeth, however, whose liking for gold is evidenced by her changing the royal mantle from gules and ermine to gold and ermine, also changed the colour of the dragon as her supporter to gold, and many welsh scholars hold that the ruddy dragon of wales was and should be of ruddy gold and not of gules. there is some room for doubt whether the dragon in the royal arms was really of welsh origin. the point was discussed at some length by the present writer { } in the _genealogical magazine_ (october ). it was certainly in use by king henry iii. a dragon may be statant (fig. ), rampant (fig. ), or passant (fig. ), and the crests of bicknell and of the late sir charles young, garter king of arms, are examples of dragons couchant. a sea-dragon, whatever that creature may be, occurs in one of the crests of mr. mainwaring-ellerker-onslow. variations such as that attributed to the family of raynor ["argent, a dragon volant in bend sable"], the dragon overthrown on the arms of langridge as quartered by lowdell, and the sinister supporter of the arms of viscount gough ["the dragon of china or gorged with a mural crown and chained sable"] may be noted. the chinese dragon, which is also the dexter supporter of sir robert hart, bart., follows closely the chinese model, and is without wings. [illustration: fig. .--wyvern.] [illustration: fig. .--wyvern with wings displayed.] [illustration: fig. .--wyvern erect.] _the wyvern._--there is no difference whatever between a wyvern's head and a dragon's, but there is considerable difference between a wyvern and a dragon, at any rate in english heraldry, though the wyvern appears to be the form more frequently met with under the name of a dragon in other countries. the wyvern has only two legs, the body curling away into the tail, and it is usually represented as resting upon its legs and tail (figs. and ). on the other hand, it will occasionally be found sitting erect upon its tail with its claws in the air (fig. ), and the supporters of the duke of marlborough are generally so represented. as a charge or crest, however, probably the only instance of a wyvern sejant erect is the crest of mansergh. a curious crest also is that of langton, namely: "on a wreath of the colours, an eagle or and a wyvern vert, interwoven and erect on their tails," and an equally curious one is the crest of maule, _i.e._ "a wyvern vert, with two heads vomiting fire at both ends proper, charged with a crescent argent." occasionally the wyvern is represented without wings and with the { } tail nowed. both these peculiarities occur in the case of the crest of a lancashire family named ffarington. _the cockatrice._--the next variety is the cockatrice (fig. ), which is, however, comparatively rare. two cockatrices are the supporters to the arms of the earl of westmeath, and also to the arms of sir edmund charles nugent, bart. but the animal is not common as a charge. the difference between a wyvern and a cockatrice is that the latter has the head of a cock substituted for the dragon's head with which the wyvern is decorated. like the cock, the beak, comb, and wattles are often of another tincture, and the animal is then termed armed, combed, and wattled. [illustration: fig. .--cockatrice.] the cockatrice is sometimes termed a _basilisk_, and according to ancient writers the basilisk is produced from an egg laid by a nine-year-old cock and hatched by a toad on a dunghill. probably this is merely the expression of the intensified loathing which it was desired to typify. but the heraldic basilisk is stated to have its tail terminating in a dragon's head. in english heraldry, at any rate, i know of no such example. _the hydra_, or _seven-headed dragon_, as the crest, is ascribed to the families of barret, crespine, and lownes. [illustration: fig. .--camelopard.] _the camelopard_ (fig. ), which is nothing more or less than an ordinary giraffe, must be properly included amongst mythical animals, because the form and semblance of the giraffe was used to represent a mythical hybrid creation which the ancients believed to be begotten between a leopard and a camel. possibly they represented the real giraffe (which they may have known), taking that to be a hybrid between the two animals stated. it occurs as the crest of several coats of arms for the name of crisp. _the camelopardel_, which is another mythical animal fathered upon armory, is stated to be the same as the camelopard, but with the addition of two long horns curved backwards. i know of no instance in which it occurs. the human face or figure conjoined to some other animal's body gives us a number of heraldic creatures, some of which play no inconsiderable part in armory. the human figure (male) conjoined to the tail of a fish is known as the _triton_ or _merman_ (fig. ). though there are some number of instances in which it occurs as a supporter, it is seldom met with as { } a charge upon a shield. it is, however, to be found in the arms of otway, and is assigned as a crest to the family of tregent, and a family of robertson, of london. _the mermaid_ (fig. ), is much more frequently met with. it is generally represented with the traditional mirror and comb in the hands. it will be found appearing, for example, in the arms of ellis, of glasfryn, co. monmouth. the crest of mason, used without authority by the founder of mason's college, led to its inclusion in the arms of the university of birmingham. it will also be found as the crest of rutherford and many other families. _the melusine, i.e._ a mermaid with two tails disposed on either side, though not unknown in british heraldry, is more frequent in german. [illustration: fig. .--merman.] [illustration: fig. .--mermaid.] [illustration: fig. .--sphinx.] [illustration: fig. .--centaur.] _the sphinx_, of course originally derived from the egyptian figure, has the body, legs, and tail of a lion conjoined to the breasts, head, and face of a woman (fig. ). as a charge it occurs in the arms of cochrane and cameron of fassiefern. this last-mentioned coat affords a striking example of the over-elaboration to be found in so many of the grants which owe their origin to the peninsular war and the other "fightings" in which england was engaged at the period. a winged sphinx is the crest of a family of the name of asgile. two sphinxes were granted as supporters to the late sir edward malet, g.c.b. _the centaur_ (fig. )--the familiar fabulous animal, half man, half horse--is sometimes represented carrying a bow and arrow, when it is called a "sagittarius." it is not infrequently met with in heraldry, though it is to be found more often in continental than in english blazonry. in its "sagittarius" form it is sculptured on a column in the romanesque cloister of st. aubin at angers. it will be found as the crest of most families named lambert, and it was one of the supporters of { } lord hood of avelon. it is also the crest of a family of fletcher. a very curious crest was borne by a family of lambert, and is to be seen on their monuments. they could establish no official authority for their arms as used, and consequently obtained official authorisation in the early part of the eighteenth century, when the crest then granted was a regulation sagittarius, but up to that time, however, they had always used a "female centaur" holding a rose in its dexter hand. _chimera._--this legendary animal happily does not figure in english heraldry, and but rarely abroad. it is described as having the head and breast of a woman, the forepaws of a lion, the body of a goat, the hind-legs of a griffin, and the tail of a dragon, and would be about as ugly and misbegotten a creature as can readily be imagined. _the man-lion_ will be found referred to under the heading of lions, and elvin mentions in addition the _weir-wolf, i.e._ the wolf with a human face and horns. probably this creature has strayed into heraldic company by mistake. i know of no armorial use of it. _the satyr_, which has a well-established existence in other than heraldic sources of imagination, is composed of a demi-savage united to the hind-legs of a goat. _the satyral_ is a hybrid animal having the body of a lion and the face of an old man, with the horns of an antelope. i know of no instance of its use. _the harpy_--which is a curious creature consisting of the head, neck, and breasts of a woman conjoined to the wings and body of a vulture--is peculiarly german, though it does exist in the heraldry of this country. the german name for it is the _jungfraunadler_. the shield of the rietbergs, princes of ost-friesland, is: "sable, a harpy crowned, and with wings displayed all proper, between four stars, two in chief and as many in base or." the harpy will be found as a crest in this country. _the devil_ is not, as may be imagined, a favourite heraldic charge. the arms of sissinks of groningen, however, are: "or, a horned devil having six paws, the body terminating in the tail of a fish all gules." the family of bawde have for a crest: "a satyr's head in profile sable, with wings to the side of the head or, the tongue hanging out of his mouth gules." though so blazoned, i feel sure it is really intended to represent a fiend. on the garter hall-plate of john de grailly, captal de buch, the crest is a man's head with ass's ears. this is, however, usually termed a midas' head. a certain coat of arms which is given in the "general armory" under the name of dannecourt, and also under the name of morfyn or murfyn, has for a crest: "a blackamoor's head couped at the shoulders, habited paly of six ermine and ermines, pendents in his ears or, wreathed about the { } forehead, with bat's wings to the head sable, expanded on each side." many mythical animals can be more conveniently considered under their natural counterparts. of these the notes upon the heraldic antelope and the heraldic ibex accompany those upon the natural antelope, and the heraldic panther is included with the real animal. the heraldic tiger, likewise, is referred to concurrently with the bengal or natural tiger. the pegasus, the sea-horse, and the winged sea-horse are mentioned with other examples of the horse, and the sea-dog is included with other breeds and varieties of that useful animal. the winged bull, of which only one instance is known to me, occurs as the supporters of the butchers' livery company, and has been already alluded to, as also the winged stag. the sea-stag is referred to under the sub-heading of stags. the two-headed lion, the double-queued lion, the lion queue-fourché, the sea-lion (which is sometimes found winged) are all included in the chapter upon lions, as are also the winged lion and the lion-dragon. the winged ape was mentioned when considering the natural animal, and perhaps it may be as well to allude to the asserted heraldic existence of the sea-monkey, though i am not aware of any instance in which it is borne. [illustration: fig. .--salamander.] the arms of challoner afford an instance of the _sea-wolf_, the crest of that family being: "a demi-sea-wolf rampant or." guillim, however (p. ), in quoting the arms of fennor, would seem to assert the sea-wolf and sea-dog to be one and the same. they certainly look rather like each other. _the phoenix_ and the _double-headed eagle_ will naturally be more conveniently dealt with in the chapter upon the eagle. _the salamander_ has been represented in various ways, and is usually described as a dragon in flames of fire. it is sometimes so represented but without wings, though it more usually follows the shape of a lizard. the salamander is, however, best known as the personal device of francis i., king of france. it is to this origin that the arms of the city of paris can be traced. the remainder of the list of heraldic monsters can be very briefly dismissed. in many cases a good deal of research has failed to discover an instance of their use, and one is almost inclined to believe that they were invented by those mediæval writers of prolific imagination for their treatises, without ever having been borne or emblazoned upon helmet or shield. _the allocamelus_ is supposed to have the head of an ass conjoined { } to the body of a camel. i cannot call to mind any british instance of its use. _the amphiptère_ is the term applied to a "winged serpent," a charge of but rare occurrence in either english or foreign heraldry. it is found in the arms of the french family of potier, viz.: "azure, a bendlet purpure between two amphiptères or," while they figure as supporters also in that family, and in those of the ducs de tresmes and de gevres. _the apres_ is an animal with the body similar to that of a bull, but with a bear's tail. it is seldom met with outside heraldic text-books. [illustration: fig. .--enfield.] _the amphisboena_ is usually described as a winged serpent (with two legs) having a head at each end of its body, but in the crest of gwilt ["on a saltire or, interlaced by two amphisboenæ azure, langued gules, a rose of the last, barbed and seeded proper"] the creatures certainly do not answer to the foregoing description. they must be seen to be duly appreciated. _the cockfish_ is a very unusual charge, but it is to be met with in the arms of the family of geyss, in bavaria, _i.e._: "or, a cock sable, beaked of the first, crested and armed gules, its body ending in that of a fish curved upwards, proper." [illustration: fig. .--opinicus.] _the enfield_ (fig. ) is a purely fanciful animal, having the head of a fox, chest of a greyhound, talons of an eagle, body of a lion, and hind legs and tail of a wolf. it occurs as the crest of most irish families of the name of kelly. _the bagwyn_ is an imaginary animal with the head of and much like the heraldic antelope, but with the body and tail of a horse, and the horns long and curved backwards. it is difficult to say what it is intended to represent, and i can give no instance in which it occurs. _the musimon_ is a fabulous animal with the body and feet of a goat and the head of a ram, with four horns. it is supposed to be the hybrid between the ram and the goat, the four horns being the two straight ones of the goat and the two curled ones of the ram. though no heraldic instance is known to me, one cannot definitely say such an animal never existed. another name for it is the tityron. _the opinicus_ (fig. ) is another monster seldom met with in armory. when it does occur it is represented as a winged gryphon, with a lion's legs and short tail. another description of it gives it the { } body and forelegs of a lion, the head, neck, and wings of an eagle, and the tail of a camel. it is the crest of the livery company of barbers in london, which doubtless gives us the origin of it in the recent grant of arms to sir frederick treves, bart. sometimes the wings are omitted. _the manticora_, _mantegre_, or _man-tiger_ is the same as the man-lion, but has horns attached to its forehead. _the hippogriff_ has the head, wings and foreclaws of the griffin united to the hinder part of the body of a horse. _the calopus_ or _chatloup_ is a curious horned animal difficult to describe, but which appears to have been at one time the badge of the foljambe family. no doubt, as the name would seem to indicate, it is a variant of the wolf. many of the foregoing animals, particularly those which are or are supposed to be hybrids, are, however well they may be depicted, ugly, inartistic, and unnecessary. their representation leaves one with a disappointed feeling of crudity of draughtmanship. no such objection applies to the pegasus, the griffin, the sea-horse, the dragon, or the unicorn, and in these modern days, when the differentiation of well-worn animals is producing singularly inept results, one would urge that the sea-griffin, the sea-stag, the winged bull, the winged stag, the winged lion, and winged heraldic antelope might produce (if the necessity of differentiation continue) very much happier results. { } chapter xiv birds birds of course play a large and prominent part in heraldry. those which have been impressed into the service of heraldic emblazonment comprise almost every species known to the zoological world. though the earliest rolls of arms give us instances of various other birds, the bird which makes the most prominent appearance is the _eagle_, and in all early representations this will invariably be found "displayed." a double-headed eagle displayed, from a byzantine silk of the tenth century, is illustrated by mr. eve in his "decorative heraldry," so that it is evident that neither the eagle displayed nor the double-headed eagle originated with the science of armory, which appropriated them ready-made, together with their symbolism. an eagle displayed as a symbolical device was certainly in use by charlemagne. it may perhaps here be advantageous to treat of the artistic development of the eagle displayed. of this, of course, the earliest prototype is the roman eagle of the cæsars, and it will be to english eyes, accustomed to our conventional spread-eagle, doubtless rather startling to observe that the german type of the eagle, which follows the roman disposition of the wings (which so many of our heraldic artists at the present day appear inclined to adopt either in the accepted german or in a slightly modified form as an eagle displayed) is certainly not a true displayed eagle according to our english ideas and requirements, inasmuch as the wings are inverted. it should be observed that in german heraldry it is simply termed an eagle, and not an eagle displayed. considering, however, its very close resemblance to our eagle displayed, and also its very artistic appearance, there is every excuse for its employment in this country, and i for one should be sorry to observe its slowly increasing favour checked in this country. it is quite possible, however, to transfer the salient and striking points of beauty to the more orthodox position of the wings. the eagle (compared with the lion and the ordinaries) had no such predominance in early british heraldry that it enjoyed in continental armory, and therefore it may be better to trace the artistic development of the german eagle. { } in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the eagle appears with the head raised and the beak closed. the _sachsen_ (bones of the wings) are rolled up at the ends like a snail, and the pinions (like the talons) take a vertical downward direction. the tail, composed of a number of stiff feathers, frequently issues from a knob or ball. compare fig. herewith. with the end of the fourteenth century the head straightens itself, the beak opens and the tongue becomes visible. the rolling up of the wing-bones gradually disappears, and the claws form an acute angle with the direction of the body; and at this period the claws occasionally receive the "hose" covering the upper part of the leg. the feathers of the tail spread out sicklewise (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the fifteenth century shows the eagle with _sachsen_ forming a half circle, the pinions spread out and radiating therefrom, and the claws more at a right angle (fig. ). the sixteenth century draws the eagle in a more ferocious aspect, and depicts it in as ornamental and ornate a manner as possible. from konrad grünenberg's _wappenbuch_ (constance, ) is reproduced the shield (fig. ) with the boldly sketched _adlerflügel mit schwerthand_ (eagle's wing with the sword hand), the supposed arms of the duke of calabria. quite in the same style is the eagle of tyrol on a corporate flag of the society of the schwazer bergbute (fig. ), which belongs to the last quarter of the fifteenth century. this is reproduced from the impression in the bavarian national museum given in hefner-alteneck's "book of costumes." a modern german eagle drawn by h. g. ströhl is shown in fig. . the illustration is of the arms of the prussian province of brandenburg. the double eagle has, of course, undergone a somewhat similar development. the double eagle occurs in the east as well as in the west in very early times. since about the double eagle has appeared sporadically as a symbol of the roman-german empire, and under the emperor sigismund (d. ) became the settled armorial device of the roman empire. king sigismund, before his coronation as emperor, bore the single-headed eagle. { } [illustration: fig. .--arms of duke of calabria.] [illustration: fig. .--eagle of tyrol.] it may perhaps be as well to point out, with the exception of the two positions "displayed" (fig. ) and "close" (fig. ), very little if any agreement at all exists amongst authorities either as to the terms to be employed or as to the position intended for the wings when a given term is used in a blazon. practically every other single position is simply blazoned "rising," this term being employed without any additional distinctive terms of variation in official blazons and emblazonments. nor can one obtain any certain information from a reference to the real eagle, for the result of careful observation would seem to show that in the first stroke of the wings, when rising from the ground, the wings pass through every position from the wide outstretched form, which i term "rising with wings elevated and displayed" (fig. ), to a position practically "close." as a consequence, therefore, no one form can be said to be more correct than any other, either from the point of view of nature or from the point of view of ancient precedent. this state of affairs is eminently unsatisfactory, because in these days of necessary differentiation no heraldic artist of any appreciable knowledge or ability has claimed the liberty (which certainly has not been officially conceded) to depict an eagle rising with wings elevated and displayed, when it has been granted with the wings in the position addorsed and inverted. such a liberty when the wings happen to be charged, as they so frequently are in modern english crests, must clearly be an impossibility. { } [illustration: fig. .--arms of the prussian province of brandenburg. (from ströhl's _deutsche wappenrolle_.)] until some agreement has been arrived at, i can only recommend my readers to follow the same plan which i have long adopted in blazoning arms of which the official blazon has not been available to me. that is, to use the term "rising," followed by the necessary description of the position of the wings (figs. - ). this obviates both mistake and uncertainty. originally with us, as still in germany, an eagle was always displayed, and in the days when coats of arms were few in number and simple in character the artist may well have been permitted to draw an eagle as he chose, providing it was an eagle. but arms and their elaboration in the last four hundred years have made this impossible. it is foolish to overlook this, and idle in the face of existing facts to attempt to revert to former ways. although now the english eagle displayed has the tip of its wings pointed upwards (fig. ), and the contrary needs now to be mentioned in the blazon (fig. ), this even with us was not so in the beginning. a reference to figs. and will show how the eagle was formerly depicted. [illustration: fig. .--eagle close.] [illustration: fig. .--eagle rising, wings elevated and addorsed.] [illustration: fig. .--eagle rising, wings addorsed and inverted.] [illustration: fig. .--eagle rising, wings displayed and inverted.] { } [illustration: fig. .--eagle rising, wings elevated and displayed.] [illustration: fig. .--eagle displayed.] [illustration: fig. .--eagle displayed with wings inverted.] [illustration: fig. .--arms of ralph de monthermer, earl of gloucester and hereford: or, an eagle vert. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of piers de gaveston, earl of cornwall (d. ): vert, six eagles or.] [illustration: fig. .--double-headed eagle displayed.] the earliest instance of the eagle as a definitely heraldic charge upon a shield would appear to be its appearance upon the great seal of the markgrave leopold of austria in , where the equestrian figure of the markgrave carries a shield so charged. more or less regularly, subsequently to the reign of frederick barbarossa, elected king of the romans in , and crowned as emperor in , the eagle with one or two heads (there seems originally to have been little unanimity upon the point) seems to have become the recognised heraldic symbol of the holy roman empire; and the seal of richard, earl of cornwall, elected king of the romans in , shows his arms ["argent, a lion rampant gules, within a bordure sable, bezanté"] displayed upon the breast of an eagle; but no properly authenticated contemporary instance of the use of this eagle by the earl of cornwall is found in this country. the origin of the double-headed eagle (fig. ) has been the subject of endless controversy, the tale one is usually taught to believe being that it originated in the dimidiation upon one shield of two separate coats { } of arms. nisbet states that the imperial eagle was "not one eagle with two heads, but two eagles, the one laid upon the other, and their heads separate, looking different ways, which represent the two heads of the empire after it was divided into east and west." the whole discussion is an apt example of the habit of earlier writers to find or provide hidden meanings and symbolisms when no such meanings existed. the real truth undoubtedly is that the double-headed eagle was an accepted figure long before heraldry came into existence, and that when the displayed eagle was usurped by armory as one of its peculiarly heraldic figures, the single-headed and double-headed varieties were used indifferently, until the double-headed eagle became stereotyped as the imperial emblem. napoleon, however, reverted to the single-headed eagle, and the present german imperial eagle has likewise only one head. [illustration: fig. .--napoleonic eagle.] the imperial eagle of napoleon had little in keeping with then existing armorial types of the bird. there can be little doubt that the model upon which it was based was the roman eagle of the cæsars as it figured upon the head of the roman standards. in english terms of blazon the napoleonic eagle would be: "an eagle displayed with wings inverted, the head to the sinister, standing upon a thunderbolt or" (fig. ). the then existing double-headed eagles of austria and russia probably supply the reason why, when the german empire was created, the prussian eagle in a modified form was preferred to the resuscitation of the older double-headed eagle, which had theretofore been more usually accepted as the symbol of empire. by the same curious idea which was noticed in the earlier chapter upon lions, and which ruled that the mere fact of the appearance of two or more lions rampant in the same coat of arms made them into lioncels, so more than one eagle upon a shield resulted sometimes in the birds becoming eaglets. such a rule has never had official recognition, and no artistic difference is made between the eagle and the eaglet. the charges on the arms of piers gaveston, earl of cornwall, are blazoned as eagles (fig. ). in the blazon of a few coats of arms, the term eaglet, however, still survives, _e.g._ in the arms of child ["gules a chevron ermine, between three eaglets close argent"], and in the arms of smitheman ["vert, three eaglets statant with wings displayed argent, collared or"]. when an eagle has its beak of another colour, it is termed "armed" of that colour, and when the legs differ it is termed "membered." { } an eagle volant occurs in the crest of jessel ["on a wreath of the colours, a torch fesswise, fired proper, surmounted by an eagle volant argent, holding in the beak a pearl also argent. motto: 'persevere'"]. parts of an eagle are almost as frequently met with as the entire bird. eagles' heads (fig. ) abound as crests (they can be distinguished from the head of a griffin by the fact that the latter has always upstanding ears). [illustration: fig. .--eagle's head couped.] unless otherwise specified (_e.g._ the crest of the late sir noel paton was between the two wings of a dove), wings occurring in armory are always presumed to be the wings of an eagle. this, however, in english heraldry has little effect upon their design, for probably any well-conducted eagle (as any other bird) would disown the english heraldic wing, as it certainly would never recognise the german heraldic variety. a pair of wings when displayed and conjoined at the base is termed "conjoined in leure" (fig. ), from the palpable similarity of the figure in its appearance to the lure with which, thrown into the air, the falconer brought back his hawk to hand. the best known, and most frequently quoted instance, is the well-known coat of seymour or st. maur ["gules, two wings conjoined in leure the tips downwards or"]. it should always be stated if the wings (as in the arms of seymour) are inverted. otherwise the tips are naturally presumed to be in chief. [illustration: fig. .--a pair of wings conjoined in leure.] pairs of wings not conjoined can be met with in the arms and crest of burne-jones ["azure, on a bend sinister argent between seven mullets, four in chief and three in base or, three pairs of wings addorsed purpure, charged with a mullet or. crest: in front of fire proper two wings elevated and addorsed purpure, charged with a mullet or"]; but two wings, unless conjoined or addorsed, will not usually be described as a pair. occasionally, however, a pair of wings will be found in saltire, but such a disposition is most unusual. single wings, unless specified to be the contrary, are presumed to be dexter wings. care needs to be exercised in some crests to observe the difference between (_a_) a bird's head between two wings, (_b_) a bird's head winged (a form not often met with, but in which rather more of the neck is shown, and the wings are conjoined thereto), and (_c_) a bird's head between two wings addorsed. the latter form, which of course is really { } no more than a representation of a crest between two wings turned to be represented upon a profile helmet, is one of the painful results of our absurd position rules for the helmet. a pair of wings conjoined is sometimes termed a vol, and one wing a demi-vol. though doubtless it is desirable to know these terms, they are but seldom found in use, and are really entirely french. [illustration: fig. .--an eagle's leg erased à la quise.] eagles' legs are by no means an infrequent charge. they will usually be found erased at the thigh, for which there is a recognised term "erased à la quise" (fig. ), which, however, is by no means a compulsory one. an eagle's leg so erased was a badge of the house of stanley. the eagle's leg will sometimes be met with couped below the feathers, but would then be more properly described as a claw. [illustration: fig. .--phoenix.] a curious form of the eagle is found in the _alerion_, which is represented without beak or legs. it is difficult to conjecture what may have been the origin of the bird in this debased form, unless its first beginnings may be taken as a result of the unthinking perpetuation of some crudely drawn example. its best-known appearance is, of course, in the arms of loraine; and as planché has pointed out, this is as perfect an example of a canting anagram as can be met with in armory. _the phoenix_ (fig. ), one of the few mythical birds which heraldry has familiarised us with, is another, and perhaps the most patent example of all, of the appropriation by heraldic art of an ancient symbol, with its symbolism ready made. it belongs to the period of grecian mythology. as a charge upon a shield it is comparatively rare, though it so occurs in the arms of samuelson. on the other hand, it is frequently to be found as a crest. it is always represented as a demi-eagle issuing from flames of fire, and though the flames of fire will generally be found mentioned in the verbal blazon, this is not essential. without its fiery surroundings it would cease to be a phoenix. on the other hand, though it is always depicted as a _demi_-bird (no instance to the contrary exists), it is never considered necessary to so specify it. it occurs as the crest of the seymour family ["out of a ducal coronet a phoenix issuant from flames of fire"]. plate iv. [illustration] _the osprey_ may perhaps be here mentioned, because its heraldic { } representation always shows it as a white eagle. it is however seldom met with, though it figures in the crests of roche (lord fermoy) and trist. the osprey is sometimes known as the sea-eagle, and heraldically so termed. _the vulture_ (probably from its repulsive appearance in nature and its equally repulsive habits) is not a heraldic favourite. two of these birds occur, however, as the supporters of lord graves. [illustration: fig. .--falcon.] _the falcon_ (fig. ) naturally falls next to the eagle for consideration. considering the very important part this bird played in the social life of earlier centuries, this cannot be a matter of any surprise. heraldry, in its emblazonment, makes no distinction between the appearance of the hawk and the falcon, but for canting and other reasons the bird will be found described by all its different names, _e.g._ in the arms of hobson, to preserve the obvious pun, the two birds are blazoned as hobbies. the falcon is frequently (more often than not) found belled. with the slovenliness (or some may exalt it into the virtue of freedom from irritating restriction) characteristic of many matters in heraldic blazon, the simple term "belled" is found used indiscriminately to signify that the falcon is belled on one leg or belled on both, and if it is belled the bell must of necessity be on a jess. others state that every falcon must of necessity (whether so blazoned or not) be belled upon at least one leg, and that when the term "belled" is used it signifies that it is belled upon both legs. there is still yet another alternative, viz. that when "belled" it has the bell on only one leg, but that when "jessed and belled" it is belled on both legs. the jess is the leather thong with which the bells are attached to the leg, and it is generally considered, and this may be accepted, that when the term "jessed" is included in the wording of the blazon the jesses are represented with the ends flying loose, unless the use of the term is necessitated by the jesses being of a different colour. when the term "vervelled" is also employed it signifies that the jesses have small rings attached to the floating ends. in actual practice, however, it should be remembered that if the bells and jesses are of a different colour, the use of the terms "jessed" and "belled" is essential. a falcon is seldom drawn without at least one bell, and when it is found described as "belled," in most cases it will be found that the intention is that it shall have two bells. like all other birds of prey the falcon may be "armed," a technical term which theoretically should include the beak and legs, but in actual { } practice a falcon will be far more usually found described as "beaked and legged" when these differ in tincture from its plumage. when a falcon is blindfolded it is termed "hooded." it was always so carried on the wrist until it was flown. the position of the wings and the confusion in the terms applied thereto is even more marked in the case of the falcon than the eagle. demi-falcons are not very frequently met with, but an example occurs in the crest of jerningham. a falcon's head is constantly met with as a crest. when a falcon is represented preying upon anything it is termed "trussing" its prey, though sometimes the description "preying upon" is (perhaps less accurately) employed. examples of this will be found in the arms of madden ["sable, a hawk or, trussing a mallard proper, on a chief of the second a cross botonny gules"], and in the crests of graham, cawston, and yerburgh. a falcon's leg appears in the crest of joscelin. [illustration: fig. .--pelican in her piety.] _the pelican_, with its curious heraldic representation and its strange terms, may almost be considered an instance of the application of the existing name of a bird to an entirely fanciful creation. mr. g. w. eve, in his "decorative heraldry," states that in early representations of the bird it was depicted in a more naturalistic form, but i confess i have not myself met with such an ancient representation. heraldically, it has been practically always depicted with the head and body of an eagle, with wings elevated and with the neck embowed, pecking with its beak at its breast. the term for this is "vulning itself," and although it appears to be necessary always to describe it in the blazon as "vulning itself," it will never be met with save in this position; a pelican's head even, when erased at the neck, being always so represented. it is supposed to be pecking at its breast to provide drops of blood as nourishment for its young, and it is termed "in its piety" when depicted standing in its nest and with its brood of young (fig. ). it is difficult to imagine how the pelican came to be considered as always existing in this position, because there is nothing in the nature of a natural habit from which this could be derived. there are, however, other birds which, during the brooding season, lose their feathers upon the breast, and some which grow red feathers there, and it is doubtless from this that the idea originated. in heraldic and ecclesiastical symbolism the pelican has acquired a somewhat sacred character as typical of maternal solicitude. it { } will never be found "close," or in any other positions than with the wings endorsed and either elevated or inverted. when blazoned "proper," it is always given the colour and plumage of the eagle, and not its natural colour of white. in recent years, however, a tendency has rather made itself manifest to give the pelican its natural and more ungainly appearance, and its curious pouched beak. _the ostrich_ (fig. ) is doubtless the bird which is most frequently met with as a crest after the falcon, unless it be the dove or martlet. the ostrich is heraldically emblazoned in a very natural manner, and it is difficult to understand why in the case of such a bird heraldic artists of earlier days should have remained so true to the natural form of the bird, whilst in other cases, in which they could have had no less intimate acquaintance with the bird, greater variation is to be found. as a charge upon a shield it is not very common, although instances are to be found in the arms of macmahon ["argent, an ostrich sable, in its beak a horse-shoe or"], and in the arms of mahon ["per fess sable and argent, an ostrich counterchanged, holding in its beak a horse-shoe or"]. [illustration: fig. .--ostrich.] it is curious that, until quite recent times, the ostrich is never met with heraldically, unless holding a horse-shoe, a key, or some other piece of old iron in its beak. the digestive capacity of the ostrich, though somewhat exaggerated, is by no means fabulous, and in the earliest forms of its representation in all the old natural history books it is depicted feeding upon this unnatural food. if this were the popular idea of the bird, small wonder is it that heraldic artists perpetuated the idea, and even now the heraldic ostrich is seldom seen without a key or a horse-shoe in its beak. the ostrich's head alone is sometimes met with, as in the crest of the earl of carysfort. the wing of an ostrich charged with a bend sable is the crest of a family of gulston, but an ostrich wing is by no means a usual heraldic charge. ostrich feathers, of course, play a large part in armory, but the consideration of these may be postponed for the moment until the feathers of cocks and peacocks can be added thereto. _the dove_--at least the heraldic bird--has one curious peculiarity. it is always represented with a slight tuft on its head. mr. eve considers this to be merely the perpetuation of some case in which the crude draughtsman has added a tuft to its head. possibly he is { } correct, but i think it may be an attempt to distinguish between the domestic dove and the wood-pigeon--both of which varieties would be known to the early heraldic artists. the dove with an olive branch in its beak is constantly and continually met with. when blazoned "proper" it is quite correct to make the legs and feet of the natural pinky colour, but it will be more usually found that a dove is specifically described as "legged gules." the ordinary heraldic dove will be found most frequently represented with its wings close and holding a branch of laurel in its beak, but it also occurs volant and with outstretched wings. it is then frequently termed a "dove rising." [illustration: fig. .--dove.] the doves in the arms of the college of arms are always represented with the sinister wing close, and the dexter wing extended and inverted. this has given rise to much curious speculation; but whatever may be the reason of the curious position of the wings, there can be very little doubt that the coat of arms itself is based upon the coat of st. edward the confessor. the so-called coat of st. edward the confessor is a cross patonce between five martlets, but it is pretty generally agreed that these martlets are a corruption of the doves which figure upon his coins, and one of which surmounts the sceptre which is known as st. edward's staff, or "the sceptre with the dove." _the wood-pigeon_ is not often met with, but it does occur, as in the crest of the arms of bradbury ["on a wreath of the colours, in front of a demi-wood-pigeon, wings displayed and elevated argent, each wing charged with a round buckle tongue pendent sable, and holding in the beak a sprig of barberry, the trunk of a tree fesswise eradicated, and sprouting to the dexter, both proper "]. [illustration: fig. .--martlet.] _the martlet_ is another example of the curious perpetuation in heraldry of the popular errors of natural history. even at the present day, in many parts of the country, it is popularly believed that a swallow has no feet, or, at any rate, cannot perch upon the ground, or raise itself therefrom. the fact that one never does see a swallow upon the ground supports the foundation of the idea. at any rate the heraldic swallow, which is known as the martlet, is never represented with feet, the legs terminating in the feathers which cover the upper parts of the leg (fig. ). it is curious that the same idea is perpetuated in the little legend of the explanation, which may or may { } not be wholly untrue, that the reason the martlet has been adopted as the mark of cadency for the fourth son is to typify the fact that whilst the eldest son succeeds to his father's lands, and whilst the second son may succeed, perhaps, to the mother's, there can be very little doubt that by the time the fourth son is reached, there is no land remaining upon which he can settle, and that he must, perforce, fly away from the homestead to gather him means elsewhere. at any rate, whether this be true or false, the martlet certainly is never represented in heraldry with feet. if the feet are shown, the bird becomes a swallow. most heraldry books state also that the martlet has no beak. how such an idea originated i am at a loss to understand, because i have never yet come across an official instance in which the martlet is so depicted. [illustration: fig. .--martlet volant.] perhaps the confusion between the foreign merlette--which is drawn like a duck without wings, feet, or forked tail--and the martlet may account for the idea that the martlet should be depicted without a beak. it is very seldom that the martlet occurs except close, and consequently it is never so specified in blazon. an instance, however, in which it occurs "rising" will be found in the crest of a family of smith, and there are a number of instances in which it is volant (fig. ). _the swallow_, as distinct from the martlet, is sometimes met with. a swallow "volant" appears upon the arms usually ascribed to the town of arundel. these, however, are not recorded as arms in the visitation books, the design being merely noted as a seal device, and one hesitates to assert definitely what the status of the design in question may be. the pun upon "l'hirondelle" was too good for ancient heralds to pass by. [illustration: fig. .--swan.] _the swan_ (fig. ) is a very favourite charge, and will be found both as a crest and as a charge upon a shield, and in all varieties of position. it is usually, however, when appearing as a charge, to be found "close." a swan couchant appears as the crest of barttelot, a swan regardant as the crest of swaby, and a swan "rising" will be found as a crest of guise and as a charge upon the arms of muntz. swimming in water it occurs in the crest of stilwell, and a swan to which the unusual term of "rousant" is sometimes applied figures as { } the crest of stafford: "out of a ducal coronet per pale gules and sable, a demi-swan rousant, wings elevated and displayed argent, beaked gules." it is, however, more usually blazoned as: "a demi-swan issuant (from the coronet, per pale gules and sable"). swans' heads and necks are not often met with as a charge, though they occur in the arms of baker. as a crest they are very common, and will be found in the cases of lindsay and bates. _the duck_--with its varieties of the moorhen and eider-duck--is sometimes met with, and appears in the arms of duckworth and billiat. few better canting examples can be found than the latter coat, in which the duck is holding the billet in its bill. [illustration: fig. .--cock.] the other domestic bird--the _cock_--is often met with, though it more often figures as a crest than upon a shield. a cock "proper" is generally represented of the kind which in farmyard phraseology is known as a gamecock (fig. ). nevertheless the gamecock--as such--does occur; though in these cases, when so blazoned, it is usually depicted in the artificial form--deprived of its comb and wattles, as was the case when it was prepared for cock-fighting. birds of this class are usually met with, with a comb and wattles, &c., of a different colour, and are then termed "combed (or crested), wattled, and jelopped"--if it is desired to be strictly accurate--though it will be generally found that the term is dropped to "combed and jelopped." if the bird is termed "armed," the beak and spurs are thereby referred to. it occurs in the arms of handcock (lord castlemaine) ["ermine, on a chief sable, a dexter hand between two cocks argent"] and in the arms of cokayne ["argent, three cocks gules, armed, crested, and jelopped sable"], and also in that of law. it likewise occurs in the arms of aitken. _the sheldrake_ appears occasionally under another name, _i.e._ that of the _shoveller_, and as such will be found in the arms of jackson, of doncaster. [illustration: fig. .--peacock in his pride.] the gorgeous plumage of the _peacock_ has of course resulted in its frequent employment. it has a special term of its own, being stated to be "in his pride" when shown affronté, and with the tail displayed (fig. ). it is seldom met with except in this position, though the well-known crest of harcourt is an example to the contrary, as is the crest of sir jamsetjee jejeebhoy, bart., viz. "a mount vert, thereon { } a peacock amidst wheat, and in the beak an ear of wheat all proper." with the tail closed it also figures as one of the supporters of sir robert hart, bart. ["sinister, a peacock close proper"]: its only appearance in such a position that i am aware of. a peacock's tail is not a familiar figure in british armory, though the exact contrary is the case in german practices. "issuant from the mouth of a boar's head erect" it occurs as the crest of tyrell, and "a plume of peacock's feathers"--which perhaps is the same thing--"issuant from the side of a chapeau" is the crest of lord sefton. [illustration: fig. .--crane in its vigilance.] another bird for which heraldry has created a term of its own is the _crane_. it is seldom met with except holding a stone in its claw, the term for which stone is its "vigilance," a curious old fable, which explains the whole matter, being that the crane held the stone in its foot so that if by any chance it fell asleep, the stone, by dropping, would awaken it, and thus act as its "vigilance" (fig. ). it is a pity that the truth of such a charming example of the old world should be dissipated by the fact that the crest of cranstoun is the crane _asleep_--or rather dormant--with its head under its wing, and nevertheless holding its "vigilance" in its foot! the crane is not often met with, but it occurs in the arms of cranstoun, with the curious and rather perplexing motto, "thou shalt want ere i want." before leaving the crane, it may be of interest to observe that the derivation of the word "pedigree" is from _pied de grue_, the appearance of a crane's foot and the branching lines indicative of issue being similar in shape. [illustration: fig. .--stork holding in its beak a snake.] heraldic representation makes little if any difference when depicting a crane, a stork, or a heron, except that the tuft on the head of the latter is never omitted when a heron is intended. instances of the _stork_ are of fairly frequent occurrence, the usual heraldic method of depicting the bird being with the wings close. more often than not the stork is met with a snake in its beak (fig. ); and the fact that a heron is also generally provided with an eel to play with adds to the confusion. _the heron_--or, as it was anciently more frequently termed heraldically, the _herne_ (fig. )--will naturally be found in the arms of hearne and some number of other coats and crests. { } _the raven_ (fig. ) occurs almost as early as any other heraldic bird. it is said to have been a danish device. the powerful norman family of corbet, one of the few remaining families which can show an unbroken male descent from the time of the conquest to the present day, have always remained faithful to the raven, though they have added to it sometimes a _bordure_ or additional numbers of its kind. "or, a raven sable," the well-known corbet coat, is, of course, a canting allusion to their norman name, or nickname, "le corbeau." their name, like their pedigree, is unique, inasmuch as it is one of the few names of undoubted norman origin which are not territorial, and possibly the fact that their lands of moreton corbett, one of their chief seats, were known by their name has assisted in the perpetuation of what was, originally, undoubtedly a personal nickname. [illustration: fig. .--heron.] [illustration: fig. .--raven.] fig. is a striking example of the virility which can be imparted to the raven. it is reproduced from grünenberg's "book of arms" ( ). ströhl suggests it may be of "corbie" in picardy, but the identity of the arms leads one to fancy the name attached may be a misdescription of the english family of corbet. [illustration: fig. .] heraldically, no difference is made in depicting the raven, the rook, and the crow; and examples of the crow will be found in the arms of crawhall, and of the _rook_ in the crest of abraham. the arms of the yorkshire family of creyke are always blazoned as rooks, but i am inclined to think they may possibly have been originally _creykes_, or corn-crakes. _the cornish chough_ is very much more frequently met with than either the crow, rook, or raven, and it occurs in the arms of bewley, the town of canterbury, and (as a crest) of cornwall. it can only be distinguished from the raven in heraldic representations by the fact that the cornish chough is always depicted and frequently blazoned as "beaked and legged gules," as it is found in its natural state. { } _the owl_ (fig. ), too, is a very favourite bird. it is always depicted with the face affronté, though the body is not usually so placed. it occurs in the arms of leeds--which, by the way, are an example of colour upon colour--oldham, and dewsbury. in the crest of brimacombe the wings are open, a most unusual position. _the lark_ will be found in many cases of arms or crests for families of the name of clarke. _the parrot_, or, as it is more frequently termed heraldically, the _popinjay_ (fig. ), will be found in the arms of lumley and other families. it also occurs in the arms of curzon: "argent, on a bend sable three popinjays or, collared gules." [illustration: fig. .--owl.] [illustration: fig. .--popinjay.] [illustration: fig. .--moorcock.] there is nothing about the bird, or its representations, which needs special remark, and its usual heraldic form follows nature pretty closely. _the moorcock_ or _heathcock_ is curious, inasmuch as there are two distinct forms in which it is depicted. neither of them are correct from the natural point of view, and they seem to be pretty well interchangeable from the heraldic point of view. the bird is always represented with the head and body of an ordinary cock, but sometimes it is given the wide flat tail of black game, and sometimes a curious tail of two or more erect feathers at right angles to its body (fig. ). though usually represented close, it occurs sometimes with open wings, as in the crest of a certain family of moore. many other birds are to be met with in heraldry, but they have nothing at all especial in their bearing, and no special rules govern them. _the lapwing_, under its alternative names of _peewhit_, _plover_, and _tyrwhitt_, will be found in the arms of downes, tyrwhitt, and tweedy. _the pheasant_ will be found in the crest of scott-gatty, and the _kingfisher_ in many cases of arms of the name of fisher. { } _the magpie_ occurs in the arms of dusgate, and in those of finch. woodward mentions an instance in which the _bird of paradise_ occurs (p. ); "argent, on a terrace vert, a cannon mounted or, supporting a bird of paradise proper" [rjevski and yeropkin]; and the arms of thornton show upon a canton the swedish bird _tjader_: "ermine, a chevron sable between three hawthorn trees eradicated proper, a canton or, thereon the swedish bird tjader, or cock of the wood, also proper." two similar birds were granted to the first sir edward thornton, g.c.b., as supporters, he being a knight grand cross. [illustration: fig. .--the "shield for peace" of edward the black prince (d. ): sable, three ostrich feathers with scrolls argent. (from his tomb in canterbury cathedral.)] single feathers as charges upon a shield are sometimes met with, as in the "shield for peace" of edward the black prince (fig. ) and in the arms of clarendon. these two examples are, however, derivatives from the historic ostrich-feather badges of the english royal family, and will be more conveniently dealt with later when considering the subject of badges. the single feather enfiled by the circlet of crosses patée and fleurs-de-lis, which is borne upon a canton of augmentation upon the arms of gull, bart., is likewise a derivative, but feathers as a charge occur in the arms of jervis: "argent, six ostrich feathers, three, two, and one sable." a modern coat founded upon this, in which the ostrich feathers are placed upon a pile, between two bombshells fracted in base, belongs to a family of a very similar name, and the crest granted therewith is a single ostrich feather between two bombs fired. cock's feathers occur as charges in the arms of galpin. in relation to the crest, feathers are constantly to be found, which is not to be wondered at, inasmuch as fighting and tournament helmets, when actually in use, frequently did not carry the actual crests of the owners, but were simply adorned with the plume of ostrich feathers. a curious instance of this will be found in the case of the family of dymoke of scrivelsby, the honourable the king's champions. the crest is really: "upon a wreath of the colours, the two ears of an ass sable," though other crests [" . a sword erect proper; . a lion as in the arms"] are sometimes made use of. when the champion performs his service at a coronation the shield which is carried by his esquire is not that of his sovereign, but is emblazoned with his personal arms of dymoke: "sable, two lions passant in pale argent, ducally crowned or." the helmet of the champion is decorated with a triple plume of ostrich feathers and not with the dymoke crest. in { } old representations of tournaments and warfare the helmet will far oftener be found simply adorned with a plume of ostrich feathers than with a heritable crest, and consequently such a plume has remained in use as the crest of a very large number of families. this point is, however, more fully dealt with in the chapter upon crests. the plume of ostrich feathers is, moreover, attributed as a crest to a far greater number of families than it really belongs to, because if a family possessed no crest the helmet was generally ornamented with a plume of ostrich feathers, which later generations have accepted and adopted as their heritable crest, when it never possessed such a character. a notable instance of this will be found in the crest of astley, as given in the peerage books. the number of feathers in a plume requires to be stated; it will usually be found to be three, five, or seven, though sometimes a larger number are met with. when it is termed a double plume they are arranged in two rows, the one issuing above the other, and a triple plume is arranged in three rows; and though it is correct to speak of any number of feathers as a plume, it will usually be found that the word is reserved for five or more, whilst a plume of three feathers would more frequently be termed three ostrich feathers. whilst they are usually white, they are also found of varied colours, and there is even an instance to be met with of ostrich feathers of ermine. when the feathers are of different colours they need to be carefully blazoned; if alternately, it is enough to use the word "alternately," the feather at the extreme dexter side being depicted of the colour first mentioned. in a plume which is of three colours, care must be used in noting the arrangement of the colours, the colours first mentioned being that of the dexter feather; the others then follow from dexter to sinister, the fourth feather commencing the series of colours again. if any other arrangement of the colours occurs it must be specifically detailed. the rainbow-hued plume from which the crest of sir reginald barnewall[ ] issues is the most variegated instance i have met with. two peacock's feathers in saltire will be found in the crest of a family of gatehouse, and also occur in the crest of crisp-molineux-montgomerie. the pen in heraldry is always of course of the quill variety, and consequently should not be mistaken for a single feather. the term "penned" is used when the quill of a feather is of a different colour from the remainder of it. ostrich and other feathers are very frequently found on either side of a crest, both in british and continental armory; but though often met with in this position, there is nothing peculiar about this use in such character. german heraldry { } has evolved one use of the peacock's feather, or rather for the eye from the peacock's feather, which happily has not yet reached this country. it will be found adorning the outer edges of every kind of object, and it even occurs on occasion as a kind of dorsal fin down the back of animals. bunches of cock's feathers are also frequently made use of for the same purpose. there has been considerable diversity in the method of depicting the ostrich feather. in its earliest form it was stiff and erect as if cut from a piece of board (fig. ), but gradually, as the realistic type of heraldic art came into vogue, it was represented more naturally and with flowing and drooping curves. of later years, however, we have followed the example of his majesty when prince of wales and reverted to the earlier form, and it is now very general to give to the ostrich feather the stiff and straight appearance which it originally possessed when heraldically depicted. occasionally a plume of ostrich feathers is found enclosed in a "case," that is, wrapped about the lower part as if it were a bouquet, and this form is the more usual in germany. in german heraldry these plumes are constantly met with in the colours of the arms, or charged with the whole or a part of the device upon the shield. it is not a common practice in this country, but an instance of it will be found in the arms of lord waldegrave: "per pale argent and gules. crest: out of a ducal coronet or a plume of five ostrich feathers, the first two argent, the third per pale argent and gules, and the last two gules." { } chapter xv fish heraldry has a system of "natural" history all its very own, and included in the comprehensive heraldic term of fish are dolphins, whales, and other creatures. there are certain terms which apply to heraldic fish which should be noted. a fish in a horizontal position is termed "naiant," whether it is in or upon water or merely depicted as a charge upon a shield. a fish is termed "hauriant" if it is in a perpendicular position, but though it will usually be represented with the head upwards in default of any specific direction to the contrary, it by no means follows that this is always the case, and it is more correct to state whether the head is upwards or downwards, a practice which it is usually found will be conformed to. when the charges upon a shield are simply blazoned as "fish," no particular care need be taken to represent any particular variety, but on the other hand it is not in such cases usual to add any distinctive signs by which a charge which is merely a fish might become identified as any particular kind of fish. the heraldic representations of the _dolphin_ are strangely dissimilar from the real creature, and also show amongst themselves a wide variety and latitude. it is early found in heraldry, and no doubt its great importance in that science is derived from its usage by the dauphins of france. concerning its use by these princes there are all sorts of curious legends told, the most usual being that recited by berry. woodward refers to this legend, but states that "in king philip of france _purchased_ the domains of humbert iii., dauphin de viennois," and further remarks that the legend in question "seems to be without solid foundation." but neither woodward nor any other writer seems to have previously suggested what is doubtless the true explanation, that the title of dauphin and the province of viennois were a separate dignity of a sovereign character, to which were attached certain territorial and sovereign arms ["or, a dolphin embowed azure, finned and langued gules"]. the assumption of these sovereign arms with the sovereignty and territory to which they belonged, was as much a matter of course as the use of separate arms for the duchy of lancaster { } by his present majesty king edward vii., or the use of separate arms for his duchy of cornwall by h.r.h. the prince of wales. berry is wrong in asserting that no other family were permitted to display the dolphin in france, because a very similar coat (but with the dolphin lifeless) to that of the dauphin was quartered by the family of la tour du pin, who claimed descent from the dauphins d'auvergne, another ancient house which originally bore the sovereign title of dauphin. a dolphin was the charge upon the arms of the grauff von dälffin (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--dolphin naiant.] [illustration: fig. .--dolphin hauriant.] the dolphin upon this shield, as also that in the coat of the dauphin of france, is neither naiant nor hauriant, but is "embowed," that is, with the tail curved towards the head. but the term "embowed" really signifies nothing further than "bent" in some way, and as a dolphin is never heraldically depicted straight, it is always understood to be and usually is termed "embowed," though it will generally be "naiant embowed" (fig. ), or "hauriant embowed" (fig. ). the dolphin occurs in the arms of many british families, _e.g._ in the arms of ellis, monypenny, loder-symonds, symonds-taylor, fletcher, and stuart-french. woodward states that the dolphin is used as a supporter by the trevelyans, burnabys, &c. in this statement he is clearly incorrect, for neither of those families are entitled to or use supporters. but his statement probably originates in the practice which in accordance with the debased ideas of artistic decoration at one period added all sorts of fantastic objects to the edges of a shield for purely decorative (!) purposes. the only instance within my knowledge in which a dolphin figures as a heraldic supporter will be found in the case of the arms of waterford. [illustration: fig. .--arms of the grauff von dälffin lett och in dalffinat (count von dälffin), which also lies in dauphiné (from grünenberg's "book of arms"): argent, a dolphin azure within a bordure compony of the first and second.] _the whale_ is seldom met with in british armory, one of its few appearances being in the arms of whalley, viz.: "argent, three whales' heads erased sable." { } the crest of an irish family named yeates is said to be: "a shark issuant regardant swallowing a man all proper," and the same device is also attributed to some number of other families. another curious piscine coat of arms is that borne, but still unmatriculated, by the burgh of inveraray, namely: "the field is the sea proper, a net argent suspended to the base from the dexter chief and the sinister fess points, and in chief two and in base three herrings entangled in the net." _salmon_ are not infrequently met with, but they need no specific description. they occur in the arms of peebles,[ ] a coat of arms which in an alternative blazon introduces to one's notice the term "contra-naiant." the explanation of the quaint and happy conceit of these arms and motto is that for every fish which goes up the river to spawn two return to the sea. a salmon on its back figures in the arms of the city of glasgow, and also in the arms of lumsden and finlay, whilst other instances of salmon occur in the arms of blackett-ord, sprot, and winlaw. _the herring_ occurs in the arms of maconochie, the _roach_ in the arms of roche ["gules, three roaches naiant within a bordure engrailed argent. crest: a rock, thereon a stork close, charged on the breast with a torteau, and holding in his dexter claw a roach proper"], and _trout_ in the arms of troutbeck ["azure, three trout fretted tête à la queue argent"]. the same arrangement of three fish occurs upon the seal of anstruther wester, but this design unfortunately has never been matriculated as a coat of arms. the arms of iceland present a curious charge, which is included upon the royal shield of denmark. the coat in question is: "gules, a stockfish argent, crowned with an open crown or." the stockfish is a dried and cured cod, split open and with the head removed. _a pike_ or _jack_ is more often termed a "lucy" in english heraldry and a "ged" in scottish. under its various names it occurs in the arms of lucy, lucas, geddes, and pyke. _the eel_ is sometimes met with, as in the arms of ellis, and though, as woodward states, it is always given a wavy form, the term "ondoyant," which he uses to express this, has, i believe, no place in an english armorist's dictionary. _the lobster_ and _crab_ are not unknown to english armory, being respectively the crests of the families of dykes and bridger. the arms of bridger are: "argent, a chevron engrailed sable, between three crabs gules." lobster claws are a charge upon the arms of platt-higgins. { } [illustration: fig. .--whelk shell.] the arms of birt are given in papworth as: "azure, a birthfish proper," and of bersich as: "argent, a perch azure." the arms of cobbe (bart., extinct) are: "per chevron gules and sable, in chief two swans respecting and in base a herring cob naiant proper." the arms of bishop robinson of carlisle were: "azure, a flying fish in bend argent, on a chief of the second, a rose gules between two torteaux," and the crest of sir philip oakley fysh is: "on a wreath of the colours, issuant from a wreath of red coral, a cubit arm vested azure, cuffed argent, holding in the hand a flying fish proper." the coat of arms of colston of essex is: "azure, two barbels hauriant respecting each other argent," and a barbel occurs in the crest of binney. "vert, three sea-breams or hakes hauriant argent" is the coat of arms attributed to a family of dox or doxey, and "or, three chabots gules" is that of a french family of the name of chabot. "barry wavy of six argent and gules, three crevices (crayfish) two and one or" is the coat of atwater. codfish occur in the arms of beck, dogfish in the arms of dodds (which may, however, be merely the sea-dog of the dodge achievement), flounders or flukes in the arms of arbutt, garvinfishes in the arms of garvey, and gudgeon in the arms of gobion. papworth also includes instances of mackerel, prawns, shrimps, soles, sparlings, sturgeon, sea-urchins, turbots, whales, and whelks. the whelk shell (fig. ) appears in the arms of storey and wilkinson. { } chapter xvi reptiles if armorial zoology is "shaky" in its classification of and dealings with fish, it is most wonderful when its laws and selections are considered under the heading of reptiles. but with the exception of serpents (of various kinds), the remainder must have no more than a passing mention. [illustration: fig. .--serpent nowed.] the usual heraldic _serpent_ is most frequently found "nowed," that is, interlaced in a knot (fig. ). there is a certain well-understood form for the interlacing which is always officially adhered to, but of late there has manifested itself amongst heraldic artists a desire to break loose to a certain extent from the stereotyped form. a serpent will sometimes be found "erect" and occasionally gliding or "glissant," and sometimes it will be met with in a circle with its tail in its mouth--the ancient symbol of eternity. its constant appearance in british armory is due to the fact that it is symbolically accepted as the sign of medicine, and many grants of arms made to doctors and physicians introduce in some way either the serpent or the rod of Æsculapius, or a serpent entwined round a staff. a serpent embowed biting its tail occurs in the arms of falconer, and a serpent on its back in the crest of backhouse. save for the matter of position, the serpent of british armory is always drawn in a very naturalistic manner. it is otherwise, however, in continental armory, where the serpent takes up a position closely allied to that of our dragon. it is even sometimes found winged, and the arms of the family of visconti, which subsequently came into use as the arms of the duchy of milan (fig. ), have familiarised us as far as continental armory is concerned with a form of serpent which is very different from the real animal or from our own heraldic variety. another instance of a serpent will be found in the arms of the irish family of cotter, which are: "argent, a chevron gules between three serpents proper," and the family of lanigan o'keefe bear in one { } quarter of their shield: "vert, three lizards in pale or." the family of cole bear: "argent, a chevron gules between three scorpions reversed sable," a coat of arms which is sometimes quoted with the chevron and the scorpions both gules or both sable. the family of preed of shropshire bear: "azure, three horse-leeches;" and the family of whitby bear: "gules, three snakes coiled or; on a chief of the second, as many pheons sable." a family of sutton bears: "or, a newt vert, in chief a lion rampant gules all within a bordure of the last," and papworth mentions a coat of arms for the name of ory: "azure, a chameleon on a shady ground proper, in chief a sun or." another coat mentioned by papworth is the arms of bume: "gules, a stellion serpent proper," though what the creature may be it is impossible to imagine. unfortunately, when one comes to examine so many of these curious coats of arms, one finds no evidence that such families existed, or that there is no official authority or record of the arms to which reference can be made. there can be no doubt that they largely consist of misreadings or misinterpretations of both names and charges, and i am sorely afraid this remark is the true explanation of what otherwise would be most strange and interesting curiosities of arms. sir walter scott's little story in "quentin durward" of toison d'or, who depicted the "cat looking through the dairy window" as the arms of childebert, and blazoned it "sable a musion passant or, oppressed with a trellis gules, cloué of the second," gives in very truth the real origin of many quaint coats of arms and heraldic terms. ancient heraldic writers seem to have amused themselves by inventing "appropriate" arms for mythological or historical personages, and i verily believe that when so doing they never intended these arms to stand for more than examples of their own wit. their credulous successors incorporated these little witticisms in the rolls of arms they collected, and one can only hope that in the distant future the charming drawings of mr. e. t. reed which in recent years have appeared in _punch_ may not be used in like manner. there are but few instances in english armory in which the _toad_ or _frog_ is met with. in fact, the only instance which one can recollect is the coat of arms attributed to a family of botreaux, who are said to have borne: "argent, three toads erect sable." i am confident, however, that this coat of arms, if it ever existed, and if it could be traced to its earliest sources, would be found to be really three buckets of water, a canting allusion to the name. toads of course are the charges on the mythical arms of pharamond. [illustration: fig. .--arms of the visconti, dukes of milan: argent, a serpent azure, devouring a child gules. (a wood-carving from the castle of passau at the turn of the fifteenth century.)] amongst the few instances i have come across of a snail in british armory are the crest of slack of derwent hill ("in front of a crescent or, a snail proper") and the coat attributed by papworth to the family of { } bartan or bertane, who are mentioned as bearing, "gules, three snails argent in their shells or." this coat, however, is not matriculated in scotland, so that one cannot be certain that it was ever borne. the snail occurs, however, as the crest of a family named billers, and is also attributed to several other families as a crest. _lizards_ appear occasionally in heraldry, though more frequently in irish than english or scottish coats of arms. a lizard forms part of the crest of sillifant, and a hand grasping a lizard is the crest of mccarthy, and "azure, three lizards or" the first quarter of the arms of an irish family of the name of cotter, who, however, blazon these charges upon their shield as evetts. the family of enys, who bear: "argent, three wyverns volant in pale vert," probably derive their arms from some such source. { } chapter xvii insects the insect which is most usually met with in heraldry is undoubtedly the _bee_. being considered, as it is, the symbol of industry, small wonder that it has been so frequently adopted. it is usually represented as if displayed upon the shield, and it is then termed volant, though of course the real term which will sometimes be found used is "volant _en arrière_" (fig. ). it occurs in the arms of dore, beatson, abercromby, samuel, and sewell, either as a charge or as a crest. its use, however, as a crest is slightly more varied, inasmuch as it is found walking in profile, and with its wings elevated, and also perched upon a thistle as in the arms of ferguson. a bee-hive "with bees diversely volant" occurs in the arms of rowe, and the popularity of the bee in british armory is doubtless due to the frequent desire to perpetuate the fact that the foundation of a house has been laid by business industry. the fact that the bee was adopted as a badge by the emperor napoleon gave it considerable importance in french armory, inasmuch as he assumed it for his own badge, and the mantle and pavilion around the armorial bearings of the empire were semé of these insects. they also appeared upon his own coronation mantle. he adopted them under the impression, which may or may not be correct, that they had at one time been the badge of childeric, father of clovis. the whole story connected with their assumption by napoleon has been a matter of much controversy, and little purpose would be served by going into the matter here, but it may be added that napoleon changed the fleur-de-lis upon the chief in the arms of paris to golden bees upon a chief of gules, and a chief azure, semé of bees or, was added as indicative of their rank to the arms of "princes-grand-dignitaries of the empire." a bee-hive occurs as the crest of a family named gwatkin, and also upon the arms of the family of kettle of wolverhampton. [illustration: fig. .--bee volant.] { } _the grasshopper_ is most familiar as the crest of the family of gresham, and this is the origin of the golden grasshoppers which are so constantly met with in the city of london. "argent, a chevron sable between three grasshoppers vert" is the coat of arms of woodward of kent. two of them figure in the arms of treacher, which arms are now quartered by bowles. _ants_ are but seldom met with. "argent, six ants, three, two, and one sable," is a coat given by papworth to a family of the name of tregent; "vert, an ant argent," to kendiffe; and "argent, a chevron vert between three beetles proper" are the arms attributed by the same authority to a family named muschamp. there can be little doubt, however, that these "beetles" should be described as flies. _butterflies_ figure in the arms of papillon ["azure, a chevron between three butterflies volant argent"] and in the arms of penhellicke ["sable, three butterflies volant argent"]. _gadflies_ are to be found in a coat of arms for the name of adams ["per pale argent and gules, a chevron between three gadflies counterchanged"], and also in the arms of somerscales, quartered by skeet of bishop stortford. "sable, a hornet argent" is one blazon for the arms of bollord or bolloure, but elsewhere the same coat is blazoned: "sable, a harvest-fly in pale volant en arrière argent." harvest flies were the charges on the arms of the late sir edward watkin, bart. _crickets_ appear in the arms ["azure, a fire chest argent, flames proper, between three crickets or"] recently granted to sir george anderson critchett, bart. the arms of bassano (really of foreign origin and not an english coat) are: "per chevron vert and argent, in chief three silkworm flies palewise _en arrière_, and in base a mulberry branch all counterchanged." "per pale gules and azure, three stag-beetles, wings extended or," is assigned by papworth to the cornish family of dore, but elsewhere these charges (under the same family name) are quoted as bees, gadflies, and flies. "or, three spiders azure" is quoted as a coat for chettle. a spider also figures as a charge on the arms of macara. the crest of thorndyke of great carleton, lincolnshire, is: "on a wreath of the colours a damask rose proper, leaves and thorns vert, at the bottom of the shield a beetle or scarabæus proper." woodward, in concluding his chapter upon insects, quotes the arms of the family of pullici of verona, viz.: "or, semé of fleas sable, two bends gules, surmounted by two bends sinister of the same." { } chapter xviii trees, leaves, fruits, and flowers the vegetable kingdom plays an important part in heraldry. trees will be found of all varieties and in all numbers, and though little difference is made in the appearance of many varieties when they are heraldically depicted, for canting purposes the various names are carefully preserved. when, however, no name is specified, they are generally drawn after the fashion of oak-trees. when a tree issues from the ground it will usually be blazoned "issuant from a mount vert," but when the roots are shown it is termed "eradicated." [illustration: fig. .--an oak-tree eradicated.] _a hurst of trees_ figures both on the shield and in the crest of france-hayhurst, and in the arms of lord lismore ["argent, in base a mount vert, on the dexter side a hurst of oak-trees, therefrom issuing a wolf passant towards the sinister, all proper"]. a hurst of elm-trees very properly is the crest of the family of elmhurst. under the description of a forest, a number of trees figure in the arms of forrest. the arms of walkinshaw of that ilk are: "argent, a grove of fir-trees proper," and walkinshaw of barrowfield and walkinshaw of london have matriculated more or less similar arms. _the oak-tree_ (fig. ) is of course the tree most frequently met with. perhaps the most famous coat in which it occurs will be found in the arms granted to colonel carlos, to commemorate his risky sojourn with king charles in the oak-tree at boscobel, after the king's flight subsequent to the ill-fated battle of worcester. the coat was: "or, on a mount in base vert, an oak-tree proper, fructed or, surmounted by a fess gules, charged with three imperial crowns of the third" (plate ii.). _fir-trees_ will be found in the arms of greg, melles, de la ferté, and farquharson. _a cedar-tree_ occurs in the arms of montefiore ["argent, a cedar-tree, between two mounts of flowers proper, on a chief azure, a dagger { } erect proper, pommel and hilt or, between two mullets of six points gold"], and a _hawthorn-tree_ in the arms of macmurrogh-murphy, thornton, and in the crest of kynnersley. _a maple-tree_ figures in the arms of lord mount-stephen ["or, on a mount vert, a maple-tree proper, in chief two fleurs-de-lis azure"], and in the crest of lord strathcona ["on a mount vert, a maple-tree, at the base thereof a beaver gnawing the trunk all proper"]. _a cocoanut-tree_ is the principal charge in the arms of glasgow (now robertson-glasgow) of montgrennan, matriculated in ["argent, a cocoanut-tree fructed proper, growing out of a mount in base vert, on a chief azure, a shakefork between a martlet on the dexter and a salmon on the sinister argent, the last holding in the mouth a ring or"]. the arms of clifford afford an instance of a _coffee-tree_, and the coat of chambers has a negro cutting down a _sugar-cane_. _a palm-tree_ occurs in the arms of besant and in the armorials of many other families. the crest of grimké-drayton affords an instance of the use of palmetto-trees. an _olive-tree_ is the crest of tancred, and a _laurel-tree_ occurs in the crest of somers. _cypress-trees_ are quoted by papworth in the arms of birkin, probably an error for birch-trees, but the cypress does occur in the arms of tardy, comte de montravel ["argent, three cypress-trees eradicated vert, on a chief gules, as many bezants"], and "or, a willow (salix) proper" is the coat of the counts de salis (now fane-de-salis). the arms of sweetland, granted in , are: "argent, on a mount vert, an orange-tree fructed proper, on a chief embattled gules, three roses of the field, barbed and seeded also proper." _a mountain-ash_ figures in the shield and crest of wigan, and a _walnut-tree_ is the crest of waller, of groombridge ["on a mount vert, a walnut-tree proper, on the sinister side an escutcheon pendent, charged with the arms of france, and thereupon a label of three points argent."] the arms of arkwright afford an example of a _cotton-tree_. the curious crest of sir john leman, lord mayor of london, affords an instance of a _lemon-tree_ ["in a lemon-tree proper, a pelican in her piety proper"]. the arms of a family whose name appears to have been variously spelled estwere, estwrey, estewer, estower, and esture, have: "upon an argent field a tree proper," variously described as an apple-tree, an ash-tree, and a cherry-tree. the probabilities largely point to its being an ash-tree. "or, on a mount in base vert, a pear-tree fructed proper" is the coat of arms of pyrton or peryton, and the arms granted in to dr. lopus, a physician to queen elizabeth, were: "or, a { } pomegranate-tree eradicated vert, fructed gold, supported by a hart rampant proper, crowned and attired of the first." _a poplar tree_ occurs in the arms of gandolfi, but probably the prime curiosity must be the coat of abank, which papworth gives as: "argent, a china-cokar tree vert." its botanical identity remains a mystery. _trunks of trees_ for some curious reason play a prominent part in heraldry. the arms of borough, of chetwynd park, granted in , are: "argent, on a mount in base, in base the trunk of an oak-tree sprouting out two branches proper, with the shield of pallas hanging thereon or, fastened by a belt gules," and the arms of houldsworth ( ) of gonaldston, co. notts, are: "ermine, the trunk of a tree in bend raguly eradicated at the base proper, between three foxes' heads, two in chief and one in base erased gules." but it is as a crest that this figure of the withered trunk sprouting again is most often met with, it being assigned to no less than forty-three families. in england again, by one of those curious fads by which certain objects were repeated over and over again in the wretched designs granted by the late sir albert woods, garter, in spite of their unsuitability, tree-trunks fesswise eradicated and sprouting are constantly met with either as the basis of the crest or placed "in front of it" to help in providing the differences and distinctions which he insisted upon in a new grant. an example of such use of it will be found in the arms of the town of abergavenny. _stocks of trees_ "couped and eradicated" are by no means uncommon. they figure in the arms of the borough of woodstock: "gules, the stump of a tree couped and eradicated argent, and in chief three stags' heads caboshed of the same, all within a bordure of the last charged with eight oak-leaves vert." they also occur in the arms of grove, of shenston park, co. stafford, and in the arms of stubbs. the arms matriculated in lyon register by capt. peter winchester (_c._ - ) are: "argent, a vine growing out of the base, leaved and fructed, between two papingoes endorsed feeding upon the clusters all proper." the vine also appears in the arms of ruspoli, and the family of archer-houblon bear for the latter name: "argent, on a mount in base, three hop-poles erect with hop-vines all proper." the town of st. ives (cornwall) has no authorised arms, but those usually attributed to the town are: "argent, an ivy branch overspreading the whole field vert." "gules, a flaming bush on the top of a mount proper, between three lions rampant argent, in the flanks two roses of the last" is the coat of brander (now dunbar-brander) of pitgavenny. holly-bushes { } are also met with, as in the crests of daubeney and crackanthorpe, and a rose-bush as in the crest of inverarity. the arms of owen, co. pembroke, are: "gules, a boar argent, armed, bristled, collared, and chained or to a holly-bush on a mount in base both proper." _a fern-brake_ is another stock object used in designing modern crests, and will be found in the cases of harter, scott-gatty, and lloyd. branches are constantly occurring, but they are usually oak, laurel, palm, or holly. they need to be distinguished from "slips," which are much smaller and with fewer leaves. definite rules of distinction between e.g. an acorn "slipped," a slip of oak, and an oak-branch have been laid down by purists, but no such minute detail is officially observed, and it seems better to leave the point to general artistic discretion; the colloquial difference between a slip and a branch being quite a sufficient guide upon the point. an example of an _oak-branch_ occurs in the arms of aikman, and another, which is rather curious, is the crest of accrington.[ ] _oak-slips_, on the other hand, occur in the arms of baldwin. _a palm-branch_ occurs in the crests of innes, chafy, and corfield. _laurel-branches_ occur in the arms of cooper, and sprigs of laurel in the arms of meeking. _holly-branches_ are chiefly found in the arms of families named irvine or irwin, but they are invariably blazoned as "sheaves" of holly or as holly-branches of three leaves. to a certain extent this is a misnomer, because the so-called "branch" is merely three holly-leaves tied together. "argent, an almond-slip proper" is the coat of arms attributed to a family of almond, and papworth assigns "argent, a barberry-branch fructed proper" to berry. "argent, three sprigs of balm flowered proper" is stated to be the coat of a family named balme, and "argent, three teasels slipped proper" the coat of bowden, whilst boden of the friary bears, "argent, a chevron sable between three teasels proper, a bordure of the second." a teasle on a canton figures in the arms of chichester-constable. the company of tobacco-pipe makers in london, incorporated in the year , bore: "argent, on a mount in base vert, three plants of tobacco growing and flowering all proper." the crest recently granted to sir thomas lipton, bart. ["on a wreath of the colours, two arms in saltire, the dexter surmounted by the sinister { } holding a sprig of the tea-plant erect, and the other a like sprig of the coffee-plant both slipped and leaved proper, vested above the elbow argent"], affords an example of both the coffee-plant and the tea-plant, which have both assisted him so materially in piling up his immense fortune. "or, three birch-twigs sable" is the coat of birches, and "or, a bunch of nettles vert" is the coat of mallerby of devonshire. the pun in the last case is apparent. _the cotton-plant_ figures in the arms of the towns of darwen, rochdale, and nelson, and two culms of the papyrus plant occur in the arms of the town of bury. _the coffee-plant_ also figures in the arms of yockney: "azure, a chevron or, between a ship under sail in chief proper, and a sprig of the coffee-plant slipped in base of the second." a branch, slip, bush, or tree is termed "fructed" when the fruit is shown, though the term is usually disregarded unless "fructed" of a different colour. when represented as "fructed," the fruit is usually drawn out of all proportion to its relative size. leaves are not infrequent in their appearance. holly-leaves occur in the various coats for most people of the name of irwin and irvine, as already mentioned. laurel-leaves occur in the arms of leveson-gower, foulis, and foulds. _oak-leaves_ occur in the arms of trelawney ["argent, a chevron sable, between three oak-leaves slipped proper"]; and _hazel-leaves_ in the arms of hesilrige or hazlerigg ["argent, a chevron sable, between three hazel-leaves vert]. "argent, three edock (dock or burdock) leaves vert" is the coat of hepburn. papworth assigns "argent, an aspen leaf proper" to aspinal, and "or, a betony-leaf proper" to betty. "argent, three aspen-leaves" is an unauthorised coat used by espin, and the same coat with varying tinctures is assigned to cogan. killach is stated to bear: "azure, three bay-leaves argent," and to woodward, of little walsingham, norfolk, was granted in : "vert, three mulberry-leaves or." _the maple-leaf_ has been generally adopted as a canadian emblem, and consequently figures upon the arms of that dominion, and in the arms of many families which have or have had canadian associations. "vert, three vine-leaves or" is assigned by papworth to wortford, and the same authority mentions coats in which woodbine-leaves occur for browne, theme, and gamboa. rose-leaves occur in the arms of utermarck, and walnut-leaves figure in the arms of waller. a curious leaf--usually called the "sea-leaf," which is properly the "nenuphar-leaf," is often met with in german heraldry, as are _linden_ leaves. although theoretically leaves, the trefoil, quatrefoil, and cinquefoil { } are a class by themselves, having a recognised heraldic status as exclusively heraldic charges, and the quatrefoil and cinquefoil, in spite of the derivation of their names, are as likely to have been originally flowers as leaves. _the heraldic trefoil_ (fig. ), though frequently specifically described as "slipped," is nevertheless always so depicted, and it is not necessary to so describe it. of late a tendency has been noticeable in paintings from ulster's office to represent the trefoil in a way more nearly approaching the irish shamrock, from which it has undoubtedly been derived. instances of the trefoil occur in the arms of rodd, dobrée, macdermott, and gilmour. the crowned trefoil is one of the national badges of ireland. [illustration: fig. .--trefoil.] [illustration: fig. .--quatrefoil.] [illustration: fig. .--cinquefoil.] a four-leaved "lucky" shamrock has been introduced into the arms of sir robert hart, bart. _the quatrefoil_ (fig. ) is not often met with, but it occurs in the arms of eyre, king, and dreyer. _the cinquefoil_ (fig. ) is of frequent appearance, but, save in exceedingly rare instances, neither the quatrefoil nor the cinquefoil will be met with "slipped." the constant occurrence of the cinquefoil in early rolls of arms is out of all proportion to its distinctiveness or artistic beauty, and the frequency with which it is met with in conjunction with the cross crosslet points clearly to the fact that there is some allusion behind, if this could only be fathomed. many a man might adopt a lion through independent choice, but one would not expect independent choice to lead so many to pitch upon a combination of cross crosslets and cinquefoils. the cross crosslets, i am confident, are a later addition in many cases, for the original arms of d'arcy, for example, were simply: "argent, three cinquefoils gules." the arms of the town of leicester are: "gules, a cinquefoil ermine," and this is the coat attributed to the family of the de beaumonts or de bellomonts, earls of leicester. simon de montfort, the great earl of leicester, was the son or grandson of amicia, a coheir of the former earls, and as such { } entitled to quarter the arms of the de bellomonts. as stated on page (_vide_ figs. and ), there are two coats attributed to de montfort. his only status in this country depended solely upon the de bellomont inheritance, and, conformably with the custom of the period, we are far more likely to find him using arms of de bellomont or de beaumont than of montfort. from the similarity of the charge to the better-known beaumont arms, i am inclined to think the lion rampant to be the real de bellomont coat. the origin of the cinquefoil has yet to be accounted for. the earliest de bellomont for whom i can find proof of user thereof is robert "fitz-pernell," otherwise de bellomont, who died in , and whose seal (fig. ) shows it. be it noted it is not on a shield, and though of course this is not proof in any way, it is in accord with my suggestion that it is nothing more than a pimpernel flower adopted as a device or badge to typify his own name and his mother's name, she being pernelle or petronilla, the heiress of grantmesnil. the cinquefoil was not the coat of grantmesnil but a quaint little conceit, and is not therefore likely to have been used as a coat of arms by the de bellomonts, though no doubt they used it as a badge and device, as no doubt did simon de montfort. simon de montfort split england into two parties. men were for montfort or the king, and those that were for de montfort very probably took and used his badge of a cinquefoil as a party badge. [illustration: fig. .--from the seal of robert fitz-pernell, earl of leicester, d. .] the cinquefoil in its ordinary heraldic form also occurs in the arms of umfraville, bardolph, hamilton, and d'arcy, and sprigs of cinquefoil will be found in the arms of hill, and in the crest of kersey. the cinquefoil is sometimes found pierced. the five-foiled flower being the blossom of so many plants, what are to all intents and purposes cinquefoils occur in the arms of fraser, where they are termed "fraises," of primrose, where they are blazoned "primroses," and of lambert, where they are called "narcissus flowers." _the double quatrefoil_ is cited as the english difference mark for the ninth son, but as these difference marks are but seldom used, and as ninth sons are somewhat of a rarity, it is seldom indeed that this particular mark is seen in use. personally i have never seen it. _the turnip_ makes an early appearance in armory, and occurs in the coat of dammant ["sable, a turnip leaved proper, a chief or, gutté-de-poix"]. { } the curious crest of lingen, which is "seven leeks root upwards issuing from a ducal coronet all proper," is worthy of especial mention. in considering flowers as a charge, a start must naturally be made with the rose, which figures so prominently in the heraldry of england. _the heraldic rose_ until a much later date than its first appearance in armory--it occurs, however, at the earliest period--was always represented in what we now term the "conventional" form, with five displayed petals (fig. ). accustomed as we are to the more ornate form of the cultivated rose of the garden, those who speak of the "conventional" heraldic rose rather seem to overlook that it is an exact reproduction of the wild rose of the hedgerow, which, morever, has a tendency to show itself "displayed" and not in the more profile attitude we are perhaps accustomed to. it should also be observed that the earliest representations of the heraldic rose depict the intervening spaces between the petals which are noticeable in the wild rose. under the tudor sovereigns, the heraldic rose often shows a double row of petals, a fact which is doubtless accounted for by the then increasing familiarity with the cultivated variety, and also by the attempt to conjoin the rival emblems of the warring factions of york and lancaster. [illustration: fig. .--rose.] [illustration: fig. .--rose slipped and leaved.] though the heraldic rose is seldom, if ever, otherwise depicted, it should be described as "barbed vert" and "seeded or" (or "barbed and seeded proper") when the centre seeds and the small intervening green leaves (the calyx) between the petals are represented in their natural colours. in the reign of the later tudor sovereigns the conventionality of earlier heraldic art was slowly beginning to give way to the pure naturalism towards which heraldic art thereafter steadily degenerated, and we find that the rose then begins (both as a royal badge and elsewhere) to be met with "slipped and leaved" (fig. ). the royal fleurs-de-lis are turned into natural lilies in the grant of arms to eton college, and in the grant to william cope, cofferer to henry vii., the roses are slipped ["argent, on a chevron azure, between three roses gules, slipped and leaved vert, as many fleurs-de-lis or. crest: out of a fleur-de-lis or, a dragon's head gules"]. a rose when "slipped" theoretically has only a stalk added, but in practice it will always have at least one leaf added to the slip, and a rose "slipped and leaved" would { } have a leaf on either side. a rose "stalked and leaved" is not so limited, and will usually be found with a slightly longer stalk and several leaves; but these technical refinements of blazon, which are really unnecessary, are not greatly observed or taken into account. the arms of the burgh of montrose afford an example of a single rose as the only charge, although other instances will be met with in the arms of boscawen, viscount falmouth ["ermine, a rose gules, barbed and seeded proper"], and of nightingale, bart. ["per pale ermine and gules, a rose counterchanged"]. amongst the scores of english arms in which the rose figures, it will be found in the original heraldic form in the case of the arms of southampton (plate vii.); and either stalked or slipped in the arms of brodribb and white-thomson. a curious instance of the use of the rose will be found in the crest of bewley, and the "cultivated" rose was depicted in the emblazonment of the crest of inverarity, which is a rose-bush proper. [illustration: fig. .--thistle.] heraldry, with its roses, has accomplished what horticulture has not. there is an old legend that when henry vii. succeeded to the english throne some enterprising individual produced a natural parti-coloured rose which answered to the conjoined heraldic rose of gules and argent. our roses "or" may really find their natural counterpart in the primrose, but the arms of rochefort ["quarterly or and azure, four roses counterchanged"] give us the _blue_ rose, the arms of berendon ["argent, three roses sable"] give us the _black_ rose, and the coat of smallshaw ["argent, a rose vert, between three shakeforks sable"] is the long-desired _green_ rose. _the thistle_ (fig. ) ranks next to the rose in british heraldic importance. like the rose, the reason of its assumption as a national badge remains largely a matter of mystery, though it is of nothing like so ancient an origin. of course one knows the time-honoured and wholly impossible legend that its adoption as a national symbol dates from the battle of largs, when one of the danish invaders gave away an attempted surprise by his cry of agony caused by stepping barefooted upon a thistle. the fact, however, remains that its earliest appearance is on the silver coinage of , in the reign of james iii., but during that reign there can be no doubt that it was accepted either as a national badge or else as the personal badge of the sovereign. the period in question was that in which badges were so largely used, and it is not unlikely that, desiring to vie with his brother of england, and fired by the { } example of the broom badge and the rose badge, the scottish king, remembering the ancient legend, chose the thistle as his own badge. in , when the thistle had become recognised as one of the national emblems of the kingdom, the foundation of the order of the thistle stereotyped the fact for all future time. the conventional heraldic representation of the thistle is as it appears upon the star of that order, that is, the flowered head upon a short stalk with a leaf on either side. though sometimes represented of gold, it is nearly always proper. it has frequently been granted as an augmentation, though in such a meaning it will usually be found crowned. the coat of augmentation carried in the first quarter of his arms by lord torphichen is: "argent, a thistle vert, flowered gules (really a thistle proper), on a chief azure an imperial crown or." "sable, a thistle (possibly really a teasel) or, between three pheons argent" is the coat of teesdale, and "gules, three thistles or" is attributed in papworth to hawkey. a curious use of the thistle occurs in the arms of the national bank of scotland (granted ), which are: "or, the image of st. andrew with vesture vert, and surcoat purpure, bearing before him the cross of his martyrdom argent, all resting on a base of the second, in the dexter flank a garb gules, in the sinister a ship in full sail sable, _the shield surrounded with two thistles proper disposed in orle_." _the lily_ in its natural form sometimes occurs, though of course it generally figures as the fleur-de-lis, which will presently be considered. the natural lily will be found in the arms of aberdeen university, of dundee, and in the crests of various families of the name of chadwick. it also occurs in the arms of the college of st. mary the virgin, at eton ["sable, three lilies argent, on a chief per pale azure and gules a fleur-de-lis on the dexter side, and a lion passant guardant or on the sinister"]. here they doubtless typify the virgin, to whom they have reference; as also in the case of marylebone (fig. ). the arms of lilly, of stoke prior, are: "gules, three lilies slipped argent;" and the arms of j. e. lilley, esq., of harrow, are: "azure, on a pile between two fleurs-de-lis argent, a lily of the valley eradicated proper. crest: on a wreath of the colours, a cubit arm erect proper, charged with a fleur-de-lis argent and holding in the hand two lilies of the valley, leaved and slipped in saltire, also proper." _columbine flowers_ occur in the arms of cadman, and _gillyflowers_ in the arms of livingstone. _fraises_--really the flowers of the strawberry-plant--occur, as has been already mentioned, in the arms of fraser, and _narcissus flowers_ in the arms of lambeth. "gules, three poppy bolles on their stalks in fess or" are the arms of boller. _the lotus-flower_, which is now very generally becoming the recognised emblem of india, is constantly met with in the arms granted to { } those who have won fortune or reputation in that country. instances in which it occurs are the arms of sir roper lethbridge, k.c.i.e., sir thomas seccombe, g.c.i.e., and the university of madras. the _sylphium-plant_ occurs in the arms of general sir henry augustus smyth, k.c.m.g., which are: vert, a chevron erminois, charged with a chevron gules, between three saracens' heads habited in profile couped at the neck proper, and for augmentation a chief argent, thereon a mount vert inscribed with the greek letters k y p a gold and issuant therefrom a representation of the plant silphium proper. crests: . (of augmentation) on a wreath of the colours, a mount vert inscribed with the aforesaid greek letters and issuant therefrom the silphium as in the arms; . on a wreath of the colours, an anchor fesswise sable, thereon an ostrich erminois holding in the beak a horse-shoe or. motto: "vincere est vivere." the arms granted to sir richard quain were: "argent, a chevron engrailed azure, in chief two fers-de-moline gules, and issuant from the base a rock covered with daisies proper." [illustration: fig. .--fleur-de-lis.] _primroses_ occur (as was only to be expected) in the arms of the earl of rosebery ["vert, three primroses within a double tressure flory counterflory or"]. _the sunflower_ or _marigold_ occurs in the crest of buchan ["a sunflower in full bloom towards the sun in the dexter chief"], and also in the arms granted in to florio. here, however, the flower is termed a heliotrope. the arms in question are: "azure, a heliotrope or, issuing from a stalk sprouting from two leaves vert, in chief the sun in splendour proper." _tulips_ occur in the arms of raphael, and the _cornflower_ or _bluebottle_ in the arms of chorley of chorley, lancs. ["argent, a chevron gules between three bluebottles slipped proper"], and also in the more modern arms of that town. _saffron-flowers_ are a charge upon the arms of player of nottingham. the arms granted to sir edgar boehm, bart., were: "azure, in the sinister canton a sun issuant therefrom eleven rays, over all a clover-plant eradicated proper." _the fleur-de-lis._--few figures have puzzled the antiquary so much as the fleur-de-lis. countless origins have been suggested for it; we have even lately had the height of absurdity urged in a suggested phallic origin, which only rivals in ridiculousness the long since exploded legend that the fleurs-de-lis in the arms of france were a { } corrupted form of an earlier coat, "azure, three toads or," the reputed coat of arms of pharamond! to france and the arms of france one must turn for the origin of the heraldic use of the fleur-de-lis. to begin with, the form of the fleur-de-lis as a mere presumably meaningless form of decoration is found long before the days of armory, in fact from the earliest period of decoration. it is such an essentially natural development of decoration that it may be accepted as such without any attempt to give it a meaning or any symbolism. its earliest heraldic appearances as the finial of a sceptre or the decoration of a coronet need not have had any symbolical character. we then find the "lily" accepted as having some symbolical reference to france, and it should be remembered that the iris was known by the name of a lily until comparatively modern times. it is curious--though possibly in this case it may be only a coincidence--that, on a coin of the emperor hadrian, gaul is typified by a female figure holding in the hand a lily, the legend being, "restutori galliæ." the fleur-de-lis as the finial of a sceptre and as an ornament of a crown can be taken back to the fifth century. fleurs-de-lis upon crowns and coronets in france are at least as old as the reign of king robert (son of hugh capet) whose seal represents him crowned in this manner. we have, moreover, the ancient legendary tradition that at the baptism of clovis, king of the franks, the virgin (whose emblem the lily has always been) sent a lily by an angel as a mark of her special favour. it is difficult to determine the exact date at which this tradition was invented, but its accepted character may be judged from the fact that it was solemnly advanced by the french bishops at the council of trent in a dispute as to the precedence of their sovereign. the old legend as to clovis would naturally identify the flower with him, and it should be noted that the names clovis, lois, loys, and louis are identical. "loys" was the signature of the kings of france until the time of louis xiii. it is worth the passing conjecture that what are sometimes termed "cleves lilies" may be a corrupted form of clovis lilies. there can be little doubt that the term "fleur-de-lis" is quite as likely to be a corruption of "fleur-de-lois" as flower of the lily. the chief point is that the desire was to represent a _flower_ in allusion to the old legend, without perhaps any very definite certainty of the flower intended to be represented. philip i. on his seal (a.d. ) holds a short staff terminating in a fleur-de-lis. the same object occurs in the great seal of louis vii. in the seal of his wife, queen constance, we find her represented as holding in either hand a similar object, though in these last cases it is by no means certain that the objects are not attempts to represent the natural flower. a signet { } of louis vii. bears a single fleur-de-lis "florencée" (or flowered), and in his reign the heraldic fleur-de-lis undoubtedly became stereotyped as a symbolical device, for we find that when in the lifetime of louis vii. his son philip was crowned, the king prescribed that the prince should wear "ses chausses appelées sandales ou bottines de soye, couleur bleu azuré sémée en moult endroits de fleurs-de-lys or, puis aussi sa dalmatique de même couleur et oeuvre." on the oval counter-seal of philip ii. (d. ) appears a heraldic fleur-de-lis. his great seal, as also that of louis viii., shows a seated figure crowned with an open crown of "fleurons," and holding in his right hand a flower, and in his left a sceptre surmounted by a heraldic fleur-de-lis enclosed within a lozenge-shaped frame. on the seal of louis viii. the conjunction of the essentially heraldic fleur-de-lis (within the lozenge-shaped head of the sceptre), and the more natural flower held in the hand, should leave little if any doubt of the intention to represent flowers in the french fleurs-de-lis. the figure held in the hand represents a flower of five petals. the upper pair turned inwards to touch the centre one, and the lower pair curved downwards, leave the figure with a marked resemblance both to the iris and to the conventional fleur-de-lis. the counter-seal of louis viii. shows a norman-shaped shield semé of fleurs-de-lis of the conventional heraldic pattern. by then, of course, "azure, semé-de-lis or" had become the fixed and determined arms of france. by an edict dated , charles v. reduced the number of fleurs-de-lis in his shield to three: "pour symboliser la sainte-trinite." the claim of edward iii. to the throne of france was made on the death of charles iv. of france in , but the decision being against him, he apparently acquiesced, and did homage to philip of valois (philip vi.) for guienne. philip, however, lent assistance to david ii. of scotland against king edward, who immediately renewed his claim to france, assumed the arms and the title of king of that country, and prepared for war. he commenced hostilities in , and upon his new great seal (made in the early part of ) we find his arms represented upon shield, surcoat, and housings as: "quarterly, and , azure, semé-de-lis or (for france); and , gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or (for england)." the royal arms thus remained until , when upon the second great seal of henry iv. the fleurs-de-lis in england (as in france) were reduced to three in number, and so remained as part of the royal arms of this country until the latter part of the reign of george iii. fleurs-de-lis (probably intended as badges only) had figured upon all the great seals of edward iii. on the first seal (which with slight alterations had also served for both edward i. and ii.), a small { } fleur-de-lis appears over each of the castles which had previously figured on either side of the throne. in the second great seal, fleurs-de-lis took the places of the castles. the similarity of the montgomery arms to the royal arms of france has led to all kinds of wild genealogical conjectures, but at a time when the arms of france were hardly determinate, the seal of john de mundegumbri is met with, bearing a single fleur-de-lis, the original from which the arms of montgomery were developed. letters of nobility and the name of du lis were granted by charles vii. in december to the brothers of joan of arc, and the following arms were then assigned to them: "azure, a sword in pale proper, hilted and supporting on its point an open crown or, between two fleurs-de-lis of the last." the fleur-de-lis "florencée," or the "fleur-de-lis flowered," as it is termed in england, is officially considered a distinct charge from the simple fleur-de-lis. eve employs the term "seeded," and remarks of it: "this being one of the numerous instances of pedantic, because unnecessary distinction, which showed marks of decadence; for both forms occur at the same period, and adorn the same object, evidently with the same intention." the difference between these forms really is that the fleur-de-lis is "seeded" when a stalk having seeds at the end issues in the upper interstices. in a fleur-de-lis "florencée," the natural flower of a lily issues instead of the seeded stalk. this figure formed the arms of the city of florence. fleurs-de-lis, like all other royal emblems, are frequently to be met with in the arms of towns, _e.g._ in the arms of lancaster, maryborough, wakefield, and great torrington. the arms of wareham afford an instance of fleurs-de-lis reversed, and the corporate seals of liskeard and tamworth merit reproduction, did space permit, from the designs of the fleurs-de-lis which there appear. one cannot leave the fleur-de-lis without referring to one curious development of it, viz. the leopard's face jessant-de-lis (fig. ), a curious charge which undoubtedly originated in the arms of the family of cantelupe. this charge is not uncommon, though by no means so usual as the leopard's face. planché considers that it was originally derived from the fleur-de-lis, the circular boss which in early representations so often figures as the centre of the fleur-de-lis, being merely _decorated_ with the leopard's face. one can follow planché a bit further by imagining that this face need not necessarily be that of a leopard, for at a certain period all decorative art was crowded with grotesque masks whenever opportunity offered. the leopard's face jessant-de-lis is now represented as a leopard's face with the lower part of a fleur-de-lis issuing from the mouth, and the upper part rising from behind the head. instances of { } this charge occur as early as the thirteenth century as the arms of the cantelupe family, and thomas de cantelupe having been bishop of hereford to , the arms of that see have since been three leopards' faces jessant-de-lis, the distinction being that in the arms of the see of hereford the leopards' faces are reversed. the origin may perhaps make itself apparent when we remember that the earliest form of the name was cantelowe. is it not probable that "lions'" faces (_i.e._ head _de leo_) may have been suggested by the name? possibly, however, wolf-heads may have been meant, suggested by _lupus_, or by the same analogy which gives us wolf-heads or wolves upon the arms of low and lowe. [illustration: fig. .--pomegranate.] fruit--the remaining division of those charges which can be classed as belonging to the vegetable kingdom--must of necessity be but briefly dealt with. _grapes_ perhaps cannot be easily distinguished from vines (to which refer, page ), but the arms of bradway of potscliff, co. gloucester ["argent, a chevron gules between three bunches of grapes proper"] and of viscountess beaconsfield, the daughter of captain john viney evans ["argent, a bunch of grapes stalked and leaved proper, between two flaunches sable, each charged with a boar's head argent"] are instances in point. _apples_ occur in the arms of robert applegarth (edward iii. roll) ["argent, three apples slipped gules"] and "or, a chevron between three apples gules" is the coat of a family named southbey. _pears_ occur in the arms of allcroft, of stokesay castle, perrins, perry, perryman, and pirie. _oranges_ are but seldom met with in british heraldry, but an instance occurs in the arms of lord polwarth, who bears over the hepburn quarterings an inescutcheon azure, an orange slipped and surmounted by an imperial crown all proper. this was an augmentation conferred by king william iii., and a very similar augmentation (in the st and th quarters, azure, three oranges slipped proper within an orle of thistles or) was granted to livingstone, viscount teviot. _the pomegranate_ (fig. ), which dimidiated with a rose was one of the badges of queen mary, is not infrequently met with. _the pineapple_ in heraldry is nearly always the fir-cone. in the arms of perring, bart. ["argent, on a chevron engrailed sable between three pineapples (fir-cones) pendent vert, as many leopards' faces of the first. crest: on a mount a pineapple (fir-cone) vert"], and in the crest of parkyns, bart. ["out of a ducal coronet or, a pineapple { } proper"], and also in the arms of pyne ["gules, a chevron ermine between three pineapples or"] and parkin-moore, the fruit is the fir or pine cone. latterly the likelihood of confusion has led to the general use of the term "pine-cone" in such cases, but the ancient description was certainly "pineapple." the arms of john apperley, as given in the edward iii. roll, are: "argent, a chevron gules between three pineapples (fir-cones) vert, slipped or." the real pineapple of the present day does, however, occur, _e.g._ in the arms of benson, of lutwyche, shropshire ["argent, on waves of the sea, an old english galley all proper, on a chief wavy azure a hand couped at the wrist, supporting on a dagger the scales of justice between two pineapples erect or, leaved vert. mantling azure and argent. crest: upon a wreath of the colours, a horse caparisoned, passant, proper, on the breast a shield argent, charged with a pineapple proper. motto: 'leges arma tenent sanctas'"]. [illustration: fig. .--acorn slipped and leaved.] _bean-pods_ occur in the arms of rise of trewardreva, co. cornwall ["argent, a chevron gules between three bean-pods vert"], and papworth mentions in the arms of messarney an instance of cherries ["or, a chevron per pale gules and vert between three cherries of the second slipped of the third"]. elsewhere, however, the charges on the shield of this family are termed apples. strawberries occur in the arms and crest of hollist, and the arms of duffield are: "sable, a chevron between three cloves or." the arms of the grocers' livery company, granted in - , are: "argent, a chevron gules between nine cloves, three, three and three." the arms of garwynton are stated to be: "sable, a chevron between three heads of garlick pendent argent," but another version gives the charges as pomegranates. "azure, a chevron between three gourds pendent, slipped or" is a coat attributed to stukele, but here again there is uncertainty, as the charges are sometimes quoted as pears. the arms of bonefeld are: "azure, a chevron between three quinces or." the arms of alderberry are naturally: "argent, three branches of alder-berries proper." the arms of haseley of suffolk are: "argent, a fess gules, between three hazel-nuts or, stalks and leaves vert." papworth also mentions the arms of tarsell, viz.: "or, a chevron sable, between three hazel-nuts erect, slipped gules." it would, however, seem more probable that these charges are really teazles. the fruit of the oak--the _acorn_ (fig. )--has already been incidentally referred to, but other instances occur in the arms of baldwin, stable, and huth. { } wheat and other grain is constantly met with in british armory. the arms of bigland ["azure, two ears of big wheat erect in fess and bladed or"] and of cheape are examples, and others occur in the arms of layland-barratt, cross, and rye ["gules, on a bend argent, between two ears of rye, stalked, leaved, and slipped or, three crosses cramponné sable"]. [illustration: fig. .--garb.] _garbs_, as they are invariably termed heraldically, are sheaves, and are of very frequent occurrence. the earliest appearance of the garb (fig. ) in english heraldry is on the seal of ranulph, earl of chester, who died in . garbs therefrom became identified with the earldom of chester, and subsequently "azure, three garbs or" became and still remain the territorial or possibly the sovereign coat of that earldom. garbs naturally figure, therefore, in the arms of many families who originally held land by feudal tenure under the earls of chester, e.g. the families of cholmondeley ["gules, in chief two helmets in profile argent, and in base a garb vert"] and kevilioc ["azure, six garbs, three, two, and one or"]. grosvenor ["azure, a garb or"] is usually quoted as another example, and possibly correctly, but a very interesting origin has been suggested by mr. w. g. taunton in his work "the tauntons of oxford, by one of them":-- "i merely wish to make a few remarks of my own that seem to have escaped other writers on genealogical matters. "in the first place, sir gilbert le grosvenor, who is stated to have come over with william of normandy at the conquest, is described as nephew to hugh lupus, earl of chester; but hugh lupus was himself nephew to king william. now, william could not have been very old when he overthrew harold at hastings. it seems, therefore, rather improbable that sir gilbert le grosvenor, who was his nephew's nephew, could actually have fought with him at hastings, especially when william lived to reign for twenty-one years after, and was not very old when he died. "the name grosvenor does not occur in any of the versions of the roll of battle abbey. not that any of these versions of this celebrated roll are considered authentic by modern critics, who say that many names were subsequently added by the monks to please ambitious parvenus. the name venour is on the roll, however, and it is just possible that this venour was the grosvenor of our quest. the addition of 'gros' would then be subsequent to his fattening on the spoils of the saxon and cultivating a corporation. 'venour' means hunter, and { } 'gros' means fat. gilbert's uncle, hugh lupus, was, we know, a fat man; in fact, he was nicknamed 'hugh the fat.' the grosvenors of that period probably inherited obesity from their relative, hugh lupus, therefore, and the fable that they were called grosvenor on account of their office of 'great huntsman' to the dukes of normandy is not to be relied on. "we are further on told by the old family historians that when sir robert grosvenor lost the day in that ever-memorable controversy with sir richard le scrope, baron of bolton, concerning the coat of arms--'azure, a bend or'--borne by both families, sir robert grosvenor took for his arms one of the garbs of his kinsman, the earl of chester. "it did not seem to occur to these worthies that the earl of chester, who was their ancestor's uncle, never bore the garbs in his arms, but a wolf's head. "it is true that one or two subsequent earls of chester bore garbs, but these earls were far too distantly connected with the grosvenors to render it likely that the latter would borrow their new arms from this source. "it is curious that there should have been in this same county of chester a family of almost identical name also bearing a garb in their arms, though their garb was surrounded by three bezants. "the name of this family was grasvenor, or gravenor, and, moreover, the tinctures of their arms were identical with those of grosvenor. it is far more likely, therefore, that the coat assumed by sir robert after the adverse decision of the court of chivalry was taken from that of grasvenor, or gravenor, and that the two families were known at that time to be of common origin, although their connection with each other has subsequently been lost. "in french both _gros_ and _gras_ mean fat, and we have both forms in grosvenor and grasvenor. "a chief huntsman to royalty would have been grandvenor, not grosvenor or grasvenor. "all these criticisms of mine, however, only affect the origin of the arms, and not the ancient and almost royal descent of this illustrious race. hugh lupus, earl of chester, was a son of the duke of brittany, as is plainly stated in his epitaph. "this connection of uncle and nephew, then, between 'hugh the fat' and gilbert grosvenor implies a maternal descent from the dukes of brittany for the first ancestor of the grosvenor family. "in virtue of their descent from an heiress of the house of grosvenor, it is only necessary to add the tauntons of oxford are grosvenors, heraldically speaking, and that quartering so many ancient coats through { } the tanners and the grosvenors with our brand-new grant is like putting old wine into new bottles. "hugh lupus left no son to succeed him, and the subsequent descent of the earldom of chester was somewhat erratic. so i think there is some point in my arguments regarding the coat assumed by sir robert grosvenor of hulme." though a garb, unless quoted otherwise, is presumed to be a sheaf of wheat, the term is not so confined. the garbs in the arms of comyn, which figure as a quartering in so many scottish coats, are really of cummin, as presumably are the garbs in the arms of cummins. when a garb is "banded" of a different colour this should be stated, and elvin states that it may be "eared" of a different colour, though i confess i am aware of no such instance. "argent, two bundles of reeds in fess vert," is the coat of janssen of wimbledon, surrey (bart., extinct), and a bundle of rods occurs in the arms of evans, and the crest of harris, though in this latter case it is termed a faggot. _reeds_ also occur in the crest of reade, and the crest of middlemore ["on a wreath of colours, a moorcock amidst grass and reeds proper"] furnishes another example. _bulrushes_ occur in the crest of billiat, and in the arms of scott ["argent, on a mount of bulrushes in base proper, a bull passant sable, a chief pean, billetté or"]. _grass_ is naturally presumed on the mounts vert which are so constantly met with, but more definite instances can be found in the arms of sykes, hulley, and hill. { } chapter xix inanimate objects in dealing with those charges which may be classed under the above description one can safely say that there is scarcely an object under the sun which has not at some time or other been introduced into a coat of arms or crest. one cannot usefully make a book on armory assume the character of a general encyclopædia of useful knowledge, and reference will only be made in this chapter to a limited number, including those which from frequent usage have obtained a recognised heraldic character. mention may, at the outset, be made of certain letters of the _alphabet_. instances of these are scarcely common, but the family of kekitmore may be adduced as bearing "gules, three s's or," while bridlington priory had for arms: "per pale, sable and argent, three b's counterchanged." the arms of rashleigh are: "sable, a cross or, between in the first quarter a cornish chough argent, beaked and legged gules; in the second a text t; in the third and fourth a crescent all argent." corporate arms (in england) afford an instance of alphabetical letters in the case of the b's on the shield of bermondsey. [illustration: fig. .--anchor.] _the anchor_ (fig. ).--this charge figures very largely in english armory, as may, perhaps, be looked for when it is remembered that maritime devices occur more frequently in sea-board lands than in continents. the arms of the town of musselburgh are: "azure, three anchors in pale, one in the chief and two in the flanks or, accompanied with as many mussels, one in the dexter and one in the sinister chief points, and the third in base proper." the comtes de st. cricq, with "argent, two anchors in saltire sable, on a chief three mullets or," will be an instance in point as to france. _anvils._--these are occasionally met with, as in the case of the arms of a family of the name of walker, who bear: "argent, on a chevron gules, between two anvils in chief and an anchor in base sable, a bee between two crescents or. mantling gules and argent. { } crest: upon a wreath of the colours, on a mount within a wreathed serpent a dove all statant proper." arches, castles, towers, and turrets may be exemplified, amongst others, by the following. instances of _castles_ and _towers_ will be found in the arms of carlyon and kelly, and of the former fractured castles will be found in the shield of willoughby quartered by bertie; while an example of a quadrangular castle may be seen in the arms of rawson. the difference between a castle (fig. ) and a tower (fig. ) should be carefully noticed, and though it is a distinction but little observed in ancient days it is now always adhered to. when either castle or tower is surmounted by smaller towers (as fig. ) it is termed "triple-towered." [illustration: fig. .--castle.] [illustration: fig. .--tower.] [illustration: fig. .--tower triple-towered.] an instance of a _fortification_ as a charge occurs in the shield of sconce: "azure, a fortification (sconce) argent, masoned sable, in the dexter chief point a mullet of six points of the second." _gabions_ were hampers filled with earth, and were used in the construction of fortifications and earthworks. they are of occasional occurrence in english armory at any rate, and may be seen in the shields of christie and of goodfellow. the arms of banks supply an instance of _arches_. mention may here perhaps be made of william arches, who bore at the siege of rouen: "gules, three double arches argent." the family of lethbridge bear a bridge, and this charge figures in a number of other coats. _an abbey_ occurs in the arms of maitland of dundrennan ["argent, the ruins of an old abbey on a piece of ground all proper"], and a monastery in that of mclarty ["azure, the front of an ancient monastery argent"]. a somewhat isolated instance of a _temple_ occurs in the shield of templer. a curious canting grant of arms may be seen in that to the town of eccles, in which the charge is an _ecclesiastical building_, and similar { } though somewhat unusual charges figure also in the quartering for chappel ["per chevron or and azure, in chief a mullet of six points between two crosses patée of the last, and in base the front elevation of a chapel argent"], borne by brown-westhead. _arrows_ are very frequently found, and the arms of hales supply one of the many examples of this charge, while a bow--without the arrows--may be instanced in the shield of bowes: "ermine, three bows bent and stringed palewise in fess proper." _arrow-heads_ and _pheons_ are of common usage, and occur in the arms of foster and many other families. pheons, it may be noticed in passing, are arrow-heads with an inner engrailed edge (fig. ), while when depicted without this peculiarity they are termed "broad arrows" (fig. ). this is not a distinction very stringently adhered to. charges associated with warfare and military defences are frequently to be found both in english and foreign heraldry. [illustration: fig. .--pheon.] [illustration: fig. .--broad arrow.] [illustration: fig. .--battle-axe.] [illustration: fig. .--caltrap.] _battle-axes_ (fig. ), for example, may be seen in the shield of firth and in that of renty in artois, which has: "argent, three doloires, or broad-axes, gules, those in chief addorsed." in blazoning a battle-axe care should be taken to specify the fact if the head is of a different colour, as is frequently the case. the somewhat infrequent device of a _battering-ram_ is seen in the arms of bertie, who bore: "argent, three battering-rams fesswise in pale proper, armed and garnished azure." an instrument of military defence consisting of an iron frame of four points, and called a _caltrap_ (fig. ) or _galtrap_ (and sometimes a cheval trap, from its use of impeding the approach of cavalry), is found in the arms of trappe ["argent, three caltraps sable"], gilstrap and other families; while french armory supplies us with another example in { } the case of the family of guetteville de guénonville, who bore for arms: "d'argent, semée de chausse-trapes de sable." caltraps are also strewn upon the compartment upon which the supporters to the arms of the earl of perth are placed. as the well-known badge of the royal house of tudor, the _portcullis_ (fig. ) is familiar to any one conversant with henry vii.'s chapel at westminster abbey, but it also appears as a charge in the arms of the family of wingate ["gules, a portcullis and a chief embattled or"], where it forms an obvious pun on the earliest form of the name, viz. windygate, whilst it figures also as the crest of the dukes of beaufort ["a portcullis or, nailed azure, chained of the first"]. the disposition of the chains is a matter always left to the discretion of the artist. [illustration: fig. .--portcullis.] [illustration: fig. .--beacon.] [illustration: fig. .--grenade.] examples of _beacons_ (fig. ) are furnished by the achievements of the family of compton and of the town of wolverhampton. a _fire chest_ occurs in the arms of critchett (_vide_ p. ). _chains_ are singularly scarce in armory, and indeed nearly wholly absent as _charges_, usually occurring where they do as part of the crest. the english shield of anderton, it is true, bears: "sable, three chains argent;" while another one (duppa de uphaugh) has: "quarterly, and , a lion's paw couped in fess between two chains or, a chief nebuly of the last, thereon two roses of the first, barbed and seeded proper (for duppa); and , party fess azure and sable, a trident fesswise or, between three turbots argent (for turbutt)." in continental heraldry, however, chains are more frequently met with. principal amongst these cases maybe cited the arms of navarre ("gules, a cross saltire and double orle of chains, linked together or"), while many other instances are found in the armories of southern france and of spain. _bombs_ or _grenades_ (fig. ), for heraldry does not distinguish, figure in the shields of vavasseur, jervoise, boycott, and many other families. { } among the more recent grants _cannon_ have figured, as in the case of the pilter arms and in those of the burgh of portobello; while an earlier counterpart, in the form of a culverin, forms the charge of the leigh family: "argent, a culverin in fess sable." [illustration: fig. .--scaling ladder.] [illustration: fig. .--lance or javelin.] [illustration: fig. .--tilting-spear.] the _column_ appears as a crest in the achievement of coles. between two cross crosslets it occurs in the arms of adam of maryburgh ["vert, a corinthian column with capital and base in pale proper, between two cross crosslets fitchée in fess or"], while the arms of the see of sodor and man are blazoned: "argent, upon a pedestal the virgin mary with her arms extended between two pillars, in the dexter hand a church proper, in base the arms of man in an escutcheon." major, of suffolk, bears: "azure, three corinthian columns, each surmounted by a ball, two and one argent." it is necessary to specify the kind of column in the blazon. [illustration: fig. .--arms of william shakespeare the poet (d. ): or, on a bend sable, a tilting-spear of the field.] _scaling-ladders_ (fig. ) (viz. ordinary-shaped ladders with grapnels affixed to the tops) are to be seen in the english coats of d'urban and lloyd, while the veronese princes della scala bore the ordinary ladder: "gules, a ladder of four steps in pale argent." a further instance of this form of the charge occurs in the swiss shield of laiterberg: "argent, two ladders in saltire gules." _spears_ and _spear-heads_ are to be found in the arms of many families both in england, wales, and abroad; for example, in the arms of amherst and edwards. distinction must be drawn between the lance or javelin (fig. ) and the heraldic tilting-spear (fig. ), particularly as the latter is always depicted with the sharp point for warfare instead of the blunted point which was actually used in the tournament. the shakespeare arms (fig. ) are: "or, on a bend sable a tilting-spear of the field," while "azure, a lance or enfiled { } at its point by an annulet argent" represents the french family of danby. _spurs_ (fig. ) occur in coat armour as such in the arms of knight and harben, and also occasionally "winged" (fig. ), as in the crest of johnston. _spur-rowels_, or _spur-revels_, are to be met with under that name, but they are, and are more often termed, "mullets of five points pierced." examples of _stirrups_ are but infrequent, and the best-known one (as regards english armory) is that of scudamore, while the polish counts brzostowski bore: "gules, a stirrup argent, within a bordure or." [illustration: fig. .--spur.] [illustration: fig. .--winged spur.] [illustration: fig. .--sword.] _stones_ are even more rare, though a solitary example may be quoted in the arms of staniland: per pale or and vert, a pale counterchanged, three eagles displayed two and one, and as many flint-stones one and two all proper. the "vigilance" of the crane has been already alluded to on page . the mention of stones brings one to the kindred subject of _catapults_. these engines of war, needless to say on a very much larger scale than the object which is nowadays associated with the term, were also known by the name _balistæ_, and also by that of _swepe_. their occurrence is very infrequent, but for that very reason one may, perhaps, draw attention to the arms of the (english) family of magnall: "argent, a swepe azure, charged with a stone or." _swords_, differing in number, position, and kind are, perhaps, of this class of charge the most numerous. a single sword as a charge may be seen in the shield of dick of wicklow, and macfie, and a sword entwined by a serpent in that of mackesy. a flaming sword occurs in the arms of maddocks and lewis. swords frequently figure, too, in the hands or paws of supporters, accordingly as the latter are human figures or animals, whilst they figure as the "supporters" themselves in the unique case of the french family of bastard, whose shield is cottised by "two swords, point in base." the heraldic sword is represented as fig. , the blade of the _dagger_ { } being shorter and more pointed. the _scymitar_ follows the form depicted in fig. . a _seax_ is the term employed to denote a curved scimitar, or falchion, having a notch at the back of the blade (fig. ). in heraldry the use of this last is fairly frequent, though generally, it must be added, in shields of arms of doubtful authority. as such they are to be seen, amongst others, in the reputed arms of middlesex, and owing to this origin they were included in the grant of arms to the town of ealing. the sabre and the cutlass when so blazoned follow their utilitarian patterns. _torches_ or _firebrands_ are depicted in the arms and crest of gillman and tyson. _barnacles_ (or _breys_)--horse curbs--occur in some of the earlier coats, as in the arms of wyatt ["gules, a barnacle argent"], while another family of the same name (or, possibly, wyot) bore: "per fess gules and azure (one or) three barnacles argent". [illustration: fig. .--scymitar.] [illustration: fig. .--seax.] [illustration: fig. .--church-bell.] [illustration: fig. .--hawk's bell.] _bells_ are well instanced in the shield of porter, and the poet wordsworth bore: "argent, three bells azure." it may be noted in passing that in continental armory the clapper is frequently of a different tincture to that of the bell, as, for instance, "d'azure, à la cloche d'argent, butaillé [viz. with the clapper] de sable"--the arms of the comtes de bellegarse. a bell is assumed to be a church-bell (fig. ) unless blazoned as a hawk's bell (fig. ). _bridle-bits_ are of very infrequent use, though they may be seen in the achievement of the family of milner. the _torse_ (or wreath surmounting the helm) occasionally figures as a charge, for example, in the arms of jocelyn and joslin. _the buckle_ is a charge which is of much more general use than some of the foregoing. it appears very frequently both in english { } and foreign heraldry--sometimes oval-shaped (fig. ), circular (fig. ), or square (fig. ), but more generally lozenge-shaped (fig. ), especially in the case of continental arms. a somewhat curious variation occurs in the arms of the prussian counts wallenrodt, which are: "gules, a lozenge-shaped buckle argent, the tongue broken in the middle." it is, of course, purely an artistic detail in all these buckles whether the tongue is attached to a crossbar, as in figs. and , or not, as in figs. and . as a badge the buckle is used by the pelhams, earls of chichester and earls of yarborough, and a lozenge-shaped arming buckle is the badge of jerningham. _cups_ (covered) appear in the butler arms, and derived therefrom in the arms of the town of warrington. laurie, of maxwelltown, bear: "sable, a cup argent, issuing therefrom a garland between two laurel-branches all proper," and similar arms are registered in ireland for lowry. the veronese family of bicchieri bear: "argent, a fess gules between three drinking-glasses half-filled with red wine proper." an uncovered cup occurs in the arms of fox, derived by them from the crest of croker, and another instance occurs in the arms of a family of smith. in this connection we may note in passing the rare use of the device of a _vase_, which forms a charge in the coat of the town of burslem, whilst it is also to be met with in the crest of the family of doulton: "on a wreath of the colours, a demi-lion sable, holding in the dexter paw a cross crosslet or, and resting the sinister upon an escutcheon charged with a vase proper." the motto is perhaps well worth recording; "le beau est la splendeur de vrai." [illustration: fig. .--oval buckle.] [illustration: fig. .--circular buckle.] [illustration: fig. .--square buckle.] [illustration: fig. .--lozenge-shaped buckle.] the arms of both the city of dundee and the university of aberdeen afford instances of a _pot of lilies_, and _bowls_ occur in the arms of bolding. plate v. [illustration] { } though blazoned as a _cauldron_, the device occurring in the crest of de la rue may be perhaps as fittingly described as an open bowl, and as such may find a place in this classification: "between two olive-branches vert a cauldron gules, fired and issuant therefrom a snake nowed proper." the use of a _pitcher_ occurs in the arms of bertrand de monbocher, who bore at the siege of carlaverock: "argent, three pitchers sable (sometimes found gules) within a bordure sable bezanté;" and the arms of standish are: "sable, three standing dishes argent." the somewhat singular charge of a _chart_ appears in the arms of christopher, and also as the crest of a scottish family of cook. [illustration: fig. .--chess-rook.] [illustration: fig. .--crescent.] [illustration: fig. .--increscent.] _chess-rooks_ (fig. ) are somewhat favourite heraldic devices, and are to be met with in a shield of smith and the arms of rocke of clungunford. the _crescent_ (fig. ) figures largely in all armories, both as a charge and (in english heraldry) as a difference. variations, too, of the form of the crescent occur, such as when the horns are turned to the dexter (fig. ), when it is termed "a crescent increscent," or simply "an increscent," or when they are turned to the sinister--when it is styled "decrescent" (fig. ). an instance of the crescent "reversed" may be seen in the shield of the austrian family of puckberg, whose blazon was: "azure, three crescents, those in chief addorsed, that in base reversed." in english "difference marks" the crescent is used to denote the second son, but under this character it will be discussed later. independently of its use in conjunction with ecclesiastical armory, the _crosier_ (fig. ) is not widely used in ordinary achievements. it does occur, however, as a principal charge, as in the arms of the irish family of crozier and in the arms of benoit (in dauphiny) ["gules, a pastoral staff argent"], while it forms part of the crest of alford. the term "crosier" is synonymous with the pastoral or episcopal staff, and is independent of the cross which is borne _before_ (and not _by_) { } archbishops and metropolitans. the use of pastoral staves as charges is also to be seen in the shield of were, while maclaurin of dreghorn bears: "argent, a shepherd's crook sable." the _palmer's staff_ (fig. ) has been introduced into many coats of arms for families having the surname of palmer, as has also the palmer's wallet. [illustration: fig. .--decrescent.] [illustration: fig. .--crosier, or pastoral staff.] [illustration: fig. .--palmer's staff.] [illustration: fig. .--shuttle.] [illustration: fig. .--woolpack.] [illustration: fig. .--escarbuncle.] _cushions_, somewhat strangely, form the charges in a number of british shields, occurring, for example, in the arms of brisbane, and on the shield of the johnstone family. in scottish heraldry, indeed, cushions appear to have been of very ancient (and general) use, and are frequently to be met with. the earls of moray bore: "argent, three cushions lozengewise within a double tressure flory-counterflory gules," but an english example occurs in the arms of hutton. _the distaff_, which is supposed to be the origin of the lozenge upon which a lady bears her arms, is seldom seen in heraldry, but the family of body, for instance, bear one in chief, and three occur in the arms of a family of lees. _the shuttle_ (fig. ) occurs in the arms of shuttleworth, and in those of the town of leigh, while the shield of the borough of pudsey affords an illustration of shuttles in conjunction with a woolpack (fig. ). _the escarbuncle_ (fig. ) is an instance of a charge having so developed by the evolution of an integral part of the shield itself. in { } ancient warfare shields were sometimes strengthened by being bound with iron bands radiating from the centre, and these bands, from the shape they assumed, became in course of time a charge in themselves under the term escarbuncle. the crest of the fanmakers' company is: "a hand couped proper holding a _fan_ displayed," while the chief charge in the arms is "... a fan displayed ... the sticks gules." this, however, is the only case i can cite of this object. the _fasces_ (fig. ), emblematic of the roman magisterial office, is very frequently introduced in grants of arms to mayors and lord mayors, which no doubt accounts for its appearance in the arms of durning-lawrence, knill, evans, and spokes. [illustration: fig. .--fasces.] [illustration: fig. .--fetterlock.] [illustration: fig. .--fleam.] an instance of _fetterlocks_ (fig. ) occurs in the arms of kirkwood, and also in the coat of lockhart and the crest of wyndham. a chain is often substituted for the bow of the lock. the modern padlock has been introduced into the grant of arms to the town of wolverhampton. _keys_, the emblem of st. peter, and, as such, part of the insignia of his holiness the pope, occur in many ecclesiastical coats, the arms of the fishmongers' livery company, and many families. _flames of fire_ are not frequently met with, but they are to be found in the arms of baikie, and as crests they figure in the achievements of graham-wigan, and also in conjunction with keys in that of flavel. in connection with certain other objects flames are common enough. the phoenix always issues from flames, and a salamander is always in the midst of flames (fig. ). the flaming sword, a device, by the way, included in the recent grant to sir george lewis, bart., has been already alluded to, as has also the flaming brand. a notable example of the torch occurs in the crest of sir william gull, bart., no doubt an allusion (as is his augmentation) to the skill by which he kept the torch of life burning in the then prince of wales during his serious illness in . a flaming mountain occurs as the crest of several families of the name of grant. { } a curious instrument now known nearly exclusively in connection with its use by farriers, and termed a _fleam_ (fig. ), occurs on the chief of the shield of moore. a fleam, however, is the ancient form and name of a surgeon's lancet, and some connection with surgery may be presumed when it occurs. it is one of the charges in the arms recently granted to sir frederick treves, bart. _furison._--this singular charge occurs in the shield of black, and also in that of steel. furisons were apparently the instruments by which fire was struck from flint stones. [illustration: fig. .--clarion.] [illustration: fig. .--bugle-horn.] [illustration: fig. .--bugle-horn stringed.] charges in connection with music and musical instruments do not occur very frequently, though the heraldic use of the _clarion_ (fig. ) and the _harp_ may perhaps be mentioned. the bugle-horn (fig. ) also occurs "stringed" (fig. ), and when the bands round it are of a different colour it is termed "veruled" or "virolled" of that colour. _the human heart_, which should perhaps have been more correctly referred to in an earlier chapter, is a charge which is well known in heraldry, both english and foreign. perhaps the best known examples of the heart ensigned with a crown is seen in the shields of douglas and johnstone. the legend which accounts for the appearance of this charge in the arms of douglas is too well known to need repetition. _ingots of silver_ occur in the shield of the borough of st. helens, whilst the family of woollan go one better by bearing ingots of gold. _a maunch_ (fig. ), which is a well-known heraldic term for the sleeve, is, as it is drawn, scarcely recognisable as such. nevertheless its evolution can be clearly traced. the maunch--which, of course, as a heraldic charge, originated in the knightly "favour" of a lady's sleeve--was borne from the earliest periods in different tinctures by the three historic families of conyers, hastings, and wharton. other garments have been used as heraldic charges; gloves in the arms of { } fletcher and barttelot; stockings in the arms of hose; a boot in the crest of hussy, and a hat in the arms of huth. armour is frequently met with, a cuirass appearing in the crest of somers, helmets in the arms of salvesen, trayner, roberton, and many other families, gauntlets (fig. ), which need to be specified as dexter or sinister, in the arms of vane and the crest of burton, and a morion (fig. ) in the crest of pixley. the garter is, of course, due to that order of knighthood; and the blue mantle of the same order, besides giving his title to one of the pursuivants of arms, who uses it as his badge, has also been used as a charge. _the mill-rind_ or _fer-de-moline_ is, of course, as its name implies, the iron from the centre of a grindstone. it is depicted in varying forms, more or less recognisable as the real thing (fig. ). _mirrors_ occur almost exclusively in crests and in connection with mermaids, who, as a general rule, are represented as holding one in the dexter hand with a comb in the sinister. very occasionally, however, mirrors appear as charges, an example being that of the counts spiegel zum desenberg, who bore: "gules, three round mirrors argent in square frames or." [illustration: fig. .--maunch.] [illustration: fig. .--gauntlet.] [illustration: fig. .--morion.] [illustration: fig. .--mill-rind.] symbols connected with the sacred passion--other than the cross itself--are not of very general use in armory, though there are instances of the _passion-nails_ being used, as, for example, in the shield of procter viz.: "or, three passion-nails sable." _pelts, or hides_, occur in the shield of pilter, and the fleece has been mentioned under the division of rams and sheep. _plummets_ (or _sinkers_ used by masons) form the charges in the arms of jennings. an instance of a _pyramid_ is met with in the crest of malcolm, bart., and an _obelisk_ in that of the town of todmorden. { } the shield of crookes affords an example of two devices of very rare occurrence, viz. a _prism_ and a _radiometer_. water, lakes, ships, &c., are constantly met with in armory, but a few instances must suffice. the various methods of heraldically depicting water have been already referred to (pages and ). _three wells_ figure in the arms of hodsoll, and a masoned well in that of camberwell. the shields of stourton and mansergh supply instances of heraldic _fountains_, whilst the arms of brunner and of franco contain fountains of the ordinary kind. a _tarn_, or _loch_, occurs in the shield of the family of tarn, while lord loch bears: "or, a saltire engrailed sable, between in fess two swans in water proper, all within a bordure vert." [illustration: fig. .--lymphad, sail furled.] the use of _ships_ may be instanced by the arms of many families, while a _galley_ or _lymphad_ (fig. ) occurs in the arms of campbell, macdonald, galbraith, macfie, and numerous other families, and also in the arms of the town of oban. another instance of a coat of arms in which a galley appears will be found in the arms recently granted to the burgh of alloa, while the towns of wandsworth and lerwick each afford instances of a _dragon ship_. the _prow of a galley_ appears in the arms of pitcher. [illustration: fig. .--rainbow.] a modern form of ship in the shape of a _yacht_ may be seen in the arms of ryde; while two scottish families afford instances of the use of the _ark_. "argent, an ark on the waters proper, surmounted of a dove azure, bearing in her beak an olive-branch vert," are the arms borne by gellie of blackford; and "argent, an ark in the sea proper, in chief a dove azure, in her beak a branch of olive of the second, within a bordure of the third" are quoted as the arms of primrose gailliez of chorleywood. lastly, we may note the appropriate use of a _steamer_ in the arms of barrow-in-furness. the curious figure of the lion dimidiated with the hulk of a ship which is met with in the arms of several of the towns of the cinque ports has been referred to on page . _clouds_ form part of the arms of leeson, which are: "gules, a chief nebuly argent, the rays of the sun issuing therefrom or." the _rainbow_ (fig. ), though not in itself a distinctly modern charge, for it occurs in the crest of hope, has been of late very frequently granted as part of a crest. instances occur in the crest of { } the family of pontifex, and again in that of thurston, and of wigan. its use as a part of a crest is to be deprecated, but in these days of complicated armory it might very advantageously be introduced as a charge upon a shield. an unusual device, the _thunderbolt_, is the crest of carnegy. the arms of the german family of donnersperg very appropriately are: "sable, three thunderbolts or issuing from a chief nebuly argent, in base a mount of three coupeaux of the second." the arms of the town of blackpool furnish an instance of a thunderbolt in dangerous conjunction with windmill sails. [illustration: fig. .--estoile.] [illustration: fig. .--mullet (scottish star).] [illustration: fig. .--mullet pierced (scottish spur-revel).] _stars_, a very common charge, may be instanced as borne under that name by the scottish shield of alston. there has, owing to their similarity, been much confusion between _stars_, _estoiles_, _and mullets_. the difficulty is increased by the fact that no very definite lines have ever been followed officially. in england stars under that name are practically unknown. when the rays are wavy the charge is termed an estoile, but when they are straight the term mullet is used. that being so, these rules follow: that the estoile is never pierced (and from the accepted method of depicting the estoile this would hardly seem very feasible), and that unless the number of points is specified there will be six (see fig. ). other numbers are quite permissible, but the number of points (more usually in an estoile termed "rays") must be stated. the arm of hobart, for example, are: "sable, an estoile of eight rays or, between two flaunches ermine." an estoile of sixteen rays is used by the town of ilchester, but the arms are not of any authority. everything with straight points being in england a mullet, it naturally follows that the english practice permits a mullet to be plain (fig. ) or pierced (fig. ). mullets are occasionally met with pierced of a colour other than the field they are charged upon. according to the english practice, therefore, the mullet is not represented as pierced unless it is expressly stated to be so. the mullet both in england and { } scotland is of five points unless a greater number are specified. but mullets pierced and unpierced of six (fig. ) or eight points (fig. ) are frequent enough in english armory. the scottish practice differs, and it must be admitted that it is more correct than the english, though, strange to say, more complicated. in scottish armory they have the estoile, the star, and the mullet or the spur-revel. as to the estoile, of course, their practice is similar to the english. but in scotland a straight-pointed charge is a mullet if it be pierced, and a star if it be not. as a mullet is really the "molette" or rowel of a spur, it certainly could not exist as a fact unpierced. nevertheless it is by no means stringently adhered to in that country, and they make confusion worse confounded by the frequent use of the additional name of "spur-rowel," or "spur-revel" for the pierced mullet. the mullet occurs in the arms of vere, and was also the badge of that family. the part this badge once played in history is well known. had the de veres worn another badge on that fatal day the course of english history might have been changed. [illustration: fig. .--mullet of six points.] [illustration: fig. .--mullet of eight points.] [illustration: fig. .--sun in splendour.] the six-pointed mullet pierced occurs in the arms of de clinton. the _sun in splendour_--(fig. ) always so blazoned--is never represented without the surrounding rays, but the human face is not essential though usual to its heraldic use. the rays are alternately straight and wavy, indicative of the light and heat we derive therefrom, a typical piece of genuine symbolism. it is a charge in the arms of hurst, pearson, and many other families; and a demi-sun issuing in base occurs in the arms of davies (plate vi.) and of westworth. the coat of warde-aldam affords an example of the _rays_ of the sun alone. a scottish coat, that of baillie of walstoun, has "azure, the moon in her complement, between nine mullets argent, three, two, three and one." the term "in her complement" signifies that the moon is full, but with the moon no rays are shown, in this of course differing from the sun in splendour. the face is usually represented in the full moon, { } and sometimes in the crescent moon, but the crescent moon must not be confused with the ordinary heraldic crescent. in concluding this class of charges, we may fitly do so by an allusion to the shield of sir william herschel, with its appropriate though clumsy device of a _telescope_. as may be naturally expected, the insignia of sovereignty are of very frequent occurrence in all armories, both english and foreign. long before the days of heraldry, some form of decoration for the head to indicate rank and power had been in vogue amongst, it is hardly too much to say, all nations on the earth. as in most things, western nations have borrowed both ideas, and added developments of those ideas, from the east, and in traversing the range of armory, where crowns and coronets appear in modern western heraldry, we find a large proportion of these devices are studiously and of purpose delineated as being _eastern_. with crowns and coronets as symbols of rank i am not now, of course, concerned, but only with those cases which may be cited as supplying examples where the different kinds of crowns appear either as charges on shields, or as forming parts of crests. crowns, in heraldry, may be differentiated under the royal or the imperial, the eastern or antique, the naval, and the mural, which with the crowns celestial, vallery and palisado are all known as charges. modern grants of crowns of eastern character in connection with valuable service performed in the east by the recipient may be instanced; _e.g._ by the eastern crown in the grant to sir abraham roberts, g.c.b., the father of field-marshal earl roberts, k.g. in order of antiquity one may best perhaps at the outset allude to the arms borne by the seaport towns of boston, and of kingston-on-hull (or hull, as the town is usually called), inasmuch as a tradition has it that the three crowns which figure on the shield of each of these towns originate from a recognised device of merchantmen, who, travelling in and trading with the east and likening themselves to the magi, in their bethlehem visit, adopted these crowns as the device or badge of their business. the same remarks may apply to the arms of cologne: "argent, on a chief gules, three crowns or." from this fact (if the tradition be one) to the adoption of the same device by the towns to which these merchants traded is not a far step. one may notice in passing that, unlike what from the legend one would expect, these crowns are not of eastern design, but of a class wholly connected with heraldry itself. the legend and device, however, are both much older than these modern minutiæ of detail. the archbishopric of york has the well-known coat: "gules, two keys in saltire argent, in chief a regal crown proper." { } the reputed arms of st. etheldreda, who was both queen, and also abbess of ely, find their perpetuation in the arms of that see, which are: "gules, three ducal (an early form of the royal) crowns or;" while the recently-created see of st. alban's affords an example of a celestial crown: "azure, a saltire or, a sword in pale proper; in chief a celestial crown of the second." the _celestial crown_ is to be observed in the arms of the borough of kensington and as a part of the crest of dunbar. the see of bristol bears: "sable, three open crowns in pale or." the royal or imperial crown occurs in the crest of eye, while an _imperial crown_ occurs in the crests of robertson, wolfe, and lane. the family of douglas affords an instance of a crown ensigning a human heart. the arms of toledo afford another case in point, being: "azure, a royal crown or" (the cap being gules). _antique crowns_--as such--appear in the arms of fraser and also in the arms of grant. the crest of the marquess of ripon supplies an unusual variation, inasmuch as it issues from a coronet composed of fleurs-de-lis. the other chief emblem of sovereignty--_the sceptre_--is occasionally met with, as in the whitgreave crest of augmentation. the marquises of mun bear the imperial orb: "azure, an orb argent, banded, and surmounted by the cross or." the reason for the selection of this particular charge in the grant of arms [azure, on a fess or, a horse courant gules, between three orbs gold, banded of the third] to sir h. e. moss, of the empire theatre in edinburgh and the london hippodrome, will be readily guessed. under the classification of tools and implements the _pick_ may be noted, this being depicted in the arms of mawdsley, moseley, and pigott, and a pick and shovel in the arms of hales. the arms of crawshay supply an instance of a _plough_--a charge which also occurs in the arms of waterlow and the crest of provand, but is otherwise of very infrequent occurrence. in english armory the use of _scythes_, or, as they are sometimes termed, _sneds_, is but occasional, though, as was only to be expected, this device appears in the sneyd coat, as follows: "argent, a scythe, the blade in chief, the sned in bend sinister sable, in the fess point a fleur-de-lis of the second." in poland the counts jezierski bore: "gules, two scythe-blades in oval, the points crossing each other argent, and the ends in base tied together or, the whole surmounted in chief by a cross-patriarchal-patée, of which the lower arm on the sinister side is wanting." two sickles appear in the arms of shearer, while the hungerford crest in the case of the holdich-hungerford family is blazoned: { } "out of a ducal coronet or, a pepper garb of the first between two sickles erect proper." the sickle was the badge of the hungerfords. a _balance_ forms one of the charges of the scottish corporation of the dean and faculty of advocates: "gules, a balance or, and a sword argent in saltire, surmounted of an escutcheon of the second, charged with a lion rampant within a double tressure flory counterflory of the first," but it is a charge of infrequent appearance. it also figures in the arms of the institute of chartered accountants. [illustration: fig. .--water-bouget.] bannerman of elsick bears a _banner_ for arms: "gules, a banner displayed argent and thereon on a canton azure a saltire argent as the badge of scotland." [illustration: fig. .--arms of henry bourchier, earl of essex, k.g.: quarterly, and , argent, a cross engrailed gules, between four water-bougets sable (for bourchier); and , gules, billetté or, a fess argent (for louvain). (from his seal.)] _books_ are frequently made use of. the arms of rylands, the family to whose generosity manchester owes the rylands library, afford a case in point, and such charges occur in the arms of the universities of both oxford and cambridge, and in many other university and collegiate achievements. _buckets_ and _water-bougets_ (fig. ) can claim a wide use. in english armory pemberton has three buckets, and water-bougets appear in the well-known arms of bourchier (fig. ). water-bougets, which are really the old form of water-bucket, were leather bags or bottles, two of which were carried on a stick over the shoulder. the heraldic water-bouget represents the pair. [illustration: fig. .--escallop.] for an instance of the heraldic usage of the _comb_ the case of the arms of ponsonby, earls of bessborough, may be cited. combs also figure in the delightfully punning scottish coat for rocheid. generally, however, when they do occur in heraldry they represent combs for carding wool, as in the shield of tunstall: "sable, three wool-combs argent," while the russian counts anrep-elmpt use: "or, a comb in bend azure, the teeth downwards." _escallops_ (fig. ) rank as one of the most widely used heraldic charges in all countries. they figured in early days outside the limits of heraldry as the badge of pilgrims going to the holy land, and may { } be seen on the shields of many families at the period of the crusades. many other families have adopted them, in the hope of a similar interpretation being applied to the appearance of them in their own arms. indeed, so numerous are the cases in which they occur that a few representative ones must suffice. [illustration: fig. .--arms of hammersmith: party per pale azure and gules, on a chevron between two cross crosslets in chief and an escallop in base argent, three horseshoes of the first. crest: on a wreath of the colours, upon the battlements of a tower, two hammers in saltire all proper. motto: "spectemur agendo."] [illustration: fig. .--arms of the great central railway: argent, on a cross gules, voided of the field, between two wings in chief sable and as many daggers erect in base of the second, in the fess point a morion winged of the third, on a chief also of the second a pale of the first, thereon eight arrows saltirewise banded also of the third, between on the dexter side three bendlets enhanced and on the sinister a fleur-de-lis or. crest: on a wreath of the colours, a representation of the front of a locomotive engine proper, between two wings or. [the grant is dated february , .]] they will be found in the arms of the lords dacre, who bore: "gules, three escallops argent;" and an escallop argent was used by the same family as a badge. the scottish family of pringle, of greenknowe, supplies an instance in: "azure, three escallops or within a bordure engrailed of the last;" while the irish earls of bandon bore: "argent, on a bend azure three escallops of the field." { } _hammers_ figure in the crests of hammersmith (fig. ) and of swindon (plate vi.), and a hammer is held in the claw of the demi-dragon which is the crest of fox-davies of coalbrookdale, co. salop (plate vi.). a _lantern_ is a charge on the shield of cowper, and the arms of the town of hove afford an absolutely unique instance of the use of _leg-irons_. three towns--eccles, bootle, and ramsgate--supply cases in their arms in which a _lighthouse_ is depicted, and this charge would appear, so far as can be ascertained, not only to be restricted to english armory, but to the three towns now named. _locomotives_ appear in the arms of swindon (plate vi.) and the great central railway (fig. ). of a similar industrial character is the curious coat of arms granted at his express wish to the late mr. samson fox of leeds and harrogate, which contains a representation of the _corrugated boiler-flue_ which formed the basis of his fortune. [illustration: fig. .--catherine wheel.] [illustration: fig. .--staple.] [illustration: fig. .--hawk's lure.] [illustration: fig. .--fylfot.] an instance of the use of a _sand-glass_ occurs in the arms of the scottish family of joass of collinwort, which are thus blazoned: "vert, a sand-glass running argent, and in chief the holy bible expanded proper." a scottish corporation, too, supplies a somewhat unusual charge, that of _scissors_: "azure, a pair of scissors or" (incorporation of tailors of aberdeen); though a swabian family (by name jungingen) has for its arms: "azure, a pair of scissors open, blades upwards argent." _barrels_ and _casks_, which in heraldry are always known as _tuns_, naturally figure in many shields where the name lends itself to a pun, as in the arms of bolton. _wheels_ occur in the shields of turner ["argent, gutté-de-sang, a { } wheel of eight spokes sable, on a chief wavy azure, a dolphin naiant of the first"] and carter, and also in the arms of gooch. the _catherine wheel_ (fig. ), however, is the most usual heraldic form. the _staple_ (fig. ) and the _hawk's lure_ (fig. ) deserve mention, and i will wind up the list of examples with the _fylfot_ (fig. ), which no one knows the meaning or origin of. the list of heraldic charges is very far, indeed, from being exhausted. the foregoing must, however, suffice; but those who are curious to pursue this branch of the subject further should examine the arms, both ancient and modern, of towns and trade corporations. { } chapter xx the heraldic helmet since one's earliest lessons in the rules of heraldry, we have been taught, as one of the fundamental laws of the achievement, that the helmet by its shape and position is indicative of rank; and we early learnt by rote that the esquire's helmet was of steel, and was placed in profile, with the visor closed: the helmet of the knight and baronet was to be open and affronté; that the helmet of the peer must be of silver, guarded by grilles and placed in profile; and that the royal helmet was of gold, with grilles, and affronté. until recent years certain stereotyped forms of the helmet for these varying circumstances were in use, hideous alike both in the regularity of their usage and the atrocious shapes into which they had been evolved. these regulations, like some other adjuncts of heraldic art, are comparatively speaking of modern origin. heraldry in its earlier and better days knew them not, and they came into vogue about the stuart times, when heraldic art was distinctly on the wane. it is puzzling to conceive a desire to stereotype these particular forms, and we take it that the fact, which is undoubted, arose from the lack of heraldic knowledge on the part of the artists, who, having one form before them, which they were assured was correct, under the circumstances simply reproduced this particular form in facsimile time after time, not knowing how far they might deviate and still remain correct. the knowledge of heraldry by the heraldic artist was the real point underlying the excellence of mediæval heraldic art, and underlying the excellence of much of the heraldic art in the revival of the last few years. as it has been often pointed out, in olden times they "played" with heraldry, and therein lay the excellence of that period. the old men knew the lines within which they could "play," and knew the laws which they could not transgress. their successors, ignorant of the laws of arms, and afraid of the hidden meanings of armory, had none but the stereotyped lines to follow. the result was bad. let us first consider the development of the actual helmet, and then its application to heraldic purposes will be more readily followed. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] to the modern mind, which grumbles at the weight of present-day { } head coverings, it is often a matter of great wonder how the knights of ancient days managed to put up with the heavy weight of the great iron helmet, with its wooden or leather crest. a careful study of ancient descriptions of tournaments and warfare will supply the clue to the explanation, which is simply that the helmet was very seldom worn. for ceremonial purposes and occasions it was carried by a page, and in actual use it was carried slung at the saddle-bow, until the last moment, when it was donned for action as blows and close contact became imminent. then, by the nature of its construction, the weight was carried by the shoulders, the head and neck moving freely within necessary limits inside. all this will be more readily apparent, when the helmet itself is considered. our present-day ideas of helmets--their shape, their size, and their proportions--are largely taken from the specimens manufactured (not necessarily in modern times) for ceremonial purposes; _e.g._ for exhibition as insignia of knighthood. by far the larger proportion of the genuine helmets now to be seen were purposely made (certainly at remote dates) not for actual use in battle or tournament, but for ceremonial use, chiefly at funerals. few, indeed, are the examples still existing of helmets which have been actually used in battle or tournament. why there are so few remaining to us, when every person of position must necessarily have possessed one throughout the plantagenet period, and probably at any rate to the end of the reign of henry vii., is a mystery which has puzzled many people--for helmets are not, like glass and china, subject to the vicissitudes of breakage. the reason is doubtless to be found in the fact that at that period they were so general, and so little out of the common, that they possessed no greater value than any other article of clothing; and whilst the real helmet, lacking a ceremonial value, was not preserved, the sham ceremonial helmet of a later period, possessing none but a ceremonial value, was preserved from ceremonial to ceremonial, and has been passed on to the present day. but a glance at so many of these helmets which exist will plainly show that it was quite impossible for any man's head to have gone inside them, and the sculptured helmets of what may seem to us uncouth shape and exaggerated size, which are occasionally to be found as part of a monumental effigy, are the size and shape of the helmets that were worn in battle. this accounts for the much larger-sized helmets in proportion to the size of shield which will be found in heraldic emblazonments of the plantagenet and tudor periods. the artists of those periods were accustomed to the sight of real helmets, and knew and drew the real proportion which existed between the fighting helmet and the fighting shield. artists of stuart and georgian days knew only the ceremonial helmet, and consequently adopted and stereotyped its impossible shape, { } and equally impossible size. victorian heraldic artists, ignorant alike of the actual and the ceremonial, reduced the size even further, and until the recent revulsion in heraldic art, with its reversion to older types, and its copying of older examples, the helmets of heraldry had reached the uttermost limits of absurdity. the recent revival of heraldry is due to men with accurate and extensive knowledge, and many recent examples of heraldic art well compare with ancient types. one happy result of this revival is a return to older and better types of the helmet. but it is little use discarding the "heraldic" helmet of the stationer's shop unless a better and more accurate result can be shown, so that it will be well to trace in detail the progress of the real helmet from earliest times. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--painted "pot-helmet," _c._ .] [illustration: fig. .--"pot-helmet," from the _eneit_ of heinrich von veldeke.] in the anglo-saxon period the common helmet was merely a cap of leather, often four-cornered, and with a serrated comb (figs. and ), but men of rank had a conical one of metal (fig. ), which was frequently richly gilt. about the time of edward the confessor a small piece, of varying breadth, called a "nasal," was added (fig. ), which, with a quilted or gamboised hood, or one of mail, well protected the face, leaving little more than the eyes exposed; and in this form the helmet continued in general use until towards the end of the twelfth century, when we find it merged into or supplanted by the { } "chapelle-de-fer," which is first mentioned in documents at this period, and was shaped like a flat-topped, cylindrical cap. this, however, was soon enlarged so as to cover the whole head (fig. ), an opening being left for the features, which were sometimes protected by a movable "ventaille," or a visor, instead of the "nasal." this helmet (which was adopted by richard i., who is also sometimes represented with a conical one) was the earliest form of the large war and tilting "heaume" (or helm), which was of great weight and strength, and often had only small openings or slits for the eyes (figs. and ). these eyepieces were either one wide slit or two, one on either side. the former was, however, sometimes divided into two by an ornamental bar or buckle placed across. it was afterwards pointed at the top, and otherwise slightly varied in shape, but its general form appears to have been the same until the end of the fourteenth century (figs. , ). this type of helmet is usually known as the "pot-shaped." the helmets themselves were sometimes painted, and fig. represents an instance which is painted in green and white diagonal stripes. the illustration is from a parchment ms. of about now in the town library of leipzic. fig. shows another german example of this type, being taken from the _eneit_ of heinrich von veldeke, a ms. now in the royal library in berlin, belonging to the end of the twelfth century. the crest depicted in this case, a red lion, must be one of the earliest instances of a crest. these { } are the helmets which we find on early seals and effigies, as will be seen from figs. - . [illustration: fig. .--helmet of hamelin, earl of surrey and warenne (d. ). (from ms. cott., julius, c. vii.)] [illustration: fig. .--from the seal of richard de clare, earl of gloucester and hertford (d. ).] [illustration: fig. .--from the seal of john de warenne, earl of surrey (d. ).] [illustration: fig. .--from the seal ( ) of john de bretagne, earl of richmond.] the cylindrical or "pot-shaped" helmet of the plantagenets, however, disappears in the latter part of the thirteenth century, when we first find mention of the "bascinet" (from old french for a basin), figs. - . this was at first merely a hemispherical steel cap, put over the coif of mail to protect the top of the head, when the knight wished to be relieved from the weight of his large helm (which he then slung at his back or carried on his saddlebow), but still did not consider the mail coif sufficient protection. it soon became pointed at the top, and gradually lower at the back, though not so much as to protect the neck. in the fourteenth century the mail, instead of being carried over the top of the head, was hung to the bottom rim of the helmet, and { } spread out over the shoulders, overlapping the cuirass. this was called the "camail," or "curtain of mail." it is shown in figs. and fastened to the bascinet by a lace or thong passing through staples. the large helm, which throughout the fourteenth century was still worn over the bascinet, did not fit down closely to the cuirass (though it may have been fastened to it with a leather strap), its bottom curve not being sufficiently arched for that purpose; nor did it wholly rest on the shoulders, but was probably wadded inside so as to fit closely to the bascinet. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] it is doubtful if any actual helm previous to the fourteenth century exists, and there are very few of that period remaining. in that of the black prince at canterbury (fig. ) the lower, or cylindrical, portion is composed of a front and back piece, riveted together at the sides, and this was most likely the usual form of construction; but in the helm of sir richard pembridge (figs. and ) the three pieces (cylinder, conical piece, and top piece) of which it is formed are fixed with nails, and are so welded together that no trace of a join is visible. the edges of the metal, turned outwards round the ocularium, are very thick, and the bottom edge is rolled inwards over a thick wire, so as not to cut the surcoat. there are many twin holes in the helmet for the aiglets, by which the crest and lambrequin were attached, and in front, near the bottom, are two + shaped holes for the t bolt, which was fixed by a chain to the cuirass. the helm of sir richard hawberk (figs. and ), who died in , is made of five pieces, and is very thick and heavy. it is much more like the later form adapted for jousting, and was probably only for use in the tilt-yard; but, although more firmly fixed to the cuirass than the earlier helm, it did not fit closely down to it, as all later helms did. singularly few examples of the pot-helmet actually exist. the "linz" example (figs. and ), which is now in the { } francisco-carolinum museum at linz, was dredged out of the traun, and is unfortunately very much corroded by rust. the fastening-place for the crest, however, is well preserved. the example belongs to the first half of the fourteenth century. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the so-called "pranker-helm" (fig. ), from the chapter of seckau, now in the collection of armour in the historical court museum at vienna, and belonging to the middle of the fourteenth century, could only have been used for tournaments. it is made of four strong hammered sheets of iron - millimetres thick, with other strengthening plates laid on. the helmet by itself weighs kilogrammes grammes. { } [illustration: figs. and .--the "linz" pot-helmet.] [illustration: fig. .] the custom of wearing the large helm over the bascinet being clumsy and troublesome, many kinds of visor were invented, so as to dispense with the large helm, except for jousting, two of which are represented in figs. and . in the first a plate shaped somewhat to the nose was attached to the part of the camail which covered the mouth. this plate, and the mail mouth-guard, when not in use, hung downwards towards the breast; but when in use it was drawn up and attached to a staple or locket on the front of the bascinet. this fashion, however, does not appear to have been adopted in england, but was peculiar to germany, austria, &c. none of these contrivances seem to have been very satisfactory, but towards the end of the fourteenth century the large and salient beaked visor was invented (fig. ). it was fixed to hinges at the sides of the bascinet with pins, and was removable at will. a high collar of steel was next added as a substitute for the camail. this form of helmet remained in use during the first half of the fifteenth century, and the large helm, which was only used for jousting, took a different form, or rather several different forms, which may be divided into three kinds. in this connection it should be remembered that the heavy jousting helmet to which the crest had relation was probably never used in actual warfare. the first was called a bascinet, and was used for combats on foot. it had an almost spherical crown-piece, and came right down to the cuirass, to which it was firmly fixed, and was, like all large helms of the fifteenth century, large enough for the wearer to move his head about freely inside. the helm of sir giles capel (fig. ) is a good specimen of this class; it has a visor of great thickness, in which are a great number of holes, thus enabling the wearer to see in every direction. the "barbute," or ovoid bascinet, with a chin-piece riveted to it, was somewhat like this helm, and is often seen on the brasses of { } - ; the chin-piece retaining the name of "barbute," after the bascinet had gone out of fashion. [illustration: fig. .--pranker-helm.] [illustration: fig. .--german tilting armour, , from the collection in the museum at vienna.] [illustration: fig. .--tilting-helmet of sir john gostwick, .] [illustration: fig. .] the second kind of large helm used in the fifteenth century was the "jousting-helm," which was of great strength, and firmly fixed to the cuirass. one from the brocas collection (figs. and , date about ) is perhaps the grandest helm in existence. it is formed of three pieces of different thicknesses (the front piece being the thickest), which are fixed together with strong iron rivets with salient heads and thin brass caps soldered to them. the arrangements for fixing it in front and behind are very complete and curious. the manner in which the helmet was connected with the rest of the armour is shown in fig. , which is a representation of a german suit of tilting armour of the period about , now in the collection of armour at the royal museum in vienna. of the same character, but of a somewhat different shape, is the helmet (fig. ) of sir john gostwick, who died in , which is now in willington church, bedfordshire. the illustration here given is taken from the _portfolio_, no. . the visor opening on the right side of the helmet is evidently taken from an italian model. [illustration: fig. .] the third and last kind of helm was the "tournament helm," and was similar to the first kind, and also called a "bascinet"; but the visor was generally barred, or, instead of a movable visor, the bars were riveted on the helm, and sometimes the face was only protected by a sort of wire-work, like a fencing-mask. it was only used for the tourney or mêlée, when the weapons were the sword and mace. [illustration: fig. .] the "chapelle-de-fer," which was in use in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, was a light iron head-piece, with a broad, flat brim, somewhat turned down. fig. represents one belonging to the { } end of the fifteenth century, which is one of the few remaining, and is delicately forged in one piece of thin, hard steel. during the fourteenth century a new kind of helmet arose, called in england the "sallad," or "sallet." the word appears to have two derivations, each of which was applied to a different form of head-piece. first, the italian "celata" (fig. ), which seems originally to have been a modification of the bascinet. second, the german "schallern," the form of which was probably suggested by the chapelle-de-fer. both of these were called by the french "salade," whence our english "sallad." the celata came lower down than the bascinet, protected the back and sides of the neck, and, closing round the cheeks, often left only the eyes, nose, and mouth exposed. a standard of mail protected the neck if required. in the fifteenth century the celata ceased to be pointed at the summit, and was curved outwards at the nape of the neck, as in fig. . [illustration: fig. .] the "schallern" (from _shale_, a shell, or bowl), was really a helmet and visor in one piece; it had a slit for the eyes, a projecting brim, and a long tail, and was completed by a chin-piece, or "bavier" (eng. "beaver"), which was strapped round the neck. fig. shows a german sallad and a spanish beaver. the sallad was much used in the fifteenth century, during the latter half of which it often had a visor, as in one from rhodes (fig. ), which has a spring catch on the right side to hold the visor in place when down. the rivets for its lining-cap have large, hollow, twisted heads, which are seldom found on existing sallads, though often seen in sculpture. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the schale, schallern (_schêlern_), or sallad, either with or without a { } visor, is very seldom seen in heraldic use. an instance, however, in which it has been made use of heraldically will be found in fig. , which is from a pen and ink drawing in the _fest-buch_ of paulus kel, a ms. now in the royal library at munich. this shows the schallern with the slit for seeing through, and the fixed neck-guard. the "bart," "bavière," or beaver, for the protection of the under part of the face, is also visible. it is not joined to the helmet. the helmet bears the crest of bavaria, the red-crowned golden lion of the palatinate within the wings of the curiously disposed bavarian tinctures. fig. (p. ) is a very good representation of a schallern dating from the latter part of the fifteenth century, with a sliding neck-guard. it is reproduced from the _deutscher herold_, , no. . [illustration: fig. .--schallern, with crest of bavaria (duke ludwig of bavaria, ).] until almost the middle of the fifteenth century all helmets fitted on the top of the head, or were put right over; but about the italians made a great improvement by inventing the "armet," the lower part of which opened out with hinges, so that when put on it enclosed the head, fitting closely round the lower part of it, while its weight was borne by the steel collar, or "gorget." the italian armet had a roundel or disc to protect the opening at the back of the neck, and a bavier strapped on in front to cover the joining of the two { } cheek-pieces. the earlier armets, like the beaked bascinet, had a camail attached by a row of staples (fig. ), which was continued later, but then fixed either to a metal band or leather strap and riveted to the base of the armet. this form of helmet was not in common use in england until about . fig. shows the earliest form of italian armet, with a reinforcing-piece on the forehead, and a removable visor. date - . fig. represents an armet of very fine form (probably italian), which is a nearer approach to the close-helmet of the sixteenth century, as the visor cannot be removed, and the eye-slit is in the visor, instead of being formed by the space between it and the crown-piece, and there is also no reinforcing-piece in the crown. date - . fig. is still more like the sixteenth-century helmet, for it opens down the sides instead of down the chin and back, and the same pivot which secures the visor also serves as a hinge for the crown and chin-piece. the small mentonnière, or bavier, is equal on both sides, but it was often of less extent on the right. date about . fig. shows a german fluted helmet, of magnificent form and workmanship, which is partly engraved and gilded. date - . it opens down the chin, like the early armets, but the tail-piece of the crown is much broader. the skill shown in the forging of the crown and the fluting of the twisted comb is most remarkable, and each rivet for the lining-strap of the cheek-pieces forms the centre of an engraved six-leaved rose. a grooved rim round the bottom of the helmet fitted closely on a salient rim at the top of the steel gorget or hause col, so that when placed on its gorget and closed, it could not be wrenched off, but could yet be moved round freely in a horizontal direction. the gorget being articulated, the head could also be raised or lowered a little, but not enough to make this form of joint very desirable, and a looser kind was soon substituted. fig. shows what is perhaps the most perfect type of close helmet. the comb is much larger than was the custom at an earlier date, and much resembles those of the morions of this period. the visor is formed of two separate parts; the upper fits inside the lower, and could be raised to facilitate seeing without unfixing the lower portion. it is engraved with arabesques, and is probably italian. date - . fig. is an english helmet, half-way between a close helmet and a "burgonet." it is really a "casque," with cheek-pieces to meet in front. the crown-piece is joined down the middle of the comb. this helmet was probably made for the earl of leicester. date about . the word "burgonet" first appeared about the beginning of the fifteenth century, and described a form of helmet like the "celata," and { } called by that name in italy. it was completed by a "buffe," or chin-piece, similar to the bavier. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] during this century the "morion," really an improved "chapelle-de-fer," was much in use. it had a curved top, surmounted by a comb, and a broad, turned-up brim, and was often elaborately engraved and gilt. the "cabasset" was a similar head-piece, but had a peaked top, surmounted by a small spike turned backwards, and generally a flatter, narrower brim than the morion. these three forms of helmet were all called casques. [illustration: fig. .--"grid-iron" helmet (fifteenth century).] the barred or grilled helmet owed its introduction to tournaments with swords and clubs, which necessitated better opportunities of vision than the earlier tilting-helm afforded, sufficient though that was for encounters with the tilting-spear. the earliest form of this type of helmet will be seen in fig. , which is termed a "grid-iron" helmet, developing shortly afterwards into the form of fig. , which has a lattice-work visor. the former figure, the "grid-iron" helmet, is a { } representation taken from an original now in the possession of count hans wilczek, of vienna. fig. , the helmet with the latticed visor, is from an example in the german national museum at nürnberg. neither of these types of helmet appears to have been regularly adopted into heraldic art. indeed they are seldom, if ever, to be found in heraldic emblazonment. for pictorial and artistic purposes they seem to be entirely supplanted in paintings, in seals, and in sculpture by the "grilled" helmet or "buckler." whether this helmet, as we find it depicted in paintings or on seals, was ever really worn in battle or tournament seems very doubtful, and no actual instance appears to have been preserved. on the other hand, the so-called "prankhelme" (pageant helmet) bucklers, frequently made of gilded leather and other materials, are extant in some number. it is evident from their nature, however, that they can only have been used for ceremonial or decorative purposes. fig. shows one of these buckled "pageant" helmets surmounted by the crest of the margraviate of burgau. fig. shows another of these pageant helmets, with the crest of austria (ancient) or of tyrol. these were borne, with many others of the same character, in the pageant of the funeral procession of the emperor frederick iii. (iv.) in . the helmets were made of leather, and gilded, the two crests being carved out of boards and painted. the burgau wings, which are inclined very far forward, are: "bendy of six argent and gules, charged with a pale or." in their normal position the wings are borne upright. the second crest, which is cm. in height, is black, and adorned on the outside with eared pegs cm. long, from which gold linden-leaves hang. these helmets and crests, which were formerly in st. stephen's cathedral, are now in the vienna historical museum. at the beginning of the seventeenth century the workmanship became inferior, and beauty of line was no longer sought after. shortly afterwards helmets ceased to be worn outside the regular army, and with the subsequent evolution of military head coverings heraldry has no concern. as a part of a heraldic achievement the helmet is not so old as the shield. it was not until the introduction of the crest that any one thought of depicting a helmet with a shield. [illustration: fig. .--schallern (end of fifteenth century).] [illustration: fig. .--helmet, with latticed visor (end of fifteenth century).] a careful and attentive examination of the early "rolls of arms," and of seals and other ancient examples of heraldic art and handicraft, will at once make it plainly apparent that the helmets then heraldically depicted were in close keeping and of the style actually in use for warfare, joust, or tournament at the period. this is particularly noticeable in the helmets on the stall plates of the knights of the garter in st. george's chapel at windsor. the helms on the early { } stall plates, though far from being identical in shape, all appear to be of the same class or type of tilting-helm drawn in profile. amongst the early plates only one instance (richard, duke of gloucester, elected ) can be found of the barred helmet. this is the period when helmets actually existed in fact, and were actually used, but at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries, when the helmet was being fast relegated to ceremonial usage and pictorial emblazonment, ingenious heralds began to evolve the system by which rank and degree were indicated by the helmet. [illustration: fig. .--pageant helmet, with the crest of burgau.] [illustration: fig. .--pageant helmet, with the crest of austria (ancient) or tyrol.] before proceeding to consider british rules concerning the heraldic helmet, it may be well to note those which have been accepted abroad. in germany heraldry has known but two classes of helmet, the open helmet guarded by bars (otherwise buckles or grilles), and the closed { } or "visored" helmet. the latter was the helmet used by the newly ennobled, the former by the older families of higher position, it being originally held that only those families whose birth qualified them to tilt were permitted to use this buckled helmet. tournaments were of course always conducted on very strict lines. woodward reprints in his "treatise on heraldry" the "tourney regulations for the exposure of arms and crest, drawn up by rené, duke of anjou, king of sicily and jerusalem," from menêtrier's _l'origin des armoiries_. the rules to be complied with are there set out. fig. herein is a representation of a "helmschau," where the examination of the crests is being carried on. it is interesting to notice therein that the whole of the helmets without exception have the grilles. germany was perhaps the earliest country to fall from grace in the matter, for towards the end of the fifteenth century the buckled helmet is found with the arms of the lower briefadels (those ennobled by patent), and the practice continued despite the violent protests of the tournament families, who considered their prerogative had been infringed. the closed helmet consequently sank gradually in germany to the grade of a mere burgess's helmet, and as such became of little account, although in former times it had been borne by the proudest houses. similarly in france the "buckled" helmet was considered to be reserved for the military noblesse, and newly ennobled families were denied its use until the third generation, when they became _bons gentilhommes_. woodward states that when "in charles v. conferred on the bourgeoisie of paris the right to use armorial bearings, it was strenuously denied that they could use the timbred helm. in an edict of charles ix. prohibited the use of _armoiries timbrées_ to any who were not noble by birth." the grilles of the helmet produced with the old french heralds the opportunity of a minutiæ of rule which, considering the multitude of rules fathered, rightly or wrongly, upon british heraldry, we may be devoutly happy never reached our shores. they assigned different numbers of grilles to different ranks, but as the writers differ as to the varying numbers, it is probable that such rules were never officially accepted even in that country. in france the rule was much as in this country, a gold helmet for the sovereign, silver for princes and great nobles, steel for the remainder. it is curious that though the timbred helm was of course known in england whilst the controversy as to its heraldic use was raging in france and germany, no heraldic use of it whatever occurs till the beginning of the seventeenth century. from royalty to the humblest gentleman, all used for heraldic purposes the closed or visored helms. the present rules concerning helmets which hold in great britain are that the helmet of the sovereign and the royal princes of this { } country shall be of gold, placed in an affronté position, and shall have grilles. the helmet of a peer shall be of silver, shall be placed in profile, and shall have golden grilles, frequently stated to be five in number, a detail not stringently adhered to. the helmet of a knight or baronet shall be of steel, placed full-faced, and shall be open; whilst the helmet of an esquire or gentleman shall be of steel and in profile, with the visor closed. within these limits considerable latitude is allowed, and even in official grants of arms, which, as far as emblazonment goes, are very much of a stereotyped style, actual unvarying adherence to a particular pattern is not insisted upon. the earliest instance amongst the garter plates in which a helmet with grilles is used to denote the rank of a peer is the stall plate of lord knollys in . in the visitations but few instances can be found in which the arms of peers are included. peers were not compelled to attend and enter their arms and pedigrees at visitations, doubtless owing to the fact that no garter king of arms ever made a visitation, whilst it has been the long-asserted prerogative of garter to deal with peers and their arms by himself. at the same time, however, there are some number of instances of peers' arms and pedigrees in the visitation books, several occurring in the visitation of yorkshire. in these cases the arms of peers are set out with supporters and mottoes, but there is no difference between their helmets and what we should now term the helmet of an esquire or gentleman. this is all the more curious because neither helmet nor motto is found in the tricks given of the arms of commoners. consequently one may with certainty date the introduction of the helmet with grilles as the distinguishing mark of a peer in this country between the years and . the introduction of the open full-faced helmet as indicative of knight or baronet is known to date from about the period of the restoration. whilst these fixed rules as to helmets are still scrupulously adhered to by english heralds, lyon king of arms would seem to be inclined to let them quietly lapse into desuetude, and the emblazonment of the arms of sir george duff-sutherland-dunbar, bart., in the lyon register at the recent rematriculation of his arms, affords an instance in which the rules have been ignored. some of the objections one hears raised to official heraldry will not hold water when all facts are known; but one certainly thinks that those who object to the present helmet and its methods of usage have ample reason for such remarks as one frequently sees in print upon the subject. to put it mildly, it is absolutely ridiculous to see a helmet placed affronté, and a lion passant looking out over the side of it; or to see a helmet in profile with the crest of a man's head { } affronté placed above it, and as a consequence also peeping over the side. the necessity for providing a resting-place for the crest other than unoccupied space has also led to the ridiculous practice of depicting the wreath or torse in the form of a straight bar balanced upon the apex of the helmet. the rule itself as to the positions of helmets for the varying ranks is officially recognised, and the elaboration of the rule with regard to the differing metals of the royal helmet and the helmets of peers and knights and baronets is officially followed; though the supposed regulation, which requires that the helmet of an esquire or gentleman shall be of steel alone is not, inasmuch as the helmet painted upon a grant is _always_ ornamented with gold. these rules in england only date from the times of the stuarts, and they cannot be said to be advantageous from any point of view; they are certainly distinctly harmful from the artistic standpoint. it is plainly utterly impossible to depict some crests upon a profile helmet, and equally impossible to display others upon an affronté helmet. in scotland the crests do not afford quite such a regular succession of glaring examples for ridicule as is the case in england. no need is recognised in scotland for necessarily distinguishing the crest of one family from that of another, though proper differences are rigidly adhered to with regard to the coats of arms. nevertheless, scotland provides us with many crests which it is utterly impossible to actually carry on an actual helmet, and examples of this kind can be found in the rainbow which floats above the broken globe of the hopes, and the coronets in space to which the hand points in the crest of the family of dunbar of boath, with many other similar absurdities. in england an equal necessity for difference is insisted upon in the crest as is everywhere insisted upon with regard to the coat of arms; and in the time of the late garter king of arms, it was rapidly becoming almost impossible to obtain a new crest which has not got a row of small objects in front of it, or else two somethings, one on either side. (things, however, have now considerably improved.) if a crest is to be depicted between two ostrich feathers, for example, it stands to reason that the central object should be placed upon the centre of the helmet, whilst the ostrich feathers would be one on either side--that is, placed in a position slightly above the ears. yet, if a helmet is to be rigidly depicted in profile, with such a crest, it is by no means inconceivable that the one ostrich feather at the one side would hide both the other ostrich feather and the central object, leaving the crest to appear when properly depicted (for example, if photographed from a profile view of an actual helmet) as a single ostrich feather. take, for instance, the sievier crest, which is an estoile between two ostrich feathers. if that crest were properly depicted upon a profile helmet, the one ostrich feather { } would undoubtedly hide everything else, for it is hardly likely that the estoile would be placed edge-forwards upon an actual helmet; and to properly display it, it ought to take its place upon an affronté helmet. under the present rules it would be officially depicted with the estoile facing the side, one ostrich feather in front over the nose, and the other at the back of the head, which of course reduces it to an absurdity. to take another example, one might instance the crest of sir william crookes. it is hardly to be supposed that a helmet would ever have been borne into a tournament surmounted by an elephant looking out over the side; it would most certainly have had its head placed to the front; and yet, because sir william crookes is a knight, he is required to use an affronté helmet, with a crest which most palpably was designed for use in profile. the absurd position which has resulted is chiefly due to the position rules and largely a consequence of the hideous british practice (for no other nation has ever adopted it) of depicting, as is so often done, a coat of arms and crest without the intervening helmet and mantling; though perhaps another cause may have had its influence. i allude to the fact that an animal's head, for example, in profile, is considered quite a different crest to the same animal's head when placed affronté; and so long as this idea holds, and so long as the rules concerning the position of the helmet exist, for so long shall we have these glaring and ridiculous anomalies. and whilst one generation of a family has an affronté helmet and another using the same crest may have a profile one, it is useless to design crests specifically to fit the one or the other. mr. g. w. eve, who is certainly one of the most accomplished heraldic artists of the present time, has adopted a plan in his work which, whilst conforming with the rules to which i have referred, has reduced the peculiarities resulting from their observance to a minimum. his plan is simple, inasmuch as, with a crest which is plainly affronté and has to be depicted upon a profile helmet, he slightly alters the perspective of each, twisting round the helmet, which, whilst remaining slightly in profile, more nearly approaches the affronté position, and bringing the crest slightly round to meet it. in this way he has obtained some very good results from awkward predicaments. mr. joseph foster, in his "peerage and baronetage," absolutely discarded all rules affecting the position of the helmet; and though the artistic results may be excellent, his plan cannot be commended, because whilst rules exist they ought to be adhered to. at the same time, it must be frankly admitted that the laws of position seem utterly unnecessary. no other country has them--they are, as has been shown, impracticable from the artistic { } standpoint; and there can be very little doubt that it is highly desirable that they should be wholly abolished. it is quite proper that there should be some means of distinction, and it would seem well that the helmet with grilles should be reserved for peers. in this we should be following or closely approximating to the rules observed formerly upon the continent, and if all questions of position are waived the only difficulty which remains is the helmet of baronets and knights. the full-faced open helmet is ugly in the extreme--anything would be preferable (except an open helmet in profile), and probably it would be better to wipe out the rule on this point as well. knights of any order have the circle of that order within which to place their shields, and baronets have the augmentations of their rank and degree. the knight bachelor would be the only one to suffer. the gift of a plain circlet around the shield or (following the precedent of a baronet), a spur upon a canton or inescutcheon, could easily remove any cause of complaint. but whilst one may think it well to urge strongly the alteration of existing rules, it should not be considered permissible to ignore rules which undoubtedly do exist whilst those rules remain in force. the helmets of knights and baronets and of esquires and gentlemen, in accordance with present official practice, are usually ornamented with gold, though this would not appear to be a fixed and unalterable rule. when two or more crests need to be depicted, various expedients are adopted. the english official practice is to paint one helmet only, and both the crests are detached from it. the same plan was formerly adopted in scotland. the dexter crest is naturally the more important and the principal one in each case. by using one helmet only the necessity of turning the dexter crest to face the sinister is obviated. the present official method adopted in england of depicting three crests is to use one helmet only, and all three crests face to the dexter. the centre one, which is placed on the helmet, is the principal or first crest, that on the dexter side the second, and the one on the sinister the third. in germany, the land of many crests (no less than thirteen were borne above the shield of the margraves of brandenburg-anspach), there has from the earliest times been a fixed invariable practice of never dissociating a crest from the helmet which supported it, and consequently one helmet to every crest has long been the only recognised procedure. in the united kingdom duplication of crests is quite a modern practice. amongst the plantagenet garter plates there is not a single example to be found of a coat of arms with more than a single crest, and there is no ancient british example of more { } than one helmet which can be referred to for guidance. the custom originated in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in germany. this point is more fully dealt with in the chapter devoted to the consideration of crests, but it may be here noted that in austria a knight may place two and a baron three helmets over his shield. the continental practice is as follows: when the number of the helms is even, they are arranged so that all look inwards towards the centre line of the escutcheon, half being turned to the dexter, half to the sinister. if the number be uneven, the principal helm is placed in the centre affronté, the others with their crests being turned towards it; thus, some face to the dexter, some to the sinister. the crests are always turned with the helmets. in scandinavia the centre helm is affronté; the others, with their crests, are often turned outwards. english officialism, whilst confining its own emblazonments to one helmet only, has never sought to assert that the use of two or more was either incorrect or faulty heraldry, and particularly in these later days of the revival of heraldic art in this country, all heraldic artists, following the german example, are inclined to give each crest its own helmet. this practice has been adopted during the last few years by lyon king of arms, and now all paintings of arms in lyon register which have two crests have the same number of helmets. some of the bath stall plates in henry vii.'s chapel in westminster abbey also display two helmets. when two helmets are used, it has been customary, still following the german model, to turn them to face each other, except in the cases of the full-faced helmets of a knight or baronet, and (with the same exception) when three helmets have been employed the outer ones have been placed to face the centre, whilst the centre one has been placed in profile, as would be the case were it standing alone. but the multiplication of english crests in number, all of which as granted are required to differ, has naturally resulted in the stereotyping of points of difference in attitude, &c., and the inevitable consequence is unfortunately that without sacrificing this character of differentiation it is impossible to allow the english heraldic artist the same latitude and freedom of disposition with regard to crests that his german confrère enjoys. these remarks apply solely to english and irish crests, for scottish practices, requiring no differentiation in the crests, have left scottish crests simple and unspoiled. in england the result is that to "play" with the position of a crest frequently results in an entire alteration of its character, and consequently, as there is nothing whatever in the nature of a law or of a rule to the contrary, it is quite as usual to now find that two profile helmets are both placed to face the dexter, as placed to face each other. another point seems also in { } england to have been lost sight of in borrowing our methods from germany. they hold themselves at liberty to, and usually _do_, make all their _charges on the shield_ face to the centre. this is never done in england, where all face to the dexter. it seems therefore to me an anomaly to apply one rule to the shield and another to the helmet, and personally i prefer that both helmets and all charges should face the dexter. in british heraldry (and in fact the rule is universal) no woman other than a reigning sovereign is permitted to surmount her arms by a helmet. woodward states that "many writers have denied the right of ecclesiastics (and, of course, of women) to the use of helmet and crest. spener, the great german herald, defends their use by ecclesiastics, and says that, in germany at any rate, universal custom is opposed to the restriction. there the prelates, abbots, and abbesses, who held princely fiefs by military tenure, naturally retained the full knightly insignia." in official english heraldry, there is a certain amount of confirmation and a certain amount of contradiction of this supposed rule which denies a helmet to an ecclesiastic. a grant of arms to a clergyman at the present day, and at all times previously, after the granting of crests had become usual, contains the grant of the crest and the emblazonment shows the helmet. but the grant of arms to a bishop is different. the emblazonment of the arms is surmounted by a mitre, and the crest is depicted in the body of the patent away from and distinct from the emblazonment proper in the margin. but the fact that a crest is granted proves that there is not any disability inherent in the ecclesiastic which debars him from the possession of the helmet and crest, and the rule which must be deduced, and which really is the definite and accepted rule, is that a mitre cannot be displayed together with a helmet or crest. it must be one or other, and as the mitre is indicative of the higher rank, it is the crest and helmet which are discarded. there are few rules in heraldry to which exceptions cannot be found, and there is a painting now preserved in the college of arms, which depicts the arms of the bishop of durham surmounted by a helmet, that in its turn being surmounted by the mitre of episcopal rank. but the bishopric of durham was, in addition to its episcopal character, a temporal palatinate, and the arms of the bishops of that see therefore logically present many differences and exceptions from established heraldic rules. the rules with regard to the use of helmets for the coats of arms of corporate bodies are somewhat vague and vary considerably. all counties, cities, and towns, and all corporate bodies to whom crests have been granted in england, have the ordinary closed profile helmet { } of an esquire or gentleman. no grant of a crest has as yet been made to an english university, so that it is impossible to say that no helmet would be allowed, or if it were allowed what it would be. for some reason the arms of the city of london are always depicted with the helmet of a peer, but as the crest is not officially recorded, the privilege necessarily has no official sanction or authority. in scotland the helmet painted upon a grant of arms to town or city is always the open full-faced helmet of a knight or baronet. but in the grant of arms to a county, where it includes a crest, the helmet is that of an esquire, which is certainly curious. in ireland no helmet at all was painted upon the patent granting arms to the city of belfast, in spite of the fact that a crest was included in the grant, and the late ulster king of arms informed me he would not allow a helmet to any impersonal arms. care should be taken to avoid errors of anachronism when depicting helmet and shield. the shapes of these should bear some approximate relation to each other in point of date. it is preferable that the helmet should be so placed that its lower extremity reaches somewhat over the edge of the shield. the inclined position of the shield in emblazonment is borrowed from the natural order of things, because the shield hanging by its chain or shield-strap (the guige), which was so balanced that the shield should most readily fall into a convenient position when slung on the rider's shoulders, would naturally retain its equilibrium only in a slanting direction. { } chapter xxi the crest if uncertainty exists as to the origin of arms, it is as nothing to the huge uncertainty that exists concerning the beginnings of the crest. most wonderful stories are told concerning it; that it meant this and meant the other, that the right to bear a crest was confined to this person or the other person. but practically the whole of the stories of this kind are either wild imagination or conjecture founded upon insufficient facts. the real facts--which one may as well state first as a basis to work upon--are very few and singularly unconvincing, and are useless as original data from which to draw conclusions. first of all we have the definite, assured, and certain fact that the earliest known instance of a crest is in , and we find evidence of the use of arms before that date. the next fact is that we find infinitely more variation in the crests used by given families than in the arms, and that whilst the variations in the arms are as a rule trivial, and not affecting the general design of the shield, the changes in the crest are frequently radical, the crest borne by a family at one period having no earthly relation to that borne by the same family at another. again, we find that though the occasional use of a crest can (by isolated instances) be taken back, as already stated, to a fairly early period, the use of crests did not become general until very much later. another fact is that, except perhaps in the persons of sovereigns, there is no official instance, nor any other authentic instance of importance, in which a crest appears ever to have been used by a woman until these recent and unfortunate days when unofficial examples can be found of the wildest ignorance of all armorial rules. the foregoing may be taken as general principles which no authentic instance known can be said to refute. bearing these in mind, let us now see what other results can be obtained by deduction from specific instances. the earliest form in which anything can be found in the nature of a crest is the lion upon the head-dress of geoffrey, count of anjou (fig. ). this has been already referred to. { } the helmet of philippe d'alsace, count of flanders (_c._ ), has painted upon the side the same figure of a lion which appears upon his shield. what is usually accepted as the earliest authenticated instance of a regular crest is that afforded by the great seal of king richard i. of england, which shows over the helmet a lion passant painted upon the fan-shaped ornament which surmounts the helmet. if one accepts--as most people nowadays are inclined to do--the darwinian theory of evolution, the presumption is that the development of the human being, through various intermediate links including the ape, can be traced back to those cell-like formations which are the most "original" types of life which are known to us. at the same time one is hardly disposed to assert that some antediluvian jellyfish away back in past ages was the first human being. by a similar, but naturally more restricted argument, one cannot accept these paintings upon helmets, nor possibly can one accept paintings upon the fan-like ornaments which surmounted the helmet, as examples of crests. the rudiments and origin of crests doubtless they were. crests they were not. we must go back, once again, to the bed-rock of the peacock-popinjay vanity ingrained in human nature. the same impulse which nowadays leads to the decoration of the helmets of the life guards with horsehair plumes and regimental badges, the cocked hats of field-marshals and other officers with waving plumes, the képis of commissionaires, and the smasher hats of colonial irregulars with cocks' feathers, the hat of the poacher and gamekeeper with a pheasant's feather, led unquestionably to the "decoration" of the helmets of the armoured knights of old. the matter was just a combination of decoration and vanity. at first (fig. ) they frequently painted their helmets, and as with the gradual evolution and crystallisation of armory a certain form of decoration (the device upon his shield) became identified with a certain person, that particular device was used for the decoration of the helmet and painted thereupon. then it was found that a fan-shaped erection upon the helmet improved its appearance, and, without adding greatly to its weight, advantaged it as a head protection by attracting the blow of an opponent's sword, and lessening or nullifying its force ere the blow reached the actual crown-plates of the helmet. possibly in this we see the true origin (as in the case of the scalloped edges of the mantling) of the serrated border which appears upon these fan-shaped erections. but this last suggestion is no more than a conjecture of my own, and may not be correct, for human nature has always had a weakness for decoration, and ever has been agreeable to pay the extra { } penny in the "tuppence" for the coloured or decorated variety. the many instances which can be found of these fan-shaped ornaments upon helmets in a perfectly undecorated form leads me to unhesitatingly assert that they originated _not_ as crests, nor as a vehicle for the display of crests, but as an integral and protective part of the _helmet_ itself. the origin of the crest is due to the decoration of the fan. the derivation of the word "crest," from the latin _crista_, a cock's comb, should put the supposition beyond any doubt. disregarding crests of later grant or assumption, one can assert with confidence that a large proportion of those--particularly in german armory, where they are so frequent--which we now find blazoned or depicted as wings or plumes, carrying a device, are nothing more than developments of or derivatives from these fan-shaped ornaments. [illustration: fig. .--from the seal ( ) of richard fitzalan, earl of arundel.] [illustration: fig. .--from the seal ( ) of humphrey de bohm, earl of hereford.] [illustration: fig. .--from the seal ( ) of edward of carnarvon, prince of wales.] these fans being (from other reasons) in existence, of course, and very naturally, were painted and decorated, and equally of course such decoration took the form of the particular decoration associated with the owner, namely, the device upon the shield. it seems to me, and for long has so seemed, essentially strange that no specialist authority, writing upon armory, has noticed that these "fans" (as i will call them) are really a part, though possibly only a decorative part, of the helmet itself. there has always in these matters been far too great a tendency on the part of writers to accept conclusions of earlier authorities ready made, and to simply treat these fans as selected and chosen crests. figs. - are instances of helmets having these fans. all are { } taken from seals, and it is quite possible that the actual fans upon the seal helmets had some device painted upon them which it was impossible by reason of the size to represent upon the seal. as has been already stated, the great seal of richard i. does show a lion painted on the fan. there are many examples of the heraldic development of these fans,--for their use obtained even in this country long after the real heraldic crest had an assured footing--and a typical example occurs in fig. , but probably the best-known instance, one which has been often illustrated, is that from the effigy of sir geoffrey de luttrell (_c._ ), which shows a fan of this character upon which the entire luttrell arms are depicted. [illustration: fig. .--arms of the family of schaler (basle): gules, a bend of lozenges argent. (from the zürich roll of arms.)] [illustration: fig. .--modern reverse of the common seal of the city of london ( ).] a much later instance in this country will be found in the seal (dated ) of the city of london, which shows upon the helmet one of these fan-shaped ornaments, charged with the cross of the city arms (fig. ). the arms of the city of london are recorded in the college of arms (vincent) without a crest (and by the way without supporters) and this seal affords a curious but a very striking and authentic instance of the extreme accuracy of the records of the college of arms. there being no crest for the city of london at the time of the preparation of this seal, recourse was had to the ancient practice of depicting the whole or a part (in this case a part) of the device of the shield upon a fan surmounting the helmet. in course of time this fan, in the case of london, as in so many other cases, has through ignorance been { } converted or developed into a wing, but the "rays" of the fan in this instance are preserved in the "rays" of the dragon's wing (charged with a cross) which the crest is now supposed to be. whilst dealing with the arms of london, one of the favourite "flaring" examples of ancient but unrecorded arms often mentioned as an instance in which the records of the college of arms are at fault, perhaps i may be pardoned for adding that the shield _is_ recorded. the crest and supporters are not. the seeming omission as to the crest is explained above. the real supporters of the city of london, to which a claim by user _could_ (even now) be established (they are two lions, not dragons), had, with the single exception of their use upon the mayor's seal, which use is continued to the present day, been practically discarded. consequently the lions as supporters remained unclaimed, and therefore are not recorded. the supporters now used (two dragons) are _raw new_ adornments, of which no example can be found before the seventeenth century. those naturally, being "assumed" without authority at so recent a date, are not recorded, which is yet another testimony to the impartial accuracy of the heralds' college records. the use of the fan-crest has long been obsolete in british armory, in which it can hardly ever be said to have had a very great footing, unless such use was prevalent in the thirteenth century; but it still survives in germany at the present day, where, in spite of the fact that many of these fans have now degenerated into reduplications of the arms upon wings or plumes of feathers, other crests to a considerable number are still displayed upon "fans." many of the current practices in british armory are the culmination of long-continued ignorance. some, mayhap, can be allowed to pass without comment, but others deserve at any rate their share of criticism and remark. amongst such may be included the objectionable practice, in the grants of so many modern crests, of making the crest itself a _shield_ carrying a repetition of the arms or some other device, or of introducing in the crest an escutcheon. to the resuscitation of these "fan" repetitions of the shield device there is not, and cannot be, any objection. one would even, in these days of the multiplication of differentiated crests, recommend this as a relief from the abominable rows of assorted objects nowadays placed (for the purposes of differentiation) in front of so many modern crests. one would gladly see a reversion to the german development (from this source) of wings charged with the arms or a part of the armorial device; but one of the things a new grantee should pray to be delivered from is an escutcheon of any sort, shape, or form in the crest assigned to him. { } to return, however, to the "fans" upon the early helmets. many of the examples which have come down to us show the fan of a rather diminutive height, but (in the form of an arc of a much enlarged circle) projected far forward beyond the front of the helmet, and carried far back, apparently as a safeguard from blows which would otherwise descend upon the neck. (a survival of the fan, by the way, may perhaps be found in the dragoon helmets of the time of the peninsular war, in the firemen's helmets of to-day, and in the helmets now worn by different regiments in the italian army.) the very shape of these fans should prove they were originally a protective part of the helmet. the long low shape, however, did not, as a general circumstance, lend itself to its decoration by a duplication thereupon of the whole of the arms. consequently these fans will nearly always be found simply adorned with one figure from the shield. it should not be forgotten that we are now dealing with a period in armory when the charges upon the shield itself were very much, as far as number and position are concerned, of an indeterminate character. if they were indeterminate for the shield, it evidences that there cannot have been any idea of a necessity to repeat the whole of the device upon the fan. as there was seldom room or opportunity for the display of the whole device, we invariably find that these fan decorations were a duplication of a distinctive part, but not necessarily the whole of the device; and this device was disposed in the most suitable position which the shape of the fan would accommodate. herein is the explanation of the fact that whilst the arms of percy, talbot, and mowbray were all, in varying tinctures, a lion rampant, the crest in each case was a lion passant or statant. in short, the fan did not lend itself to the representation of a lion rampant, and consequently there is no early instance of such a crest. perhaps the insecurity of a large and heavy crest balanced upon one leg may be an added reason. the next step in the evolution of the crest, there can be little doubt, was the cutting of the fan into the outline of the crest, and though i know of no instance of such a crest on any effigy, there can be no reasonable doubt on the point, if a little thought is given to the matter. until a very much later period, we never find in any heraldic representation that the helmet or crest are represented in an affronté position. why? simply because crests at that period were merely profile representations. in later days, when tournament crests were made of leather, the weight even of these was very considerable, but for tournament purposes that weight could be endured. half-a-dozen courses down the _barrière_ would be a vastly different matter to a whole day under arms in actual battle. now a crest cut out from a thin plate of metal set { } on edge would weigh but little. but perhaps the strongest proof of all is to be found in the construction of so many german crests, which are adorned down the back with a fan. now it is hardly likely, if the demi-lion in relief had been the earliest form, that the fan would have been subsequently added to it. the fan is nothing more than the remains of the original fan-shaped ornament left when the crest, or most likely only the front outline of it, had been cut out in profile from the fan. we have no instance until a very much later period of a crest which could not be depicted in profile, and in the representations of crests upon seals we have no means of forming a certain judgment that these representations are not of profile crests, for the very nature of the craft of seal-engraving would lead the engraver to add a certain amount of relief, even if this did not actually exist. it is out of the question to suppose, by reason of their weight, that crests were made in metal. but if made of leather, as were the tournament crests, what protection did the crest add to the helmet? the fact that wreaths and coronets did not come into use at the earliest advent of crests is confirmatory evidence of the fact that modelled crests did not exist, inasmuch as the fan prolonged in front and prolonged behind was narrowed at its point of contact with the helmet into such a diminished length that it was comparatively easy to slip the mantling by means of a slit over the fan, or even drape it round it. many of the old illustrations of tournaments and battles which have come down to us show no crests on the helmets, but merely plumes of feathers or some fan-shaped erection. consequently it is a fairly safe conclusion that for the actual purposes of warfare modelled crests never had any real existence, or, if they had any such existence, that it was most limited. modelled crests were tournament crests. the crests that were used in battle must have been merely cut out in profile from the fan. then came the era, in plantagenet times, of the tournament. we talk glibly about tournaments, but few indeed really know much about them. trial by combat and the real tournament _à l'outrance_ seldom occurred, and though trial by combat remained upon the statute-book until the geo. iii., it was seldom invoked. tournaments were chiefly in the nature of athletic displays, taking the place of our games and sports, and inasmuch as they contributed to the training of the soldier, were held in the high repute that polo, for example, now enjoys amongst the upper and military classes. added to this, the tournament was the essential climax of ceremony and ceremonial, and in all its details was ordered by such strict regulations, rules, and supervision that its importance and its position in the public and official estimate was far in advance of its present-day equivalents. { } the joust was fought with tilting-spears, the "tourney" with swords. the rules and regulations for jousts and tournaments drawn up by the high constable of england in the reign of edward iv. show clearly that in neither was contemplated any risk of life. in the tourney the swords were blunted and without points, but the principal item was always the joust, which was fought with tilting-spears and shields. many representations of the tourney show the participants without shields. the general ignorance as to the manner in which the tilt was run is very widespread. a strong barrier was erected straight down the centre of the lists, and the knights were placed one on either side, so that by no possible chance could the two horses come into contact. those who will read mallory's "morte d'arthur" carefully--bearing in mind that mallory described legendary events of an earlier period clothed in the manners and customs of his own day (time of edward iv.), and made no attempt to reproduce the manners and customs and real atmosphere of the arthurian times, which could have had no relation to the manners and proceedings which sir thomas mallory employs in telling his legends--will notice that, when it came to jousting, some half-dozen courses would be all that were run between contending knights. in fact the tournament rules above referred to say, for the tourney, that two blows at passage and ten at the joining ought to suffice. the time which this would occupy would not exceed the period for which any man could easily sustain the weight of a modelled crest. [illustration: fig. .--crest of roger de quincey, earl of winchester (d. ). (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--crest of thomas, earl of lancaster. (from his seal, .)] another point needs to be borne in mind. the result of a joust depended upon the points scored, the highest number being gained for the absolute unhorsing of an opponent. this, however, happened comparatively seldom, and points or "spears" were scored for the lances broken upon an opponent's helmet, shield, or body, and the points so scored were subject to deduction if the opponent's horse were touched, and under other circumstances. the head of the tilting-spear which was used was a kind of rosette, and heraldic representations are really incorrect in adding a point when the weapon is described as a tilting-spear. whilst a fine point meeting a wooden shield or metal armour would stick in the one or glance off the other, and neither result in the breaking of the lance nor in the unhorsing of the opponent, a broad rosette would convey a heavy shock. but to effect the desired object the tilting-spear would need to meet resistance, and little would be gained by knocking off an opponent's ornamental crest. certainly no prize appears to have been allotted for the performance of this feat (which always attracts the imagination of the novelist), whilst there was for striking the "sight" of the helmet. consequently there was nothing to be gained from the protection to { } the helmet which the fan of earlier date afforded, and the tendency of ceremonial led to the use in tournaments of helmets and elaborate crests which were not those used in battle. the result is that we find these tournament or ceremonial crests were of large and prominent size, and were carved in wood, or built up of leather. but i firmly believe that these crests were used only for ceremonial and tournament purposes, and were never actually worn in battle. that these modelled crests in relief are the ones that we find upon effigies is only natural, and what one would expect, inasmuch as a man's effigy displayed his garments and accoutrements in the most ornate and honourable form. the same idea exists at the present day. the subjects of modern effigies and modern portraits are represented in robes, and with insignia which are seldom if ever worn, and which sometimes even have no existence in fact. in the same way the ancient effigies are the representations of the ceremonial dress and not the everyday garb of those for whom they stand. but even allowing all the foregoing, it must be admitted that it is from these ceremonial or tournament helmets and crests that the heraldic crest has obtained its importance, and herein lies the reason of the exaggerated size of early heraldic crests, and also the unsuitability of some few for actual use. tournaments were flourishing in the plantagenet, yorkist, and lancastrian periods, and ended with the days of the tudor dynasty; and the plantagenet period witnessed the rise of the ceremonial and heraldic crest. but in the days when crests had any actual existence they were made to fit the helmet, and the crests in figs. - show crests very much more naturally disposed than those of later periods. { } crests appear to have come into wider and more general use in germany at an earlier period than is the case in this country, for in the early part of the thirteenth century seals are there to be met with having only the device of helmet and crest thereupon, a proof that the "oberwappen" (helmet and crest) was then considered of equal or greater value than the shield. [illustration: fig. .--crest of william de montagu, earl of salisbury (d. ). (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--crest of thomas de mowbray, earl of nottingham, and earl marshal. (from a drawing of his seal, : ms cott., julius, c. vii.)] the actual tournament crests were made of light material, pasteboard, cloth, or a leather shell over a wood or wire framework filled with tow, sponge, or sawdust. fig. , which shows the shield, helmet, and crest of the black prince undoubtedly contemporary, dating from , and now remaining in canterbury cathedral, is made of leather and is a good example of an actual crest, but even this, there can be little doubt, was never carried in battle or tournament, and is no more than a ceremonial crest made for the funeral pageant. the heraldic wings which are so frequently met with in crests are not the natural wings of a bird, but are a development from the fan, and in actual crests were made of wooden or basket-work strips, and probably at an earlier date were not intended to represent wings, but were mere pieces of wood painted and existing for the display of a certain device. their shape and position led to their transition into "wings," and then they were covered with dyed or natural-coloured feathers. it was the art of heraldic emblazonment which ignored the practical details, that first copied the wing from nature. actual crests were fastened to the helmets they surmounted by { } means of ribbons, straps, laces (which developed later into the fillet and torse), or rivets, and in germany they were ornamented with hanging and tinkling metal leaves, tiny bells, buffalo horns, feathers, and projecting pieces of wood, which formed vehicles for still further decorative appendages. then comes the question, what did the crest signify? many have asserted that no one below the rank of a knight had the right to use a crest; in fact some writers have asserted, and doubtless correctly as regards a certain period, that only those who were of tournament rank might assume the distinction, and herein lies another confirmation of the supposition that crests had a closer relation to the tournament than to the battlefield. doubts as to a man's social position might disqualify him from participation in a tournament--hence the "helme-schau" previously referred to--but they certainly never relieved him from the obligations of warfare imposed by the tenure under which he held his lands. there is no doubt, however, that whatever the regulation may have been--and there seems little chance of our ever obtaining any real knowledge upon the point--the right to display a crest was an additional privilege and honour, something extra and beyond the right to a shield of arms. for how long any such supposition held good it is difficult to say, for whilst we find in the latter part of the fourteenth century that all the great nobles had assumed and were using crests, and whilst there is but one amongst the plantagenet garter plates without a crest where a helmet has been represented above the shield, we also find that the great bulk of the lesser landed gentry bore arms, but made no pretension to a crest. the lesser gentry were bound to fight in war, but not necessarily in the tournament. arms were a necessity of warfare, crests were not. this continued to be the case till the end of the sixteenth century, for we find that at one of the visitations no crests whatever are inserted with the arms and pedigrees of the families set out in the visitation book, and one is probably justified in assuming that whilst this state of feeling and this idea existed, the crest was highly thought of, and valued possibly beyond the shield of arms, for with those of that rank of life which aspired to the display of a crest the right to arms would be a matter of course. in the latter part of the reign of queen elizabeth and in stuart days the granting of crests to ancient arms became a widespread practice. scores upon scores of such grants can be referred to, and i have myself been led to the irresistible conclusion that the opportunity afforded by the grant of a crest was urged by the heralds and officers of arms, in order to give them the opportunity of confirming and recording arms which they knew needed such confirmation to be { } rendered legal, without giving offence to those who had borne these arms merely by strength of user for some prolonged but at the same time insufficient period to confer an unquestioned right. that has always seemed to me the obvious reason which accounts for these numberless grants of crests to apparently existing arms, which arms are recited and emblazoned in the patents, because there are other grants of crests which can be referred to, though these are singularly few in number, in which the arms are entirely ignored. but as none of these grants, which are of a crest only, appear to have been made to families whose right to arms was not absolutely beyond question or dispute, the conclusion above recited appears to be irresistible. the result of these numerous grants of crests, which i look upon as carrying greater importance in the sense that they were also confirmations of the arms, resulted in the fact that the value and dignity of the crest slowly but steadily declined, and the cessation of tournaments and, shortly afterwards, the marked decline in funereal pageantry no doubt contributed largely to the same result. throughout the stuart period instances can be found, though not very frequently, of grants of arms without the grant of a crest being included in the patent; but the practice was soon to entirely cease, and roughly speaking one may assert that since the beginning of the hanoverian dynasty no person has ever been granted arms without the corresponding grant of a crest, if a crest could be properly borne with the arms. now no crest has ever been granted where the right to arms has not existed or been simultaneously conferred, and therefore, whilst there are still many coats of arms legally in existence without a crest, a crest cannot exist without a coat of arms, so that those people, and they are many, who vehemently assert a right to the "_crest_ of their family," whilst admitting they have no right to arms, stand self-convicted heraldically both of having spoken unutterable rubbish, and of using a crest to which they can have no possible right. one exception, and one only, have i ever come across to the contrary, and very careful inquiry can bring me knowledge of no other. that crest is the crest of a family of buckworth, now represented by sir charles buckworth-herne-soame, bart. this family at the time of the visitations exhibited a certain coat of arms and crest. the coat of arms, which doubtless interfered with the rights of some other family, was respited for further proof; but the crest, which did not, appears to have been allowed, and as nothing further was done with regard to the arms, the crest stood, whilst the arms were bad. but even this one exception has long since been rectified, for when the additional name and arms of soame were assumed by royal license, the arms which had been exhibited and respited were (with the addition of an ermine spot as a charge upon the chevron) granted as the arms of buckworth to be borne quarterly with the arms of soame. plate vi. [illustration] { } with the cessation of tournaments, we get to the period which some writers have stigmatised as that of "paper" heraldry. that is a reference to the fact that arms and crests ceased to be painted upon shields or erected upon helmets that enjoyed actual use in battle and tournament. those who are so ready to decry modern heraldry forget that from its very earliest existence heraldry has always had the _same_ significance as a symbol of rank and social position which it now enjoys and which remains undiminished in extent, though doubtless less potent in effect. they forget also that from the very earliest period armory had three uses--viz. its martial use, its decorative use, and its use as a symbol of ownership. the two latter uses still remain in their entirety, and whilst that is the case, armory cannot be treated as a dead science. but with the cessation of tournaments the decorative became the chief use of arms, and the crest soon ceased to have that distinctive adaptability to the purpose of a helmet ornament. up to the end of the tudor period crests had retained their original simplicity. animals' heads and animals passant, human heads and demi-animals, comprised the large majority of the early crests. scottish heraldry in a marked degree has retained the early simplicity of crests, though at the expense of lack of distinction between the crests of different families. german heraldry has to a large extent retained the same character as has scottish armory, and though many of the crests are decidedly elaborated, it is noticeable that this elaboration is never such as to render the crest unsuitable for its true position upon a helmet. in england this aspect of the crest has been almost entirely lost sight of, and a large proportion of the crests in modern english grants are utterly unsuitable for use in relief upon an actual helmet. our present rules of position for a helmet, and our unfortunate stereotyped form of wreath, are largely to blame, but the chief reason is the definite english rule that the crests of separate english families must be differentiated as are the arms. no such rule holds good in scotland, hence their simple crests. whether the rule is good or bad it is difficult to say. when all the pros and cons have been taken into consideration, the whole discussion remains a matter of opinion, and whilst one dislikes the scottish idea under which the same identical crest can be and regularly is granted to half-a-dozen people of as many different surnames, one objects very considerably to the typical present-day crest of an english grant of arms. whilst a collar can be put round an animal's neck, and whilst it can hold objects in its mouth or paws, it does seem { } ridiculous to put a string of varied and selected objects "in front" of it, when these plainly would only be visible from one side, or to put a crest "between" objects if these are to be represented "fore and aft," one toppling over the brow of the wearer of the helmet and the other hanging down behind. the crests granted by the late sir albert woods, garter, are the crying grievance of modern english heraldry, and though a large proportion are far greater abortions than they need be, and though careful thought and research even yet will under the present régime result in the grant of at any rate a quite unobjectionable crest, nevertheless we shall not obtain a real reform, or attain to any appreciable improvement, until the "position" rule as to helmets is abolished. some of the crests mentioned hereunder are typical and awful examples of modern crests. crest of bellasis of marton, westmoreland: a mount vert, thereon a lion couchant guardant azure, in front of a tent proper, lined gules. crest of hermon of preston, lancashire, and wyfold court, checkendon, oxon.: in front of two palm-trees proper, a lion couchant guardant erminois, resting the dexter claw upon a bale of cotton proper. motto: "fido non timeo." crest of james harrison, esq., m.a., barrister-at-law: in front of a demi-lion rampant erased or, gorged with a collar gemelle azure, and holding between the paws a wreath of oak proper, three mascles interlaced also azure. motto: "pro rege et patria." crest of colonel john davis, f.s.a., of bifrons, hants: a lion's head erased sable, charged with a caltrap or, upon two swords in saltire proper, hilted and pommelled also or. motto: "ne tentes, aut perfice." crest of the late sir saul samuel, bart., k.c.m.g.: upon a rock in front of three spears, one in pale and two in saltire, a wolf current sable, pierced in the breast by an arrow argent, flighted or. motto: "a pledge of better times." crest of jonson of kennal manor, chislehurst, kent: in front of a dexter arm embowed in armour proper, the hand also proper, grasping a javelin in bend sinister, pheoned or, and enfiled with a chaplet of roses gules, two branches of oak in saltire vert. crest of c. e. lamplugh, esq.: in front of a cubit arm erect proper, encircled about the wrist with a wreath of oak and holding in the hand a sword also proper, pommel and hilt or, an escutcheon argent, charged with a goat's head couped sable. mottoes: "through," and "providentia dei stabiliuntur familiæ." crest of glasford, scotland: "issuing from clouds two hands conjoined grasping a caduceus ensigned with a cap of liberty, all between two cornucopiæ all proper. motto: "prisca fides." we now come to the subject of the inheritance of crests, concerning which there has been much difference of opinion. it is very usually asserted that until a comparatively recent date crests were not hereditary, but were assumed, discarded, and changed at pleasure. like many other incorrect statements, there is a certain modicum of truth in the statement, for no doubt whilst arms themselves { } had a more or less shifting character, crests were certainly not "fixed" to any greater extent. but i think no one has as yet discovered, or at any rate brought into notice, the true facts of the case, or the real position of the matter, and i think i am the first to put into print what actually were the rules which governed the matter. the rules, i believe, were undoubtedly these:-- crests were, save in the remote beginning of things heraldic, definitely hereditary. they were hereditary even to the extent (and herein lies the point which has not hitherto been observed) that they were transmitted by an heiress. perhaps this heritability was limited to those cases in which the heiress transmitted the _de facto_ headship of her house. we, judging by present laws, look upon the crest as a part of the _one_ heraldic achievement inseparable from the shield. what proof have we that in early times any necessary connection between arms and crest existed? we have none. the shield of arms was one inheritance, descending by known rules. the crest was another, but a separate inheritance, descending equally through an heir or coheir-general. the crest was, as an inheritance, as separate from the shield as were the estates then. the social conditions of life prevented the possibility of the existence or inheritance of a crest where arms did not exist. but a man inheriting several coats of arms from different heiress ancestresses could marshal them all upon one shield, and though we find the heir often made selection at his pleasure, and marshalled the arms in various methods, the determination of which was a mere matter of arbitrary choice, he could, if he wished, use them all upon one shield. but he had but one helmet, and could use and display but one crest. so that, if he had inherited two, he was forced to choose which he would use, though he sometimes tried to combine two into one device. it is questionable if an instance can be found in england of the regular display of two helmets and crests together, surmounting one shield, before the eighteenth century, but there are countless instances of the contemporary but separate display of two different crests, and the visitation records afford us some number of instances of this tacit acknowledgment of the inheritance of more than one crest. the patent altering or granting the mowbray crest seems to me clear recognition of the right of inheritance of a crest passing through an heir female. this, however, it must be admitted, may be really no more than a grant, and is not in itself actual evidence that any crest had been previously borne. my own opinion, however, is that it is fair presumptive evidence upon the point, and conveys an alteration and not a grant. the translation of this patent (patent roll , ric. ii. pt. , { } memb. ) is as follows: "the king to all to whom, &c., greeting, know that whereas our well-beloved and faithful kinsman, thomas, earl-marshal and earl of nottingham, has a just hereditary title to bear for his crest a leopard or with a white label, which should be of right the crest of our eldest son if we had begotten a son. we, for this consideration, have granted for us and our heirs to the said thomas and his heirs that for a difference in this crest they shall and may bear a leopard, and in place of a label a crown argent, without hindrance from us or our heirs aforesaid.--in witness, &c. witness the king at westminster, the th day of january [ ric. ii.]. by writ of privy seal." cases will constantly be found in which the crests have been changed. i necessarily totally exclude from consideration crests which have been changed owing to specific grants, and also changes due to the discarding of crests which can be shown to have been borne without right. changes in crests must also be disregarded where the differences in emblazonment are merely differences in varying designs of the same crest. necessarily from none of these instances can a law of inheritance be deduced. but if other changes in the crests of important families be considered, i think it will be very evident that practically the whole of these are due to the inheritance through heiresses or ancestresses of an alternative crest. it can be readily shown that selection played an important part in the marshalling of quarterings upon an escutcheon, and where important quarterings were inherited they are as often as not found depicted in the first quarter. thus the howards have borne at different periods the wings of howard; the horse of fitzalan; and the royal crest granted to the mowbrays with remainder to the heir general; and these crests have been borne, as will be seen from the garter plates, quite irrespective of what the surname in use may have been. consequently it is very evident the crests were considered to be inherited with the representation of the different families. the stourton crest was originally a stag's head, and is to be seen recorded in one of the visitations, and upon the earliest seal in existence of any member of the family. but after the inheritance through the heiress of le moyne, the le moyne crest of the demi-monk was adopted. the stanleys, earls of derby, whatever their original crest may have been, inherited the well-known bird and bantling of the family of lathom. the talbot crest was originally a talbot, and this is still so borne by lord talbot of malahide: it was recorded at the visitation of dublin; but the crest at present borne by the earls of shrewsbury is derived from the arms inherited by descent from gwendolin, daughter of rhys ap griffith. the nevill crest was a bull's head as it is now borne by the marquess { } of abergavenny, and as it will be seen on the garter plate of william nevill, lord fauconberg. an elder brother of lord fauconberg had married the heiress of the earl of salisbury, and was summoned to parliament in her earldom. he quartered her arms, which appear upon his garter plate and seal, in the first and fourth quarters of his shield, and adopted her crest. a younger son of sir richard nevill, earl of salisbury, bore the same crest differenced by two annulets conjoined, which was the difference mark added to the shield. the crest of bourchier was a soldan's head crowned, and with a pointed cap issuing from the crown, but when the barony of bourchier passed to the family of robsart, as will be seen from the garter plate of sir lewis robsart, lord bourchier, the crest of bourchier was adopted with the inheritance of the arms and barony of bourchier. i am aware of no important case in english heraldry where the change has been due to mere caprice, and it would seem therefore an almost incontrovertible assertion that changes were due to inheritance, and if that can be established it follows even more strongly that until the days when armory was brought under rigid and official control, and even until a much later date, say up to the beginning of the stuart period, crests were heritable through heiresses equally with quarterings. the fact that we find comparatively few changes considering the number of crests in existence is by no means a refutation of this theory, because a man had but one helmet, and was forced therefore to make a selection. unless, therefore, he had a very strong inclination it would be more likely that he would select the crest he was used to than a fresh one. i am by no means certain that to a limited extent the german idea did not hold in england. this was, and is, that the crest had not the same personal character that was the case with the arms, but was rather attached to or an appanage of the territorial fief or lordship. by the time of the restoration any idea of the transmission of crests through heiresses had been abandoned. we then find a royal license necessary for the assumption of arms and crests. since that date it has been and at the present time it is stringently held, and is the official rule, that no woman can bear or inherit a crest, and that no woman can transmit a right to one. whilst that is the official and accepted interpretation of heraldic law upon the point, and whilst it cannot now be gainsaid, it cannot, however, be stated that the one assertion is the logical deduction of the other, for whilst a woman cannot inherit a lordship of parliament, she undoubtedly can transmit one, together with the titular honours, the enjoyment of which is not denied to her. in scotland crests have always had a very much less important position than in england. there has been little if any continuity { } with regard to them, and instances of changes for which caprice would appear to be the only reason are met with in the cases of a large proportion of the chief families in that kingdom. to such a widespread extent has the permissive character been allowed to the crest, that many cases will be found in which each successive matriculation for the head of the house, or for a cadet, has produced a change in the crest, and instances are to be found where the different crests are the only existing differences in the achievements of a number of cadets of the same family. at the present time, little if any objection is ever made to an entire and radical change in the crest--if this is wished at the time of a rematriculation--and as far as i can gather such changes appear to have always been permitted. perhaps it may be well here to point out that this is not equivalent to permission to change the crest at pleasure, because the patent of matriculation until it is superseded by another is the authority, and the compulsory authority, for the crest which is to be borne. in germany the crest has an infinitely greater importance than is the case with ourselves, but it is there considered in a large degree a territorial appanage, and it is by no means unusual in a german achievement to see several crests surmounting a single coat of arms. in england the royal coat of arms has really three crests, although the crests of scotland and ireland are seldom used, which, it may be noted, are all in a manner territorial; but the difference of idea with which crests are regarded in germany may be gathered from the fact that the king of saxony has five, the grand duke of mecklenburg-schwerin five, the grand duke of saxe-meiningen six, the grand duke of saxe-altenburg seven, the duke of anhalt seven, the duke of saxe-coburg and gotha six, the prince of schwartzburg-sondershausen six, the prince of schwartzburg-rudolstadt six, the prince of waldeck-pyrmont five, the prince of lippe five, the duke of brunswick five, and instances can be quoted of sixteen and seventeen. probably woodward is correct when he says that each crest formerly denoted a noble fief, for which the proprietor had a right to vote in the "circles" of the empire, and he instances the margraves of brandenburg-anspach, who were entitled to no less than thirteen crests. in france the use of crests is not nearly so general as in england or germany. in spain and portugal it is less frequent still, and in italy the use of a crest is the exception. the german practice of using horns on either side of the crest, which the ignorance of english heralds has transformed into the proboscides of elephants, is dealt with at some length on page . the horns, which are termed buffalo's or bull's horns until the middle of the thirteenth century, were short and thick-set. it is difficult to { } say at what date these figures came to be considered as heraldic _crests_, for as mere helmet ornaments they probably can be traced back very far beyond any proof of the existence of armory. in the fourteenth century we find the horns curved inwards like a sickle, but later the horns are found more erect, the points turning outwards, slimmer in shape, and finally they exhibit a decidedly marked double curve. then the ends of the horns are met with open, like a trumpet, the fact which gave rise to the erroneous idea that they represented elephants' trunks. the horns became ornamented with feathers, banners, branches of leaves, balls, &c., and the orifices garnished with similar adornments. in england, crests are theoretically subject to marks of cadency and difference. this is not the case, however, in any other country. in germany, in cases where the crests reproduce the arms, any mark of cadency with which the arms are distinguished will of course be repeated; but in german heraldry, doubtless owing to the territorial nature of the crest, a change in the crest itself is often the only mark of distinction between different branches of the same family, and in siebmacher's _wappenbuch_ thirty-one different branches of the zorn family have different crests, which are the sole marks of difference in the achievements. but though british crests are presumed to be subject to the recognised marks of cadency, as a matter of fact it is very seldom indeed that they are ever so marked, with the exception that the mark used (usually a cross crosslet) to signify the lack of blood relationship when arms are assumed under a royal license, is compulsory. marks of distinction added to signify illegitimacy are also compulsory and perpetual. what these marks are will be dealt with in a subsequent chapter upon the subject. how very seldom a mark of difference is added to a crest may be gathered from the fact that with the exception of labels, chiefly upon the royal crest, one crest only amongst the plantagenet garter plates is differenced, that one being the crest of john neville, lord montague. several crests, however, which are not royal, are differenced by similar labels to those which appear upon the shields; but when we find that the difference marks have very much of a permissive character, even upon the shield, it is not likely that they are perpetuated upon the crest, where they are even less desirable. the arms of cokayne, as given in the funeral certificate of sir william cokayne, lord mayor of london, show upon the shield three crescents, sable, or, and gules, charged one upon the other, the lord mayor being the second son of a second son of cokayne of sturston, descending from william, second son of sir john cokayne of ashborne. but, in spite of the fact that three difference marks are charged upon the shield (one of the quarterings of which, by the way, { } has an additional mark), the crest itself is only differenced by one crescent. these difference marks, as applied to arms, are in england (the rules in scotland are utterly distinct) practically permissive, and are never enforced against the wish of the bearer except in one circumstance. if, owing to the grant of a crest or supporters, or a royal license, or any similar opportunity, a formal exemplification of the arms is entered on the books of the college of arms, the opportunity is generally taken to add such mark of cadency as may be necessary; and no certificate would be officially issued to any one claiming arms through that exemplification except subject to the mark of cadency therein depicted. in such cases as these the crest is usually differenced, because the necessity for an exemplification does not often occur, except owing to the establishment of an important branch of the family, which is likely to continue as a separate house in the future, and possibly to rival the importance of the chief of the name. two examples will show my meaning. the crest of the duke of bedford is a goat statant argent, armed or. when earl russell, the third son of the sixth duke of bedford, was so created, the arms, crest, and supporters were charged with a mullet argent. when the first lord ampthill, who was the third son of the father of the ninth duke of bedford, was so created, the arms of russell, with the crest and supporters, were also charged with mullets, these being of different tinctures from those granted to earl russell. the crest of the duke of westminster is a talbot statant or. the first lord stalbridge was the second son of the marquess of westminster. his arms, crest, and supporters were charged with a crescent. lord ebury was the third son of the first marquess of westminster. his arms, crest, and supporters were charged with a mullet. in cases of this kind the mark of difference upon the crest would be considered permanent; but for ordinary purposes, and in ordinary circumstances, the rule may be taken to be that it is not necessary to add the mark of cadency to a crest, even when it is added to the shield, but that, at the same time, it is not incorrect to do so. crests must nowadays always be depicted upon either a wreath, coronet, or chapeau; but these, and the rules concerning them, will be considered in a more definite and detailed manner in the separate chapters in which those objects are discussed. crests are nowadays very frequently used upon livery buttons. such a usage is discussed at some length in the chapter on badges. when two or more crests are depicted together, and when, as is often the case in england, the wreaths are depicted in space, and without the intervening helmets, the crests always all face to the dexter side, and the stereotyped character of english crests perhaps more than any other reason, has led of late to the depicting of english { } helmets all placed to face in the same direction to the dexter side. but if, as will often be found, the two helmets are turned to face each other, the crests also must be turned. where there are two crests, the one on the dexter side is the first and the one on the sinister side is the second. when there are three, the centre one comes first, then the one on the dexter side, then the one on the sinister. when there are four crests, the first one is the dexter of the two inner ones; the second is the sinister inner one; the third is the dexter outer, and the fourth the sinister outer. when there are five (and i know of no greater number in this country), they run as follows: ( ) centre, ( ) dexter inner, ( ) sinister inner, ( ) dexter outer, ( ) sinister outer. a very usual practice in official emblazonments in cases of three crests is to paint the centre one of a larger size, and at a slightly lower level, than the others. in the case of four, nos. and would be of the same size, nos. and slightly smaller, and slightly raised. it is a very usual circumstance to see two or more crests displayed in england, but this practice is of comparatively recent date. how recent may be gathered from the fact that in scotland no single instance can be found before the year in which two crests are placed above the same shield. scottish heraldry, however, has always been purer than english, and the practice in england is much more ancient, though i question if in england any authentic official exemplification can be found before . there are, however, many cases in the visitation books in which two crests are allowed to the same family, but this fact does not prove the point, because a visitation record is merely an official record of inheritance and possession, and not necessarily evidence of a regulation permitting the simultaneous display of more than one. it is of course impossible to use two sets of supporters with a single shield, but there are many peers who are entitled to two sets; lord ancaster, i believe, is entitled to three sets. but an official record in such a case would probably emblazon both sets as evidence of right, by painting the shield twice over. during the eighteenth century we find many instances of the grant of additional crests of augmentation, and many exemplifications under royal license for the use of two and three crests. since that day the correctness of duplicate crests has never been questioned, where the right of inheritance to them has been established. the right of inheritance to two or more crests at the present time is only officially allowed in the following cases. if a family at the time of the visitations had two crests recorded to them, these would be now allowed. if descent can be proved from a family to whom a certain crest was allowed, and also from ancestors { } at an earlier date who are recorded as entitled to bear a different crest, the two would be allowed unless it was evident that the later crest had been granted, assigned, or exemplified _in lieu_ of the earlier one. two crests are allowed in the few cases which exist where a family has obtained a grant of arms in ignorance of the fact that they were then entitled to bear arms and crest of an earlier date to which the right has been subsequently proved, but on this point it should be remarked that if a right to arms is known to exist a second grant in england is point-blank refused unless the petition asks for it to be borne instead of, and in lieu of, the earlier one: it is then granted in those terms. to those who think that the heralds' college is a mere fee-grabbing institution, the following experience of an intimate friend of mine may be of interest. in placing his pedigree upon record it became evident that his descent was not legitimate, and he therefore petitioned for and obtained a royal license to bear the name and arms of the family from which he had sprung. but the illegitimacy was not modern, and no one would have questioned his right to the name which all the other members of the family bear, if he had not himself raised the point in order to obtain the ancient arms in the necessarily differenced form. the arms had always been borne with some four or five quarterings and with two crests, and he was rather annoyed that he had to go back to a simple coat of arms and single crest. he obtained a grant for his wife, who was an heiress, and then, with the idea of obtaining an additional quartering and a second crest, he conceived the brilliant idea--for money was of no object to him--of putting his brother forward as a petitioner for arms to be granted to him and his descendants and to the other descendants of his father, a grant which would of course have brought in my friend. he moved heaven and earth to bring this about, but he was met with the direct statement that two grants of arms could not be made to the same man to be borne simultaneously, and that if he persisted in the grant of arms to his brother, his own name, as being then entitled to bear arms, would be specifically exempted from the later grant, and the result was that this second grant was never made. in scotland, where re-matriculation is constantly going on, two separate matriculations _to the same line_ would not confer the right to two crests, inasmuch as the last matriculation supersedes everything which has preceded it. but if a cadet matriculates a different crest, _and subsequently_ succeeds to the representation under an earlier matriculation, he legally succeeds to both crests, and incidentally to both coats of arms. as a matter of ordinary practice, the cadet matriculation is discarded. a curious case, however, occurs when after { } matriculation by a cadet there is a _later_ matriculation behind it, by some one nearer the head of the house to which the first-mentioned cadet succeeds; in which event selection must be brought into play, when succession to both occurs. but the selection lies only between the two patents, and not from varied constituent parts. where as an augmentation an additional crest is granted, as has been the case in many instances, of course a right to the double crest is thereby conferred, and a crest of augmentation is not granted in lieu, but in addition. a large number of these additional crests have been granted under specific warrants from the crown, and in the case of lord gough, two additional crests were granted as separate augmentations and under separate patents. lord kitchener recently received a grant of an additional crest of augmentation. there are also a number of grants on record, not officially ranking as augmentations, in which a second crest has been granted as a memorial of descent or office, &c. the other cases in which double and treble crests occur are the results of exemplifications following upon royal licenses to assume name and arms. as a rule, when an additional surname is adopted by royal license, the rule is that the arms adopted are to be borne in addition to those previously in existence; and where one name is adopted instead of another the warrant very frequently permits this, and at the same time permits or requires the new arms to be borne quarterly with those previously possessed, and gives the right to two crests. but in cases where names and arms are assumed by royal license the arms and crest or crests are in accordance with the patent of exemplification, which, no matter what its terms (for some do not expressly exclude any prior rights), is always presumed to supersede everything which has gone before, and to be the authority by which the subsequent bearing of arms is regularised and controlled. roughly speaking, under a royal license one generally gets the right to one crest for every surname, and if the original surname be discarded, in addition a crest for every previous surname. thus mainwaring-ellerker-onslow has three crests, wyndham-campbell-pleydell-bouverie has four, and the last duke of buckingham and chandos, who held the record, had one for each of his surnames, namely, temple-nugent-brydges-chandos-grenville. in addition to the foregoing, there are one or two exceptions which it is difficult to explain. the marquess of bute for some reason or other obtained a grant, in the year , of the crest of herbert. the original lord liverpool obtained a grant of an additional crest, possibly an augmentation, and his representative, lord hawkesbury, afterwards created earl of liverpool, for some reason or other which i am quite at a loss to understand, obtained a grant of a crest { } very similar to that of lord liverpool to commemorate the representation which had devolved upon him. he subsequently obtained a grant of a third crest, this last being of augmentation. sir charles young, garter king of arms, obtained the grant of a second crest, and a former marquess of camden did the same thing; lord swansea is another recent case, and though the right of any person to obtain the grant of a second crest is not officially admitted, and is in fact strenuously denied, i cannot for the life of me see how in the face of the foregoing precedents any such privilege can be denied. sir william woods also obtained the grant of a second crest when he was garter, oblivious of the fact that he had not really established a right to arms. those he used were certainly granted in lyon office to a relative, but no matriculation of them in his own name was ever registered. { } chapter xxii crowns and coronets the origin of the crown or coronet is, of course, to be met with in the diadem and fillet. in one of the cantor lectures delivered by mr. cyril davenport, f.s.a., in february , on "the history of personal jewellery from prehistoric times," he devoted considerable attention to the development of the diadem, and the following extracts are from the printed report of his lecture:-- "the bandeau or fillet tied round the head was probably first used to keep long hair from getting into the eyes of primitive man. presently it became specialised, priests wearing one pattern and fighting men another. "the soft band which can be seen figured on the heads of kings in early coins, is no doubt a mark of chieftainship. this use of a band, of special colour, to indicate authority, probably originated in the east. it was adopted by alexander the great, who also used the diadem of the king of persia. justinian says that alexander's predecessors did not wear any diadem. justinian also tells us that the diadems then worn were of some soft material, as in describing the accidental wounding of lysimachus by alexander, he says that the hurt was bound up by alexander _with his own diadem_. this was considered a lucky omen for lysimachus, who actually did shortly afterwards become king of thrace. "in egypt diadems of particular shape are of very ancient use. there were crowns for upper and lower egypt, and a combination of both for the whole country. they were also distinguished by colour. the uraeus or snake worn in the crowns and head-dresses of the pharaohs was a symbol of royalty. representations of the egyptian gods always show them as wearing crowns. "in assyrian sculptures deities and kings are shown wearing diadems, apparently bands of stuff or leather studded with discs of _repoussé_ work. some of these discs, detached, have actually been found. similar discs were plentifully found at mycenæ, which were very likely used in a similar way. some of the larger ornamental head-dresses worn by assyrian kings appear to have been conical-shaped helmets, or perhaps crowns; it is now difficult to say which, { } because the material of which they were made cannot be ascertained. if they were of gold, they were probably crowns, like the wonderful openwork golden scythian head-dress found at kertch, but if of an inferior metal they may have been only helmets. "at st. petersburg there is a beautiful ancient greek diadem representing a crown of olive. an etruscan ivy wreath of thin gold, still encircling a bronze helmet, is in the british museum. "justinian says that morimus tried to hang himself with the diadem, evidently a ribbon-like bandeau, sent to him by mithridates. the roman royal diadem was originally a white ribbon, a wreath of laurel was the reward of distinguished citizens, while a circlet of golden leaves was given to successful generals. "cæsar consistently refused the royal white diadem which antony offered him, preferring to remain perpetual dictator. one of his partisans ventured to crown cæsar's bust with a coronet of laurel tied with royal white ribbon, but the tribunes quickly removed it and heavily punished the perpetrator of the offence. "during the roman empire the prejudice against the white bandeau remained strong. the emperors dared not wear it. caligula wished to do so, but was dissuaded on being told that such a proceeding might cost his life. eliogabalus used to wear a diadem studded with precious stones, but it is not supposed to have indicated rank, but only to have been a rich lady's parure, this emperor being fond of dressing himself up as a woman. caracalla, who took alexander the great as his model as far as possible, is shown on some of his coins wearing a diadem of a double row of pearls, a similar design to which was used by the kings of parthia. on coins of diocletian, there shows a double row of pearls, sewn on a double band and tied in a knot at the back. "diadems gradually closed in and became crowns, and on byzantine coins highly ornate diadems can be recognised, and there are many beautiful representations of them in enamels and mosaics, as well as a few actual specimens. at ravenna, in mosaic work in the church of san vitale, are crowned portraits of justinian and his empress theodosia; in the enamel portrait of the empress irene in the pal d'oro at venice, can be seen a beautiful jewelled crown with hinged plaques, and the same construction is used on the iron crown of lombardy, the sacred crown of hungary, and the crown of charlemagne, all most beautiful specimens of jewellers' work. "on the plaques of the crown of constantine monomachos are also fine enamel portraits of himself and his queen zoë, wearing similar crowns. the cataseistas, or jewelled chains, one over each ear and one at the back, which occur on all these crowns, may be the survival of the loose ends of the tie of the original fillet. { } "in later times of greece and rome, owing to the growth of republican feeling the diadem lost its political significance, and was relegated to the ladies. "in the middle ages the diadem regained much of its earlier significance, and ceased to be only the simple head ornament it had become. now it became specialised in form, reserved as an emblem of rank. the forms of royal crowns and diadems is a large and fascinating study, and where original examples do not now exist, the development can often be followed in sculpture, coins, or seals. heraldry now plays an important part. diadems or circlets gradually give way to closed crowns, in the case of sovereigns possessing independent authority." but to pass to the crown proper, there is no doubt that from the earliest times of recorded history crowns have been a sign and emblem of sovereignty. it equally admits of no doubt that the use of a crown or coronet was by no means exclusive to a sovereign, but whilst our knowledge is somewhat curtailed as to the exact relation in which great overlords and nobles stood to their sovereign, it is difficult to draw with any certainty or exactitude definitive conclusions of the symbolism a crown or coronet conveyed. throughout europe in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth, and well into the fourteenth centuries, the great territorial lords enjoyed and exercised many--in fact most--of the attributes of sovereignty, and in england especially, where the king was no more than the first amongst his peers, the territorial earls were in much the position of petty sovereigns. it is only natural, therefore, that we should find them using this emblem of sovereignty. but what we do find in england is that a coronet or fillet was used, apparently without let or hindrance, by even knights. it is, however, a matter for thought as to whether many of these fillets were not simply the turban or "puggaree" folded into the shape of a fillet, but capable of being unrolled if desired. what the object of the wholesale wearing of crowns and coronets was, it is difficult to conjecture. the development of the crown of the english sovereigns has been best told by mr. cyril davenport in his valuable work on "the english regalia" (kegan paul, trench, trübner & co.). mr. davenport, whose knowledge on these matters is probably unequalled, may best be allowed to tell the story in his own words, he and his publishers having very kindly permitted this course to be taken:-- { } the crown of great britain by cyril davenport, f.s.a. "crowns appear to have been at an early period worn by kings in battle, in order that they might be easily recognised; and although it is quite possible that this outward sign of sovereignty may have marked the wearer as being entitled to special protection by his own men, it is also likely that it was often a dangerous sign of importance. upon the authority of their coins, the heads of the early british kings were adorned with variously formed fillets and ornamental wreaths. helmets are also evidently intended to be shown, and on some of the coins of athelstan the helmet bears upon it a crown of three raised points, with a single pearl at the top of each (fig. ). other coins bear the crown with the three raised points without the helmet (fig. ). this crown of three points, bearing sometimes one and sometimes three pearls at the top of each, continued to be used by all the sole monarchs until canute, on whose head a crown is shown in which the three points develop into three clearly-marked trefoils (fig. ). on the great seal of edward the confessor the king is wearing an ornamental cap, which is described by mr. wyon in his book about the great seals as bearing a crown with three points trefoiled; but the impressions of this great seal that i have been able to see are so indistinct in this particular that i do not feel justified in corroborating his opinion. on some of the coins, however, of edward the confessor, an arched crown is very clearly shown, and this crown has depending from it, on each side, tassels with ornamental ends (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "in the list of the english regalia which were destroyed under the commonwealth in is found an item of great interest, viz. 'a gold wyer work crown with little bells,' which is there stated to have belonged to king alfred, who appears to have been the first english king for whom the ceremony of coronation was used; and it is remarkable that on several of the crowns on coins and seals, from the time of edward the confessor until henry i., little tassels or tags are shown which may indeed represent little bells suspended by a ribbon. "on king alfred's own coins there is unfortunately nothing which can be recognised as a crown. { } "on the coins of henry ii. a crown is shown with arches, apparently intended to be jewelled, as is also the rim. there are also tassels with ornamental ends at the back of the crown (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "william i. on his great seal wears a crown with three points, at the top of each of which are three pearls (fig. ), and on some of his coins a more ornamental form of crown occurs having a broad jewelled rim and two arches, also apparently jewelled, and at each side are two pendants with pearl ends (fig. ). william ii. on his great seal has a crown with five points (fig. ), the centre one being slightly bigger than the others, and at the top of each a single pearl. at each side of the crown are pendants having three pearls at the ends. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "on some of the coins of stephen a pretty form of crown is seen. it has three fleurs-de-lis and two jewelled arches (fig. ). the arches disappear from this time until the reign of edward iv. on the great seal of henry i. the king wears a simple crown with three fleurs-de-lis points, and two pendants each with three pearls at the ends (fig. ), and after this the pendants seem to have been discontinued. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "on the first great seal of henry iii. a crown with three fleurs-de-lis is shown surmounting a barred helmet (fig. ), and edward i. wore a similar crown with three fleurs-de-lis, but having supplementary pearls between each (fig. ), and this form lasted for a long time, as modifications of it are found on the coins of all the kings till henry vii. on the third great seal of edward iv. the king wears a crown with five fleurs-de-lis, the centre one being larger than the others, and the crown is arched and has at the top an orb and cross (fig. ). henry vi. on his first seal for foreign affairs, on which occurs the english shield, uses above it a crown with three crosses-patée and between each a pearl (fig. ), this being the first distinct use of the cross-patée on the english crown; and it probably was used here in place of the fleurs-de-lis hitherto worn in order to { } make a clear distinction between it and the french crown, which has the fleurs-de-lis only and surmounts the coat of arms of that country. the king himself wears an arched crown, but the impressions are so bad that the details of it cannot be followed. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "henry vii. on his great seal uses as ornaments for the crown, crosses-patée alternately with fleurs-de-lis, and also arches with an orb and cross at the top (fig. ) and, on some of his coins, he reverts to the three fleurs-de-lis with points between them, arches being still used, with the orb and cross at the top (fig. ). an ornamental form of crown bearing five ornamental leaves alternately large and small, with arches, orb, and cross at the top (fig. ), occurs on the shillings of henry vii. on the crowns of henry viii., as well as upon his great seals, the alternate crosses-patée and fleurs-de-lis are found on the rim of the crown, which is arched, and has an orb and cross at the top, and this is the form that has remained ever since (fig. ). so we may consider that the growth of the ornament on the rim of the crown has followed a regular sequence from the points with one pearl at the top, of Æthelstan, to the trefoil of canute; the arches began with edward the confessor, and the centre trefoil turned into the cross-patée of henry vi. the fact that the remaining trefoils turned eventually into fleurs-de-lis is only, i think, a natural expansion of form, and does not appear to have had anything to do with the french fleur-de-lis, which was adopted as an heraldic bearing for an entirely different reason. the royal coat of arms of england did bear for a long time in one of its quarterings the actual fleurs-de-lis of france, and this, no doubt, has given some reason to the idea that the fleurs-de-lis on the crown had also something to do with france; but as a matter of fact they had existed on the crown of england long anterior to our use of them on the coat of arms, as well as remaining there subsequently to their discontinuance on our royal escutcheon. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "the cross-patée itself may possibly have been evolved in a somewhat similar way from the three pearls of william i., as we often find the centre trefoil, into which, as we have seen, these three points eventually { } turned, has a tendency to become larger than the others, and this difference has been easily made more apparent by squaring the ends of the triple leaf. at the same time it must not be forgotten that the cross-patée was actually used on the sceptre of edward the confessor, so it is just possible it may have had some specially english significance. "i have already mentioned that as well as the official crown of england, which alone i have just been describing, there has often been a second or state crown, and this, although it has in general design followed the pattern of the official crown, has been much more elaborately ornamented, and in it has been set and reset the few historic gems possessed by our nation. the fact that these state crowns have in turn been denuded of their jewels accounts for the fact that the old settings of some of them still exist. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] "charles ii.'s state crown is figured in sir edward walker's account of his coronation, but the illustration of it is of such an elementary character that little reliance can be placed on it; the actual setting of this crown, however--which was the one stolen by colonel blood on may , --is now the property of lord amherst of hackney, and the spaces from which the great ruby and the large sapphire--both of which are now in king edward's state crown--have been taken are clearly seen (fig. ). james ii.'s state crown, which is very accurately figured in sandford's account of his coronation, and pieces of which are still in the tower, also had this great ruby as its centre ornament (fig. ). in sir george nayler's account of the coronation of george iv. there is a figure of his so-called 'new crown,' the arches of which are composed of oak-leaf sprays with acorns, and the rim adorned with laurel sprays (fig. ). the setting of this crown also belongs to lord amherst of hackney, and so does another setting of a small state queen's crown, the ownership of which is doubtful. william iv. appears to have had a very beautiful state crown, with arches of laurel sprays and a cross at the top with large diamonds. it is figured in robson's 'british herald,' published in (fig. ). "there is one other crown of great interest, which, since the time { } of james sixth of scotland and first of england, forms part of our regalia. this is the crown of scotland, and is the most ancient piece of state jewellery of which we can boast. "edward i., after his defeat of john baliol in , carried off the crown of scotland to england, and robert bruce had another made for himself. this in its turn, after bruce's defeat at methven, fell into edward's hands. another crown seems to have been made for bruce in , when he was established in the sovereignty of scotland after bannockburn, and the present crown probably consists largely of the material of the old one, and most likely follows its general design. it has, however, much french work about it, as well as the rougher gold work made by scottish jewellers, and it seems probable that the crown, as it now is, is a reconstruction by french workmen, made under the care and by order of james v. about . it was with this crown that queen mary was crowned when she was nine months old. [illustration: fig. .] "in the scottish regalia were considered to be in danger from the english, and were sent to dunnottar castle for safety. from until they were locked up in a strong chest in the crown-room of edinburgh castle, and sir walter scott, in whose presence the box was opened, wrote an account of them in . the crown consists of a fillet of gold bordered with flat wire. upon it are twenty-two large stones set at equal distances, _i.e._ nine carbuncles, four jacinths, four amethysts, two white topazes, two crystals with green foil behind them, and one topaz with yellow foil. behind each of these gems is a gold plate, with bands above and below of white enamel with black spots, and between each stone is a pearl. above the band are ten jewelled rosettes and ten fleurs-de-lis alternately, and between each a pearl. under the rosettes and fleurs-de-lis are jewels of blue enamel and pearls alternately. the arches have enamelled leaves of french work in red and gold upon them, and the mount at the top is of blue enamel studded with gold stars. the cross at the top is black enamel with gold arabesque patterns; in the centre is an amethyst, and in this cross and in the corners are oriental pearls set in gold. at the back of the cross are the letters i. r. v. in enamel-work. on the velvet cap are four large pearls in settings of gold and enamel (fig. ). "generally, the scottish work in gold is cast solid and chased, the foreign work being thinner and _repoussé_. several of the diamonds are undoubtedly old, and are cut in the ancient oriental fashion; and many of the pearls are scottish. it is kept in edinburgh castle with the rest of the scottish regalia. none of the other pieces at all equal it in interest, as with the exception of the coronation ring of charles i. { } they are of foreign workmanship, or, at all events, have been so altered that there is little or no original work left upon them." very few people are aware, when they speak of the crown of england, that there are two crowns. the one is the official crown, the sign and symbol of the sovereigns of england. this is known by the name of st. edward's crown, and is never altered or changed. as to this mr. cyril davenport writes:-- "st. edward's crown was made for the coronation of charles ii. in , by sir robert vyner. it was ordered to be made as nearly as possible after the old pattern, and the designs of it that have been already mentioned as existing in the works of sir edward walker and francis sandford show that in a sensual form it was the same as now; indeed, the existing crown is in all probability mainly composed of the same materials as that made by sir robert. the crown consists of a rim or circlet of gold, adorned with rosettes of precious stones surrounded with diamonds, and set upon enamel arabesques of white and red. the centre gems of these rosettes are rubies, emeralds, and sapphires. rows of large pearls mark the upper and lower edges of the rim, from which rise the four crosses-patée and four fleurs-de-lis alternately, adorned with diamonds and other gems. the gem clusters upon the crosses are set upon enamel arabesques in white and red, of similar workmanship to that upon the rim. from the tops of the crosses rise two complete arches of gold crossing each other, and curving deeply downwards at the point of intersection. the arches are considered to be the mark of independent sovereignty. they are edged with rows of large pearls, and have gems and clusters of gems upon them set in arabesques of red and white, like those upon the crosses. from the intersection of the arches springs a mound of gold, encircled by a fillet from which rises a single arch, both of which are ornamented with pearls and gems. on the top of the arch is a cross-patée of gold, set in which are coloured gems and diamonds. at the top of the cross is a large spheroidal pearl, and from each of the side arms, depending from a little gold bracelet, is a beautifully formed pear-shaped pearl. the crown is shown in the tower with the crimson velvet cap, turned up with miniver, which would be worn with it. "this crown is very large, but whether it is actually worn or not it would always be present at the coronation, as it is the 'official' crown of england." st. edward's crown is the crown supposed to be heraldically represented when for state or official purposes the crown is represented over the royal arms or other insignia. in this the fleurs-de-lis upon the rim are only half fleurs-de-lis. this detail is scrupulously adhered to, but during the reign of queen victoria many of the other details { } were very much "at the mercy" of the artist. soon after the accession of king edward vii. the matter was brought under consideration, and the opportunity afforded by the issue of a war office sealed pattern of the royal crown and cypher for use in the army was taken advantage of to notify his majesty's pleasure, that for official purposes the royal crown should be as shown in fig. , which is a reproduction of the war office sealed pattern already mentioned. it should be noted that whilst the cap of the real crown is of _purple_ velvet, the cap of the _heraldic_ crown is _always_ represented as of crimson. [illustration: fig. .--royal crown.] the second crown is what is known as the "imperial state crown." this is the one which is actually worn, and which the sovereign after the ceremony of his coronation wears in the procession from the abbey. it is also carried before the sovereign at the opening of parliament. whilst the gems which are set in it are national property, the crown is usually remade for each successive sovereign. the following is mr. davenport's description of queen victoria's state crown:-- "this beautiful piece of jewellery was made by roundell & bridge in . many of the gems in it are old ones reset, and many of them are new. the entire weight of the crown is ozs. dwts. it consists of a circlet of open work in silver, bearing in the front the great sapphire from the crown of charles ii. which was bequeathed to george iii. by cardinal york, with other stuart treasure. at one end this gem is partly pierced. it is not a thick stone, but it is a fine colour. opposite to the large sapphire is one of smaller size. the remainder of the rim is filled in with rich jewel clusters having alternately sapphires and emeralds in their centres, enclosed in ornamental borders thickly set with diamonds. these clusters are separated from each other by trefoil designs also thickly set with diamonds. the rim is bordered above and below with bands of large pearls, in the lower row, and in the upper. [the crown as remade for king edward vii. now has pearls in the lower row, and in the upper.] above the rim are shallow festoons of diamonds caught up between the larger ornaments by points of emeralds encircled with diamonds, and a large pearl above each. on these festoons are set alternately eight crosses-patée, and eight fleurs-de-lis of silver set with gems. the crosses-patée are thickly set with brilliants, and have each an emerald in the centre, except that in front of the crown, which { } contains the most remarkable jewel belonging to the regalia. this is a large spinal ruby of irregular drop-like form, measuring about ins. in length, and is highly polished on what is probably its natural surface, or nearly so. its irregular outline makes it possible to recognise the place that it has formerly occupied in the older state crowns, and it seems always to have been given the place of honour. it is pierced after an oriental fashion, and the top of the piercing is filled with a supplementary ruby set in gold. don pedro, king of castille in , murdered the king of granada for the sake of his jewels, one of which was this stone, and don pedro is said to have given it to edward the black prince after the battle of najera, near vittoria, in the same year. after this, it is said to have been worn by henry v. in his crown at agincourt in , when it is recorded that the king's life was saved from the attack of the duc d'alençon, because of the protection afforded him by his crown, a portion of which, however, was broken off. it may be confidently predicted that such a risk of destruction is not very likely to happen again to the great ruby. "in the centre of each of the very ornamental fleurs-de-lis is a ruby, and all the rest of the ornamentation on them is composed of rose diamonds, large and small. from each of the crosses-patée, the upper corners of which have each a large pearl upon them, rises an arch of silver worked into a design of oak-leaves and acorn-cups. these leaves and cups are all closely encrusted with a mass of large and small diamonds, rose brilliant, and table-cut; the acorns themselves formed of beautiful drop-shaped pearls of large size. from the four points of intersection of the arches at the top of the crown depend large egg-shaped pearls. from the centre of the arches, which slope slightly downwards, springs a mound with a cross-patée above it. the mound is ornamented all over with close lines of brilliant diamonds, and the fillet which encircles it, and the arch which crosses over it, are both ornamented with one line of large rose-cut diamonds set closely together. the cross-patée at the top has in the centre a large sapphire of magnificent colour set openly. the outer lines of the arms of the cross are marked by a row of small diamonds close together and in the centre of each arm is a large diamond, the remaining spaces being filled with more small diamonds. the large sapphire in the centre of this cross is said to have come out of the ring of edward the confessor, which was buried with him in his shrine at westminster, and the possession of it is supposed to give to the owner the power of curing the cramp. if this be indeed the stone which belonged to st. edward, it was probably recut in its present form of a 'rose' for charles ii., even if not since his time. [illustration: fig. .--queen alexandra's coronation crown.] "not counting the large ruby or the large sapphire, this crown { } contains: four rubies, eleven emeralds, sixteen sapphires, pearls, diamonds. [as remade for king edward vii. the crown now has pearls and diamonds.] "the large ruby has been valued at £ , . "when this crown has to take a journey it is provided with a little casket, lined with white velvet, and having a sliding drawer at the bottom, with a boss on which the crown fits closely, so that it is safe from slipping. the velvet cap turned up with miniver, with which it is worn, is kept with it." this crown has been recently remade for king edward vii., but has not been altered in any essential details. the cap of the real crown is of purple velvet. fig. represents the crown of the queen consort with which queen alexandra was crowned on august , . it will be noticed that, unlike the king's crowns, this has eight arches. the circlet which forms the base is ½ inches in height. the crown is entirely composed of diamonds, of which there are , and these are placed so closely together that no metal remains visible. the large diamond visible in the illustration is the famous koh-i-noor. resting upon the rim are four crosses-patée, and as many fleurs-de-lis, from each of which springs an arch. as a matter of actual fact the crown was made for use on this one occasion and has since been broken up. there is yet another crown, probably the one with which we are most familiar. this is a small crown entirely composed of diamonds: and the earliest heraldic use which can be found of it is in the design by sir edgar boehm for the jubilee coinage. though effective enough when worn, it does not, from its small size, lend itself effectively to pictorial representation, and as will be remembered, the design of the coinage was soon abandoned. this crown was made at the personal expense of queen victoria, and under her instructions, owing to the fact that her late majesty found her "state" crown uncomfortable to wear, and too heavy for prolonged or general use. it is understood, also, that the queen found the regulations concerning its custody both inconvenient and irritating. during the later part of her reign this smaller crown was the only one queen victoria ever wore. by her will the crown was settled as an heirloom upon queen alexandra, to devolve upon future queens consort for the time being. this being the case, it is not unlikely that in the future this crown may come to be regarded as a part of the national regalia, and it is as well, therefore, to reiterate the remark, that it was made at the personal expense of her late majesty, and is to no extent and in no way the property of the nation. { } coronets of rank [illustration: fig. .--coronet of thomas fitzalan, earl of arundel. (from his monument in arundel church, .)] [illustration: fig. .--crown of king henry iv. ( - ). (from his monument in trinity chapel, canterbury cathedral.)] in spite of various continental edicts, the heraldic use of coronets of rank, as also their actual use, seems elsewhere than in great britain to be governed by no such strict regulations as are laid down and conformed to in this country. for this reason, no less than for the greater interest these must necessarily possess for readers in this country, english coronets will first claim our attention. it has been already observed that coronets or jewelled fillets are to be found upon the helmets even of simple knights from the earliest periods. they probably served no more than decorative purposes, unless these fillets be merely turbans, or suggestions thereof. as late as the fifteenth century there appears to have been no regularised form, as will be seen from fig. , which represents the coronet as shown upon the effigy of thomas fitzalan, earl of arundel, in arundel church ( ). a very similar coronet surmounts the head-dress of the effigy of beatrice, countess of arundel, at the same period. in his will, lionel, duke of clarence ( ), bequeaths "two golden circles," with one of which he was created duke. it is of interest to compare this with fig. , which represents the crown of king henry iv. as represented on his effigy. richard, earl of arundel, in his will (december , ), leaves his "melieure coronne" to his eldest son richard, his "second melieure coronne" to his daughter joan, and his "tierce coronne" to his daughter alice. though not definite proof of the point, the fact that the earl distributes his coronets amongst his family irrespective of the fact that the earldom (of which one would presume the coronets to be a sign) would pass to his son, would seem to show that the wearing of a coronet even at that date was merely indicative of high nobility of birth, and not of the possession of a substantive parliamentary peerage. in spite of the variations { } in form, coronets were, however, a necessity. when both dukes and earls were created they were invested with a coronet in open parliament. as time went on the coronet, however, gradually came to be considered the sign of the possession of a peerage, and was so borne; but it was not until the reign of charles ii. that coronets were definitely assigned by royal warrant (february , ) to peers not of the blood royal. before this date a coronet had not (as has been already stated) been used heraldically or in fact by barons, who, both in armorial paintings and in parliament, had used a plain crimson cap turned up with white fur. [illustration: fig. .--coronet of the prince of wales.] the coronet of the prince of wales is exactly like the official (st. edward's) crown, except that instead of two intersecting arches it has only one. an illustration of this is given in fig. (this being the usual form in which it is heraldically depicted). it should be noticed, however, that this coronet belongs to the prince as eldest son of the sovereign and heir-apparent to the throne, and not as prince of wales. it was assigned by royal warrant th february, charles ii. the coronet of the princess of wales, as such, is heraldically the same as that of her husband. [illustration: fig. .--coronet of the younger children of the sovereign.] the coronets of the sons and daughters or brothers and sisters of a sovereign of great britain (other than a prince of wales) is as in fig. , that is, the circlet being identical with that of the royal crown, and of the prince of wales' coronet, but without the arch. this was also assigned in the warrant of th february, charles ii. officially this coronet is described as being composed of crosses-patée and fleurs-de-lis alternately. the grandchildren of a sovereign being sons and daughters of the prince of wales, or of other sons of the sovereign, have a coronet in which strawberry leaves are substituted for the two outer crosses-patée appearing at the edges of the coronet, which is officially described as composed of crosses-patée, fleurs-de-lis, and strawberry leaves. princes of the english royal family, being sons of younger sons of a sovereign, or else nephews of a sovereign being sons of brothers of a sovereign, and having the rank and title of a duke of the united kingdom, have a coronet composed alternately of crosses-patée and strawberry leaves, the latter taking the place of the fleurs-de-lis upon { } the circlet of the royal crown. this coronet was also assigned in the warrant of th february, charles ii. it will be observed by those who compare one heraldic book with another that i have quoted these rules differently from any other work upon the subject. a moment's thought, however, must convince any one of the accuracy of my version. it is a cardinal rule of armory that save for the single circumstance of attainder no man's armorial insignia shall be degraded. whilst any man's status may be increased, it cannot be lessened. most heraldic books quote the coronet of crosses-patée, fleurs-de-lis, and strawberry leaves as the coronet of the "grandsons" of the sovereign, whilst the coronet of crosses-patée and strawberry leaves is stated to be the coronet of "nephews" or cousins of the sovereign. such a state of affairs would be intolerable, because it would mean the liability at any moment to be degraded to the use of a less honourable coronet. take, for example, the case of prince arthur of connaught. during the lifetime of queen victoria, as a grandson of the sovereign he would be entitled to the former, whereas as soon as king edward ascended the throne he would have been forced to relinquish it in favour of the more remote form. the real truth is that the members of the royal family do not inherit these coronets as a matter of course. they technically and in fact have no coronets until these have been assigned by royal warrant with the arms. when such warrants are issued, the coronets assigned have up to the present time conformed to the above rules. i am not sure that the "rules" now exist in any more potent form than that up to the present time those particular patterns happen to have been assigned in the circumstances stated. but the warrants (though they contain no hereditary limitation) certainly contain no clause limiting their operation to the lifetime of the then sovereign, which they certainly would do if the coronet only existed whilst the particular relationship continued. the terms "grandson of the sovereign" and "nephew of the sovereign," which are usually employed, are not correct. the coronets only apply to the children of _princes_. the children of princesses, who are undoubtedly included in the terms "grandson" and "nephew," are not technically members of the royal family, nor do they inherit either rank or coronet from their mothers. by a curious fatality there has never, since these royal coronets were differentiated, been any male descendant of an english sovereign more remotely related than a nephew, with the exception of the dukes of cumberland. their succession to the throne of hanover renders them useless as a precedent, inasmuch as their right to arms and coronet must be derived from hanover and its laws, and not { } from this country. the princess frederica of hanover, however, uses an english coronet and the royal arms of england, presumably preferring her status as a princess of this country to whatever _de jure_ hanoverian status might be claimed. it is much to be wished that a royal warrant should be issued to her which would decide the point--at present in doubt--as to what degree of relationship the coronet of the crosses-patée and strawberry leaves is available for, or failing that coronet what the coronet of prince or princess of this country might be, he or she not being child, grandchild, or nephew or niece of a sovereign. the unique use of actual coronets in england at the occasion of each coronation ceremony has prevented them becoming (as in so many other countries) mere pictured heraldic details. consequently the instructions concerning them which are issued prior to each coronation will be of interest. the following is from the _london gazette_ of october , :-- "earl marshal's office, norfolk house, st. james's square, s.w., _october , _. "the earl marshal's order concerning the robes, coronets, &c., which are to be worn by the peers at the coronation of their most sacred majesties king edward the seventh and queen alexandra. "these are to give notice to all peers who attend at the coronation of their majesties, that the robe or mantle of the peers be of crimson velvet, edged with miniver, the cape furred with miniver pure, and powdered with bars or rows of ermine (_i.e._ narrow pieces of black fur), according to their degree, viz.: "barons, two rows. "viscounts, two rows and a half. "earls, three rows. "marquesses, three rows and a half. "dukes, four rows. "the said mantles or robes to be worn over full court dress, uniform, or regimentals. "the coronets to be of silver-gilt; the caps of crimson velvet turned up with ermine, with a gold tassel on the top; and no jewels or precious stones are to be set or used in the coronets, or counterfeit pearls instead of silver balls. "the coronet of a baron to have, on the circle or rim, six silver balls at equal distances. "the coronet of a viscount to have, on the circle, sixteen silver balls. { } "the coronet of an earl to have, on the circle, eight silver balls, raised upon points, with gold strawberry leaves between the points. "the coronet of a marquess to have, on the circle, four gold strawberry leaves and four silver balls alternately, the latter a little raised on points above the rim. "the coronet of a duke to have, on the circle, eight gold strawberry leaves. "by his majesty's command, "norfolk, _earl marshal_." "earl marshal's office, norfolk house, st. james's square, s.w., _october , _. "the earl marshal's order concerning the robes, coronets, &c., which are to be worn by the peeresses at the coronation of their most sacred majesties king edward the seventh and queen alexandra. "these are to give notice to all peeresses who attend at the coronation of their majesties, that the robes or mantles appertaining to their respective ranks are to be worn over the usual full court dress. "that the robe or mantle of a baroness be of crimson velvet, the cape whereof to be furred with miniver pure, and powdered with two bars or rows of ermine (_i.e._ narrow pieces of black fur); the said mantle to be edged round with miniver pure inches in breadth, and the train to be feet on the ground; the coronet to be according to her degree--viz. a rim or circle with six pearls (represented by silver balls) upon the same, not raised upon points. "that the robe or mantle of a viscountess be like that of a baroness, only the cape powdered with two rows and a half of ermine, the edging of the mantle inches as before, and the train ¼ yards; the coronet to be according to her degree--viz. a rim or circle with pearls (represented by silver balls) thereon, sixteen in number, and not raised upon points. "that the robe or mantle of a countess be as before, only the cape powdered with three rows of ermine, the edging inches in breadth, and the train ½ yards; the coronet to be composed of eight pearls (represented by silver balls) raised upon points or rays, with small strawberry leaves between, above the rim. "that the robe or mantle of a marchioness be as before, only the cape powdered with three rows and a half of ermine, the edging inches in breadth, the train ¾ yards; the coronet to be composed of four strawberry leaves and four pearls (represented by silver balls) { } raised upon points of the same height as the leaves, alternately, above the rim. "that the robe or mantle of a duchess be as before, only the cape powdered with four rows of ermine, the edging inches broad, the train yards; the coronet to be composed of eight strawberry leaves, all of equal height, above the rim. "and that the caps of all the said coronets be of crimson velvet, turned up with ermine, with a tassel of gold on the top. "by his majesty's command, "norfolk, _earl marshal_." the coronation robe of a peer is not identical with his parliamentary robe of estate. this latter is of fine scarlet cloth, lined with taffeta. the distinction between the degrees of rank is effected by the guards or bands of fur. the robe of a duke has four guards of _ermine_ at equal distances, with gold lace above each guard and tied up to the left shoulder by a white riband. the robe of a marquess has four guards of _ermine_ on the right side, and three on the left, with gold lace above each guard and tied up to the left shoulder by a white riband. an earl's robe has three guards of ermine and gold lace. the robes of a viscount and baron are identical, each having two guards of plain _white_ fur. by virtue of various warrants of earls marshal, duly recorded in the college of arms, the use or display of a coronet of rank by any person other than a peer is stringently forbidden. this rule, unfortunately, is too often ignored by many eldest sons of peers, who use peerage titles by courtesy. the heraldic representations of these coronets of rank are as follows:-- the coronet of a duke shows five strawberry leaves (fig. ). this coronet should not be confused with the ducal _crest_ coronet. the coronet of a marquess shows two balls of silver technically known as "pearls," and three strawberry leaves (fig. ). the coronet of an earl shows five "pearls" raised on tall spikes, alternating with four strawberry leaves (fig. ). { } the coronet of a viscount shows nine "pearls," all set closely together, directly upon the circlet (fig. ). the coronet of a baron shows four "pearls" upon the circlet (fig. ). this coronet was assigned by royal warrant, dated th august, charles ii., to barons of england, and to barons of ireland by warrant th may, james ii. all coronets of degree actually, and are usually represented to, enclose a cap of crimson velvet, turned up with ermine. none of them are permitted to be jewelled, but the coronet of a duke, marquess, earl, or viscount is chased in the form of jewels. in recent times, however, it has become very usual for peers to use, heraldically, for more informal purposes a representation of the circlet only, omitting the cap and the ermine edging. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the crown or coronet of a king of arms (fig. ) is of silver-gilt formed of a circlet, upon which is inscribed part of the first verse of the st psalm, viz.: "miserere mei deus secundum magnam misericordiam tuam." the rim is surmounted with sixteen leaves, in shape resembling the oak-leaf, every alternate one being somewhat higher than the rest, nine of which appear in the profile view of it or in heraldic representations. the cap is of crimson satin, closed at the top by a gold tassel and turned up with ermine. [illustration: fig. .--the crown of a king of arms.] anciently, the crown of lyon king of arms was, in shape, an exact replica of the crown of the king of scotland, the only difference being that it was not jewelled. coronets of rank are used very indiscriminately on the continent, particularly in france and the low countries. their use by no means implies the same as with us, and frequently indicates little if anything beyond mere "noble" birth. the _mauerkrone_ [mural crown] (fig. ) is used in germany principally as an adornment to the arms of towns. it is borne with three, four, or five battlemented towers. the tincture, likewise, is not { } always the same: gold, silver, red, or the natural colour of a wall being variously employed. residential [_i.e._ having a _royal_ residence] and capital towns usually bear a mauerkrone with five towers, large towns one with four towers, smaller towns one with three. strict regulations in the matter do not yet exist. it should be carefully noted that this practice is peculiar to germany and is quite incorrect in great britain. [illustration: fig. .--mauerkrone.] [illustration: fig. .--naval crown.] the _naval crown_ [schiffskrone] (fig. ), on the circlet of which sails and sterns of ships are alternately introduced, is very rarely used on the continent. with us it appears as a charge in the arms of the towns of chatham, ramsgate, devonport, &c. the naval coronet, however, is more properly a crest coronet, and as such will be more fully considered in the next chapter. it had, however, a limited use as a coronet of rank at one time, inasmuch as the admirals of the united provinces of the netherlands placed a crown composed of prows of ships above their escutcheons, as may be seen from various monuments. { } chapter xxiii crest coronets and chapeaux the present official rules are that crests must be upon, or must issue from, a wreath (or torse), a coronet, or a chapeau. it is not at the pleasure of the wearer to choose which he will, one or other being specified and included in the terms of the grant. if the crest have a lawful existence, one or other of them will unchangeably belong to the crest, of which it now is considered to be an integral part. in scotland and ireland, lyon king of arms and ulster king of arms have always been considered to have, and still retain, the right to grant crests upon a chapeau or issuing from a crest. but the power is (very properly) exceedingly sparingly used; and, except in the cases of arms and crests matriculated in lyon register as of ancient origin and in use before , or "confirmed" on the strength of user by ulster king of arms, the ordinary ducal crest coronet and the chapeau are not now considered proper to be granted in ordinary cases. since about the beginning of the nineteenth century the rules which follow have been very definite, and have been very rigidly adhered to in the english college of arms. crests issuing from the ordinary "ducal crest coronet" are not now granted under any circumstances. the chapeau is only granted in the case of a grant of arms to a peer, a mural coronet is only granted to officers in the army of the rank of general or above, and the naval coronet is only granted to officers in his majesty's royal navy of the rank of admiral and above. an eastern coronet is now only granted in the case of those of high position in one or other of the imperial services, who have served in india and the east. the granting of crests issuing from the other forms of crest coronets, the "crown-vallary" and the "crown palisado," is always discouraged, but no rule exists denying them to applicants, and they are to be obtained if the expectant grantee is sufficiently patient, importunate, and pertinacious. neither form is, however, particularly ornamental, and both are of modern origin. { } there is still yet another coronet, the "celestial coronet". this is not unusual as a charge, but as a coronet from which a crest issues i know of no instance, nor am i aware of what rules, if any, govern the granting of it. definite rank coronets have been in times past granted for use as crest coronets, but this practice, the propriety of which cannot be considered as other than highly questionable, has only been pursued, even in the more lax days which are past, on rare and very exceptional occasions, and has long since been definitely abandoned as improper. in considering the question of crest coronets, the presumption that they originated from coronets of rank at once jumps to the mind. this is by no means a foregone conclusion. it is difficult to say what is the earliest instance of the use of a coronet in this country as a coronet of rank. when it is remembered that the coronet of a baron had no existence whatever until it was called into being by a warrant of charles ii. after the restoration, and that differentiated coronets for the several ranks in the peerage are not greatly anterior in date, the question becomes distinctly complicated. from certainly the reign of edward the confessor the kings of england had worn crowns, and the great territorial earls, who it must be remembered occupied a position akin to that of a petty sovereign (far beyond the mere high dignity of a great noble at the present day), from an early period wore crowns or coronets not greatly differing in appearance from the crown of the king. but the peerage as such certainly neither had nor claimed the technical right to a coronet as a mark of their rank, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. but coronets of a kind were used, as can be seen from early effigies, long before the use of crests became general. but these coronets were merely in the nature of a species of decoration for the helmet, many of them far more closely resembling a jewelled torse than a coronet. parker in his "glossary of terms used in heraldry" probably correctly represents the case when he states: "from the reign of edward iii. coronets of various forms were worn (as it seems indiscriminately) by princes, dukes, earls, and even knights, but apparently rather by way of ornament than distinction, or if for distinction, only (like the collar of ss) as a mark of gentility. the helmet of edward the black prince, upon his effigy at canterbury, is surrounded with a coronet totally different from that subsequently assigned to his rank." the instance quoted by parker might be amplified by countless others, but it may here with advantage be pointed out that the great helmet (or, as this probably is, the ceremonial representation of it) suspended above the prince's tomb (fig. ) has no coronet, and the crest is upon a chapeau. of the fourteen instances in the { } plantagenet garter plates in which the _torse_ appears, twelve were peers of england, one was a foreign count, and one only a commoner. on the other hand, of twenty-nine whose garter plates show crests issuing from coronets, four are foreigners, seven are commoners, and eighteen were peers. the coronets show very great variations in form and design, but such variations appear quite capricious, and to carry no meaning, nor does it seem probable that a coronet of gules or of azure, of which there are ten, could represent a coronet of rank. the garter plate of sir william de la pole, earl of (afterwards duke of) suffolk, shows his crest upon a narrow black fillet. consequently, whatever may be the conclusion as to the wearing of coronets alone, it would seem to be a very certain conclusion that the heraldic crest coronet bore no relation to any coronet of rank or to the right to wear one. its adoption must have been in the original instance, and probably even in subsequent generations, a matter of pure fancy and inclination. this is borne out by the fact that whilst the garter plate of sir henry bourchier, earl of essex, shows his crest upon a torse, his effigy represents it issuing from a coronet. until the reign of henry viii., the royal crest, both in the case of the sovereign and all the other members of the royal family, is always represented upon a chapeau or cap of dignity. the great seal of edward vi. shows the crest upon a coronet, though the present form of crown and crest were originated by queen elizabeth. in depicting the royal arms, it is usual to omit one of the crowns, and this is always done in the official warrants controlling the arms. one crown is placed upon the helmet, and upon this crown is placed the crest, but theoretically the royal achievement has two crowns, inasmuch as one of the crowns is an inseparable part of the crest. probably the finest representation of the royal crest which has ever been done is the design for one of the smaller bookplates for the windsor castle library. this was executed by mr. eve, and it would be impossible to imagine anything finer. like the rest of the royal achievement, the royal crest is of course not hereditary, and consequently it is assigned by a _separate_ royal warrant to each male member of the royal family, and the opportunity is then taken to substitute for the royal crown, which is a part of the sovereign's crest, a coronet identical with whatever may be assigned in that particular instance as the coronet of rank. in the case of royal bastards the crest has always been assigned upon a chapeau. the only case which comes to one's mind in which the royal crown has (outside the sovereign) been allowed as a crest coronet is the case of the town of eye. the royal crown of scotland is the crest coronet of the sovereign's { } crest for the kingdom of scotland. this crest, together with the crest of ireland, is never assigned to any member of the royal family except the sovereign. the crest of ireland (which is on a wreath or and azure) is by the way confirmatory evidence that the crowns in the crests of scotland and england have a duplicate and separate existence apart from the crown denoting the sovereignty of the realm. the ordinary crest coronet or, as it is usually termed in british heraldry, the "ducal coronet" (ulster, however, describes it officially as "a ducal crest coronet"), is quite a separate matter from a duke's coronet of rank. whilst the coronet of a duke has upon the rim five strawberry leaves visible when depicted, a ducal coronet has only three. the "ducal coronet" (fig. ) is the conventional "regularised" development of the crest coronets employed in early times. unfortunately it has in many instances been depicted of a much greater and very unnecessary width, the result being inartistic and allowing unnecessary space between the leaves, and at the same time leaving the crest and coronet with little circumferential relation. it should be noted that it is quite incorrect for the rim of the coronet to be jewelled in colour though the outline of jewelling is indicated. [illustration: fig. .--ducal coronet.] though ducal crest coronets are no longer granted (of course they are still exemplified and their use permitted where they have been previously granted), they are of very frequent occurrence in older grants and confirmations. it is quite incorrect to depict a cap (as in a coronet of rank) in a crest coronet, which is never more than the metal circlet, and consequently it is equally incorrect to add the band of ermine below it which will sometimes be seen. the coronet of a duke has in one or two isolated cases been granted as a crest coronet. in such a case it is not described as a duke's coronet, but as a "ducal coronet of five leaves." it so occurs in the case of ormsby-hamilton. the colour of the crest coronet must be stated in the blazon. crest coronets are of all colours, and will be sometimes found bearing charges upon the rim (particularly in the cases of mural and naval coronets). an instance of this will be seen in the case of sir john w. moore, and of mansergh, the label in this latter case being an unalterable charge and not the difference mark of an eldest son. though the tincture of the coronet ought to appear in the blazon, nevertheless it is always a fair presumption (when it is not specified) that it is of gold, coronets of colours being very much less frequently met with. on this point it is interesting to note that in some of the cases where { } the crest coronet is figured upon an early garter plate as of colour, it is now borne gold by the present descendants of the family. for example on the garter plate of sir walter hungerford, lord hungerford, the crest ["a garb or, between two silver sickles"] issues from a coronet azure. the various hungerford families now bear it "or." the crest upon the garter plate of sir humphrey stafford, duke of buckingham ["a demi-swan argent, beaked gules"], issues from a coronet gules. this crest as it is now borne by the present lord stafford is: "out of a ducal coronet per pale gules and sable," &c. another instance of coloured coronets will be found in the crest of nicholson, now borne by shaw.[ ] probably, however, the most curious instance of all will be found in the case of a crest coronet of ermine, of which an example occurs in the gelre "armorial." a very general misconception--which will be found stated in practically every text-book of armory--is that when a crest issues from a coronet the wreath must be omitted. there is not and never has been any such rule. the rule is rather to the contrary. instances where both occur are certainly now uncommon, and the presence of a wreath is not in present-day practice considered to be essential if a coronet occurs, but the use or absence of a wreath when the crest issues from a coronet really depends entirely upon the original grant. if no wreath is specified with the coronet, none will be used or needed, but if both are granted both should be used. an instance of the use of both will be found on the garter stall plate of sir walter devereux, lord ferrers. the crest (a talbot's head silver) issues from a coronet or, which is placed upon a torse argent and sable. another instance will be found in the case of the grant of the crest of hanbury. a quite recent case was the grant by sir bernard burke, ulster king of arms, of a crest to sir richard quain, bart., the blazon of which was: "on a wreath argent and azure, and out of a mural coronet proper a demi-lion rampant or, charged on the shoulder with a trefoil slipped vert, and holding between the paws a battle-axe also proper, the blade gold." other instances are the crests of hamilton of sunningdale and tarleton. another instance will be found in the grant to ross-of-bladensburg. possibly this blazon may be a clerical error in the engrossment, because it will be noticed that the wreath does not appear in the emblazonment (plate ii.). i wonder how many of the officers of arms are aware of the { } existence of a warrant, dated in , issued by the deputy earl-marshal to the companies of painters, stainers, and coachmakers, forbidding them to paint crests which issue out of ducal coronets without putting them upon "wreaths of their colours." the wording of the warrant very plainly shows that at that date a wreath was always painted below a crest coronet. the warrant, however, is not so worded that it can be accepted as determining the point for the future, or that it would override a subsequent grant of a crest in contrary form. but it is evidence of what the law then was. no crest is now granted without either wreath, coronet, or chapeau. an instance of the use of the coronet of a marquess as a crest coronet will be found in the case of the bentinck crest.[ ] there are some number of instances of the use of an earl's coronet as a crest coronet. amongst these may be mentioned the crests of sir alan seton steuart, bart. ["out of an earl's coronet a dexter hand grasping a thistle all proper"], that granted to cassan of sheffield house, ireland ["issuant from an earl's coronet proper, a boar's head and neck erased or langued gules"], james christopher fitzgerald kenney, esq., dublin ["out of an earl's coronet or, the pearls argent, a cubit arm erect vested gules, cuffed also argent, the hand grasping a roll of parchment proper"], and davidson ["out of an earl's coronet or, a dove rising argent, holding in the beak a wheat-stalk bladed and eared all proper"]. i know of no crest which issues from the coronet of a viscount, but a baron's coronet occurs in the case of forbes of pitsligo and the cadets of that branch of the family: "issuing out of a baron's coronet a dexter hand holding a scimitar all proper." foreign coronets of rank have sometimes been granted as crest coronets in this country, as in the cases of the crests of sir francis george manningham boileau, bart., norfolk ["in a nest or, a pelican in her piety proper, charged on the breast with a saltire couped gules, the nest resting in a foreign coronet"], henry chamier, esq., dublin ["out of a french noble coronet proper, a cubit arm in bend vested azure, charged with five fleurs-de-lis in saltire or, cuffed ermine, holding in the hand a scroll, and thereon an open book proper, garnished gold"], john francis charles fane de salis, count of the holy roman empire [" . out of a marquis' coronet or, a demi-woman proper, crowned or, hair flowing down the back, winged in place of arms and from the armpits azure; . out of a ducal coronet or, an eagle displayed sable, ducally crowned also or; . out of a ducal coronet a demi-lion rampant double-queued and crowned with a like { } coronet all or, brandishing a sword proper, hilt and pommel of the first, the lion cottised by two tilting-spears of the same, from each a banner paly of six argent and gules, fringed also or"], and mahony, ireland ["out of the coronet of a count of france a dexter arm in armour embowed grasping in the hand a sword all proper, hilt and pommel or, the blade piercing a fleur-de-lis of the last"]. a curious crest coronet will be found with the sackville crest. this is composed of fleurs-de-lis only, the blazon of the crest being: "out of a coronet composed of eight fleurs-de-lis or, an estoile of eight points argent." a curious use of coronets in a crest will be found in the crest of sir archibald dunbar, bart. ["a dexter hand apaumée reaching at an astral crown proper"] and sir alexander james dunbar, bart. ["a dexter hand apaumée proper reaching to two earls' coronets tied together"]. [illustration: fig. .--mural coronet.] next after the ordinary "ducal coronet" the one most usually employed is the mural coronet (fig. ), which is composed of masonry. though it may be and often is of an ordinary heraldic tincture, it will usually be found "proper." an exception occurs in the case of the crest of every-halstead ["out of a mural coronet chequy or and azure, a demi-eagle ermine beaked or."] care should be taken to distinguish the mural crown from the "battlements of a tower." this originated as a modern "fakement" and is often granted to those who have been using a mural coronet, and desire to continue within its halo, but are not qualified to obtain in their own persons a grant of it. it should be noticed that the battlements of a tower must always be represented upon a wreath. its facility for adding a noticeable distinction to a crest has, however, in these days, when it is becoming somewhat difficult to introduce differences in a stock pattern kind of crest, led to its very frequent use in grants during the last hundred years. care should also be taken to distinguish between the "battlements of a tower" and a crest issuing from "a castle," as in the case of harley; "a tower," as in that of boyce; and upon the "capital of a column," as in the crests of cowper-essex and pease. abroad, _e.g._ in the arms of paris, it is very usual to place a mural crown over the shield of a town, and some remarks upon the point will be found on page . this at first sight may seem an appropriate practice to pursue, and several heraldic artists have followed it and advocate it in this country. but the correctness of such a practice is, for british purposes, strongly and emphatically denied officially, and whilst we reserve this privilege for grants to certain army officers of high { } rank, it does not seem proper that it should be available for casual and haphazard assumption by a town or city. that being the case, it should be borne in mind that the practice is not permissible in british armory. the naval coronet (fig. ), though but seldom granted now, was very popular at one time. in the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries, naval actions were constantly being fought, and in a large number of cases where the action of the officer in command was worthy of high praise and reward, part of such reward was usually an augmentation of arms. very frequently it is found that the crest of augmentation issued from a naval coronet. this is, as will be seen, a curious figure composed of the sail and stern of a ship repeated and alternating on the rim of a circlet. sometimes it is entirely gold, but usually the sails are argent. an instance of such a grant of augmentation will be found in the crest of augmentation for brisbane and in a crest of augmentation granted to sir philip bowes broke to commemorate his glorious victory in the shannon over the american ship _chesapeake_. [illustration: fig. .--naval crown.] [illustration: fig. .--eastern crown.] any future naval grant of a crest of augmentation would probably mean, that it would be granted issuing out of a naval coronet, but otherwise the privilege is now confined to those grants of arms in which the patentee is of the rank of admiral. instances of its use will be found in the crests of schomberg and farquhar, and in the crest of dakyns of derbyshire: "out of a naval coronet or, a dexter arm embowed proper, holding in the hand a battle-axe argent, round the wrist a ribbon azure." the crest of dakyns is chiefly memorable for the curious motto which accompanies it; "strike, dakyns, the devil's in the hempe," of which no one knows the explanation. why a naval crown was recently granted as a badge to a family named vickers (plate viii.) i am still wondering. the crest of lord st. vincent ["out of a naval coronet or, encircled by a wreath of oak proper, a demi-pegasus argent, maned and hoofed of the first, winged azure, charged on the wing with a fleur-de-lis gold"] is worthy of notice owing to the encircling of the coronet, and in some number of cases the circlet of the coronet has been made use of to carry the name of a captured ship or of a naval engagement. the eastern coronet (fig. ) is a plain rim heightened with spikes. formerly it was granted without restriction, but now, as has { } been already stated, it is reserved for those of high rank who have served in india or the east. an instance occurs, for example, in the crest of rawlinson, bart. ["sable, three swords in pale proper, pommels and hilts or, two erect, points upwards, between them one, point downwards, on a chief embattled of the third an antique crown gules. crest: out of an eastern crown or, a cubit arm erect in armour, the hand grasping a sword in bend sinister, and the wrist encircled by a laurel wreath proper"]. [illustration: fig. .--crown vallary.] [illustration: fig. .--palisado crown.] of _identically_ the same shape is what is known as the "antique coronet." it has no particular meaning, and though no objection is made to granting it in scotland and ireland, it is not granted in england. instances in which it occurs under such a description will be found in the cases of lanigan o'keefe and matheson. the crown vallary or vallary coronet (fig. ) and the palisado coronet (fig. ) were undoubtedly originally the same, but now the two forms in which it has been depicted are considered to be different coronets. each has the rim, but the vallary coronet is now heightened only by pieces of the shape of vair, whilst the palisado coronet is formed by high "palisadoes" affixed to the rim. these two are the only forms of coronet granted to ordinary and undistinguished applicants in england. the circlet from the crown of a king of arms has once at least been granted as a crest coronet, this being in the case of rogers harrison. in a recent grant of arms to gee, the crest has no wreath, but issues from "a circlet or, charged with a fleur-de-lis gules." the circlet is emblazoned as a plain gold band. the chapeau some number of crests will be found to have been granted to be borne upon a "chapeau" in lieu of wreath or coronet. other names for the chapeau, under which it is equally well known, are the "cap of maintenance" or "cap of dignity." there can be very little doubt that the heraldic chapeau combines two distinct origins or earlier prototypes. the one is the real cap of dignity, and the other is the hat or "capelot" which covered the top of the helm before the mantling was introduced, but from which the { } lambrequin developed. the curious evolution of the chapeau from the "capelot," which is so marked and usual in germany, is the tall conical hat, often surmounted by a tuft or larger plume of feathers, and usually employed in german heraldry as an opportunity for the repetition of the livery colours, or a part of, and often the whole design of, the arms. but it should at the same time be noticed that this tall, conical hat is much more closely allied to the real cap of maintenance than our present crest "chapeau." exactly what purpose the real cap of maintenance served, or of what it was a symbol, remains to a certain extent a matter of mystery. the "cap of maintenance"--a part of the regalia borne before the sovereign at the state opening of parliament (but _not_ at a coronation) by the marquesses of winchester, the hereditary bearers of the cap of maintenance--bears, in its shape, no relation to the heraldic chapeau. the only similarity is its crimson colour and its lining of ermine. it is a tall, conical cap and is carried on a short staff. [illustration: fig. .--the crown of king charles ii.] whilst crest coronets in early days appear to have had little or no relation to titular rank, there is no doubt whatever that caps of dignity had. long before, a coronet was assigned to the rank of baron in the reign of charles ii.; all barons had their caps of dignity, of scarlet lined with white fur; and in the old pedigrees a scarlet cap with a gold tuft or tassel on top and a lining of fur will be found painted above the arms of a baron. this fact, the fact that until after stuart days the chapeau does not appear to have been allowed or granted to others than peers, the fact that it is now reserved for the crests granted to peers, the fact that the velvet cap is a later addition both to the sovereign's crown and to the coronet of a peer, and finally the fact that the cap of maintenance is borne before the sovereign only in the precincts of parliament, would seem to indubitably indicate that the cap of maintenance was inseparably connected with the lordship and overlordship of parliament vested in peers and in the sovereign. in the crumpled and tasselled top of the velvet cap, and in the ermine border visible below the rim, the high conical form of the cap of maintenance proper can be still traced in the cap of a peer's coronet, and that the velvet cap contained in { } the crown of the sovereign and in the coronet of a peer is the survival of the old cap of dignity there can be no doubt. this is perhaps even more apparent in fig. , which shows the crown of king charles ii., than in the representations of the royal crown which we are more accustomed to see. the present form of a peer's coronet is undoubtedly the conjoining of two separate emblems of his rank. the cap of maintenance or dignity, however, as represented above the arms of a baron, as above referred to, was not of this high, conical shape. it was much flatter. the high, conical, original shape is, however, preserved in many of the early heraldic representations of the chapeau, as will be noticed from an examination of the ancient garter plates or from a reference to fig. , which shows the helmet with its chapeau-borne crest of edward the black prince. [illustration: fig. .--the chapeau.] of the chapeaux upon which crests are represented in the early garter plates the following facts may be observed. they are twenty in number of the eighty-six plates reproduced in mr. st. john hope's book. it should be noticed that until the end of the reign of henry viii. the royal crest of the sovereign was always depicted upon a chapeau gules, lined with ermine. of the twenty instances in which the chapeau appears, no less than twelve are representations of the royal crest, borne by closely allied relatives of the sovereign, so that we have only eight examples from which to draw deductions. but of the twenty it should be pointed out that nineteen are peers, and the only remaining instance (sir john grey, k.g.) is that of the eldest son and heir apparent of a peer, both shield and crest being in this case boldly marked with the "label" of an eldest son. consequently it is a safe deduction that whatever may have been the regulations and customs concerning the use of coronets, there can be no doubt that down to the end of the fifteenth century the use of a chapeau marked a crest as that of a peer. of the eight non-royal examples one has been repainted, and is valueless as a contemporary record. of the remaining seven, four are of the conventional gules and ermine. one only has not the ermine lining, that being the crest of lord fanhope. it is plainly the royal crest "differenced" (he being of royal but illegitimate descent), and probably the argent in lieu of ermine lining is one of the intentional marks of distinction. the chapeau of lord beaumont is azure, semé-de-lis, lined ermine, and that of the earl of douglas is azure lined ermine, this being in each case in conformity with the mantling. whilst the beaumont family still use this curiously coloured chapeau with their crest, the douglas crest is now borne (by { } the duke of hamilton) upon one of ordinary tinctures. chapeaux, other than of gules lined ermine, are but rarely met with, and unless specifically blazoned to the contrary a cap of maintenance is always presumed to be gules and ermine. about the stuart period the granting of crests upon chapeaux to others than peers became far from unusual, and the practice appears to have been frequently adopted prior to the beginning of the nineteenth century. some of these crest chapeaux, however, were not of gules. an instance of this kind will be found in the grant in to sir thomas davies, then one of the sheriffs of the city of london, but afterwards (in ) lord mayor. the crest granted was: "on a chapeau sable, turned up or, a demi-lion rampant of the last." the reason for the grant at that date of such a simple crest and the even more astonishingly simple coat of arms ["or, a chevron between three mullets pierced sable"] has always been a mystery to me. the arms of lord lurgan (granted or confirmed ) afford another instance of a chapeau of unusual colour, his crest being: "upon a chapeau azure turned up ermine, a greyhound statant gules, collared or." there are some number of cases in which peers whose ancestors originally bore their crests upon a wreath have subsequently placed them upon a chapeau. the stanleys, earls of derby, are a case in point, as are also the marquesses of exeter. the latter case is curious, because although they have for long enough so depicted their crest, they only comparatively recently (within the last few years) obtained the necessary authorisation by the crown. at the present time the official form of the chapeau is as in fig. , with the turn up split at the back into two tails. no such form can be found in any early representation, and most heraldic artists have now reverted to an earlier type. before leaving the subject of the cap of maintenance, reference should be made to another instance of a curious heraldic headgear often, but _quite incorrectly_, styled a "cap of maintenance." this is the fur cap invariably used over the shields of the cities of london, dublin, and norwich. there is no english official authority whatever for such an addition to the arms, but there does appear to be some little official recognition of it in ulster's office in the case of the city of dublin. the late ulster king of arms, however, informed me that he would, in the case of dublin, have no hesitation whatever in certifying the right of the city arms to be so displayed (plate vii.). in the utter absence of anything in the nature of a precedent, it is quite unlikely that the practice will be sanctioned in england. the { } hat used is a flat-topped, brown fur hat of the shape depicted with the arms of the city of dublin. it is merely (in london) a part of the official uniform or livery of the city sword-bearer. it does not even appear to have been a part of the costume of the lord mayor, and it must always remain a mystery why it was ever adopted for heraldic use. but then the chain of the lord mayor of london is generally called a collar of ss. besides this the city of london uses a peer's helmet, a bogus modern crest, and even more modern bogus supporters, so a few other eccentricities need not in that particular instance cause surprise. { } chapter xxiv the mantling or lambrequin the mantling is the ornamental design which in a representation of an armorial achievement depends from the helmet, falling away on either side of the escutcheon. many authorities have considered it to have been no more than a fantastic series of flourishes, devised by artistic minds for the purpose of assisting ornamentation and affording an artistic opportunity of filling up unoccupied spaces in a heraldic design. there is no doubt that its readily apparent advantages in that character have greatly led to the importance now attached to the mantling in heraldic art. but equally is it certain that its real origin is to be traced elsewhere. the development of the heraldry of to-day was in the east during the period of the crusades, and the burning heat of the eastern sun upon the metal helmet led to the introduction and adoption of a textile covering, which would act in some way as a barrier between the two. it was simply in fact and effect a primeval prototype of the "puggaree" of margate and hindustan. it is plain from all early representations that originally it was short, simply hanging from the apex of the helmet to the level of the shoulders, overlapping the textile tunic or "coat of arms," but probably enveloping a greater part of the helmet, neck, and shoulders than we are at present (judging from pictorial representations) inclined to believe. adopted first as a protection against the heat, and perhaps also the rust which would follow damp, the lambrequin soon made evident another of its advantages, an advantage to which we doubtless owe its perpetuation outside eastern warfare in the more temperate climates of northern europe and england. textile fabrics are peculiarly and remarkably deadening to a sword-cut, to which fact must be added the facility with which such a weapon would become entangled in the hanging folds of cloth. the hacking and hewing of battle would show itself plainly upon the lambrequin of one accustomed to a prominent position in the forefront of a fight, and the honourable record implied by a ragged and slashed lambrequin accounts for the fact that we find at an early period after their introduction into heraldic art, that mantlings { } are depicted cut and "torn to ribbons." this opportunity was quickly seized by the heraldic artist, who has always, from those very earliest times of absolute armorial freedom down to the point of greatest and most regularised control, been allowed an entire and absolute discretion in the design to be adopted for the mantling. hence it is that we find so much importance is given to it by heraldic artists, for it is in the design of the mantling, and almost entirely in that opportunity, that the personal character and abilities of the artist have their greatest scope. some authorities have, however, derived the mantling from the robe of estate, and there certainly has been a period in british armory when most lambrequins found in heraldic art are represented by an unmutilated cloth, suspended from and displayed behind the armorial bearings and tied at the upper corners. in all probability the robes of estate of the higher nobility, no less than the then existing and peremptorily enforced sumptuary laws, may have led to the desire and to the attempt, at a period when the actual lambrequin was fast disappearing from general knowledge, to display arms upon something which should represent either the parliamentary robes of estate of a peer, or the garments of rich fabric which the sumptuary laws forbade to those of humble degree. to this period undoubtedly belongs the term "mantling," which is so much more frequently employed than the word lambrequin, which is really--from the armorial point of view--the older term. the heraldic mantling was, of course, originally the representation of the actual "capeline" or textile covering worn upon the helmet, but many early heraldic representations are of mantlings which are of skin, fur, or feathers, being in such cases invariably a continuation of the crest drawn out and represented as the lambrequin. when the crest was a part of the human figure, the habit in which that figure was arrayed is almost invariably found to have been so employed. the garter plate of sir ralph bassett, one of the founder knights, shows the crest as a black boar's head, the skin being continued as the sable mantling. some sclavonic families have mantlings of fur only, that of the hungarian family of chorinski is a bear skin, and countless other instances can be found of the use by german families of a continuation of the crest for a mantling. this practice affords instances of many curious mantlings, this in one case in the zurich _wappenrolle_ being the scaly skin of a salmon. the mane of the lion, the crest of mertz, and the hair and beard of the crests of bohn and landschaden, are similarly continued to do duty for the mantling. this practice has never found great favour in england, the cases amongst the early garter plates where it has been followed standing almost alone. in a { } manuscript (m. , _b_) of the reign of henry vii., now in the college of arms, probably dating from about , an instance of this character can be found, however. it is a representation of the crest of stourton (fig. ) as it was borne at that date, and was a black benedictine demi-monk proper holding erect in his dexter hand a scourge. here the proper black benedictine habit (it has of later years been corrupted into the russet habit of a friar) is continued to form the mantling. plate vii. [illustration] [illustration: fig. .--the crest of stourton.] by what rules the colours of the mantlings were decided in early times it is impossible to say. no rules have been handed down to us--the old heraldic books are silent on the point--and it seems equally hopeless to attempt to deduce any from ancient armorial examples. the one fact that can be stated with certainty is that the rules of early days, if there were any, are not the rules presently observed. some hold that the colours of the mantling were decided by the colours of the actual livery in use as distinct from the "livery colours" of the arms. it is difficult to check this rule, because our knowledge of the liveries in use in early days is so meagre and limited; but in the few instances of which we now have knowledge we look in vain for a repetition of the colours worn by the retainers as liveries in the mantlings used. the fact that the livery colours are represented in the background of some of the early garter plates, and that in such instances in no single case do they agree with the colours of the mantling, must certainly dissipate once and for all any such supposition as far as it relates to that period. a careful study and analysis of early heraldic emblazonment, however, reveals one point as a dominating characteristic. that is, that where the crest, by its nature, lent itself to a continuation into the mantling it generally was so continued. this practice, which was almost universal upon the continent, and is particularly to be met with { } in german heraldry, though seldom adopted in england, certainly had some weight in english heraldry. in the recently published reproductions of the plantagenet garter plates eighty-seven armorial achievements are included. of these, in ten instances the mantlings are plainly continuations of the crests, being "feathered" or in unison. fifteen of the mantlings have both the outside and the inside of the principal colour and of the principal metal of the arms they accompany, though in a few cases, contrary to the present practice, the metal is outside, the lining being of the colour. nineteen more of the mantlings are of the principal colour of the arms, the majority (eighteen) of these being lined with ermine. no less than forty-nine are of some colour lined with ermine, but thirty-four of these are of gules lined ermine, and in the large majority of cases in these thirty-four instances neither the gules nor the ermine are in conformity with the principal colour and metal (what we now term the "livery colours") of the arms. in some cases the colours of the mantling agree with the colours of the crest, a rule which will usually be found to hold good in german heraldry. the constant occurrence of gules and ermine incline one much to believe that the colours of the mantling were not decided by haphazard fancy, but that there was some law--possibly in some way connected with the sumptuary laws of the period--which governed the matter, or, at any rate, which greatly limited the range of selection. of the eighty-seven mantlings, excluding those which are gules lined ermine, there are four only the colours of which apparently bear no relation whatever to the colours of the arms or the crests appearing upon the same stall plate. in some number of the plates the colours certainly are taken from a quartering other than the first one, and in one at least of the four exceptions the mantling (one of the most curious examples) is plainly derived from a quartering inherited by the knight in question though not shown upon the stall plate. probably a closer examination of the remaining three instances would reveal a similar reason in each case. that any law concerning the colours of their mantlings was enforced upon those concerned would be an unwarrantable deduction not justified by the instances under examination, but one is clearly justified in drawing from these cases some deductions as to the practice pursued. it is evident that unless one was authorised by the rule or reason governing the matter--whatever such rule or reason may have been--in using a mantling of gules and ermine, the dominating colour (not as a rule the metal) of the coat of arms (or of one of the quarterings), or sometimes of the crest if the tinctures of arms and crest were not in unison, decided the colour of the mantling. that there was some meaning behind the mantlings of gules lined with ermine there can be little doubt, for it is noticeable that in a case in { } which the colours of the arms themselves are gules and ermine, the mantling is of gules and argent, as by the way in this particular case is the chapeau upon which the crest is placed. but probably the reason which governed these mantlings of gules lined with ermine, as also the ermine linings of other mantlings, must be sought outside the strict limits of armory. that the colours of mantlings are repeated in different generations, and in the plates of members of the same family, clearly demonstrates that selection was not haphazard. certain of these early garter plates exhibit interesting curiosities in the mantlings:-- . sir william latimer, lord latimer, k.g., c. - . arms: gules a cross patonce or. crest: a plume of feathers sable, the tips or. mantling gules with silver vertical stripes, lined with ermine. . sir bermond arnaud de presac, soudan de la tran, k.g., -_post_ . arms: or, a lion rampant double-queued gules. crest: a midas' head argent. mantling sable, lined gules, the latter veined or. . sir simon felbrigge, k.g., - . arms: or, a lion rampant gules. crest: out of a coronet gules, a plume of feathers ermine. mantling ermine, lined gules (evidently a continuation of the crest). . sir reginald cobham, lord cobham, k.g., - . arms: gules, on a chevron or, three estoiles sable. crest: a soldan's head sable, the brow encircled by a torse or. mantling sable (evidently a continuation of the crest), lined gules. . sir edward cherleton, lord cherleton of powis, k.g., - to - . arms: or, a lion rampant gules. crest: on a wreath gules and sable, two lions' gambs also gules, each adorned on the exterior side with three demi-fleurs-de-lis issuing argent, the centres thereof or. mantling: on the dexter side, sable; on the sinister side, gules; both lined ermine. . sir hertong von clux, k.g., - or . arms: argent, a vine branch couped at either end in bend sable. crest: out of a coronet or, a plume of feathers sable and argent. mantling: on the dexter side, azure; on the sinister, gules; both lined ermine. . sir miles stapleton, k.g. (founder knight, died ). arms: argent, a lion rampant sable. crest: a soldan's head sable, around the temples a torse azure, tied in a knot, the ends flowing. mantling sable (probably a continuation of the crest), lined gules. . sir walter hungerford, lord hungerford and heytesbury, k.g., - . arms: sable, two bars argent, and in chief three plates. crest: out of a coronet azure a garb or, enclosed by two sickles argent. mantling (within and without): dexter, barry of six { } ermine and gules; sinister, barry of six gules and ermine. (the reason of this is plain. the mother of lord hungerford was a daughter and coheir of hussey. the arms of hussey are variously given: "barry of six ermine and gules," or "ermine, three bars gules.") . sir humphrey stafford, earl of stafford, - . arms: or, a chevron gules. crest: out of a coronet gules, a swan's head and neck proper, beaked gules, between two wings also proper. mantling: the dexter side, sable; the sinister side, gules; both lined ermine. black and gules, it may be noted, were the livery colours of buckingham, an earldom which had devolved upon the earls of stafford. . sir john grey of ruthin, k.g., - . arms: quarterly, and , barry of six argent and azure, in chief three torteaux; and , quarterly i. and iiii., or, a maunch gules; ii. and iii., barry of eight argent and azure, an orle of ten martlets gules; over all a label of three points argent. crest: on a chapeau gules, turned up ermine, a wyvern or, gorged with a label argent. mantling or, lined ermine. . sir richard nevill, earl of salisbury, k.g., - . arms: quarterly, and , quarterly i. and iiii., argent, three lozenges conjoined in fess gules; ii. and iii., or, an eagle displayed vert; and , gules, a saltire argent, a label of three points compony argent and azure. crest: on a coronet, a griffin sejant, with wings displayed or. mantling: dexter side, gules; the sinister, sable; both lined ermine. . sir gaston de foix, count de longueville, &c., k.g., - . arms: quarterly, and , or, three pallets gules; and , or, two cows passant in pale gules, over all a label of three points, each point or, on a cross sable five escallops argent. crest: on a wreath or and gules, a blackamoor's bust with ass's ears sable, vested paly or and gules, all between two wings, each of the arms as in the first quarter. mantling paly of or and gules, lined vert. . sir walter blount, lord mountjoye, k.g., - . arms: quarterly, . argent, two wolves passant in pale sable, on a bordure also argent eight saltires couped gules (for ayala); . or, a tower (? gules) (for mountjoy); . barry nebuly or and sable (for blount); . vairé argent and gules (for gresley). crest: out of a coronet two ibex horns or. mantling sable, lined on the dexter side with argent, and on the sinister with or. . frederick, duke of urbino. mantling or, lined ermine. in continental heraldry it is by no means uncommon to find the device of the arms repeated either wholly or in part upon the mantling. in reference to this the "tournament rules" of rené, duke of anjou, { } throw some light on the point. these it may be of interest to quote:-- "vous tous princes, seigneurs, barons, cheualiers, et escuyers, qui auez intention de tournoyer, vous estes tenus vous rendre és heberges le quartrième jour deuan le jour du tournoy, pour faire de vos blasons fenestres, sur payne de non estre receus audit tournoy. les armes seront celles-cy. le tymbre doit estre sur vne piece de cuir boüilly, la quelle doit estre bien faultrée d'vn doigt d'espez, ou plus, par le dedans: et doit contenir la dite piece de cuir tout le sommet du heaulme, et sera couuerte la dite piece du lambrequin armoyé des armes de celuy qui le portera, et sur le dit lambrequin au plus haut du sommet, sera assis le dit tymbre, et autour d'iceluy aura vn tortil des couleurs que voudra le tournoyeur. "item, et quand tous les heaulmes seront ainsi mis et ordonnez pour les departir, viendront toutes dames et damoiselles et tout seigneurs, cheualiers, et escuyers, en les visitant d'vn bout à autre, la present les juges, qui meneront trois ou quatre tours les dames pour bien voir et visiter les tymbres, et y aura vu heraut ou poursuivant, qui dira aux dames selon l'endroit où elles seront, le nom de ceux à qui sont les tymbres, afin que s'il en a qui ait des dames médit, et elles touchent son tymbre, qu'il soit le lendemain pour recommandé." (menêtrier, _l'origine des armoiries_, pp. - .) whilst one can call to mind no instance of importance of ancient date where this practice has been followed in this country, there are one or two instances in the garter plates which approximate closely to it. the mantling of john, lord beaumont, is azure, semé-de-lis (as the field of his arms), lined ermine. those of sir john bourchier, lord berners, and of sir henry bourchier, earl of essex, are of gules, billetté or, evidently derived from the quartering for louvaine upon the arms, this quartering being: "gules, billetté and a fess or." according to a ms. of vincent, in the college of arms, the warrens used a mantling chequy of azure and or with their arms. a somewhat similar result is obtained by the mantling, "gules, semé of lozenges or," upon the small plate of sir sanchet dabrichecourt. the mantling of sir lewis robessart, lord bourchier, is: "azure, bezanté, lined argent." "the azure mantling on the garter plate of henry v., as prince of wales, is 'semé of the french golden fleurs-de-lis.'... the daubeny mantling is 'semé of mullets.' on the brass of sir john wylcote, at tew, the lambrequins are chequy.... on the seals of sir john bussy, in and , the mantlings are barry, the coat being 'argent, three bars sable.'" there are a few cases amongst the garter plates in which badges are plainly and unmistakably depicted upon the mantlings. thus, on the lining of the mantling on the plate of sir henry bourchier (elected ) will be found water-bougets, which are repeated on a fillet round the head of the crest. the stall plate of sir john bourchier, lord { } berners, above referred to (elected ), is lined with silver on the dexter side, semé in the upper part with water-bougets, and in the lower part with bourchier knots. on the opposite side of the mantling the knots are in the upper part, and the water-bougets below. that these badges upon the mantling are not haphazard artistic decoration is proved by a reference to the monumental effigy of the earl of essex, in little easton church, essex. the differing shapes of the helmet, and of the coronet and the mantling, and the different representation of the crest, show that, although depicted in his garter robes, upon his effigy the helmet, crest, and mantling upon which the earl's head there rests, and the representations of the same upon the garter plate, are not slavish copies of the same original model. nevertheless upon the effigy, as on the garter plate, we find the outside of the mantling "semé of billets," and the inside "semé of water-bougets." another instance amongst the garter plates will be found in the case of viscount lovell, whose mantling is strewn with gold padlocks. nearly all the mantlings on the garter stall plates are more or less heavily "veined" with gold, and many are heavily diapered and decorated with floral devices. so prominent is some of this floral diapering that one is inclined to think that in a few cases it may possibly be a diapering with floral badges. in other cases it is equally evidently no more than a mere accessory of design, though between these two classes of diapering it would be by no means easy to draw a line of distinction. the veining and "heightening" of a mantling with gold is at the present day nearly always to be seen in elaborate heraldic painting. from the garter plates of the fourteenth century it has been shown that the colours of a large proportion of the mantlings approximated in early days to the colours of the arms. the popularity of gules, however, was then fast encroaching upon the frequency of appearance which other colours should have enjoyed; and in the sixteenth century, in grants and other paintings of arms, the use of a mantling of gules had become practically universal. in most cases the mantling of "gules, doubled argent" forms an integral part of the terms of the grant itself, as sometimes do the "gold tassels" which are so frequently found terminating the mantlings of that and an earlier period. this custom continued through the stuart period, and though dropped officially in england during the eighteenth century (when the mantling reverted to the livery colours of the arms, and became in this form a matter of course and so understood, not being expressed in the wording of the patent), it continued in force in lyon office in scotland until the year , when the present lyon king of arms (sir james balfour paul) altered the practice, and, as had earlier been done in england, { } ordered that all future scottish mantlings should be depicted in the livery colours of the arms, but in scotland the mantlings, though now following the livery colours, are still included in the terms of the grant, and thereby stereotyped. in england, in an official "exemplification" at the present day of an ancient coat of arms (_e.g._ in an exemplification following the assumption of name and arms by royal license), the mantling is painted in the livery colours, irrespective of any ancient patent in which "gules and argent" may have been _granted_ as the colour of the mantling. though probably most people will agree as to the expediency of such a practice, it is at any rate open to criticism on the score of propriety, unless the new mantling is expressed in terms in the new patent. this would of course amount to a grant overriding the earlier one, and would do all that was necessary; but failing this, there appears to be a distinct hiatus in the continuity of authority. ermine linings to the mantling were soon denied to the undistinguished commoner, and with the exception of the early garter plates, it would be difficult to point to an instance of their use. the mantlings of peers, however, continued to be lined with ermine, and english instances under official sanction can be found in the visitation books and in the garter plates until a comparatively recent period. in fact the relegation of peers to the ordinary livery colours for their mantlings is, in england, quite a modern practice. in scotland, however, the mantlings of peers have always been lined with ermine, and the present lyon continues this whilst usually making the colours of the outside of the mantlings agree with the principal colour of the arms. this, as regards the outer colour of the mantling, is not a fixed or stereotyped rule, and in some cases lyon has preferred to adopt a mantling of gules lined with ermine as more comformable to a peer's parliamentary robe of estate. in the deputy earl-marshal's warrant referred to on page are some interesting points as to the mantling. it is recited that "some persons under y^e degree of y^e nobilitie of this realme doe cause ermins to be depicted upon ye lineings of those mantles which are used with their armes, and also that there are some that have lately caused the mantles of their armes to be painted like ostrich feathers as tho' they were of some peculiar and superior degree of honor," and the warrant commands that these points are to be rectified. the royal mantling is of cloth of gold. in the case of the sovereign and the prince of wales it is lined with ermine, and for other members of the royal family it is lined with argent. queen elizabeth was the first sovereign to adopt the golden mantling, the royal tinctures before that date (for the mantling) being gules lined ermine. the mantling of or and ermine has, of course, since that date been rigidly denied to { } all outside the royal family. two instances, however, occur amongst the early garter plates, viz. sir john grey de ruthyn and frederick, duke of urbino. it is sometimes stated that a mantling of or and ermine is a sign of sovereignty, but the mantling of our own sovereign is really the only case in which it is presently so used. in sweden, as in scotland, the colours of the mantling are specified in the patent, and, unlike our own, are often curiously varied. the present rules for the colour of a mantling are as follows in england and ireland:-- . that with ancient arms of which the grant specified the colour, where this has not been altered by a subsequent exemplification, the colours must be as stated in the grant, _i.e._ usually gules, lined argent. . that the mantling of the sovereign and prince of wales is of cloth of gold, lined with ermine. . that the mantling of other members of the royal family is of cloth of gold lined with argent. . that the mantlings of all other people shall be of the livery colours. the rules in scotland are now as follows: . that in the cases of peers whose arms were matriculated before the mantling is of gules lined with ermine (the scottish term for "lined" is "doubled"). . that the mantlings of all other arms matriculated before shall be of gules and argent. . that the mantlings of peers whose arms have been matriculated since shall be either of the principal colour of the arms, lined with ermine, or of gules lined ermine (conformably to the parliamentary robe of estate of a peer) as may happen to have been matriculated. . that the mantlings of all other persons whose arms have been matriculated since shall be of the livery colours, unless other colours are, as is occasionally the case, specified in the patent of matriculation. whether in scotland a person is entitled to assume of his own motion an ermine lining to his mantling upon his elevation to the peerage, without a rematriculation in cases where the arms and mantling have been otherwise matriculated at an earlier date, or whether in england any peer may still line his mantling with ermine, are points on which one hesitates to express an opinion. when the mantling is of the livery colours the following rules must be observed. the outside must be of some colour and the lining of some metal. the colour must be the principal colour of the arms, { } _i.e._ the colour of the field if it be of colour, or if it is of metal, then the colour of the principal ordinary or charge upon the shield. the metal will be as the field, if the field is of metal, or if not, it will be as the metal of the principal ordinary or charge. in other words, it should be the same tinctures as the wreath. if the field is party of colour and metal (_i.e._ per pale barry, quarterly, &c.), then that colour and that metal are "the livery colours." if the field is party of two _colours_ the principal colour (_i.e._ the one first mentioned in the blazon) is taken as the colour and the other is ignored. the mantling is _not_ made party to agree with the field in british heraldry, as would be the case in germany. if the field is of a fur, then the dominant metal or colour of the fur is taken as one component part of the "livery colours," the other metal or colour required being taken from the next most important tincture of the field. for example, "ermine, a fess gules" has a mantling of gules and argent, whilst "or, a chevron ermines" would need a mantling of sable and or. the mantling for "azure, a lion rampant erminois" would be azure and or. but in a coat showing fur, metal, and colour, sometimes the fur is ignored. a field of vair has a mantling argent and azure, but if the charge be vair the field will supply the one, _i.e._ either colour or metal, whilst the vair supplies whichever is lacking. except in the cases of scotsmen who are peers and of the sovereign and prince of wales, no fur is ever used nowadays in great britain for a mantling. in cases where the principal charge is "proper," a certain discretion must be used. usually the heraldic colour to which the charge approximates is used. for example, "argent, issuing from a mount in base a tree proper," &c., would have a mantling vert and argent. the arms "or, three cornish choughs proper," or "argent, three negroes' heads couped proper," would have mantlings respectively sable and or and sable and argent. occasionally one comes across a coat which supplies an "impossible" mantling, or which does not supply one at all. such a coat would be "per bend sinister ermine and erminois, a lion rampant counterchanged." here there is no colour at all, so the mantling would be gules and argent. "argent, three stags trippant proper" would have a mantling gules and argent. a coat of arms with a landscape field would also probably be supplied (in default of a chief, _e.g._ supplying other colours and tinctures) with a mantling gules and argent. it is quite permissible to "vein" a mantling with gold lines, this being always done in official paintings. in english official heraldry, where, no matter how great the number of crests, one helmet only is painted, it naturally follows that one mantling only can be depicted. this is always taken from the livery colours of the chief (_i.e._ the first) quartering or sub-quartering. { } in scottish patents at the present day in which a helmet is painted for each crest the mantlings frequently vary, being in each case in accordance with the livery colours of the quartering to which the crest belongs. consequently this must be accepted as the rule in cases where more than one helmet is shown. in considering the fashionings of mantlings it must be remembered that styles and fashions much overlap, and there has always been the tendency in armory to repeat earlier styles. whilst one willingly concedes the immense gain in beauty by the present reversion in heraldic art to older and better, and certainly more artistic types, there is distinctly another side to the question which is strangely overlooked by those who would have the present-day heraldic art slavishly copied in all minutiæ of detail, and even (according to some) in all the crudity of draughtmanship from examples of the earliest periods. hitherto each period of heraldic art has had its own peculiar style and type, each within limits readily recognisable. whether that style and type can be considered when judged by the canons of art to be good or bad, there can be no doubt that each style in its turn has approximated to, and has been in keeping with, the concurrent decorative art outside and beyond heraldry, though it has always exhibited a tendency to rather lag behind. when all has been said and done that can be, heraldry, in spite of its symbolism and its many other meanings, remains but a form of decorative art; and therefore it is natural that it should be influenced by other artistic ideas and other manifestations of art and accepted forms of design current at the period to which it belongs. for, from the artistic point of view, the part played in art by heraldry is so limited in extent compared with the part occupied by other forms of decoration, that one would naturally expect heraldry to show the influence of outside decorative art to a greater extent than decorative art as a whole would be likely to show the influence of heraldry. in our present revulsion of mind in favour of older heraldic types, we are apt to speak of "good" or "bad" heraldic art. but art itself cannot so be divided, for after all allowances have been made for crude workmanship, and when bad or imperfect examples have been eliminated from consideration (and given always necessarily the essential basis of the relation of line to curve and such technical details of art), who on earth is to judge, or who is competent to say, whether any particular style of art is good or bad? no one from preference executes speculative art which he knows whilst executing it to be bad. most manifestations of art, and peculiarly of decorative art, are commercial matters executed with the frank idea of subsequent sale, and consequently with the subconscious idea, true though but seldom acknowledged, of pleasing that public which will { } have to buy. consequently the ultimate appeal is to the taste of the public, for art, if it be not the desire to give pleasure by the representation of beauty, is nothing. beauty, of course, must not necessarily be confounded with prettiness; it may be beauty of character. the result is, therefore, that the decorative art of any period is an indication of that which gives pleasure at the moment, and an absolute reflex of the artistic wishes, desires, and tastes of the cultivated classes to whom executive art must appeal. at every period it has been found that this taste is constantly changing, and as a consequence the examples of decorative art of any period are a reflex only of the artistic ideas current at the time the work was done. at all periods, therefore, even during the early victorian period, which we are now taught and believe to be the most ghastly period through which english art has passed, the art in vogue has been what the public have admired, and have been ready to pay for, and most emphatically what they have been taught and brought up to consider good art. in early victorian days there was no lack of educated people, and because they liked the particular form of decoration associated with their period, who is justified in saying that, because that peculiar style of decoration is not acceptable now to ourselves, their art was bad, and worse than our own? if throughout the ages there had been one dominating style of decoration equally accepted at all periods and by all authorities as the highest type of decorative art, then we should have some standard to judge by. such is not the case, and we have no such standard, and any attempt to arbitrarily create and control ideas between given parallel lines of arbitrary thought, when the ideas are constantly changing, is impossible and undesirable. who dreams of questioning the art of benvenuto cellini, or of describing his craftsmanship as other than one of the most vivid examples of his period, and yet what had it in keeping with the art of the louis xvi. period, or the later art of william morris and his followers? widely divergent as are these types, they are nevertheless all accepted as the highest expressions of three separate types of decorative art. any one attempting to compare them, or to rank these schools of artistic thought in order of superiority, would simply be laying themselves open to ridicule unspeakable, for they would be ranked by the highest authorities of different periods in different orders, and it is as impossible to create a permanent standard of art as it is impossible to ensure a permanence of any particular public taste. the fact that taste changes, and as a consequence that artistic styles and types vary, is simply due to the everlasting desire on the part of the public for some new thing, and their equally permanent appreciation of novelty of idea or sensation. that master-minds have arisen to teach, and { } that they have taught with some success their own particular brand of art to the public, would seem rather to argue against the foregoing ideas were it not that, when the master-mind and the dominating influence are gone, the public, desiring as always change and novelty, are ready to fly to any new teacher and master who can again afford them artistic pleasure. the influence of william morris in household decoration is possibly the most far-reaching modern example of the influence of a single man upon the art of his period; but master-mind as was his, and master-craftsman as he was, it has needed but a few years since his death to start the undoing of much that he taught. after the movement initiated by morris and carried further by the arts and crafts society, which made for simplicity in structural design as well as in the decoration of furniture, we have now fallen back upon the flowery patterns of the early victorian period, and there is hardly a drawing-room in fashionable london where the chairs and settees are not covered with early victorian chintzes. artistic authorities may shout themselves hoarse, but the fashion having been set in mayfair will be inevitably followed in suburbia, and we are doubtless again at the beginning of the cycle of that curious manifestation of domestic decorative art which was current in the early part of the nineteenth century. it is, therefore, evident that it is futile to describe varying types of art of varying periods as good or bad, or to differentiate between them, unless some such permanent basis of comparison or standard of excellence be conceded. the differing types must be accepted as no more than the expression of the artistic period to which they belong. that being so, one cannot help thinking that the abuse which has been heaped of late (by unthinking votaries of plantagenet and tudor heraldry) upon heraldic art in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries has very greatly overstepped the true proportion of the matter. much that has been said is true, but what has been said too often lacks proportion. there is consequently much to be said in favour of allowing each period to create its own style and type of heraldic design, in conformity with the ideas concerning decorative art which are current outside heraldic thought. this is precisely what is not happening at the present time, even with all our boasted revival of armory and armorial art. the tendency at the present time is to slavishly copy examples of other periods. there is another point which is usually overlooked by the most blatant followers of this school of thought. what are the ancient models which remain to us? the early rolls of arms of which we hear so much are not, and were never intended to be, examples of artistic execution. they are merely memoranda of _fact_. it is absurd to suppose that an actual shield was painted with the crudity to be met { } with in the rolls of arms. it is equally absurd to accept as unimpeachable models, garter plates, seals, or architectural examples unless the purpose and medium--wax, enamel, or stone--in which they are executed is borne in mind, and the knowledge used with due discrimination. mr. eve, without slavishly copying, originally appears to have modelled his work upon the admirable designs and ideas of the "little masters" of german art in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. he has since progressed therefrom to a distinctive and very excellent style of his own. mr. graham johnson models his work upon plantagenet and tudor examples. the work of père anselm, and of pugin, the first start towards the present ideas of heraldic art, embodying as it did so much of the beauty of the older work whilst possessing a character of its own, and developing ancient ideals by increased beauty of execution, has placed their reputation far above that of others, who, following in their footsteps, have not possessed their abilities. but with regard to most of the heraldic design of the present day as a whole it is very evident that we are simply picking and choosing tit-bits from the work of bygone craftsmen, and copying, more or less slavishly, examples of other periods. this makes for no advance in design either, in its character or execution, nor will it result in any peculiarity of style which it will be possible in the future to identify with the present period. our heraldry, like our architecture, though it may be dated in the twentieth century, will be a heterogeneous collection of isolated specimens of gothic, tudor, or queen anne style and type, which surely is as anachronistic as we consider to be those dutch paintings which represent christ and the apostles in modern clothes. roughly the periods into which the types of mantlings can be divided, when considered from the standpoint of their fashioning, are somewhat as follows. there is the earliest period of all, when the mantling depicted approximated closely if it was not an actual representation of the capelote really worn in battle. examples of this will be found in the _armorial de gelre_ and the zurich _wappenrolle_. as the mantling worn lengthened and evolved itself into the lambrequin, the mantling depicted in heraldic art was similarly increased in size, terminating in the long mantle drawn in profile but tasselled and with the scalloped edges, a type which is found surviving in some of the early garter plates. this is the transition stage. the next definite period is when we find the mantling depicted on both sides of the helmet and the scalloped edges developed, in accordance with the romantic ideas of the period, into the slashes and cuts of the bold and artistic mantlings of plantagenet armorial art. slowly decreasing in strength, but at the same time increasing in elaboration, this mantling and type continued until it had reached its { } highest pitch of exuberant elaboration in stuart and early georgian times. side by side with this over-elaboration came the revulsion to a puritan simplicity of taste which is to be found in other manifestations of art at the same time, and which made itself evident in heraldic decoration by the use as mantling of the plain uncut cloth suspended behind the shield. originating in elizabethan days, this plain cloth was much made use of, but towards the end of the stuart period came that curious evolution of british heraldry which is peculiar to these countries alone. that is the entire omission of both helmet and mantling. how it originated it is difficult to understand, unless it be due to the fact that a large number, in fact a large proportion, of english families possessed a shield only and neither claimed nor used a crest, and that consequently a large number of heraldic representations give the shield only. it is rare indeed to find a shield surmounted by helmet and mantling when the former is not required to support a crest. at the same time we find, among the official records of the period, that the documents of chief importance were the visitation books. in these, probably from motives of economy or to save needless draughtsmanship, the trouble of depicting the helmet and mantling was dispensed with, and the crest is almost universally found depicted on the wreath, which is made to rest upon the shield, the helmet being omitted. that being an accepted official way of representing an achievement, small wonder that the public followed, and we find as a consequence that a large proportion of the bookplates during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had no helmet or mantling at all, the elaboration of the edges of the shield, together with the addition of decorative and needless accessories bearing no relation to the arms, fulfilling all purposes of decorative design. it should also be remembered that from towards the close of the stuart period onward, england was taking her art and decoration almost entirely from continental sources, chiefly french and italian. in both the countries the use of crests was very limited indeed in extent, and the elimination of the helmet and mantling, and the elaboration in their stead of the edges of the shield, we probably owe to the effort to assimilate french and italian forms of decoration to english arms. so obsolete had become the use of helmet and mantling that it is difficult to come across examples that one can put forward as mantlings typical of the period. helmets and mantlings were of course painted upon grants and upon the stall plates of the knights of the various orders, but whilst the helmets became weak, of a pattern impossible to wear, and small in size, the mantling became of a stereotyped pattern, and of a design poor and wooden according to our present ideas. [illustration: fig. .--carriage panel of georgiana, marchioness of cholmondeley.] unofficial heraldry had sunk to an even lower style of art, and { } the regulation heraldic stationer's types of shield, mantling, and helmet are awe-inspiring in their ugliness. the term "mantle" is sometimes employed, but it would seem hardly quite correctly, to the parliamentary robe of estate upon which the arms of a peer of the realm were so frequently depicted at the end of the eighteenth and in the early part of the nineteenth centuries. its popularity is an indication of the ever-constant predilection for something which is denied to others and the possession of which is a matter of privilege. woodward, in his "treatise on heraldry," treats of and dismisses the matter in one short sentence: "in england the suggestion that the arms of peers should be mantled with their parliament robes was never generally adopted." in this statement he is quite incorrect, for as the accepted type in one particular opportunity of armorial display its use was absolutely universal. the opportunity in question was the emblazonment of arms upon carriage panels. in the early part of the nineteenth and at the end of the eighteenth centuries armorial bearings were painted of some size upon carriages, and there were few such paintings executed for the carriages, chariots, and state coaches of peers that did not appear upon a background of the robe of estate. with the modern craze for ostentatious unostentation (the result, there can be little doubt, in this respect of the wholesale appropriation of arms by those without a right to bear these ornaments), the decoration of a peer's carriage nowadays seldom shows more than a simple coronet, or a coroneted crest, initial, or monogram; but the state chariots of those who still possess them almost all, without exception, show the arms emblazoned upon the robe of estate. the royal and many other state chariots made or refurbished for the recent coronation ceremonies show that, when an opportunity of the fullest display properly arises, the robe of estate is not yet a thing of the past. fig. is from a photograph of a carriage panel, and shows the arms of a former marchioness of cholmondeley displayed in this manner. incidentally it also shows a practice frequently resorted to, but quite unauthorised, of taking one supporter from the husband's shield and the other (when the wife was an heiress) from the arms of her family. the arms are those of georgiana charlotte, widow of george james, first marquess of cholmondeley, and younger daughter and coheir of peregrine, third duke of ancaster. she became a widow in and died in , so the panel must have been painted between those dates. the arms shown are: "quarterly, and , gules, in chief two esquires' helmets proper, and in base a garb or (for cholmondeley); . gules, a chevron between three eagles' heads erased argent; . or, on a fesse between two chevrons sable, three cross crosslets or (for walpole), and on an { } escutcheon of pretence the arms of bertie, namely: argent, three battering-rams fesswise in pale proper, headed and garnished azure." the supporters shown are: "dexter, a griffin sable, armed, winged, and membered or (from the cholmondeley achievement); sinister, a friar vested in russet with staff and rosary or" (one of the supporters belonging to the barony of willoughby d'eresby, to which the marchioness of cholmondeley in her own right was a coheir until the abeyance in the barony was determined in favour of her elder sister). "in later times the arms of sovereigns--the german electors, &c.--were mantled, usually with crimson velvet fringed with gold, lined with ermine, and crowned; but the mantling armoyé was one of the marks of dignity used by the pairs de france, and by cardinals resident in france; it was also employed by some great nobles in other countries. the mantling of the princes and dukes of mirandola was chequy argent and azure, lined with ermine. in france the mantling of the chancelier was of cloth of gold; that of présidents, of scarlet, lined with alternate strips of ermine and _petit gris_. in france, napoleon i., who used a mantling of purple semé of golden bees, decreed that the princes and grand dignitaries should use an azure mantling thus semé; those of dukes were to be plain, and lined with vair instead of ermine. in a mantling of azure, fringed with gold and lined with ermine, was appropriated to the dignity of pair de france." the pavilion is a feature of heraldic art which is quite unknown to british heraldry, and one can call to mind no single instance of its use in this country; but as its use is very prominent in germany and other countries, it cannot be overlooked. it is confined to the arms of sovereigns, and the pavilion is the tent-like erection within which the heraldic achievement is displayed. the pavilion seems to have originated in france, where it can be traced back upon the great seals of the kings to its earliest form and appearance upon the seal of louis xi. in the case of the kings of france, it was of azure semé-de-lis or. the pavilion used with the arms of the german emperor is of gold semé alternately of imperial crowns and eagles displayed sable, and is lined with ermine. the motto is carried on a crimson band, and it is surmounted by the imperial crown, and a banner of the german colours gules, argent, and sable. the pavilion used by the german emperor as king of prussia is of crimson, semé of black eagles and gold crowns, and the band which carries the motto is blue. the pavilions of the king of bavaria and the duke of baden, the king of saxony, the duke of hesse, the duke of mecklenburg-schwerin, the duke of saxe-weimar-eisenach, the duke of { } saxemeiningen-hildburghausen, the duke of saxe-altenburg, and the duke of anhalt are all of crimson. in german heraldry a rather more noticeable distinction is drawn than with ourselves between the lambrequin (_helmdecke_) and the mantle (_helmmantel_). this more closely approximates to the robe of estate, though the _helmmantel_ has not in germany the rigid significance of peerage degree that the robe of estate has in this country. the german _helmmantel_ with few exceptions is always of purple lined with ermine, and whilst the mantel always falls directly from the coronet or cap, the pavilion is arranged in a dome-like form which bears the crown upon its summit. the pavilion is supposed to be the invention of the frenchman philip moreau ( ), and found its way from france to germany, where both in the greater and lesser courts it was enthusiastically adopted. great britain, austria-hungary, spain, portugal, and würtemberg are the only royal arms in which the pavilion does not figure. { } chapter xxv the torse, or wreath the actual helmet, from the very _earliest_ heraldic representations which have come down to us, would sometimes appear not to have had any mantling, the crest being affixed direct to the (then) flat top of the helmet in use. but occasional crests appear very early in the existence of "ordered" armory, and at much about the same time we find the "textile" covering of the helmet coming into heraldic use. in the earliest times we find that frequently the crest itself was continued into the mantling. but where this was not possible, the attaching of the crest to the helmet when the mantling intervened left an unsightly joining. the unsightliness very soon called forth a remedy. at first this remedy took the form of a coronet or a plain fillet or ribbon round the point of juncture, sometimes with and sometimes without the ends being visible. if the ends were shown they were represented as floating behind, sometimes with and sometimes without a representation of the bow or knot in which they were tied. the plain fillet still continued to be used long after the torse had come into recognised use. the consideration of crest coronets has been already included, but with regard to the wreath an analysis of the plantagenet garter plates will afford some definite basis from which to start deduction. of the eighty-six achievements reproduced in mr. st. john hope's book, five have no crest. consequently we have eighty-one examples to analyse. of these there are ten in which the crest is not attached to the lambrequin and helmet by anything perceptible, eight are attached with fillets of varying widths, twenty-one crests are upon chapeaux, and twenty-nine issue from coronets. but at no period governed by the series is it possible that either fillet, torse, chapeau, or coronet was in use to the exclusion of another form. this remark applies more particularly to the fillet and torse (the latter of which undoubtedly at a later date superseded the former), for both at the beginning and at the end of the series referred to we find the fillet and the wreath or torse, and at both periods we find crests without either coronet, torse, chapeau, or fillet. the fillet must soon afterwards (in the fifteenth century) have completely fallen into desuetude. { } the torse was so small and unimportant a matter that upon seals it would probably equally escape the attention of the engraver and the observer, and probably there would be little to be gained by a systematic hunt through early seals to discover the date of its introduction, but it will be noticed that no wreaths appear in some of the early rolls. general leigh says, "in the time of henry the fifth, and long after, no man had his badge set on a wreath under the degree of a knight. but that order is worn away." it probably belongs to the end of the fourteenth century. there can be little doubt that its twisted shape was an evolution from the plain fillet suggested by the turban of the east. we read in the old romances, in mallory's "morte d'arthur" and elsewhere, of valiant knights who in battle or tournament wore the favour of some lady, or even the lady's sleeve, upon their helmets. it always used to be a puzzle to me how the sleeve could have been worn upon the helmet, and i wonder how many of the present-day novelists, who so glibly make their knightly heroes of olden time wear the "favours" of their lady-lovers, know how it was done? the favour did not take the place of the crest. a knight did not lightly discard an honoured, inherited, and known crest for the sake of wearing a favour only too frequently the mere result of a temporary flirtation; nor to wear her colours could he at short notice discard or renew his lambrequin, surcoat, or the housings and trappings of his horse. he simply took the favour--the colours, a ribbon, or a handkerchief of the lady, as the case might be--and twisted it in and out or over and over the fillet which surrounded the joining-place of crest and helmet. to put her favour on his helmet was the work of a moment. the wearing of a lady's sleeve, which must have been an honour greatly prized, is of course the origin of the well-known "maunch," the solitary charge in the arms of conyers, hastings, and wharton. doubtless the sleeve twined with the fillet would be made to encircle the base of the crest, and it is not unlikely that the wide hanging mouth of the sleeve might have been used for the lambrequin. the dresses of ladies at that period were decorated with the arms of their families, so in each case would be of the "colours" of the lady, so that the sleeve and its colours would be quickly identified, as it was no doubt usually intended they should be. the accidental result of twining a favour in the fillet, in conjunction with the pattern obviously suggested by the turban of the east, produced the conventional torse or wreath. as the conventional slashings of the lambrequin hinted at past hard fighting in battle, so did the conventional torse hint at past service to and favour of ladies, love and war being the occupations of the perfect knight of romance. how far short of the ideal knight of { } romance the knight of fact fell, perhaps the frequent bordures and batons of heraldry are the best indication. at first, as is evident from the garter plates, the colours of the torse seem to have had little or no compulsory relation to the "livery colours" of the arms. the instances to be gleaned from the plantagenet garter plates which have been reproduced are as follows:-- sir john bourchier, lord bourchier. torse: sable and vert. arms: argent and gules. sir john grey, earl of tankerville. torse: vert, gules, and argent. arms: gules and argent. sir lewis robsart, lord bourchier. torse: azure, or, and sable. arms: vert and or. [the crest, derived from his wife (who was a daughter of lord bourchier) is practically the same as the one first quoted. it will be noticed that the torse differs.] sir edward cherleton, lord cherleton of powis. torse: gules and sable. arms: or and gules. sir gaston de foix, count de longueville. torse: or and gules. arms: or and gules. sir william nevill, lord fauconberg. torse: argent and gules. arms: gules and argent. sir richard wydville, lord rivers. torse: vert. arms: argent and gules. sir henry bourchier, earl of essex. torse: sable and vert. arms: argent and gules. [this is the same crest above alluded to.] sir thomas stanley, lord stanley. torse: or and azure. arms: or and azure. sir john bourchier, lord berners. torse: gules and argent. arms: argent and gules. [this is the same crest above alluded to.] sir walter devereux, lord ferrers. torse: argent and sable. arms: argent and gules. [the crest really issues from a coronet upon a torse in a previous case, this crest issues from a torse only.] sir francis lovel, viscount lovel. torse: azure and or. arms: or and gules. sir thomas burgh, lord burgh. torse: azure and sable. arms: azure and ermine. sir richard tunstall, k.g. torse: argent and sable. arms: sable and argent. i can suggest no explanation of these differences unless it be, which is not unlikely, that they perpetuate "favours" worn; or perhaps a more likely supposition is that the wreath or torse was of the "family colours," as these were actually worn by the servants or retainers of each person. if this be not the case, why are the colours of the wreath termed the livery colours? at the present time in an english or irish { } grant of arms the colours are not specified, but the crest is stated to be "on a wreath of the colours." in scotland, however, the crest is granted in the following words: "and upon a wreath of his liveries is set for crest." consequently, i have very little doubt, the true state of the case is that originally the wreath was depicted of the colours of the livery which was worn. then new families came into prominence and eminence, and had no liveries to inherit. they were granted arms and chose the tinctures of their arms as their "colours," and used these colours for their personal liveries. the natural consequence would be in such a case that the torse, being in unison with the livery, was also in unison with the arms. the consequence is that it has become a fixed, unalterable rule in british heraldry that the torse shall be of the principal metal and of the principal colour of the arms. i know of no recent exception to this rule, the latest, as far as i am aware, being a grant in the early years of the eighteenth century. this, it is stated in the patent, was the regranting of a coat of foreign origin. doubtless the formality of a grant was substituted for the usual registration in this case, owing to a lack of formal proof of a right to the arms, but there is no doubt that the peculiarities of the foreign arms, as they had been previously borne, were preserved in the grant. the peculiarity in this case consisted of a torse of three tinctures. the late lyon clerk once pointed out to me, in lyon register, an instance of a coat there matriculated with a torse of three colours, but i unfortunately made no note of it at the time. woodward alludes to the curious chequy wreath on the seals of robert stewart, duke of albany, in . this appears to have been repeated in the seals of his son murdoch. the wreath of patrick hepburn appears to be of roses in the gelre "armorial," and a careful examination of the plates in this volume will show many curious continental instances of substitutes for the conventional torse. though by no means peculiar to british heraldry, there can be no manner of doubt that the wreath in the united kingdom has obtained a position of legalised necessity and constant usage and importance which exists in no other country. as has been already explained, the torse should fit closely to the crest, its object and purpose being merely to hide the joining of crest and helmet. unfortunately in british heraldry this purpose has been ignored. doubtless resulting first from the common practice of depicting a crest upon a wreath and without a helmet, and secondly from the fact that many english crests are quite unsuitable to place on a helmet, in fact impossible to affix by the aid of a wreath to a helmet, and thirdly from our ridiculous rules of position for a helmet, which result in the crest being depicted (in conjunction with the { } representation of the helmet) in a position many such crests never could have occupied on any helmet, the effect has been to cause the wreath to lose its real form, which encircled the _helmet_, and to become considered as no more than a straight support for and relating only to the crest. when, therefore, the crest and its supporting basis is transferred from indefinite space to the helmet, the support, which is the torse, is still represented as a flat resting-place for the crest, and it is consequently depicted as a straight and rigid bar, balanced upon the apex of the helmet. this is now and for long has been the only accepted official way of depicting a wreath in england. certainly this is an ungraceful and inartistic rendering, and a rendering far removed from any actual helmet wreath that can ever have been actually borne. whilst one has no wish to defend the "rigid bar," which has nothing to recommend it, it is at the same time worth while to point out that the heraldic day of actual helmets and actual usage is long since over, never to be revived, and that our heraldry of to-day is merely decorative and pictorial. the rigid bar is none other than a conventionalised form of the actual torse, and is perhaps little more at variance with the reality than is our conventionalised method of depicting a lambrequin. whilst this conventional torse remains the official pattern, it is hopeless to attempt to banish such a method of representation: but lyon king of arms, happily, will have none of it in his official register or on his patents, and few heraldic artists of any repute now care to so design or represent it. as always officially painted it must consist of six links alternately of metal and colour (the "livery colours" of the arms), of which the metal must be the first to be shown to the dexter side. the torse is now supposed to be and represented as a skein of coloured silk intertwined with a gold or silver cord. { } chapter xxvi supporters in this country a somewhat fictitious importance has become attached to supporters, owing to their almost exclusive reservation to the highest rank. the rules which hold at the moment will be recited presently, but there can be no doubt that originally they were in this country little more than mere decorative and artistic appendages, being devised and altered from time to time by different artists according as the artistic necessities of the moment demanded. the subject of the origin of supporters has been very ably dealt with in "a treatise on heraldry" by woodward and burnett, and with all due acknowledgment i take from that work the subjoined extract:-- "supporters are figures of living creatures placed at the side or sides of an armorial shield, and appearing to support it. french writers make a distinction, giving the name of _supports_ to animals, real or imaginary, thus employed; while human figures or angels similarly used are called _tenants_. trees, and other inanimate objects which are sometimes used, are called _soutiens_. "menêtrier and other old writers trace the origin of supporters to the usages of the tournaments, where the shields of the combatants were exposed for inspection, and guarded by their servants or pages disguised in fanciful attire: 'c'est des tournois qu'est venu cet usage parce que les chevaliers y faisoient porter leurs lances, et leurs écus, par des pages, et des valets de pied, deguisez en ours, en lions, en mores, et en sauvages' (_usage des armoiries_, p. ). "the old romances give us evidence that this custom prevailed; but i think only after the use of supporters had already arisen from another source. "there is really little doubt now that anstis was quite correct when, in his _aspilogia_, he attributed the origin of supporters to the invention of the engraver, who filled up the spaces at the top and sides of the triangular shield upon a circular seal with foliage, or with fanciful animals. any good collection of mediæval seals will strengthen this conviction. for instance, the two volumes of laing's 'scottish seals' afford numerous examples in which the shields used in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were placed between two creatures { } resembling lizards or dragons. (see the seal of alexander de balliol, .--laing, ii. .) * * * * * "the seal of john, duke of normandy, eldest son of the king of france, before bears his arms (france-ancient, _a bordure gules_) between two lions rampant away from the shield, and an eagle with expanded wings standing above it. the _secretum_ of isabelle de flandres (_c._ ) has her shield placed between three lions, each charged with a bend (vrée, _gen. com. flanr._, plates xliii., xliv., xcii.). in aymon of savoy places his arms (savoy, _with a label_) between a winged lion in chief and a lion without wings at either side. later, on the seal of amadeus vi., a lion's head between wings became the crest of savoy. in amadeus bears savoy on a lozenge between in chief two eagles, in base two lions. (cibrario, nos. , ; and guichenon, tome i. no. .) in scotland the shield of reginald crawford in is placed between two dogs, and surmounted by a fox; in the same year the paly shield of reginald, earl of athole, appears between two lions in chief and as many griffins in flanks.--laing, i. , . "the seal of humbert ii., dauphin de viennois in , is an excellent example of the fashion. the shield of dauphiny is in the centre of a quatrefoil. two savages mounted on griffins support its flanks; on the upper edge an armed knight sits on a couchant lion, and the space in base is filled by a human face between two wingless dragons. the spaces are sometimes filled with the evangelistic symbols, as on the seal of yolante de flandres, countess of bar (_c._ ). the seal of jeanne, dame de plasnes, in bears her arms _en bannière_ a quatrefoil supported by two kneeling angels, a demi-angel in chief, and a lion couchant guardant in base." corporate and other seals afford countless examples of the interstices in the design being filled with the figures similar to those from which in later days the supporters of a family have been deduced. but i am myself convinced that the argument can be carried further. fanciful ornamentation or meaningless devices may have first been made use of by seal engravers, but it is very soon found that the badge is in regular use for this purpose, and we find both animate and inanimate badges employed. then where this is possible the badge, if animate, is made to support the helmet and crest, and, later on, the shield, and there can be no doubt the badge was in fact acting as a supporter long before the science of armory recognised that existence of supporters. before passing to supporters proper, it may be well to briefly allude to various figures which are to be found in a position analogous to that of supporters. the single human figure entire, or in the form { } of a demi-figure appearing above the shield, is very frequently to be met with, but the addition of such figures _was and remains purely artistic_, and i know of no single instance in british armory where one figure, animate or inanimate, has ever existed alone in the character of a single supporter, and as an integral part of the heritable armorial achievement. of course i except those figures upon which the arms of certain families are properly displayed. these will be presently alluded to, but though they are certainly exterior ornaments, i do not think they can be properly classed as supporters unless to this term is given some elasticity, or unless the term has some qualifying remarks of reservation added to it. there are, however, many instances of armorial ensigns depicted, and presumably correctly, in the form of banners supported by a single animal, but it will always be found that the single animal is but one of the pair of duly allocated supporters. many instances of arms depicted in this manner will be found in "prince arthur's book." the same method of display was adopted in some number of cases, and with some measure of success, in foster's "peerage." single figures are very frequently to be met with in german and continental heraldry, but on these occasions, as with ourselves, the position they occupy is merely that of an artistic accessory, and bears no inseparable relation to the heraldic achievement. the single exception to the foregoing statement of which i am aware is to be found in the arms of the swiss cantons. these thirteen coats are sometimes quartered upon one shield, but when displayed separately each is accompanied by a single supporter. zurich, lucerne, uri, unter-walden, glarus, and basle all bear the supporter on the dexter side; bern, schweig, zug, freiburg, and soluthurn on the sinister. schafhausen (a ram) and appenzell (a bear) place their supporters in full aspect behind the shield. on the corbels of gothic architecture, shields of arms are frequently supported by _angels_, which, however, cannot generally be regarded as heraldic appendages--being merely supposed to indicate that the owners have contributed to the erection of the fabric. examples of this practice will be found on various ecclesiastical edifices in scotland, and among others at melrose abbey, st. giles', edinburgh, and the church of seton in east lothian. an interesting instance of an angel supporting a shield occurs on the beautiful seal of mary of gueldres, queen of james ii. ( ); and the privy seal of david ii., a hundred years earlier, exhibits a pretty design of an escutcheon charged with the ensigns of scotland, and borne by two arms issuing from clouds above, indicative of divine support.[ ] { } of instances of single objects from which shields are found depending or supported the "treatise on heraldry" states:-- "allusion has been made to the usage by which on vesica-shaped shields ladies of high rank are represented as supporting with either hand shields of arms. from this probably arose the use of a single supporter. marguerite de courcelles in , and alix de verdun in , bear in one hand a shield of the husband's arms, in the other one of their own. the curious seal of muriel, countess of stratherne, in , may be considered akin to these. in it the shield is supported partly by a falcon, and partly by a human arm issuing from the sinister side of the _vesica_, and holding the falcon by the jesses (laing, i. ). the early seal of boleslas iii., king of poland, in , bears a knight holding a shield charged with the polish eagle (vossberg, _die siegel des mittelalters_). in the seal of florent of hainault bears a warrior in chain mail supporting a shield charged with a lion impaling an eagle dimidiated. * * * * * "on the seal of humphrey de bohun in the _guige_ is held by a swan, the badge of the earls of hereford; and in the shield of the first earl of douglas is supported by a lion whose head is covered by the crested helm, a fashion of which there are many examples. a helmed lion holds the shield of magnus i., duke of brunswick, in . * * * * * "on the seal of jean, duc de berri, in the supporter is a helmed swan (compare the armorial slab of henry of lancaster, in boutell, plate lxxix.). jean iv., comte d'alenÇon ( ), has a helmed lion sejant as supporter. in a signet of louis van male, count of flanders, bears a lion sejant, helmed and crested, and mantled with the arms of flanders between two small escutcheons of nevers, or the county of burgundy ["azure, billetty, a lion rampant or"], and rethel ["gules, two heads of rakes fesswise in pale or"]. * * * * * "a single lion sejant, helmed and crested, bearing on its breast the quartered arms of burgundy between two or three other escutcheons, was used by the dukes up to the death of charles the bold in . in litta's splendid work, _famiglie celebri italiane_, the buonarotti arms are supported by a brown dog sejant, helmed, and crested with a pair of dragon's wings issuing from a crest-coronet. on the seal of thomas holland, earl of kent, in the shield is buckled round the neck of the white hind lodged, the badge of his half-brother, richard ii. single supporters were very much in favour in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and the examples are numerous. { } charles, dauphin de viennois (_c._ ), has his shield held by a single dolphin. in the seal of the dauphin jean, son of humbert i., bears the arms of dauphinÉ pendent from the neck of a griffon. the shields of arms of bertrand de bricquebec, in ; pierre de tournebu, in ; of charles, count of alenÇon, in ; and of oliver de clisson in , are supported by a warrior who stands behind the shield. in england the seal of henry percy, first earl, in , and another in , have similar representations. "on several of our more ancient seals only one supporter is represented, and probably the earliest example of this arrangement occurs on the curious seal of william, first earl of douglas (_c._ ), where the shield is supported from behind by a lion 'sejant,' _with his head in the helmet_, which is surmounted by the crest. "on the seal of archibald, fourth earl of douglas (_c._ ), the shield is held, along with a club, in the right hand of a savage _erect_, who bears a helmet in his left; while on that of william, eighth earl ( ), a _kneeling_ savage holds a club in his right hand, and supports a couché shield on his left arm." [illustration: fig. .--arms of sigmund hagelshaimer.] an example reproduced from jost amman's _wappen und stammbuch_, published at frankfurt, , will be found in fig. . in this the figure partakes more of the character of a shield guardian than a shield supporter. the arms are those of "sigmund hagelshaimer," otherwise "helt," living at nürnberg. the arms are "sable, on a bend argent, an arrow gules." the crest is the head and neck of a hound sable, continued into a mantling sable, lined argent. the crest is charged with a pale argent, and thereupon an arrow as in the arms, the arrow-head piercing the ear of the hound. seated figures as supporters are rare, but one occurs in fig. , which shows the arms of the vöhlin family. they bear: "argent, on a fesse sable, three 'p's' argent." the wings which form the crest are charged with the same device. this curious charge of the three letters is explained in the following saying:-- "piper peperit pecuniam, pecunia peperit pompam, pompa peperit pauperiem, pauperies peperit pietatem." { } there are, however, certain exceptions to the british rule that there can be no single supporters, if the objects upon which shields of arms are displayed are accepted as supporters. it was always customary to display the arms of the lord high admiral on the sail of the ship. in the person of king william iv., before he succeeded to the throne, the office of lord high admiral was vested for a short time, but it had really fallen into desuetude at an earlier date and has not been revived again, so that to all intents and purposes it is now extinct, and this recognised method of depicting arms is consequently also extinct. but there is one other case which forms a unique instance which can be classified with no others. the arms of campbell of craignish are always represented in a curious manner, the gyronny coat of campbell appearing on a shield displayed in front of a lymphad (plate ii.). what the origin of this practice is it would be difficult to say; probably it merely originated in the imaginative ideas of an artist when making a seal for that family, artistic reasons suggesting the display of the gyronny arms of campbell in front of the lymphad of lorne. the family, however, seem to have universally adopted this method of using their arms, and in the year , when campbell of inverneil matriculated in lyon register, the arms were matriculated in that form. i know of no other instance of any such coat of arms, and this branch of the ducal house of campbell possesses armorial bearings which, from the official standpoint, are absolutely unique from one end of europe to the other. in germany the use of arms depicted in front of the eagle displayed, either single-headed or double-headed, is very far from being unusual. whatever may have been its meaning originally in that country, there is no doubt that now and for some centuries past it has been accepted as meaning, or as indicative of, princely rank or other honours of the holy roman empire. but i do not think it can always have had that meaning. about the same date the earl of menteith placed his shield on the breast of an eagle, as did alexander, earl of ross, in ; and in we find the same ornamentation in the seal of euphemia, countess of ross. the shield of ross is borne in her case on the breast of an eagle, while the arms of leslie and comyn appear on its displayed wings. on several other scottish seals of the same era, the shield is placed on the breast of a displayed eagle, as on those of alexander abernethy and alexander cumin of buchan ( ), and sir david lindsay, lord of crawford. english heraldry supplies several similar examples, of which we may mention the armorial insignia of richard, earl of cornwall, brother of henry iii., and of the ancient family of latham, in the fourteenth century. a curious instance of a shield placed on the breast of a _hawk_ is noticed by hone in his "table { } book," viz. the arms of the lord of the manor of stoke-lyne, in the county of oxford. it appears therefrom that when charles i. held his parliament at oxford, the offer of knighthood was gratefully declined by the then lord of stoke-lyne, who merely requested, and obtained, the royal permission to place the arms of his family upon the breast of a hawk, which has ever since been employed in the capacity of single supporter. what authority exists for this statement it is impossible to ascertain, and one must doubt its accuracy, because in england at any rate no arms, allocated to any particular _territorial estate_, have ever received official recognition. [illustration: fig. .--arms of vöhlin of augsberg.] in later years, as indicative of rank in the holy roman empire, the eagle has been rightly borne by the first duke of marlborough and by henrietta his daughter, duchess of marlborough, but the use of the eagle by the later dukes of marlborough would appear to be entirely without authority, inasmuch as the princedom, created in the person of the first duke, became extinct on his death. his daughters, though entitled of right to the courtesy rank of princess and its accompanying privilege of the right to use the eagle displayed behind their arms, could not transmit it to their descendants upon whom the title of duke of marlborough was specially entailed by english act of parliament. the earl of denbigh and several members of the fielding family have often made use of it with their arms, in token of their supposed descent from the counts of hapsburg, which, if correct, would apparently confer the right upon them. this descent, however, has been much questioned, and in late years the claim thereto would seem to have been practically dropped. the late earl cowper, the last remaining prince of the holy roman empire in the british peerage, was entitled to use the double eagle behind his shield, being the descendant and representative of george nassau clavering cowper, third earl cowper, created a prince of the holy roman empire by the emperor joseph ii., the patent being dated at vienna, st january , and this being followed by a royal licence from king george iii. to accept and bear the title in this country. there are some others who have the right by reason of honours of lesser rank of the holy roman empire, and amongst these may be mentioned lord methuen, who bears the eagle by royal warrant dated th april . sir thomas arundel, who served in the imperial army of hungary, having in an engagement with the turks near strignum taken their standard with his own hands, was by rodolph ii. created count of the empire to hold for him and the heirs of his body for ever, dated at prague th december . this patent, of course, means that every one of his descendants in the male { } line has the rank of a count of the empire, and that every daughter of any such male descendant is a countess, but this does not confer the rank of count or countess upon descendants of the daughters. it was this particular patent of creation that called forth the remark from queen elizabeth that she would not have her sheep branded by any foreign shepherd, and we believe that this patent was the origin of the rule translated in later times (_temp._ george iv.) into a definite royal warrant, requiring that no english subject shall, without the express royal licence of the sovereign conveyed in writing, accept or wear any foreign title or decoration. no royal licence was subsequently obtained by the arundel family, who therefore, according to british law, are denied the use of the privileged imperial eagle. outside those cases in which the double eagle is used in this country to denote rank of the holy roman empire, the usage of the eagle displayed behind the arms or any analogous figure is in british heraldry most limited. one solitary authoritative instance of the use of the displayed eagle is found in the coat of arms of the city of perth. these arms are recorded in lyon register, having been matriculated for that royal burgh about the year . the official blazon of the arms is as follows: "gules ane holy lambe passant regardant staff and cross argent, with the banner of st. andrew proper, all within a double tressure counter-flowered of the second, the escutcheon being surmounted on the breast of ane eagle with two necks displayed or. the motto in ane escroll, 'pro rege lege et grege.'" another instance of usage, though purely devoid of authority, occurs in the case of a coat of arms set up on one of the panels in the hall of lincoln's inn. in this case the achievement is displayed on the breast of a single-headed eagle. what reason led to its usage in this manner i am quite unaware, and i have not the slightest reason for supposing it to be authentic. the family of stuart-menteith also place their arms upon a single-headed eagle displayed gules, as was formerly to be seen in debrett's peerage, but though arms are matriculated to them in lyon register, this particular adornment forms no part thereof, and it has now disappeared from the printed peerage books. the family of britton have, however, recently recorded as a badge a double-headed eagle displayed ermine, holding in its claws an escutcheon of their arms (plate viii.). occasionally batons or wands or other insignia of office are to be found in conjunction with armorial bearings, but these will be more fully dealt with under the heading of insignia of office. before dealing with the usual supporters, one perhaps may briefly allude to "inanimate" supporters. { } probably the most curious instance of all will be found in the achievement of the earls of errol as it appears in the ms. of sir david lindsay. in this two ox-yokes take the place of the supporters. the curious tradition which has been attached to the hay arms is quoted as follows by sir james balfour paul, lyon king of arms, in his "heraldry in relation to scottish history and art," who writes: "take the case of the well-known coat of the hays, and hear the description of its origin as given by nisbet: 'in the reign of kenneth iii., about the year , when the danes invaded scotland, and prevailing in the battle of luncarty, a country scotsman with his two sons, of great strength and courage, having rural weapons, as the yokes of their plough, and such plough furniture, stopped the scots in their flight in a certain defile, and upbraiding them with cowardice, obliged them to rally, who with them renewed the battle, and gave a total overthrow to the victorious danes; and it is said by some, after the victory was obtained, the old man lying on the ground, wounded and fatigued, cried, "hay, hay," which word became a surname to his posterity. he and his sons being nobilitate, the king gave him the aforesaid arms (argent, three escutcheons gules) to intimate that the father and the two sons had been luckily the three shields of scotland, and gave them as much land in the carse of gowrie as a falcon did fly over without lighting, which having flown a great way, she lighted on a stone there called the falcon stone to this day. the circumstances of which story is not only perpetuated by the three escutcheons, but by the exterior ornaments of the achievement of the family of errol; having for crest, on a wreath, a falcon proper; for supporters two men in country habits, holding the oxen-yokes of a plough over their shoulders; and for motto, "serva jugum."' "unfortunately for the truth of this picturesque tale there are several reasons which render it utterly incredible, not the least being that at the period of the supposed battle armorial bearings were quite unknown, and could not have formed the subject of a royal gift. hill burton, indeed, strongly doubts the occurrence of the battle itself, and says that hector boece, who relates the occurrence, must be under strong suspicion of having entirely invented it. as for the origin of the name itself, it is, as mr. cosmo innes points out in his work on 'scottish surnames,' derived from a place in normandy, and neither it nor any other surname occurred in scotland till long after the battle of luncarty. i have mentioned this story in some detail, as it is a very typical specimen of its class; but there are others like unto it, often traceable to the same incorrigible old liar, hector boece." it is not unlikely that the ox-yoke was a badge of the hays, earls of errol, and a reference to the variations of the original arms, crest, { } and supporters of hay will show how the changes have been rung on the shields, falcon, ox-yokes, and countrymen of the legend. another instance is to be found in the arms of the mowbray family as they were at one time depicted with an ostrich feather on either side of the shield (fig. , p. ), and at first one might be inclined to class these amongst the inanimate supporters. the garter plate, however, of john beaufort, duke of somerset, probably supplies the key to the whole matter, for this shows not only the ostrich feathers but also supporters of the ordinary character in their usual position. from the last-mentioned instance, it is evident the ostrich feathers can be only representations of the badge, their character doubtless being peculiarly adaptable to the curious position they occupy. they are of course the same in the case of the mowbray arms, and doubtless the ox-yoke of the earl of errol is similarly no more than a badge. a most curious instance of supporters is to be found in the case of the arms of viscount montgomery. this occurs in a record of them in ulster's office, where the arms appear without the usual kind of supporters, but represented with an arm in armour, on either side issuing from clouds in base, the hands supporting the shield. when supporters are inanimate objects, the escutcheon is said to be cottised--a term derived from the french word _côté_ (a side)--in contradistinction to supported. an old scottish term for supporters was "bearers." amongst other cases where the shield is cottised by inanimate objects may be mentioned the following. the breton family of "bastard" depict their shield cottised by two swords, with the points in base. the marquises alberti similarly use two lighted flambeaux, and the dalzells (of binns) the extraordinary device of a pair of tent-poles. whether this last has been officially sanctioned i am unaware. the "pillars of hercules" used by charles v. are, perhaps, the best known of this group of supporters. in many cases (notably foreign) the supporters appear to have gradually receded to the back of the shield, as in the case of the comte d'erps, chancellor of brabant, where two maces (or) are represented saltirewise _behind_ the shield. generally, however, this variation is found in conjunction with purely official or corporate achievements. a curious example of inanimate supporters occurs on the english seal of william, lord botreaux ( ), where, on each side of a couché shield exhibiting a griffin "segreant" and surmounted by a helmet and crest, a buttress is quaintly introduced, in evident allusion to the owner's name. a somewhat similar arrangement appears on the scottish seal of william ruthven ( ), where a tree growing from a mount is placed on each side of the escutcheon. another instance is to be { } found in the seal of john de segrave, where a garb is placed on either side of the shield. perhaps mention should here be made of the arms (granted in ) of the national bank of scotland, the shield of which is "surrounded with two thistles proper disposed in orle." heraldic supporters as such, or badges occupying the position and answering the purpose of supporters, and not merely as artistic accessories, in england date from the early part of the fourteenth century. very restricted in use at first, they later rapidly became popular, and there were few peers who did not display them upon their seals. for some reason, however, very few indeed appear on the early garter plates. it is a striking fact that by far the larger number of the ancient standards display as the chief device not the arms but one of the supporters, and i am inclined to think that in this fact we have further confirmation of my belief that the origin of supporters is found in the badge. even after the use of two supporters had become general, a third figure is often found placed behind the shield, and forms a connecting link with the old practice of filling the void spaces on seals, to which we have already referred. on the seal of william sterling, in , two lions rampant support the shield in front of a tree. the shield on the seal of oliver rouillon, in , is supported by an angel, and by two demi-lions couchant-guardant in base. that of pierre avoir, in , is held by a demi-eagle above the shield, and by two mermaids. on many ancient seals the supporters are disposed so that they hold the crested helm above a couché shield. the counter-seals of rudolf iv., archduke of austria, in and , afford instances in which a second set of supporters is used to hold up the crested helm. the shield of austria is supported by two lions, on whose volets are the arms of hapsburg and pfirt; the crested helm (coroneted, and having a panache of ostrich feathers) is also held by two lions, whose volets are charged with the arms of stiria, and of carinthia (hueber, _austria illustrata,_ tab. xviii.). in the seal of edmund mortimer represents his shield hanging from a rose-tree, and supported by two lions couchant (of march), whose heads are covered by coroneted helmets with a panache (azure) as crest. boutell directs attention to the fact that the shield of edmund de arundel ( - ) is placed between similar helms and panaches, without the supporting beasts ("heraldry: historical and popular," pp. - ). crested supporters have sometimes been misunderstood, and quoted as instances of double supporters--for instance, by lower, "curiosities of heraldry," who gives (p. ) a cut from the { } achievement of the french d'albrets as "the most singular supporters, perhaps, in the whole circle of heraldry." these supporters are two lions couchant (or), each helmed, and crested with an eagle au vol leve. these eagles certainly assist in holding the shield, but the lions are its true supporters; nor is this arrangement by any means unique. the swans which were used as supporters by jean, duc de berri, in , are each mounted upon a bear. two wild men, each _à cheval_ on a lion, support the escutcheons of gerard d'harchies ( ) and of nicole de giresme ( ). two lions sejant, helmed and crested (the crest is a human head with the ears of an ass) were the supporters of arnaud d'albrey in . scotland, which is the home of curiosities of heraldry, gives us at least two instances of the use of supporters which must be absolutely unique--that is, the surcharging of an escutcheon with an inescutcheon, to the latter of which supporters are attached. the first instance occurs in the cases of baronets of nova scotia, a clause appearing in all the earlier patents which ordained "that the baronets, and their heirs-male, should, as an _additament of honour_ to their armorial ensigns, bear, either on a canton or inescutcheon, in their option, the ensign of nova scotia, being _argent_, a cross of st. andrew _azure_ (the badge of scotland counterchanged), charged with an inescutcheon of the royal arms of scotland, supported on the dexter by the royal unicorn, and on the sinister by a savage, or wild man, proper; and for crest, a branch of laurel and a thistle issuing from two hands conjoined, the one being armed, the other naked; with the motto, "munit hæc et altera vincit." the incongruity of these exterior ornaments within a shield of arms is noticed by nisbet, who informs us, however, that they are very soon removed. in the year , after nova scotia was sold to the french, the baronets of scotland, and their heirs-male, were authorised by charles i. "to wear and carry about their necks, in all time coming, an orange-tawny silk ribbon, whereon shall be pendent, in a scutcheon _argent_, a saltire _azure_, thereon an inescutcheon, of the arms of scotland, with an imperial crown above the scutcheon and encircled with this motto: 'fax mentis honestæ gloria.'" according to the same authority, this badge was never much used "about their necks," but was carried, by way of canton or inescutcheon, on their armorial bearings, without the motto, and, of course, since then the superimposed supporters have been dropped. the same peculiarity of supporters being surcharged upon a shield will be found, however, in the matriculation ( ) to cumming-gordon of altyre. these arms are depicted on plate iii. in this the entire achievement (arms, crest, motto, and supporters) of gordon of gordon { } is placed upon an inescutcheon superimposed over the arms of cumming. in scotland the arms, and the arms only, constitute the mark of a given family, and whilst due difference is made in the respective shields, no attempt is made as regards crest or supporters to impose any distinction between the figures granted to different families even where no blood relationship exists. the result is that whilst the same crests and supporters are duplicated over and over again, they at any rate remain in scotland simple, graceful, and truly heraldic, even when judged by the most rigid mediæval standard. they are, of course, necessarily of no value whatever for identification. in england the simplicity is relinquished for the sake of distinction, and it is held that equivalent differentiation must be made, both in regard to the crests and the supporters, as is made between the shields of different families. the result as to modern crests is truly appalling, and with supporters it is almost equally so, for by their very nature it is impossible to design adequate differences for crests and supporters, as can readily be done in the charges upon a shield, without creating monstrosities. with regret one has to admit that the dangling shields, the diapered chintz-like bodies, and the fasces and other footstools so frequently provided for modern supporters in england would seem to be pedantic, unnecessary, and inartistic strivings after a useless ideal. in england the right to bear supporters is confined to those to whom they have been granted or recorded, but such grant or record is very rigidly confined to peers, to knights of the garter, thistle, and st. patrick, and to knights grand cross, or knights grand commanders (as the case may be) of other orders. before the order of the bath was divided into classes, knights of the bath had supporters. as by an unwritten but nowadays invariably accepted law, the orders of the garter, thistle, and st. patrick are confined to members of the peerage, those entitled to claim (upon their petitioning) a grant of supporters in england are in practice limited to peers and knights grand cross or knights grand commanders. in the cases of peers, the grant is always attached to a particular peerage, the "remainder" in the limitations of the grant being to "those of his descendants upon whom the peerage may devolve," or some other words to this effect. in the cases of life peers and knights grand cross the grant has no hereditary limitation, and the right to the supporters is personal to the grantee. there is nothing to distinguish the supporters of a peer from those of a knight grand cross. baronets of england, ireland, great britain, and the united kingdom as such are not entitled to claim grants of supporters, but there are some number of cases in which, by special favour of the sovereign, specific royal warrants have been { } issued-either as marks of favour or as augmentations of honour--conveying the pleasure of the sovereign to the kings of arms, and directing the latter to grant supporters--to descend with the baronetcy. of the cases of this nature the following may be quoted: guise (royal warrant, dated july , ), prevost (royal warrant, october ), guinness, now lord ardilaun (royal warrant, dated april , ), halford (royal warrant, may , ), otway (royal warrant, june , ), and laking. these, of course, are exceptional marks of favour from the sovereign, and this favour in at least two instances has been extended to untitled families. in mr. george watson-taylor, an especial intimate of the then prince regent, by royal warrant dated september , , was granted the following supporters: "on either side a leopard proper, armed and langued gules, collared and chained or." a more recent instance, and, with the exception of an irish case presently to be referred to, the only other one within the knowledge of the writer, is the case of the speke[ ] arms. it is recited in the royal warrant, dated july , , that captain john hanning speke "was by a deplorable accident suddenly deprived of his life before he had received any mark of our royal favour" in connection with the discovery of the sources of the nile. the warrant goes on to recite the grant to his father, william speke, of jordans, co. somerset, of the following augmentations to his original arms (argent, two bars azure) namely: on a chief a representation of flowing water superinscribed with the word "nile," and for a crest of honourable augmentation a "crocodile," also the supporters following--that is to say, on the dexter side a crocodile, and on the sinister side a hippopotamus. some number of english baronets have gone to the trouble and expense of obtaining grants of supporters in lyon office; for example sir christopher baynes, by grant dated june , , obtained two savages, wreathed about the temples and loins, each holding a club over the exterior shoulder. it is very doubtful to what extent such grants in scotland to domiciled englishmen can be upheld. many other baronets have at one time or another assumed supporters without any official warrant or authority in consequence of certain action taken by an earlier committee of the baronetage, but cases of this kind are slowly dropping out of the peerage books, and this, { } combined with the less ostentatious taste of the present day in the depicting of armorial bearings upon carriages and elsewhere, is slowly but steadily reducing the use of supporters to those who possess official authority for their display. another fruitful origin of the use of unauthorised supporters at the present day lies in the fact that grants of supporters personal to the grantee for his life only have been made to knights grand cross or to life peers in cases where a hereditary title has been subsequently conferred. the limitations of the grant of supporters having never been extended, the grant has naturally expired with the death of the life honour to which the supporters were attached. in addition to these cases there is a very limited number of families which have always claimed supporters by prescriptive right, amongst whom may be mentioned tichborne of tichborne (two lions guardant gules), de hoghton of hoghton (two bulls argent), scroope of danby (two choughs), and stapylton. concerning such cases it can only be said that in england no official sanction has ever been given to such use, and no case exists of any official recognition of the right of an untitled family to bear supporters to their arms save those few exceptional cases governed by specific royal warrants. in many cases, notably scroope, luttrel, hilton, and stapylton, the supporters have probably originated in their legitimate adoption at an early period in connection with peerage or other titular distinction, and have continued inadvertently in use when the titular distinctions to which they belonged have ceased to exist or have devolved upon other families. possibly their use in some cases has been the result of a _claim_ to _de jure_ honours. the cases where supporters are claimed "by prescriptive right" are few indeed in england, and need not be further considered. whilst the official laws in ireland are, and have apparently always been, the same as in england, there is no doubt that the heads of the different septs assert a claim to the right to use supporters. on this point sir bernard burke, ulster king of arms, wrote: "no registry of supporters to an irish chieftain appears in ulster's office, in right of his chieftaincy only, and without the honour of peerage, nor does any authority to bear them exist." but nevertheless "the o'donovan" uses, dexter, a lion guardant, and sinister, a griffin; "the o'gorman" uses, dexter, a lion, and sinister, a horse; "the o'reilly" uses two lions or. "the o'connor don," however, is in the unique position of bearing supporters by unquestionable right, inasmuch as the late queen victoria, on the occasion of her last visit to dublin, issued her royal warrant conferring the right upon him. the supporters granted to him were "two lions rampant gules, each gorged with an antique crown, and charged on the shoulder with an irish harp or." { } the right to bear supporters in scotland is on a widely different basis from that in any other country. as in england and ireland, peers and knights grand cross are permitted to obtain grants of these distinctions. but outside and beyond these there are many other families who bear them by right. at the official inquiry concerning the lyon office, the lyon-depute, mr. george tait, put in a note of persons whom he considered might lawfully bear supporters under scottish heraldic law. the following is the text of the note in question:-- "note of persons who are considered by george tait, esq., lyon-depute, to be entitled to supporters, furnished to the commissioners of inquiry by their desire, intimated to him at his examination this day, june , . " . _peers._--by immemorial usage, peers have right to supporters, and supporters are commonly inserted in modern patents of peerage. this includes peeresses in their own right. " . _ancient usage._--those private gentlemen, and the lawful heirs-male of their bodies, who can prove immemorial usage of carrying supporters, or a usage very ancient, and long prior to the act , are entitled to have their supporters recognised, it being presumed that they received them from lawful authority, on account of feats of valour in battle or in tournament, or as marks of the royal favour (see _murray of touchadam's case_, june , ). " . _barons._--lawful heirs-male of the bodies of the smaller barons, who had the full right of free barony (not mere freeholders) prior to , when representation of the minor barons was fully established, upon the ground that those persons were barons, and sat in parliament as such, and were of the same as the titled barons. their right is recognised by the writers on heraldry and antiquities. persons having right on this ground, will almost always have established it by ancient usage, and the want of usage is a strong presumption against the right. " . _chiefs._--lawful heirs-male of chiefs of tribes or clans which had attained power, and extensive territories and numerous members at a distant period, or at least of tribes consisting of numerous families of some degree of rank and consideration. such persons will in general have right to supporters, either as barons (great or small) or by ancient usage. when any new claim is set up on such a ground, it may be viewed with suspicion, and it will be extremely difficult to establish it, chiefly from the present state of society, by which the traces of clanship, or the patriarchal state, are in most parts of the country almost obliterated; and indeed it is very difficult to conceive a case { } in which a new claim of that kind could be admitted. mr. tait has had some such claims, and has rejected them. " . _royal commissions._--knights of the garter and bath, and any others to whom the king may think proper to concede the honour of supporters. "these are the only descriptions of persons who appear to mr. tait to be entitled to supporters. "an idea has gone abroad, that scots baronets are entitled to supporters; but there is no authority for this in their patents, or any good authority for it elsewhere. and for many years subsequent to , a very small portion indeed of their arms which are matriculated in the lyon register, are matriculated with supporters; so small as necessarily to lead to this inference, that those whose arms are entered with supporters had right to them on other grounds, _e.g._ ancient usage, chieftainship, or being heirs of barons. the arms of few scots baronets are matriculated during the last fifty or sixty years; but the practice of assigning supporters gradually gained ground during that time, or rather the practice of assigning supporters to them, merely as such, seems to have arisen during that period; and it appears to mr. tait to be an erroneous practice, which he would not be warranted in following. "british baronets have also, by recent practice, had supporters assigned to them, but mr. tait considers the practice to be unwarranted; and accordingly, in a recent case, a gentleman, upon being created a baronet, applied for supporters to the king--having applied to mr. tait, and been informed by him that he did not conceive the lord lyon entitled to give supporters to british baronets. "no females (except peeresses in their own right) are entitled to supporters, as the representation of families is only in the male line. but the widows of peers, by courtesy, carry their arms and supporters; and the sons of peers, using the lower titles of the peerage by courtesy, also carry the supporters by courtesy. "mr. tait does not know of any authority for the lord lyon having a discretionary power of granting supporters, and understands that only the king has such a power. "humbly submitted by (signed) "g. tait." though this statement would give a good general idea of the scottish practice, its publication entails the addition of certain qualifying remarks. supporters are most certainly not "commonly inserted in modern patents of peerage." supporters appertaining to peerages are granted by special and separate patents. these to english subjects { } are now under the hand and seal of garter alone. in the event of a grant following upon the creation of an irish peerage, the patent of supporters would be issued by ulster king of arms. but it is competent to lyon king of arms to matriculate the arms of scottish peers with supporters, or to grant these to such as may still be without them. both lyon and ulster would appear to have the right to grant supporters to peers of the united kingdom who are heraldically their domiciled subjects. with regard to the second paragraph of mr. tait's memorandum, there will be few families within its range who will not be included within the range of the paragraph which follows, and the presumption would rather be that the use of supporters by an untitled family originated in the right of barony than in any mythical grant following upon mythical feats of valour. mr. tait, however, is clearly wrong in his statement that "no females (except peeresses in their own right) are entitled to supporters." they have constantly been allowed to the heir of line, and their devolution through female heirs must of necessity presuppose the right thereto of the female heir through whom the inheritance is claimed. a recent case in point occurs with regard to the arms of hunter-weston, matriculated in , mrs. hunter-weston being the heir of line of hunter of hunterston. widows of peers, providing they have arms of their own to impale with those of their husbands, cannot be said to only bear the supporters of their deceased husbands by courtesy. with them it is a matter of right. the eldest sons of peers bearing courtesy titles most certainly do not bear the supporters of the peerage to which they are heirs. even the far more generally accepted "courtesy" practice of bearing coronets is expressly forbidden by an earl-marshal's warrant. consequently it may be asserted that the laws concerning the use of supporters in scotland are as follows: in the first place, no supporters can be borne of right unless they have been the subject of formal grant or matriculation. the following classes are entitled to obtain, upon payment of the necessary fees, the grant or matriculation of supporters to themselves, or to themselves and their descendants according as the case may be: ( ) peers of scotland, and other peers who are domiciled scotsmen. ( ) knights of the garter, knights of the thistle, and knights of st. patrick, being scotsmen, are entitled as such to obtain grants of supporters to themselves for use during life, but as these three orders are now confined to members of the peerage, the supporters used would be probably those appertaining to their peerages, and it is unlikely that any further grants for life will be made under these circumstances. ( ) knights of the bath until the revision of the order were entitled to obtain grants of supporters to themselves for { } use during their lifetimes, and there are many instances in the lyon register where such grants have been made. ( ) knights grand cross of the bath, of st. michael and st. george, and of the royal victorian order, and knights grand commanders of the orders of the star of india, and of the indian empire, are entitled to obtain grants of supporters for use during their lifetimes. ( ) the lawful heirs of the minor barons who had the full right of free barony prior to may matriculate supporters if they can show their ancestors used them, or may now obtain grants. though practically the whole of these have been at some time or other matriculated in lyon register, there still remain a few whose claims have never been officially adjudicated upon. for example, it is only quite recently that the ancient swinton supporters have been formally enrolled on the official records (plate iv.). ( ) there are certain others, being chiefs of clans and the heirs of those to whom grants have been made in times past, who also have the right, but as no new claim is likely to be so recognised in the future, it may be taken that these are confined to those cases which have been already entered in the lyon register. during the latter part of the eighteenth century, the executive of lyon office had fallen into great disrepute. the office of lyon king of arms had been granted to the earls of kinnoul, who had contented themselves with appointing deputies and drawing fees. the whole subject of armorial jurisdiction in scotland had become lax to the last degree, and very many irregularities had crept in. one, and probably the worst result, had been the granting of supporters in many cases where no valid reason other than the payment of fees could be put forward to warrant the obtaining of such a privilege. and the result was the growth and acceptance of the fixed idea that it was within the power of lyon king of arms to grant supporters to any one whom he might choose to so favour. consequently many grants of supporters were placed upon the records, and many untitled families of scotland apparently have the right under these patents of grant to add supporters to their arms. though it is an arguable matter whether the lord lyon was justified in making these grants, there can be no doubt that, so long as they remain upon the official register, and no official steps are taken to cancel the patents, they must be accepted as existing by legal right. probably the most egregious instance of such a grant is to be found in the case of the grant to the first baronet of the family of antrobus, who on purchasing the estate of rutherford, the seat of the extinct lords rutherford, obtained from the then lyon king of arms a grant of the peerage supporters carried by the previous owners of the property. with regard to the devolution of scottish supporters, the large { } proportion of those registered in lyon office are recorded in the terms of some patent which specifies the limitations of their descent, so that there are a comparatively small number only concerning which there can be any uncertainty as to whom the supporters will descend to. the difficulty can only arise in those cases in which the arms are matriculated with supporters as borne by ancient usage in the early years of the lyon register, or in the cases of supporters still to be matriculated on the same grounds by those families who have so far failed to comply with the act of . whilst mr. tait, in his memorandum which has been previously quoted, would deny the right of inheritance to female heirs, there is no doubt whatever that in many cases such heirs have been allowed to succeed to the supporters of their families. taking supporters as an appanage of right of barony (either greater or lesser), there can be no doubt that the greater baronies, and consequently the supporters attached to them, devolved upon heirs female, and upon the heir of line inheriting through a female ancestor; and, presumably, the same considerations must of necessity hold good with regard to those supporters which are borne by right of lesser barony, for the greater and the lesser were the same thing, differing only in degree, until in the year the lesser barons were relieved of compulsory attendance in parliament. at the same time there can be no doubt that the headship of a family must rest with the heir male, and consequently it would seem that in those cases in which the supporters are borne by right of being head of a clan or chief of a name, the right of inheritance would devolve upon the heir male. there must of necessity be some cases in which it is impossible to determine whether the supporters were originally called into being by right of barony or because of chieftainship, and the consequence has been that concerning the descent of the supporters of the older untitled families there has been no uniformity in the practice of lyon office, and it is impossible from the precedents which exist to deduce any certain and unalterable rule upon the point. precedents exist in each case, and the well-known case of smith-cunningham and dick-cunningham, which is often referred to as settling the point, did nothing of the kind, inasmuch as that judgment depended upon the interpretation of a specific act of parliament, and was not the determination of a point of heraldic law. the case, however, afforded the opportunity to lord jeffrey to make the following remarks upon the point (see p. , seton):-- "if i may be permitted to take a common-sense view, i should say that there is neither an inflexible rule nor a uniform practice in the matter. there may be cases where the heir of line will exclude the heir male, and there may be cases where the converse will be held. in { } my opinion the common-sense rule is that the chief armorial dignities should follow the more substantial rights and dignities of the family. _if the heir male succeed to the title and estates, i think it reasonable that he should also succeed to the armorial bearings of the head of the house._ i would think it a very difficult proposition to establish that the heir of line, when denuded of everything else, was still entitled to retain the barren honours of heraldry. but i give no opinion upon that point." mr. seton, in his "law and practice of heraldry in scotland," sums up the matter of inheritance in these words (see p. ): "as already indicated, however, by one of the learned lords in his opinion on the case of cuninghame, the practice in the matter in question has been far from uniform; and accordingly we are very much disposed to go along with his relative suggestion, that 'the chief armorial dignities should follow the more substantial rights and dignities of the family'; and that when the latter are enjoyed by the female heir of line, such heir should also be regarded as fairly entitled to claim the principal heraldic honours." the result has been in practice that the supporters of a family have usually been matriculated to whoever has carried on the name and line of the house, unless the supporters in question have been governed by a specific grant, the limitations of which exist to be referred to, but in cases where both the heir of line and the heir male have been left in a prominent position, the difficulty of decision has in many cases been got over by allowing supporters to both of them. the most curious instance of this within our knowledge occurs with regard to the family of chisholm. chisholm of erchless castle appears undoubtedly to have succeeded as head and chief of his name--"the chisholm"--about the end of the seventeenth century. as such supporters were carried, namely: "on either side a savage wreathed about the head and middle with laurel, and holding a club over his exterior shoulder." at the death of alexander chisholm--"the chisholm"-- th february , the chieftainship and the estates passed to his half-brother william, but his heir of line was his only child mary, who married james gooden of london. mrs. mary chisholm or gooden in matriculated the _undifferenced_ arms of chisholm ["gules, a boar's head couped or"], without supporters, but in the heir male _also_ matriculated the same _undifferenced_ arms, in this case with supporters. the chieftainship of the chisholm family then continued with the male line until the death of duncan macdonell chisholm--"the chisholm"--in , when his only sister and heir became heir of line of the later chiefs. she was then jemima batten, and by royal { } licence in that year she and her husband assumed the additional surname of chisholm, becoming chisholm-batten, and, contrary to the english practice in such cases, the arms of chisholm _alone_ were matriculated in to mrs. chisholm-batten and her descendants. these once again were the _undifferenced_ coat of chisholm, viz.: "gules, a boar's head couped or." arms for batten have since been granted in england, the domicile of the family being english, and the arms of the present mr. chisholm-batten, though including the quartering for chisholm, is usually marshalled as allowed in the college of arms by english rules. though there does not appear to have been any subsequent rematriculation in favour of the heir male who succeeded as "the chisholm," the undifferenced arms were also considered to have devolved upon him together with the supporters. on the death of the last known male heir of the family, roderick donald matheson chisholm, the chisholm, in , mr. james chisholm gooden-chisholm claimed the chieftainship as heir of line, and in that year the gooden-chisholm arms were again rematriculated. in this case supporters were added to the again undifferenced arms of chisholm, but a slight alteration in the supporters was made, the clubs being reversed and placed to rest on the ground. amongst the many other untitled scottish families who rightly bear supporters, may be mentioned gibsone of pentland, barclay of urie, barclay of towie, drummond of megginch, maclachlan of that ilk, "cluny" macpherson, cunninghame, and brisbane of that ilk. armorial matters in the channel islands present a very unsatisfactory state of affairs. there never appears to have been any visitation, and the arms of channel island families which officially pass muster must be confined to those of the very few families (for example, de carteret, dobrée, and tupper) who have found it necessary or advisable on their own initiative to register their arms in the official english sources. in none of these instances have supporters been allowed, nor i believe did any of these families claim to use them, but some (lemprière, de saumerez, and other families) assert the possession of such a distinction by prescriptive right. if the right to supporters be a privilege of peerage, or if, as in scotland, it anciently depended upon the right of free barony, the position of these channel island families in former days as seignorial lords was much akin. but it is highly improbable that the right to bear supporters in such cases will ever be officially recognised, and the case of de saumerez, in which the supporters were bedevilled and regranted to descend with the peerage, will probably operate as a decisive precedent upon the point and against such a right. there are some number of families { } of foreign origin who bear supporters or claim them by the assertion of foreign right. where this right can be established their use has been confirmed by royal licence in this country in some number of cases; for example, the cases of rothschild and de salis. in other cases (for example, the case of chamier) no official record of the supporters exists with the record of the arms, and presumably the foreign right to the supporters could not have been established at the time of registration. with regard to impersonal arms, the right to supporters in england is not easy to define. in the case of counties, crests and supporters are granted if the county likes to pay for them. in the case of towns, the rule in england is that an ordinary town may not have supporters but that a city may, and instances are numerous where supporters have been granted upon the elevation of a town to the dignity of a city. birmingham, sheffield, and nottingham are all recent instances in point. this rule, however, is not absolutely rigid, and an exception may be pointed to in the case of liverpool, the supporters being granted in , and the town not being created a city until a subsequent date. in scotland, where, of course, until quite recently supporters were granted practically to anybody who chose to pay for them, a grant will be found for the county of perth dated in , in which supporters were included. but as to towns and cities it is no more than a matter of fees, any town in scotland eligible for arms being at liberty to obtain supporters also if they are desired. in grants of arms to corporate bodies it is difficult to draw the line or to deduce any actual rule. in rd of henry viii. the grocers' livery company were granted "two griffins per fess gules and or," and many other of the livery companies have supporters to their arms. others, for no apparent reason, are without them. the "merchant adventurers' company or hamburg merchants" have supporters, as had both the old and the new east india companies. the arms of jamaica and cape colony and of the british north borneo company have supporters, but on the other hand no supporters were assigned to canada or to any of its provinces. in ireland the matter appears to be much upon the same footing as in england, and as far as impersonal arms are concerned it is very difficult to say what the exact rule is, if this is to be deduced from known cases and past precedents. probably the freedom--amounting in many cases to great laxity--with which in english heraldic art the positions and attitudes of supporters are changed, is the one point in which english heraldic art has entirely ignored the trammels of conventionalised officialism. there must be in this country scores of entrance gates where each { } pillar of the gateway is surmounted by a shield held in the paws of a single supporter, and the governmental use of the royal supporters in an amazing variety of attitudes, some of which are grossly unheraldic, has not helped towards a true understanding. the reposeful attitude of watchful slumber in which the royal lion and unicorn are so often depicted, may perhaps be in the nature of submission to the biblical teaching of isaiah that the lion shall lie down with the lamb (and possibly therefore also with the unicorn), in these times of peace which have succeeded those earlier days when "the lion beat the unicorn round and round the town." [illustration: fig. .--the arms used by kilmarnock, ayrshire: azure, a fess chequy gules and argent. crest: a dexter hand raised in benediction. supporters: on either side a squirrel sejant proper.] in official minds, however, the sole attitude for the supporters is the rampant, or as near an approach to it as the nature of the animal will allow. a human being, a bird, or a fish naturally can hardly adopt the attitude. in scotland, the land of heraldic freedom, various exceptions to this can be found. of these one can call to mind the arms used by the town of kilmarnock (fig. ), in which the supporters, "squirrels proper," are depicted always as sejant. these particular creatures, however, would look strange to us in any other form. these arms unfortunately have never been matriculated as the arms of the town (being really the arms of the boyd family, the attainted earls of kilmarnock), and consequently can hardly as yet be referred to as a definite precedent, because official matriculation might result in a similar "happening" to the change which was made in the case of the arms of inverness. in all representations of the arms of earlier date than the matriculation, the supporters, (dexter) { } a camel and (sinister) an elephant, are depicted _statant_ on either side of the shield, no actual contact being made between the escutcheon and the supporters. but in , when in a belated compliance with the act of the armorial bearings of the royal burgh of inverness were matriculated, the position was altered to that more usually employed for supporters. the supporters always used by sir john maxwell stirling-maxwell of pollok are two lions sejant guardant. these, as appears from an old seal, were in use as far back as the commencement of the fifteenth century, but the supporters officially recorded for the family are two apes. in english armory one or two exceptional cases may be noticed; for example, the supporters of the city of bristol, which are: "on either side, on a mount vert, a unicorn sejant or, armed, maned, and unguled sable." another instance will be found in the supporters of lord rosmead, which are: "on the dexter side an ostrich and on the sinister side a kangaroo, both regardant proper." from the nature of the animal, the kangaroo is depicted sejant. supporters in germany date from the same period as with ourselves, being to be met with on seals as far back as . at first they were similarly purely artistic adjuncts, but they have retained much of this character and much of the purely permissive nature in germany to the present day. it was not until about the middle of the seventeenth century that supporters were granted or became hereditary in that country. grants of supporters can be found in england at an earlier date, but such grants were isolated in number. nevertheless supporters had become hereditary very soon after they obtained a regularly heraldic (as opposed to a decorative) footing. their use, however, was governed at that period by a greater freedom as to alteration and change than was customary with armory in general. supporters were an adjunct of the peerage, and peers were not subject to the visitations. with his freedom from arrest, his high social position, and his many other privileges of peerage, a peer was "too big" a person formerly to accept the dictatorial armorial control which the crown enforced upon lesser people. short of treason, a peer in any part of great britain for most practical purposes of social life was above the ordinary law. in actual fact it was only the rights of one peer as opposed to the rights of another peer that kept a lord of parliament under any semblance of control. when the great lords of past centuries could and did raise armies to fight the king a peer was hardly likely to, nor did he, brook much interference. of the development of supporters in germany ströhl writes:-- "only very late, about the middle of the seventeenth century, were supporters granted as hereditary, but they appear in the arms of { } burghers in the first half of the fifteenth century, and the arms of many towns also possess them as decorative adjuncts. "the first supporters were human figures, generally portraits of the arms-bearers themselves; then women, young men, and boys, so-called _schildbuben_. in the second half of the fourteenth century animals appear: lions, bears, stags, dogs, griffins, &c. in the fifteenth century one frequently encounters angels with richly curling hair, saints (patrons of the bearer or of the town), then later, nude wild men and women (_waldmenschen_) thickly covered with hair, with garlands round their loins and on their heads. the thick, hairy covering of the body in the case of women is only to be met with in the very beginning. later the endeavour was to approach the feminine ideal as nearly as possible, and only the garlands were retained to point out the origin and the home of these figures. "at the end of the fifteenth and in the sixteenth century, there came into fashion lansquenets, huntsmen, pretty women and girls, both clothed and unclothed." speaking of the present day, and from the executive standpoint, he adds:-- "supporters, with the exception of flying angels, should have a footing on which they can stand in a natural manner, whether it be grass, a pedestal, a tree, or line of ornament, and to place them upon a ribbon of a motto is less suitable because a thin ribbon can hardly give the impression of a sufficiently strong support for the invariably heavy-looking figures of the men or animals. the supporters of the shield may at the same time be employed as bearers of the helmets. they bear the helmets either over the head or hold them in their hands. figures standing near the shield, but not holding or supporting it in any way, cannot in the strict sense of the word be designated supporters; such figures are called _schildwächter_ (shield-watchers or guardians)." human figures as supporters of all figures employed as supporters probably human beings are of most frequent occurrence, even when those single and double figures referred to on an earlier page, which are not a real part of the heraldic achievement, are excluded from consideration. the endless variety of different figures perhaps gives some clue to the reason of their frequent occurrence. though the nude human figure appears (male) upon the shield of dalziel and (female) in the crest of ellis (agar-ellis, formerly viscount clifden), one cannot call to mind any instance of such an occurrence in the form of supporters, though possibly the supporters of the { } glaziers' livery company ["two naked boys proper, each holding a long torch inflamed of the last"] and of the joiners' livery company ["two naked boys proper, the dexter holding in his hand an emblematical female figure, crowned with a mural coronet sable, the sinister holding in his hand a square"] might be classed in such a character. nude figures in armory are practically always termed "savages," or occasionally "woodmen" or "wildmen," and garlanded about the loins with foliage. [illustration: fig. .--arms of arbroath: gules, a portcullis with chains pendent or. motto: "propter libertatem." supporters: dexter, st. thomas à becket in his archiepiscopal robes all proper; sinister, a baron of scotland armed cap-à-pie, holding in his exterior hand the letter from the convention of the scottish estates, held at arbroath in the year of , addressed to pope john xxii., all proper.] with various adjuncts--clubs, banners, trees, branches, &c.--_savages_ will be found as the supporters of the arms of the german emperor, and in the sovereign arms of brunswick, denmark, schwarzburg-sondershausen, and rudolstadt, as well as in the arms of the kingdom of prussia. they also appear in the arms of the kingdom of greece, though in this case they should perhaps be more properly described as figures of hercules. in british armory--amongst many other families--two savages are the supporters of the marquess of ailesbury, lord calthorpe, viscount de vesci, lord elphinstone, the earl of elgin and kincardine, the duke of fife, earl fitzwilliam (each holding in the exterior hand a tree eradicated), lord kinnaird, the earl of morton; and amongst the baronets who possess supporters, menzies, douglas of carr, and williams-drummond have on either side of their escutcheons a "savage." earl poulett alone has both man and woman, his supporters being: "dexter, a savage man; sinister, a savage woman, both wreathed with oak, all proper." as some one remarked on seeing a realistic representation of this coat of arms by catton, r.a., the blazon might more appropriately have concluded "all improper." next after savages, the most favourite variety of the human being adopted as a supporter is the _man in armour_. even as heraldic and heritable supporters angels are not uncommon, and are to be met with amongst other cases in the arms of the marquess of waterford, the earl of dudley, and viscount dillon. it is rare to find supporters definitely stated to represent any specific person, but in the case of the arms of arbroath (fig. ) the supporters are "dexter: 'st. thomas à becket,' and sinister, a baron of scotland." another instance, again from scotland, appears in a most extraordinary grant by the lyon in to sir jonathan wathen waller, bart., of braywick lodge, co. berks, and of twickenham, co. middlesex. in this case the supporters were two elaborately "harnessed" ancient warriors, "to commemorate the surrender of charles, duke of orleans, at the memorable battle of agincourt (that word being the motto over the crest) in the year , to richard waller of groombridge in kent, esq., from which richard the said { } sir jonathan wathen waller is, according to the tradition of his family, descended." this pedigree is set out in burke's peerage, which assigns as arms to this family the old coat of waller of groombridge, with the augmented crest, viz.: "on a mount vert, a walnut-tree proper, and pendent therefrom an escutcheon of the arms of france with a label of three points argent." considerable doubt, however, is thrown upon the descent by the fact that in , when sir jonathan (then mr. phipps) obtained a royal licence to assume the name and arms of waller, a very different and much bedevilled edition of the arms and not the real coat of waller of groombridge was exemplified to him. these supporters (the grant was quite _ultra vires_, sir jonathan being a domiciled englishman) do not appear in any of the peerage books, and it is not clear to what extent they were ever made use of, but in a painting which came under my notice the duke of orleans, in his surcoat of france, could be observed handing his sword across the front of the escutcheon to mr. (or sir) richard waller. the supporters of the needlemakers' company are commonly known as adam and eve, and the motto of the company ["they sewed fig-leaves together and made themselves aprons"] bears this supposition out. the blazon, however, is: "dexter, a man; sinister, a woman, both proper, each wreathed round the waist with leaves of the last, in the woman's dexter hand a needle or." the supporters of the earl of aberdeen are, "dexter an earl and sinister a doctor of laws, both in their robes all proper." highlanders in modern costume figure as supporters to the arms of maconochie-wellwood, and in more ancient garb in the case of cluny macpherson, and soldiers in the uniforms of every regiment, and savages from every clime, have at some time or other been pressed into heraldic service as supporters; but a work on armory is not a handbook on costume, military and civil, nor is it an ethnographical directory, which it would certainly become if any attempt were to be made to enumerate the different varieties of men and women, clothed and unclothed, which have been used for the purposes of supporters. animals as supporters when we turn to animals as supporters, we at once get to a much wider range, and but little can be said concerning them beyond stating that though usually rampant, they are sometimes sejant, and may be guardant or regardant. one may, however, append examples of the work of different artists, which will doubtless serve as models, or possibly may develop ideas in other artists. the _lion_ naturally first claims { } one's attention. fig. shows an interesting and curious instance of the use of a single lion as a supporter. this is taken from a drawing in the possession of the town library at breslau (_herold_, , no. ), and represents the arms of dr. heinrich rubische, physician to the king of hungary and bohemia. the arms are, "per fesse," the chief argent, a "point" throughout sable, charged with a lion's face, holding in the jaws an annulet, and the base also argent charged with two bars sable. the mantling is sable and argent. upon the helmet as crest are two buffalo's horns of the colours of the shield, and between them appears (apparently as a part of the heritable crest) a lion's face holding an annulet as in the arms. this, however, is the face of the lion, which, standing behind the escutcheon, is employed as the supporter, though possibly it is intended that it should do double duty. this employment of one animal to serve a double armorial purpose is practically unknown in british armory, except possibly in a few early examples of seals, but in german heraldry it is very far from being uncommon. [illustration: fig. .--arms of dr. heinrich rubische.] { } winged lions are not very usual, but they occur as the supporters of lord braye: "on either side a lion guardant or, winged vair." a winged lion is also one of the supporters (the dexter) of lord leconfield, but this, owing to the position of the wings, is quite unique. the blazon is: "a lion with wings inverted azure, collared or." two lions rampant double-queued, the dexter or, the sinister sable, are the supporters of the duke of portland, and the supporters of both the earl of feversham and the earl of dartmouth afford instances of lions crowned with a coronet, and issuing therefrom a plume of ostrich feathers. sea-lions will be found as supporters to the arms of viscount falmouth ["two sea-lions erect on their tails argent, gutté-de-l'armes"], and the earl of howth bears: "dexter, a sea-lion as in the crest; sinister, a mermaid proper, holding in her exterior hand a mirror." the heraldic tiger is occasionally found as a supporter, and an instance occurs in the arms of the marquess of dufferin and ava. it also occurs as the sinister supporter of the duke of leeds, and of the baroness darcy de knayth, and was the dexter supporter of the earls of holderness. two heraldic tigers are the supporters both of sir andrew noel agnew, bart., and of the marquess of anglesey. of recent years the natural tiger has taken its place in the heraldic menagerie, and instances of its appearance will be found in the arms of sir mortimer durand, and as one of the supporters of the arms of the city of bombay. when occurring in heraldic surroundings it is always termed for distinction a "bengal tiger," and two royal bengal tigers are the supporters of sir francis outram, bart.: "on either side a royal bengal tiger guardant proper, gorged with a wreath of laurel vert, and on the head an eastern crown or." the griffin is perhaps the next most favourite supporter. male griffins are the supporters of sir george john egerton dashwood: "on either side a male gryphon argent, gorged with a collar flory counterflory gules." a very curious supporter is borne by mr. styleman le strange. of course, as a domiciled english commoner, having no royal licence to bear supporters, his claim to these additions would not be recognised, but their use no doubt originated in the fact that he represents the lines of several coheirships to different baronies by writ, to some one of which, no doubt, the supporters may have at some time belonged. the dexter supporter in question is "a stag argent with a lion's forepaws and tail, collared." the supporters recently granted to lord milner are two "springbok," and the same animal (an "oryx" or "springbok") is the sinister supporter of the arms of cape colony. { } goats are the supporters of the earl of portsmouth (who styles his "chamois or wild goats"), of lord bagot and lord cranworth, and they occur in the achievements of the barony of ruthven and the marquess of normanby. the supporters of viscount southwell are two "indian" goats. rams are the supporters of lord de ramsey and lord sherard. a ram is also one of the supporters attached to the barony of ruthven, and one of the supporters used by the town of new galloway. these arms, however, have never been matriculated, which on account of the curious charge upon the shield is very much to be regretted. the supporters of lord mowbray and stourton afford an example of a most curious and interesting animal. originally the lords stourton used two antelopes azure, but before the seventeenth century these had been changed to two "sea-dogs." when the abeyance of the barony of mowbray was determined in favour of lord stourton the dexter supporter was changed to the lion of mowbray, but the sinister supporter still remained a "sea-dog." the horse and the pegasus are constantly met with supporting the arms of peers and others in this country. a bay horse regardant figures as the dexter supporter of the earl of yarborough, and the horses which support the shield of earl cowper are very specifically detailed in the official blazon: "two dun horses close cropped (except a tuft upon the withers) and docked, a large blaze down the face, a black list down the back, and three white feet, viz. the hind-feet and near fore-foot." lord joicey has two shetland ponies and lord winterstoke has "two horses sable, maned, tailed, and girthed or." the arms of the city of london are always used with dragons for supporters, but these supporters are not officially recorded. the arms of the city of london are referred to at greater length elsewhere in these pages. the town of appleby uses dragons with wings expanded (most fearsome creatures), but these are not official, nor are the "dragons sejant addorsed gules, each holding an ostrich feather argent affixed to a scroll" which some enterprising artist designed for cheshire. dragons will be found as supporters to the arms of the earl of enniskillen, lord st. oswald, the earl of castlestuart, and viscount arbuthnot. the heraldic dragon is not the only form of the creature now known to armory. the chinese dragon was granted to lord gough as one of his supporters, and it has since also been granted as a supporter to sir robert hart, bart. wyverns are the supporters of the earl of meath and lord burghclere, and the sinister supporter of both lord raglan and lord lyveden. { } the arms of the royal burgh of dundee are quite unique. the official blazon runs: "azure, a pott of growing lillies argent, the escutcheon being supported by two dragons, their tails nowed together underneath vert, with this word in an escroll above a lilie growing out of the top of the shield as the former, 'dei donum.'" though blazoned as dragons, the creatures are undoubtedly wyverns. wyverns when figuring as supporters are usually represented standing on the one claw and supporting the shield with the other, but in the case of the duke of marlborough, whose supporters are two wyverns, these are generally represented sejant erect, supporting the shield with both claws. this position is also adopted for the wyvern supporters of sir robert arbuthnot, bart., and the earl of eglinton. two cockatrices are the supporters of lord donoughmore, the earl of westmeath, and sir edmund nugent, bart., and the dexter supporter of lord lanesborough is also a cockatrice. the basilisk is the same creature as the cockatrice, and in the arms of the town of basle (german basel), is an example of a supporter blazoned as a basilisk. the arms are: "argent, a crosier sable." the supporter is a basilisk vert, armed and jelloped gules. the supporters of the plasterers' company, which were granted with the arms (january , ), are: "two opinaci (figures very similar to griffins) vert pursted (? purfled) or, beaked sable, the wings gules." the dexter supporter of the arms of cape colony is a "gnu." the zebra, the giraffe, and the okapi are as yet unclaimed as supporters, though the giraffe, under the name of the camelopard, figures in some number of cases as a crest, and there is at least one instance (kemsley) of a zebra as a crest. the ass, though there are some number of cases in which it appears as a crest or a charge, does not yet figure anywhere as a supporter, nor does the mule. the hyena, the sacred cow of india, the bison, the giant-sloth, and the armadillo are all distinctive animals which still remain to be withdrawn from the heraldic "lucky bag" of garter. the mythical human-faced winged bull of egyptian mythology, the harpy, and the female centaur would lend themselves well to the character of supporters. robertson of struan has no supporters matriculated with his arms, and it is difficult to say for what length of time the supporters now in use have been adopted. but he is chief of his name, and the representative of one of the minor barons, so that there is no doubt that supporters would be matriculated to him if he cared to apply. those supporters in use, viz. "dexter, a serpent; sinister, a dove, the heads of each encircled with rays," must surely be no less unique than is the strange compartment, "a wild man lying in chains," which is borne { } below the arms of struan robertson, and which was granted to his ancestor in for arresting the murderers of king james i. the supporters belonging to the city of glasgow[ ] are also unique, being two salmon, each holding a signet-ring in the mouth. the supporters of the city of waterford, though not recorded in ulster's office, have been long enough in use to ensure their official "confirmation" if a request to this effect were to be properly put forward. they are, on the dexter side a lion, and on the sinister side a dolphin. two dolphins azure, finned or, are the supporters of the watermen and lightermen's livery company, and were granted . birds as supporters whilst eagles are plentiful as supporters, nevertheless if eagles are eliminated the proportion of supporters which are birds is not great. a certain variety and differentiation is obtained by altering the position of the wings, noticeably in regard to eagles, but these differences do not appear to be by any means closely adhered to by artists in pictorial representations of armorial bearings. fig. ought perhaps more properly to have been placed amongst those eagles which, appearing as single figures, carry shields charged upon the breast, but in the present case, in addition to the shield charged upon it in the usual manner, it so palpably supports the two other escutcheons, that we are tempted to include it amongst definite supporters. the figure represents the arms of the free city of nürnberg, and the design is reproduced from the title-page of the german edition of andreas vesili's _anatomia_, printed at nürnberg in . the eagle is that of the german empire, carrying on its breast the impaled arms of castile and austria. the shields it supports may now be said both to belong to nürnberg. the dexter shield, which is the coloured seal device of the old imperial city, is: "azure, a harpy (in german _frauenadler_ or maiden eagle) displayed and crowned or." the sinister shield (which may more properly be considered the real arms of nürnberg) is: "per pale or, a double-headed imperial eagle displayed, dimidiated with bendy of six gules and argent." { } the supporters of lord amherst of hackney are two _herons_: "on either side a heron proper, collared or." [illustration: fig. .--the arms of nürnberg.] the city of calcutta, to which arms and supporters were granted in , has for its supporters _adjutant birds_, which closely approximate to storks. two woodpeckers have recently been granted as the supporters of lord peckover. { } chapter xxvii the compartment a compartment is anything depicted below the shield as a foothold or resting-place for the supporters, or indeed for the shield itself. sometimes it is a fixed part of the blazon and a constituent part of the heritable heraldic bearings. at other times it is a matter of mere artistic fancy, and no fixed rules exist to regulate or control nor even to check the imagination of the heraldic artist. the fact remains that supporters must have something to stand upon, and if the blazon supplies nothing, the discretion of the artist is allowed considerable laxity. on the subject of compartments a great deal of diversity of opinion exists. there is no doubt that in early days and early examples supporters were placed to stand upon some secure footing, but with the decadence of heraldic art in the seventeenth century came the introduction of the gilded "freehand copy" scroll with which we are so painfully familiar, which one writer has aptly termed the heraldic gas-bracket. arising doubtless from and following upon the earlier habit of balancing the supporters upon the unstable footing afforded by the edge of the motto scroll, the "gas-bracket" was probably accepted as less open to objection. it certainly was not out of keeping with the heraldic art of the period to which it owed its evolution, or with the style of armorial design of which it formed a part. it still remains the accepted and "official" style and type in england, but scotland and ireland have discarded it, and "compartments" in those countries are now depicted of a nature requiring less gymnastic ability on the part of the animals to which they afford a foothold. the style of compartment is practically always a matter of artistic taste and design. with a few exceptions it is always entirely disregarded in the blazon of the patent, and the necessity of something for the supporters to stand upon is as much an understood thing as is the existence of a shield whereon the arms are to be displayed. but as the shape of the shield is left to the fancy of the artist, so is the character of the compartment, and the lyon register nowadays affords examples of achievements where the supporters stand on rocks and flowery mounds { } or issue from a watery abiding-place. the example set by the lyon register has been eagerly followed by most heraldic artists. [illustration: fig. .] it is a curious commentary upon the heraldic art of the close of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries that whilst the gymnastic capabilities of animals were admitted to be equal to "tight-rope" exhibitions of balancing upon the ordinary scroll, these feats were not considered practicable in the case of human beings, for whom little square platforms were always provided. fig. , which represents the sinister supporter of lord scarsdale (viz. the figure of liberality represented by a woman habited argent, mantled purpure, holding a cornucopia proper) shows the method by which platform accommodation was provided for human figures when acting as supporters. at the same time this greater freedom of design may occasionally lead to mistakes in relation to english supporters and their compartments. following upon the english practice already referred to of differentiating the supporters of different families, it has apparently been found necessary in some cases to place the supporters to stand upon a definite object, which object is recited in the blazon and becomes an integral and unchangeable portion of the supporter. thus lord torrington's supporters are each placed upon dismounted ships' guns ["dexter, an heraldic antelope ermine, horned, tusked, maned and hoofed or, standing on a ship gun proper; sinister, a sea-horse proper, on a like gun"], lord hawke's[ ] dexter supporter rests his sinister foot upon a dolphin, and lord herschell's supporters each stand upon a fasces ["supporters: on either side a stag proper, collared azure, standing on a fasces or"]. the supporters of lord iveagh each rest a hind-foot upon an escutcheon ["supporters: on either side a stag gules, attired and collared gemel or, resting the inner hoof on an escutcheon vert charged with a lion rampant of the second"], whilst the inner hind-foot of each of lord burton's supporters { } rests upon a stag's head caboshed proper. probably absurdity could go no further. but in the case of the supporters granted to cape town (fig. ), the official blazon runs as follows: "on the dexter { } side, standing on a rock, a female figure proper, vested argent, mantle and sandals azure, on her head an estoile radiated or, and supporting with her exterior hand an anchor also proper; and on the sinister side, standing on a like rock, a lion rampant guardant gules." in this case it will be seen that the rocks form an integral part of the supporters, and are not merely an artistic rendering of the compartment. the illustration, which was made from an official drawing supplied from the heralds' college, shows the curious way in which the motto scroll is made to answer the purpose of the compartment. [illustration: fig. .--arms of cape town: or, an anchor erect sable, stock proper, from the ring a riband flowing azure, and suspended therefrom an escocheon gules charged with three annulets of the field; and for the crest, on a wreath of the colours, upon the battlements of a tower proper, a trident in bend dexter or, surmounted by an anchor and cable in bend sinister sable.] occasionally the compartment itself--as a thing apart from the supporters--receives attention in the blazon, _e.g._ in the case of the arms of baron de worms, which are of foreign origin, recorded in this country by royal warrant. his supporters are: "on a bronze compartment, on either side a lion gold, collared and chained or, and pendent from the compartment a golden scroll, thereon in letters gules the motto, 'vinctus non victus.'" in the royal arms of the united kingdom the motto "dieu et mon droit" is required to be on the compartment below the shield, and thereon the union badge of the rose, thistle, and shamrock engrafted on the same stem. the city of norwich is not officially recognised as having the right to supporters, and doubtless those in use have originated in the old artistic custom, previously referred to, of putting escutcheons of arms under the guardianship of angels. they may be so deciphered upon an old stone carving upon one of the municipal buildings in that city. the result has been that two angels have been regularly adopted as the heraldic supporters of the city arms. the point that renders them worthy of notice is that they are invariably represented each standing upon its own little pile of clouds. the arms of the royal burgh of montrose (forfarshire) afford an official instance of another variety in the way of a compartment, which is a fixed matter of blazon and not depending upon artistic fancy. the entry in lyon register is as follows:-- "the royal burgh of montrose gives for ensignes armoriall, argent, a rose gules. the shield adorned with helmet, mantling, and wreath suteable thereto. and for a crest, a hand issuing from a cloud and reaching down a garland of roses proper, supported by two mermaids aryseing from the sea proper. the motto, 'mare ditat rosa decorat.' and for a revers, gules, st. peter on the cross proper, with the keyes hanging at his girdle or. which arms, &c., ext. december , ." an english example may be found in the case of the arms of { } boston,[ ] which are depicted with the supporters (again two mermaids) rising from the sea, though to what extent the sea is a fixed and unchangeable part of the achievement in this case is less a matter of certainty. probably of all the curious "supporters" to be found in british armory, those of the city of southampton (plate vii.) must be admitted to be the most unusual. as far as the actual usage of the arms by the corporation is concerned, one seldom if ever sees more than the simple shield employed. this bears the arms: "per fess gules and argent, three roses counterchanged." but in the official record of the arms in one of the visitation books a crest is added, namely: "upon a mount vert, a double tower or, and issuing from the upper battlements thereof a demi-female affronté proper, vested purpure, crined and crowned with an eastern coronet also or, holding in her dexter hand a sword erect point upwards argent, pommel and hilt of the second, and in her sinister hand a balance sable, the pans gold. the shield in the visitation book rests upon a mount vert, issuing from waves of the sea, and thereupon placed on either side of the escutcheon a ship of two masts at anchor, the sails furled all proper, the round top or, and from each masthead flying a banner of st. george, and upon the stern of each vessel a lion rampant or, supporting the escutcheon." from the fact that in england the compartment is so much a matter of course, it is scarcely ever alluded to, and the _term_ "compartment" is practically one peculiar to scottish heraldry. it does not appear to be a very ancient heraldic appendage, and was probably found to be a convenient arrangement when shields were depicted erect instead of couché, so as to supply a resting-place (or standpoint) for the supporters. in a few instances the compartment appears on seals with couché shields, on which, however, the supporters are usually represented as resting _on the sides of the escutcheon_, and bearing up the helmet and crest, as already mentioned. sir george mackenzie conjectures that the compartment "represents the bearer's land and territories, though sometimes (he adds) it is bestowed in recompense of some honourable action." thus the earls of douglas are said to have obtained the privilege of placing their supporters with a pale of wood wreathed, because the doughty lord, in the reign of king robert the bruce, defeated the english in jedburgh forest, and "caused wreathe and impale," during the night, that part of the wood by which he conjectured they might make their escape. such a fenced compartment appears on the seal of james douglas, second earl of angus, "dominus de abernethie et jedworth forest" ( ), on { } that of george douglas, fourth earl ( ), and also on those of several of his successors in the earldom ( - ). a still earlier example, however, of a compartment "representing a park with trees, &c., enclosed by a wattled fence," occurs on the seal of walter stewart, earl of atholl (_c._ ), where the escutcheon is placed in the entrance to the park between two trees. nisbet refers to a seal of william, first earl of douglas ( ), exhibiting a single supporter (a lion) "sitting on a compartment like to a rising ground, with a tree growing out of it, and semé of hearts, mullets, and cross crosslets," these being the charges of douglas and mar in the escutcheon. according to sir george mackenzie, these compartments were usually allowed only to sovereign princes; and he further informs us that, besides the douglases, he knows of no other subject in britain, except the earl of perth, whose arms stand upon a compartment. in the case of the perth family, the compartment consists of a green hill or mount, semé of caltraps[ ] (or cheval-traps), with the relative motto, "gang warily," above the achievement. "albeit of late," says mackenzie, "compartments are become more common, and some families in scotland have some creatures upon which their achievement stands, as the laird of dundas, whose achievement has for many hundreds of years stood upon a salamander in flames proper (a device of the kings of france), and robertson of struan has a monstrous man lying under the escutcheon chained, which was given him for his taking the murderer of james i...." such figures, however, as nisbet remarks, cannot properly be called compartments, having rather the character of devices; while, in the case of the struan achievement, the chained man would be more accurately described as "an honourable supporter." sir george mackenzie engraves "the coat of denham of ould," viz. a stag's head "caboshed," below a shield couché charged with three lozenges, or fusils, conjoined in bend. in like manner, nisbet represents the crest and motto of the scotts of thirlstane, "by way of compartment," below the escutcheon of lord napier, and a blazing star, with the legend "luceo boreale," under that of captain robert seton, of the family of meldrum; while in the case of the illumination which accompanies the latest entry in the first volume of the lyon register ( ), relative to the arms of john hepburn belshes of invermay, the trunk of an oak-tree sprouting forth anew is placed on a compartment under the shield, with the motto, "revirescit." two other instances of regular compartments are mentioned by nisbet, viz. those carried by the macfarlanes of that ilk and the ogilvies of innerquharity. the former consists of a wavy { } representation of loch sloy, the gathering-place of the clan, which word is also inscribed on the compartment as their _cri-de-guerre_ or slogan; while the latter is a "green hill or rising terrace," on which are placed two serpents, "nowed," spouting fire, and the motto, "terrena pericula sperno." for some of the foregoing instances i am indebted to seton's well-known "law and practice of heraldry in scotland." { } chapter xxviii mottoes to the uninitiated, the subject of the motto of a family has a far greater importance than is conceded to it by those who have spent any time in the study of armory. perhaps it may clear the ground if the rules presently in force are first recited. it should be carefully observed that the status of the motto is vastly different in england and in other countries. except in the cases of impersonal arms (and not always then), the motto is never mentioned or alluded to in the terms of the patent in a grant of arms in england; consequently they are not a part of the "estate" created by the letters patent, though if it be desired a motto will always be painted below the emblazonment in the margin of the patent. briefly speaking, the position in england with regard to personal armorial bearings is that mottoes are _not hereditary_. no one is compelled to bear one, nor is any authority needed for the adoption of a motto, the matter is left purely to the personal pleasure of every individual; but if that person elects to use a motto, the officers of arms are perfectly willing to paint any motto he may choose upon his grant, and to add it to the record of his arms in their books. there is no necessity expressed or implied to use a motto at all, nor is the slightest control exercised over the selection or change of mottoes, though, as would naturally be expected, the officers of arms would decline to record to any private person any motto which might have been appropriated to the sovereign or to any of the orders of knighthood. in the same way no control is exercised over the position in which the motto is to be carried or the manner in which it is to be displayed. in scotland, however, the matter is on an entirely different footing. the motto is included within the terms of the patent, and is consequently made the subject of grant. it therefore becomes inalienable and unchangeable without a rematriculation, and a scottish patent moreover always specifies the position in which the motto is to be carried. this is usually "in an escroll over the same" (_i.e._ over the crest), though occasionally it is stated to be borne on "a compartment below the arms." the matter in ireland is not quite the same as in { } either scotland or england. sometimes the motto is expressed in the patent--in fact this is now the more usual alternative--but the rule is not universal, and to a certain extent the english permissiveness is recognised. possibly the subject can be summed up in the remark that if any motto has been granted or is recorded with a particular coat of arms in ireland, it is expected that that shall be the motto to be made use of therewith. as a general practice the use of mottoes in england did not become general until the eighteenth century--in fact there are very few, if any, grants of an earlier date on which a motto appears. the majority, well on towards the latter part of the eighteenth century, had no motto added, and many patents are still issued without such an addition. with rare exceptions, no mottoes are to be met with in the visitation books, and it does not appear that at the time of the visitations the motto was considered to be essentially a part of the armorial bearings. the one or two exceptions which i have met with where mottoes are to be found on visitation pedigrees are in every case the arms of a peer. there are at least two such in the yorkshire visitation of , and probably it may be taken for granted that the majority of peers at that period had begun to make use of these additions to their arms. unfortunately we have no exact means of deciding the point, because peers were not compelled to attend a visitation, and there are but few cases in which the arms or pedigree of a peer figure in the visitation books. in isolated cases the use of a motto can, however, be traced back to an even earlier period. there are several instances to be met with upon the early garter plates. many writers have traced the origin of mottoes to the "slogan" or war-cry of battle, and there is no doubt whatever that instances can be found in which an ancient war-cry has become a family motto. for example, one can refer to the fitzgerald "crom-a-boo": other instances can be found amongst some of the highland families, but the fact that many well-known war-cries of ancient days never became perpetuated as mottoes, and also the fact that by far the greater number of mottoes, even at a much earlier period than the present day, cannot by any possibility have ever been used for or have originated with the purposes of battle-cries, inclines me to believe that such a suggested origin for the motto in general is without adequate foundation. there can be little if any connection between the war-cry as such and the motto as such. the real origin would appear to be more correctly traced back to the badge. as will be found explained elsewhere, the badge was some simple device used for personal and household purposes and seldom for war, except by persons who used the badge of the leader they followed. no man wore his own badge { } in battle. it generally partook of the nature of what ancient writers would term "a quaint conceit," and much ingenuity seems to have been expended in devising badges and mottoes which should at the same time be distinctive and should equally be or convey an index or suggestion of the name and family of the owner. many of these badges are found in conjunction with words, mottoes, and phrases, and as the distinction between the badge in general and the crest in general slowly became less apparent, they eventually in practice became interchangeable devices, if the same device did not happen to be used for both purposes. consequently the motto from the badge became attached to the crest, and was thence transferred to its present connection with the coat of arms. just as at the present time a man may and often does adopt a maxim upon which he will model his life, some pithy proverb, or some trite observation, without any question or reference to armorial bearings--so, in the old days, when learning was less diffuse and when proverbs and sayings had a wider acceptance and vogue than at present, did many families and many men adopt for their use some form of words. we find these words carved on furniture, set up on a cornice, cut in stone, and embroidered upon standards and banners, and it is to this custom that we should look for the beginning of the use of mottoes. but because such words were afterwards in later generations given an armorial status, it is not justifiable to presume such status for them from their beginnings. the fact that a man put his badges on the standard that he carried into battle, and with his badges placed the mottoes that thereto belonged, has led many people mistakenly to believe that these mottoes were _designed_ for war-cries and for use in battle. that was not the case. in fact it seems more likely that the bulk of the standards recorded in the books of the heralds which show a motto were never carried in battle. with regard to the mottoes in use at the moment, some of course can be traced to a remote period, and many of the later ones have interesting legends connected therewith. of mottoes of this character may be instanced the "jour de ma vie" of west, which was formerly the motto of the la warr family, adopted to commemorate the capture of the king of france at the battle of poictiers. there are many other mottoes of this character, amongst which may be mentioned the "grip fast" of the leslies, the origin of which is well known. but though many mottoes relate to incidents in the remote past, true or mythical, the motto and the incident are seldom contemporary. nothing would be gained by a recital of a long list of mottoes, but i cannot forbear from quoting certain curious examples which by their very weirdness must excite curiosity as to their origin. a family of martin used the singular words, "he who looks at martin's { } ape, martin's ape shall look at him," whilst the curzons use, "let curzon hold what curzon helde." the cranston motto is still more grasping, being, "thou shalt want ere i want;" but probably the motto of the dakyns is the most mysterious of all, "strike dakyns, the devil's in the hempe." the motto of corbet, "deus pascit corvos," evidently alludes to the raven or ravens (corby crows) upon the shield. the mottoes of trafford, "now thus," and "gripe griffin, hold fast;" the curious pilkington motto, "pilkington pailedown, the master mows the meadows;" and the "serva jugum" of hay have been the foundation of many legends. the "fuimus" of the bruce family is a pathetic allusion to the fact that they were once kings, but the majority of ancient mottoes partake rather of the nature of a pun upon the name, which fact is but an additional argument towards the supposition that the motto has more relation to the badge than to any other part of the armorial bearings. of mottoes which have a punning character may be mentioned "mon dieu est ma roche," which is the motto of roche, lord fermoy; "cavendo tutus," which is the motto of cavendish; "forte scutum salus ducum," which is the motto of fortescue; "set on," which is the motto of seton; "da fydd" of davies, and "ver non semper viret," the well-known pun of the vernons. another is the apocryphal "quid rides" which theodore hook suggested for the wealthy and retired tobacconist. this punning character has of late obtained much favour, and wherever a name lends itself to a pun the effort seems nowadays to be made that the motto shall be of this nature. perhaps the best pun which exists is to be found in the motto of the barnard family, who, with arms "argent, a bear rampant sable, muzzled or," and crest "a demi-bear as in the arms," use for the motto, "bear and forbear," or in latin, as it is sometimes used, "fer et perfer." others that may be alluded to are the "what i win i keep" of winlaw; the "libertas" of liberty; the "ubi crux ibi lux" of sir william crookes; the "bear thee well" of bardwell; the "gare le pied fort" of bedford; the "gare la bête" of garbett; and the "cave deus videt" of cave. other mottoes--and they are a large proportion--are of some saintly and religious tendency. however desirable and acceptable they may be, and however accurately they may apply to the first possessor, they sometimes are sadly inappropriate to later and more degenerate successors. in germany, a distinction appears to be drawn between their "wahlsprüche" (_i.e._ those which are merely dictated by personal choice) and the "armorial mottoes" which remained constantly and heritably attached to the armorial bearings, such as the "gott mit uns" ("god with us") of prussia and the "nihil sine deus" of hohenzollern. { } the initial or riddle mottoes appear to be peculiar to germany. well-known examples of these curiosities are the "w. g. w." (_i.e._ "wie gott will"--"as god wills"), or "w. d. w." (_i.e._ "wie du willst"--"as thou wilt"), which are both frequently to be met with. the strange but well-known alphabet or vowel-motto "a. e. i. o. v." of the emperor frederick iii. has been variously translated, "aquila electa juste omnia vincit" ("the chosen eagle vanquishes all by right"), "aller ehren ist oesterrich voll" ("austria is full of every honour"), or perhaps with more likelihood, "austria est imperare orbe universo" ("all the earth is subject to austria"). the _cri-de-guerre_, both as a heraldic fact and as an armorial term, is peculiar, and exclusively so, to british and french heraldry. the national _cri-de-guerre_ of france, "montjoye saint denis," appeared above the pavilion in the old royal arms of france, and probably the english royal motto, "dieu et mon droit," is correctly traced to a similar origin. a distinction is still made in modern heraldry between the _cri-de-guerre_ and the motto, inasmuch as it is considered that the former should always of necessity surmount the crest. this is very generally adhered to in scotland in the cases where both a motto and a _cri-de-guerre_ (or, as it is frequently termed in that country, a "slogan") exist, the motto, contrary to the usual scottish practice, being then placed below the shield. it is to be hoped that a general knowledge of this fact will not, however, result in the description of every motto found above a crest as a _cri-de-guerre_, and certainly the concentrated piety now so much in favour in england for the purposes of a motto can be quite fitly left below the shield. artists do not look kindly on the motto for decorative purposes. it has been usually depicted in heraldic emblazonment in black letters upon a white scroll, tinted and shaded with pink, but with the present revival of heraldic art, it has become more general to paint the motto ribbon in conformity with the colour of the field, the letters being often shown thereon in gold. the colour and shape of the motto ribbon, however, are governed by no heraldic laws, and except in scottish examples should be left, as they are purely unimportant accessories of the achievement, wholly at the discretion of the artist. { } chapter xxix badges the exact status of the badge in this country, to which it is peculiar, has been very much misunderstood. this is probably due to the fact that the evolution of the badge was gradual, and that its importance increased unconsciously. badges do not formerly appear to have ever been made the subjects of grants, and the instances which can be referred to showing their control, or attempted control, by the crown in past times are _very rare indeed_. as a matter of fact, the crown seems to have perhaps purposely ignored them. they are not, as we know them, found in the earliest times of heraldry, unless we are to presume their existence from early seals, many of which show isolated charges taken from the arms; for if in the cases where such charges appear upon the seals we are to accept those seals as proofs of the contemporary existence of those devices as heraldic badges, we should often be led into strange conclusions. there is no doubt that these isolated devices which are met with were not only a part of the arms, but in many cases the _origin_ of the arms. devices possessing a more or less personal and possessive character occur in many cases before record of the arms they later developed into can be traced. this will be noticed in relation to the arms of swinton, to which reference is made elsewhere. if these are badges, then badges go back to an earlier date than arms. such devices occur many centuries before such a thing as a shield of arms existed. the _heraldic badge, as we know it_, came into general use about the reign of edward iii., that is, the heraldic badge as a separate matter having a distinct existence in addition to concurrent arms, and having at the same time a distinctly heraldic character. but long before that date, badges are found with an allied reference to a particular person, which very possibly are rightly included in any enumeration of badges. of such a character is the badge of the broom plant, which is found upon the tomb of geoffrey, count of anjou, from which badge the name of the plantagenet dynasty originated (plantagenet, by the way, was never a personal surname, but was the name of the dynasty). { } it is doubtful, however, if at that early period there existed much if indeed any opportunity for the use of heraldic badges. at the same time, as far back as the reign of richard i.--and some writers would take examples of a still more remote period--these badges must have been occasionally depicted upon banners, for richard i. appears to have had a dragon upon one of his banners. these banner decorations, which at a later date have been often accepted as badges, can hardly be quite properly so described, for there are many cases where no other proof of usage can be found, and there is no doubt that many such are instances of no more than banners prepared for specific purposes; and the record of such and such a banner cannot necessarily carry proof that the owner of the banner claimed or used the objects depicted thereupon as personal badges. if they are to be so included some individuals must have revelled in a multitude of badges. but the difficulty in deciding the point very greatly depends upon the definition of the badge; and if we are to take the definition according to the manner of acceptance and usage at the period when the use of badges was greatest, then many of the earliest cannot be taken as coming within the limits. in later plantagenet days, badges were of considerable importance, and certain characteristics are plainly marked. they were never worn by the owner--in the sense in which he carried his shield, or bore his crest; they were his sign-mark indicative of ownership; they were stamped upon his belongings in the same way in which government property is marked with the broad arrow, and they were worn by his servants. they were worn not only by his retainers, but very probably were also worn more or less temporarily by adherents of his party if he were big enough to lead a party in the state. at all times badges had very extensive decorative use. there was never any fixed form for the badge; there was never any fixed manner of usage. i can find no fixed laws of inheritance, no common method of assumption. in fact the use of a badge, in the days when everybody who was anybody possessed arms, was quite subsidiary to the arms, and very much akin to the manner in which nowadays monograms are made use of. at the same time care must be taken to distinguish the "badge" from the "rebus," and also from the temporary devices which we read about as having been so often adopted for the purpose of the tournament when the combatant desired his identity to be concealed. modern novelists and poets give us plenty of illustrations of the latter kind, but proof of the fact even that they were ever adopted in that form is by no means easy to find, though their professedly temporary nature of course militates against { } the likelihood of contemporary _record_. the rebus had never an heraldic status, and it had seldom more than a temporary existence. a fanciful device adopted (we hear of many such instances) for the temporary purpose of a tournament could generally be so classed, but the rebus proper has some device, usually a pictorial rendering of the name of the person for whom it stood. in such a category would be included printers' and masons' marks, but probably the definition of dr. johnson of the word rebus, as a word represented by a picture, is as good a definition and description as can be given. the rebus in its nature is a different thing from a badge, and may best be described as a pictorial signature, the most frequent occasion for its use being in architectural surroundings, where it was constantly introduced as a pun upon some name which it was desired to perpetuate. the best-known and perhaps the most typical and characteristic rebus is that of islip, the builder of part of westminster abbey. here the pictured punning representation of his name had nothing to do with his armorial bearings or personal badge; but the great difficulty, in dealing with both badges and rebuses, is the difficulty of knowing which is which, for very frequently the same or a similar device was used for both purposes. parker, in his glossary of heraldic terms, gives several typical examples of rebuses which very aptly illustrate their status and meaning. at lincoln college at oxford, and on other buildings connected with thomas beckynton, bishop of bath and wells, will be found carved the rebus of a beacon issuing from a tun. this is found in conjunction with the letter t for his christian name, thomas. now this design was not his coat of arms, and was not his crest, nor was it his badge. another rebus which is found at canterbury shows an ox and the letters n, e, as the rebus of john oxney. a rebus which indicates thomas conyston, abbot of cirencester, which can be found in gloucester cathedral, is a comb and a tun, and the printer's mark of richard grifton, which is a good example of a rebus and its use, was a tree, or graft, growing on a tun. in none of these cases are the designs mentioned on any part of the arms, crest, or badge of the persons mentioned. rebuses of this character abound on all our ancient buildings, and their use has lately come very prominently into favour in connection with the many allusive bookplates, the design of which originates in some play upon the name. the words "device," "ensign," and "cognisance" have no definite heraldic meaning, and are used impartially to apply to the crest, the badge, and sometimes to the arms upon the shield, so that they may be eliminated from consideration. there remains therefore the crest and the badge between which to draw a definite line of distinction. the real difference lay in the method of use, though there is usually a difference of form, { } recognisable by an expert, but difficult to put into words. the crest was the ornament upon the helmet, seldom if ever actually worn, and never used except by the person to whom it belonged. the badge, on the other hand, was never placed upon the helmet, but was worn by the servants and retainers, and was used right and left on the belongings of the owner as a sign of his ownership. so great and extensive at one period was the use of these badges, that they were far more generally employed than either arms or crest, and whilst the knowledge of a man's badge or badges would be everyday knowledge and common repute throughout the kingdom, few people would know that man's crest, fewer still would ever have seen it worn. it is merely an exaggeration of the difficulty that we are always in uncertainty whether any given device was merely a piece of decoration borrowed from the arms or crest, or whether it had continued usage as a badge. in the same way many families who had never used crests, but who had used badges, took the opportunity of the visitations to record their badges as crests. a notable example of the subsequent record of a badge as a crest is met with in the stourton family. their crest, originally a buck's head, but after the marriage with the heiress of le moigne, a demi-monk, can be readily substantiated, as can their badge of the drag or sledge. at one of the visitations, however, a cadet of the stourton family recorded the sledge as a crest. uncertainty also arises from the lack of precision in the diction employed at all periods, the words badge, device, and crest having so often been used interchangeably. another difficulty which is met with in regard to badges is that, with the exception of the extensive records of the royal badges and some other more or less informal lists of badges of the principal personages at different periods, badges were never a subject of official record, and whilst it is difficult to determine the initial point as to whether any particular device is a badge or not, the difficulty of deducing rules concerning badges becomes practically impossible, and after most careful consideration i have come to the conclusion that there were never any hard and fast rules relating to badges, that they were originally and were allowed to remain matters of personal fancy, and that although well-known cases can be found where the same badge has been used generation after generation, those cases may perhaps be the exception rather than the rule. badges should be considered and accepted in the general run as not being matters of permanence, and as of little importance except during the time from about the reign of edward iii. to about the reign of henry viii. their principal use upon the clothes of the retainers came to an end by the creation of the standing army, the beginning of which can be traced to the reign of henry viii., and as badges never had any ceremonial use to perpetuate { } their status, their importance almost ceased altogether at that period except as regards the royal family. speaking broadly, regularised and _recorded_ heraldic control as a matter of operative fact dates little if any further back than the end of the reign of henry viii., consequently badges originally do not appear to have been taken much cognisance of by the heralds. their actual use from that period onwards rapidly declined, and hence the absence of record. though the use of badges has become very restricted, there are still one or two occasions on which badges are used as badges, in the style formerly in vogue. perhaps the case which is most familiar is the broad arrow which is used to mark government stores. it is a curious commentary upon heraldic officialdom and its ways that though this is the only badge which has really any extensive use, it is not a crown badge in any degree. although this origin has been disputed it is said to have originated in the fact that one of the sydney family, when master of the ordnance, to prevent disputes as to the stores for which he was responsible, marked everything with his private badge of the broad arrow, and this private badge has since remained in constant use. one wonders at what date the officers of his majesty will observe that this has become one of his majesty's recognised badges, and will include it with the other royal badges in the warrants in which they are recited. already more than two centuries have passed since it first came into use, and either they should represent to the government that the pheon is not a crown mark, and that some recognised royal badge should be used in its place, or else they should place its status upon a definite footing. another instance of a badge used at the present day in the ancient manner is the conjoined rose, thistle, and shamrock which is embroidered front and back upon the tunics of the beefeaters and the yeomen of the guard. the crowned harps which are worn by the royal irish constabulary are another instance of the kind, but though a certain number of badges are recited in the warrant each time any alteration or declaration of the royal arms occurs, their use has now become very limited. present badges are the crowned rose for england, the crowned thistle for scotland, and the crowned trefoil and the crowned harp for ireland; whilst for the union there is the conjoined rose, thistle, and shamrock under the crown, and the crowned shield which carries the device of the union jack. the badge of wales, which has existed for long enough, is the uncrowned dragon upon a mount vert, and the crowned cyphers, one within and one without the garter, are also depicted upon the warrant. these badges, which appear on the sovereign's warrant, are never assigned to any other member of the royal family, of whom { } the prince of wales is the only one who rejoices in the possession of officially assigned badges. the badge of the eldest son of the sovereign, as such, and not as prince of wales, is the plume of three ostrich feathers, enfiled with the circlet from his coronet. recently an additional badge (on a mount vert, a dragon passant gules, charged on the shoulder with a label of three points argent) has been assigned to his royal highness. this action was taken with the desire to in some way gratify the forcibly expressed wishes of wales, and it is probable that, the precedent having been set, it will be assigned to all those who may bear the title of prince of wales in future. the only instances i am personally aware of in which a real badge of ancient origin is still worn by the servants are the cases of the state liveries of the earl of yarborough, whose servants wear an embroidered buckle, and of lord mowbray and stourton, whose servants wear an embroidered sledge. the family of daubeney of cote still bear the old daubeney badge of the pair of bat's wings; lord stafford still uses his "stafford knot." i believe the servants of lord braye still wear the badge of the hemp-brake, and those of the earl of loudoun wear the hastings maunch; and doubtless there are a few other instances. when the old families were becoming greatly reduced in number, and the nobility and the upper classes were being recruited from families of later origin, the wearing of badges, like so much else connected with heraldry, became lax in its practice. the servants of all the great nobles in ancient days appear to have worn the badges of their masters in a manner similar to the use of the royal badge by the yeomen of the guard, although sometimes the badge was embroidered upon the sleeve; and the wearing of the badge by the retainers is the chief and principal use to which badges were anciently put. nisbet alludes on this point to a paragraph from the act for the order of the riding of parliament in , which says that "the noblemen's lacqueys may have over their liveries velvet coats with their badges, _i.e._ their crests and mottoes done on plate, or embroidered on the back and breast conform to ancient custom." a curious survival of these plates is to be found in the large silver plaques worn by so many bank messengers. badges appear, however, to have been frequently depicted semé upon the lambrequins of armorial achievements, as will be seen from many of the old garter plates; but here, again, it is not always easy to distinguish between definite badges and artistic decoration, nor between actual badges in use and mere appropriately selected charges from the shield. the water-bougets of lord berners, the knot of lord stafford, popularly known as "the stafford knot"; the harington fret; the ragged staff or the bear and the ragged staff of lord warwick (this { } being really a conjunction of two separate devices); the rose of england, the thistle of scotland, and the sledge of stourton, the hemp-brake of lord braye wherever met with are readily recognised as badges, but there are many badges which it is difficult to distinguish from crests, and even some which in all respects would appear to be more correctly regarded as coats of arms. it is a point worthy of consideration whether or not a badge needs a background; here, again, it is a matter most difficult to determine, but it is singular that in any matter of _record_ the badge is almost invariably depicted upon a background, either of a standard or a mantling, or upon the "field" of a roundel, and it may well be that their use in such circumstances as the two cases first mentioned may have only been considered correct when the colour of the mantling or the standard happened to be the right colour for the background of the badge. badges are most usually met with in stained glass upon roundels of some colour or colours, and though one would hesitate to assert it as an actual fact, there are many instances which would lead one to suppose that the background of a badge was usually the livery colour or colours of its then owner, or of the family from which it was originally inherited. certain is it that there are very few contemporary instances of badges which, when emblazoned, are not upon the known livery colours; and if this fact be accepted, then one is perhaps justified in assuming all to be livery colours, and we get at once a ready explanation on several points which have long puzzled antiquaries. the name of edward "the black prince" has often been a matter of discussion, and the children's history books tell us that the nickname originated from the colour of his armour. this may be true enough, but as most armour would be black when it was unpolished, and as most armour was either polished or dull, the probabilities are not very greatly in its favour. though there can be found instances, it was not a usual custom for any one to paint his armour red or green. even if the armour of the prince were enamelled black it would be so usually hidden by his surcoat that he is hardly likely to have been nicknamed from it. it seems to me far more probable that black was the livery colour of the black prince, and that his own retainers and followers wore the livery of black. if that were the case, one understands at once how he would obtain the nickname. the nickname is doubtless contemporary. a curious confirmation of my supposition is met with in the fact that his shield for peace was: "sable, three ostrich feathers two and one, the quill of each passing through a scroll argent." there we get the undoubted badge of the ostrich feather, which was originally borne singly, depicted upon his livery colour--black. { } the badges represented in prince arthur's book in the college of arms (an important source of our knowledge upon the subject) are all upon backgrounds; and the curious divisions of the colours on the backgrounds would seem to show that each badge had its own background, several badges being only met with upon the same ground when that happens to be the true background belonging to them. but in attempting to deduce rules, it should be remembered that in all and every armorial matter there was greater laxity of rule at the period of the actual use of arms as a reality of life than it was possible to permit when the multiplication of arms as paper insignia made regulation necessary and more restrictive; so that an occasional variation from any deduction need not necessarily vitiate the conclusion, even in a matter exclusively relating to the shield. how much more, then, must we remain in doubt when dealing with badges which appear to have been so largely a matter of personal caprice. it is a striking comment that of all the badges presently to be referred to of the stafford family, each single one is depicted upon a background. it is a noticeable fact that of the eighteen "badges" exemplified as belonging to the family of stafford, nine are upon parti-coloured fields. this is not an unreasonable proportion if the fields are considered to be the livery colours of the families from whom the badges were originally derived, but it is altogether out of proportion to the number of shields in any roll of arms which would have the field party per pale, or party in any other form of division. with the exception of the second badge, which is on a striped background of green and white, all the party backgrounds are party per pale, which was the most usual way of depicting a livery in the few records which have come down to us of the heraldic use of livery colours, and of the eighteen badges, no less than eight are upon a parti-coloured field of which the dexter is sable and the sinister gules. scarlet and black are known to have been the livery colours of edward stafford, duke of buckingham, who was beheaded in . the arms of the town of buckingham are on a field per pale sable and gules. with regard to the descent of badges and the laws which govern their descent still less is known. the answer to the question, "how did badges descend?" is simple: "nobody knows." one can only hazard opinions more or less pious, of more or less value. it is distinctly a point upon which it is risky to be dogmatic, and we must wait for the development which will follow the recent revival of the granting of standards. as cases occur for decision precedents will be found and disclosed. whilst the secrecy of the records of the college of arms is so jealously preserved it is impossible to speak definitely at present, for an exact and comprehensive knowledge of exact and { } authoritative instances of fact is necessary before a decision can be definitely put forward. unless some officer of arms will carefully collate the information which can be gleaned from the records in the college of arms which are relevant to the subject, it does not seem likely that our knowledge will advance greatly. the grant of supporters to the earl of stafford, as under, is worthy of attention. "to all and singular to whom these presents shall come, john anstis esq^r garter principal king of arms, sends greeting, whereas his late majesty king james the second by letters patents under the great seal, did create henry stafford howard to be earl of stafford, to have and hold the same to him and the heirs males of his body; and for default thereof to john and francis his brothers and the heirs males of their bodies respectively, whereby the said earldom is now legally vested in the right hon^{ble} william stafford howard son and heir of the said john; and in regard that y^e said henry late earl of stafford omitted to take any grant of supporters, which the peers of this realm have an indisputable right to use and bear, the right hon^{ble} henry bowes howard earl of berkshire deputy (with the royal approbation) of his grace thomas howard duke of norfolk earl marshall and hereditary marshall of england hath been pleased to direct me to grant to the said right hon^{ble} william stafford howard earl of stafford the supporters formerly granted to y^e late viscount stafford, grandfather to the said earl; as also to order me to cause to be depicted in the margin of my said grant y^e arms of thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester quartered with the arms of the said earl of stafford, together with the badges of the said noble family of stafford: now these presents witness that according to the consent of the said earl of berkshire signified under his lordship's hand and seal i do by the authority and power annexed to my office hereby grant and assign to y^e said right honourable william stafford howard earl of stafford, the following supporters which were heretofore borne by the late lord viscount stafford, that is to say, on the dexter side a lion argent, and on the sinister side a swan surgiant argent gorged with a ducal coronet per pale gules and sable beaked and membered of the second; to be used and borne at all times and upon all occasions by the said earl of stafford and the heirs males of his body, and such persons to whom the said earldom shall descend according to the law and practice of arms without the let or interruption of any person or persons whatsoever. and in pursuance of the warrant of the said earl of berkshire, the arms of thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester, as the same are on a plate remaining in the chapel of s^t george within y^e castle of windsor, set up there for his descendant the duke of buckingham { } are depicted in the margin, and quartered in such place and manner as the same were formerly borne by the staffords dukes of buckingham, together with eighteen badges belonging to the said most ancient and illustrious family of stafford, as the same are represented in a manuscript remaining in the college of arms (fig. ). in witness whereof i the said garter have hereto subscribed my name and affixed the seal of my office this first day of august anno domini . "john anstis garter "principal king of arms." [illustration: fig. .--the stafford badges as exemplified in to william stafford howard, earl of stafford.] { } it may be of interest to call attention to the fact that in this exemplification the royal arms are displayed before those of stafford. on the face of it, the document--as far as it relates to the badges--is no more than a certificate or exemplification, in which case it is undoubted evidence that badges descend to the heir-general as do quarterings; but there is the possibility that the document is a re-grant in the nature of an exemplification following a royal licence, or a re-grant to remove uncertainty as to the attainder. and if the document--as far as its relation to the badges goes--has any of the character of a grant, it can have but little value as evidence of the descent of badges. it is remarkable that it is absolutely silent as to the future destination of the badges. the real fact is that the whole subject of the descent and devolution of badges is shrouded in mystery. each of the badges (fig. ) is depicted within a circle adorned with a succession of stafford knots, as is shown in the one instance at the head. five of these badges appear upon a well-known portrait of edward, duke of buckingham. the fact that some of these _badges_ are really crests depicted upon wreaths goes far as an authority for the use of a crest upon livery buttons for the purposes of a badge. in ancient days all records seemed to point to the fact that badges were personal, and that though they were worn by the retainers, they were the property of _the head_ of the family, rather than (as the arms) of the whole family, and though the information available is meagre to the last degree, it would appear probable that in all cases where their use by other members of the family than the head of the house can be proved, the likelihood is that the cadets would render feudal service and would wear the badge as retainers of the man whose standard they followed into battle, so that we should expect to find the badge following the same descent as the peerage, together with the lands and liabilities which accompanied it. this undoubtedly makes for the inheritance of a badge upon the same line of descent as a barony by writ, and such a method of inheritance accounts for the known descent of most of the badges heraldically familiar to us. probably we shall be right in so accepting it as the ancient rule of inheritance. but, on the other hand, a careful examination of the "book of standards," now preserved in the college of arms, provides several examples charged with marks of cadency. but here again one is in ignorance whether this is an admission of inheritance by cadets, or whether the cases should be considered as grants of differenced versions to cadets. this then gives us the badge, the property in and of which would descend to the heir-general (and perhaps also to cadets), whilst it would be used (if there were no inherited right) in token of allegiance or service, actual, quasi-actual, { } or sentimental, by the cadets of the house and their servants; for whilst the use of the cockade is a survival of the right to be waited on and served by a soldier servant, the use of a badge by a cadet may be a survival and reminder of the day when (until they married heiresses and continued or founded other families) the cadets of a house owed and gave military service to the head of their own family, and in return were supported by him. from the wording of the recent grants of badges i believe the intention, however, is that the badge is to descend of right to all of those people on whom a right to it would devolve if it were a quartering. the use of badges having been so limited, the absence of rule and regulation leaves it very much a matter of personal taste how badges, where they exist, shall be heraldically depicted, and perhaps it is better to leave their manner of display to artistic requirements. the most usual place, when depicted in conjunction with an achievement, is on either side of the crest, and they may well be placed in that position. where they exist, however, they ought undoubtedly to be continued in use upon the liveries of the servants, and the present practice is for them to be placed on the livery buttons, and embroidered upon the epaulettes or on the sleeves of state liveries. undoubtedly the former practice of placing the badge upon the servants' livery is the precursor of the present vogue of placing crests upon livery buttons, and many heraldic writers complain of the impropriety of placing the crest in such a position. i am not sure that i myself may not have been guilty in this way; but when one bears in mind the number of cases in which the badge and the crest are identical, and when, as in the above instance, devices which are undoubtedly crests are exemplified as and termed badges, even as such being represented upon wreaths, and even in that form granted upon standards, whilst in other cases the action has been the reverse, it leaves one under the necessity of being careful in making definite assertions. having dealt with the laws (if there ever were any) and the practice concerning the use and display of badges in former days, it will be of interest to notice some of those which were anciently in use. i have already referred to the badge of the ostrich feathers, now borne exclusively by the heir-apparent to the throne. the old legend that the black prince won the badge at the battle of crecy by the capture of john, king of bohemia, together with the motto "ich dien," has been long since exploded. sir harris nicolas brought to notice the fact that among certain pieces of plate belonging to queen philippa of hainault was a large silver-gilt dish enamelled with a black escutcheon with ostrich feathers, "vuo scuch nigro cum pennis de { } ostrich," and upon the strength of that, suggested that the ostrich feather was probably originally a badge of the counts of hainault derived from the county of ostrevaus, a title which was held by their eldest sons. the suggestion in itself seems probable enough and may be correct, but it would not account for the use of the ostrich feathers by the mowbray family, who did not descend from the marriage of edward iii. and philippa of hainault. contemporary proof of the use of badges is often difficult to find. the mowbrays had many badges, and certainly do not appear to have made any very extensive use of the ostrich feathers. but there seems to be very definite authority for the existence of the badge. there is in one of the records of the college of arms (r. , ), which is itself a copy of another record, the following statement:-- "the discent of mowbray written at length in lattin from the abby booke of newborough wherein rich gaue to thomas duke of norff. & erle marshall the armes of saint edward confessor in theis words: "et dedit eidem thome ad pertandum in sigillo et vexillo quo arma s^{ti} edwardi. idcirco arma bipartata portavit scil' 't sci edwardi et domini marcialis angliæ cum duabus pennis strutionis erectis et super crestam leonem et duo parva scuta cum leonibus et utraq' parto predictorum armorum." [illustration: fig. .--the arms granted by king richard ii. to thomas de mowbray, duke of norfolk, and showing the ostrich feather badges.] accompanying this is a rough-tricked sketch of the arms upon which the illustration (fig. ) has been based. below this extract in the college records is written in another hand: "i find this then { } in ye chancell window of effingham by bungay in the top of the cot window with mowbraye & segrave on the side in glass there." who the writer was i am unaware. he appends a further sketch to his note, which slightly differs. no helmet or crest is shown, and the central shield has only the arms of brotherton. the feathers which flank it are both enfiled below the shield by one coronet. of the smaller shields at the side, the dexter bears the arms of mowbray and the sinister those of segrave. possibly the mowbrays, as recognised members of the royal family, bore the badge by subsequent grant and authorisation and not on the simple basis of inheritance. an ostrich feather piercing a scroll was certainly the favourite badge of the black prince and so appears on several of his seals, and triplicated it occurs on his "shield of peace" (fig. ), which, set up under the instructions in his will, still remains on his monument in canterbury cathedral. the arms of sir roger de clarendon, the illegitimate son of the black prince, were derived from this "shield for peace," which i take it was not really a coat of arms at all, but merely the badge of the prince depicted upon his livery colour, and which might equally have been displayed upon a roundle. in the form of a shield bearing three feathers the badge occurs on the obverse of the second seal of henry iv. in . a single ostrich feather with the motto "ich dien" upon the scroll is to be seen on the seal of edward, duke of york, who was killed at the battle of agincourt in . henry iv. as duke of lancaster placed on either side of his escutcheon an ostrich feather with a garter or belt carrying the motto "sovereygne" _twined around_ the feather, john of gaunt used the badge with a chain laid along the quill, and thomas, duke of gloucester, used it with a garter and buckle instead of the chain; whilst john beaufort, duke of somerset, placed an ostrich feather on each side of his shield, the quills in his case being compony argent and azure, like the bordure round his arms. [illustration: fig. .--seal of king james ii. for the duchy of lancaster.] there is a note in harl. ms. , folio , which, if it be strictly accurate, is of some importance. it is to the effect that the "feather silver with the pen gold is the king's, the ostrich feather pen and all silver is the prince's (_i.e._ the prince of wales), and the ostrich feather gold the pen ermine is the duke of lancaster's." that statement evidently relates to a time when the three were in existence contemporaneously, _i.e._ before the accession of henry iv. in the reign of richard ii. there was no prince of wales. during the reign of edward iii. from onwards, richard, afterwards richard ii., was prince of wales, and john of gaunt was duke of lancaster (so cr. ). but john of gaunt used the feather in the form above stated, and to find a duke of lancaster _before_ john of gaunt we must go { } back to before , when we have edward iii. as king, the black prince as prince, and henry of lancaster (father-in-law of john of gaunt) as duke of lancaster. he derived from henry iii., and like the mowbrays had no blood descent from philippa of hainault. a curious confirmation of my suggestion that black was the livery colour of the black prince is found in the fact that there was in a window in st. dunstan's church, london, within a wreath of roses a roundle per pale sanguine and azure (these being unquestionably livery colours), a plume of ostrich feathers argent, quilled or, enfiled by a scroll bearing the words "ich dien." above was the prince's coronet and the letters e. & p., one on each side of the plume. this was intended for edward vi., doubtless being erected in the reign of henry viii. the badge in the form in which we know it, _i.e._ enfiled by the princely coronet, dates from about the beginning of the stuart dynasty, since when it appears to have been exclusively reserved for the eldest son and heir-apparent to the throne. at the same time the right to the display of the badge would appear to have been reserved by the sovereign, and woodward remarks:-- "on the privy seals of our sovereigns the ostrich feather is still employed as a badge. the shield of arms is usually placed between two lions sejant guardant addorsed, each holding the feather. on the privy seal of henry viii. the feathers are used without the lions, and this was the case on the majority of the seals of the duchy of lancaster. on the reverse of the present seal of the duchy the feathers appear to be ermine." [illustration: fig. .--badge of king henry ii.] [illustration: fig. .--badge of edward iv.] fig. shows the seal of james ii. for the duchy of lancaster. the seal of the lancashire county council shows a shield supported by two talbots sejant addorsed, each supporting in the exterior paw an ostrich feather semé-de-lis. it is possible that the talbots may be intended for lions and the fleurs-de-lis for ermine spots. the silver swan, one of the badges of king henry v., was used also by henry iv. it was derived from the de bohuns, mary de bohun being the wife of henry iv. from the de bohuns it has been traced to the mandevilles, earls of essex, who may have adopted it to typify their descent from adam fitz swanne, _temp._ conquest. fig. on the same plate is the white hart of richard ii. although some have traced this badge from the white hind used as a badge by joan, the fair maid of kent, the mother of richard ii., it is probably a device punning upon his name, "rich-hart." richard ii. was not the heir of his mother. the heir was his half-brother, thomas holand, earl of kent, who _did_ use the badge of the hind, and perhaps the real truth is that the earl of kent having the better claim to the hind, richard was under the necessity of making an alteration which the obvious pun upon his { } name suggested. there is no doubt that the crest of ireland originated therefrom. the stag in this case was undoubtedly "lodged" in the earliest versions, and i have been much interested in tracing the steps by which the springing attitude has developed owing to the copying of badly drawn examples. amongst the many royal and other badges in this country there are some of considerable interest. fig. represents the famous badge of the "broom-cod" or "planta genista," from which the name of the dynasty was derived. it appears to have been first used by king henry ii., though it figures in the decoration of the tomb of geoffrey, count of anjou. "peascod" street in windsor of course derives its name therefrom. the well-known badges of the white and red roses of york and lancaster have been already referred to, and fig. , the well-known device of the "rose-en-soliel" used by king edward iv., was really a combination of two distinct badges, viz. "the blazing sun of york" and the "white rose of york." the rose again appears in , here dimidiated with the pomegranate of catharine of aragon. this is taken from the famous tournament roll (now in the college of arms), which relates to the tournament, th and th of february , to celebrate the birth of prince henry. [illustration: fig. .--compound badge of henry viii. and catharine of aragon. (from the westminster tournament roll.)] [illustration: fig. .--badge of richard i.] [illustration: fig. .--two badges of henry vii., viz. the "sun-burst" and the crowned portcullis.] richard i., john, and henry iii. are all said to have used the device of the crescent and star (fig. ). henry vii. is best known by his two badges of the crowned portcullis and the "sun-burst" (fig. ). the suggested origin of the former, that it was a pun on the name tudor (_i.e._ two-door) is confirmed by the motto "altera securitas" which was used with it, but at the same time is rather vitiated by the fact that it was also used by the beauforts, who had { } no tudor descent. save a very tentative remark hazarded by woodward, no explanation has as yet been suggested for the sun-burst. my own strong conviction, based on the fact that this particular badge was principally used by henry vii., who was always known as henry of windsor, is that it is nothing more than an attempt to pictorially represent the name "windsor" by depicting "winds" of "or." the badge is also attributed to edward iii., and he, like henry vii., made his principal residence at windsor. edward iv. also used the white lion of march (whence is derived the shield of ludlow: "azure, a lion couchant guardant, between three roses argent," ludlow being one of the fortified towns in the welsh marches), and the black bull which, though often termed "of clarence," is generally associated with the duchy of cornwall. richard iii., as duke of gloucester, used a white boar. the earl of northumberland used a silver crescent; the earl of douglas, a red hart; the earl of pembroke, a golden pack-horse with collar and traces; lord hastings bore as badge a black bull's head erased, gorged with a coronet; lord stanley, a golden griffin's leg, erased; lord howard, a white lion charged on the shoulder with a blue crescent; sir richard dunstable adopted a white cock as a badge; sir john savage, a silver unicorn's head erased; sir simon montford, a golden lily; sir william gresham, a green grasshopper. [illustration: fig. .--badge of the duke of suffolk.] [illustration: fig. .--badge of thomas howard, duke of norfolk.] [illustration: fig. .--stafford knot.] [illustration: fig. .--wake or ormonde knot.] [illustration: fig. .--bourchier knot.] [illustration: fig. .--heneage knot.] two curious badges are to be seen in figs. and . the former is an ape's clog argent, chained or, and was used by william de la pole, duke of suffolk (d. ). fig. , "a salet silver" (ms. coll. of arms, nd m. ), is the badge of thomas howard, duke of norfolk (d. ). various families used knots of different design, of which the best known is the stafford knot (fig. ). the wholesale and improper appropriation of this badge with a territorial application has unfortunately caused it to be very generally referred to as a "staffordshire" knot, and that it was the personal badge of the lords stafford is too often overlooked. other badge knots are the wake or ormonde knot (fig. ), the bourchier knot (fig. ), and the heneage knot (fig. ). { } the personal badges of the members of the royal family continued in use until the reign of queen anne, but from that time forward the royal badges obtained a territorial character; the rose of england, the thistle of scotland, and the shamrock of ireland. to these popular consent has added the lotus-flower for india, the maple for canada, and in a lesser degree the wattle or mimosa for australia; but at present these lack any official confirmation. the two first named, nevertheless, figured on the coronation invitation cards. { } chapter xxx heraldic flags, banners, and standards when it comes to the display of flags, the british-born individual usually makes a hash of the whole business, and flies either the sovereign's personal coat of arms, which really should only be made use of over a residence of the sovereign when the sovereign is actually there, or flown at sea when the sovereign is on board; or else he uses the national flag, colloquially termed the "union jack," which, strictly speaking, and as a matter of law, ought never to be made use of on land except over the residence of the sovereign in his absence, or on a fortress or other government building. but recently an official answer has been given in parliament, declaring what is presumably the pleasure of his majesty to the effect that the union jack is the national flag, and may be flown as such on land by any british subject. if this is the intention of the crown, it is a pity that this permission has not been embodied in a royal warrant. the banner of st. george, which is a white flag with a plain red cross of st. george throughout, is now appropriated to the order of the garter, of which st. george is the patron saint, though i am by no means inclined to assert that it would be incorrect to make use of it upon a church which happened to be specifically placed under the patronage of st. george. the white ensign, which is a white flag bearing the cross of st. george and in the upper quarter next to the staff a reproduction of the union device, belongs to the royal navy, and certain privileged individuals to whom the right has been given by a specific warrant. the blue ensign, which is a plain blue flag with the union device on a canton in the upper corner next the staff, belongs to the royal naval reserve; and the red ensign, which is the same as the former, except that a red flag is substituted for the blue one, belongs to the ships of the merchant service. these three flags have been specifically called into being by specific warrants for certain purposes which are stated in these warrants, and these purposes being wholly connected with the sea, neither the blue, the red, nor the white ensign ought to be hoisted on land by anybody. of course there is no penalty for doing so on { } land, though very drastic penalties can be enforced for misuse of these ensigns on the water, a step which is taken frequently enough. for a private person to use any one of these three flags on land for a private purpose, the only analogy which i can suggest to bring home to people the absurdity of such action would be to instance a private person for his own private pleasure adopting the exact uniform of some regiment whenever he might feel inclined to go bathing in the sea. if he were to do so, he would find under the recent act that he had incurred the penalty, which would be promptly enforced, for bringing his majesty's uniform into disrepute. it is much to be wished that the penalties exacted for the wrongful display of these flags at sea should be extended to their abuse on shore. the development of the union jack and the warrants relating to it are dealt with herein by the rev. j. r. crawford, m.a., in a subsequent chapter, and i do not propose to further deal with the point, except to draw attention to a proposal, which is very often mooted, that some change or addition to the union jack should be made to typify the inclusion of the colonies. but to begin with, what is the union jack? probably most would be inclined to answer, "the flag of the empire." it is nothing of the kind. it is in a way stretching the definition to describe it as the king's flag. certainly the design of interlaced crosses is a badge of the king's, but that badge is of a later origin than the flag. the flag itself is the fighting emblem of the sovereign, which the sovereign has declared shall be used by his soldiers or sailors for fighting purposes under certain specified circumstances. that it is used, even officially, in all sorts of circumstances with which the king's warrants are not concerned is beside the matter, for it is to the royal warrants that one must refer for the theory of the thing. now let us go further back, and trace the "argent, a cross gules," the part which is england's contribution to the union jack, which itself is a combination of the "crosses" of st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick. the theory of one is the theory of the three, separately or conjoined. "argent, a cross gules" was never the coat of arms of england (except under the commonwealth, when its use for armorial purposes may certainly be disregarded), and the reason it came to be regarded as the flag of england is simply and solely because fighting was always done under the supposed patronage of some saint, and england fought, _not_ under the arms of england, but under the flag of st. george, the patron saint of england and of the order of the garter. the battle-cry "st. george for merrie england!" is too well known to need more than the passing mention. scotland fought under st. andrew; ireland, by a similar analogy, had for its patron saint st. patrick (if { } indeed there was a cross of st. patrick before one was needed for the union flag, which is a very doubtful point), and the union jack was not the combination of three territorial flags, but the combination of the recognised emblems of the three recognised saints, and though england claimed the sovereignty of france, and for that reason quartered the arms of france, no englishman bothered about the patronage of st. denis, and the emblem of st. denis was never flown in this country. the fact that no change was ever made in the flag to typify hanover, whilst hanover duly had its place upon the arms, proves that the flag was recognised to be, and allowed to remain, the emblem of the three patron saints under whose patronage the british fought, and not the badge of any sovereignty or territorial area. if the colonies had already any saint of their own under whose patronage they had fought in bygone days, or in whose name they wished to fight in the future, there might be reason _for including the emblem of that saint_ upon the fighting flag of the empire; but they have no recognised saintly patrons, and they may just as well fight for our saints as choose others for themselves at so late a day; but having a flag which is a _combination_ of the emblems of three saints, and which contains nothing that is not a part of those emblems, to make any addition heraldic or otherwise to it now would, in my opinion, be best expressed by the following illustration. imagine three soldiers in full and complete uniform, one english, one scottish, and one irish, it being desired to evolve a uniform that should be taken from all three for use by a union regiment. a tunic from one, trousers from another, and a helmet from a third, might be blended into a very effective and harmonious composite uniform. following the analogy of putting a bordure, which is not the emblem of a saint, round the recognised emblems of the three recognised saints, and considering it to be in keeping because the bordure was heraldic and the emblems heraldic, one might argue, that because a uniform was clothing as was also a ballet-dancer's skirt, therefore a ballet-dancer's skirt outside the whole would be in keeping with the rest of the uniform. for myself i should dislike any addition to the union device, as much as we should deride the donning of tulle skirts outside their tunics and trousers by the brigade of guards. the flag which should float from a church tower should have no more on it than the recognised ecclesiastical emblems of the saint to whom it is dedicated: the keys of st. peter, the wheel of st. catherine, the sword of st. paul, the cross and martlets of st. edmund, the lily of st. mary, the emblem of the holy trinity, or whatever the emblem may be of the saint in question. (the alternative for a church is the banner of st. george, the patron saint of the realm.) the flags upon public buildings should bear the arms of the corporate bodies to whom those { } buildings belong. the flag to be flown by a private person, as the law now stands, should bear that person's private arms, if he has any, and if he has not he should be content to forego the pleasures arising from the use of bunting. a private flag should be double its height in length. the entire surface should be occupied by the coat of arms. these flags of arms are _banners_, and it is quite a misnomer to term the banner of the royal arms the royal standard. the flags of arms hung over the stalls of the knights of the garter, st. patrick, and the former knights of the bath are properly, and are always termed _banners_. the term _standard_ properly refers to the long tapering flag used in battle, and under which an overlord mustered his retainers in battle. this did _not_ display his armorial bearings. next to the staff usually came the cross of st. george, which was depicted, of course, on a white field. this occupied rather less than one-third of the standard. the remainder of the standard was of the colour or colours of the livery, and thereupon was represented all sorts of devices, usually the badges and sometimes the crest. the motto was usually on transverse bands, which frequently divided the standard into compartments for the different badges. these mottoes from their nature are _not_ war-cries, but undoubtedly relate and belong to the badges with which they appear in conjunction. the whole banner was usually fringed with the livery colours, giving the effect of a bordure compony. the use of standards does not seem, except for the ceremonial purposes of funerals, to have survived the tudor period, this doubtless being the result of the creation of the standing army in the reign of henry viii. the few exotic standards, _e.g._, remaining from the jacobite rebellion, seldom conform to the old patterns, but although the shape is altered, the artistic character largely remains in the regimental colours of the present day with their assorted regimental badges and scrolls with the names of battle honours. with the recent revival of the granting of badges the standard has again been brought into use as the vehicle to carry the badge (plate viii.). the arms are now placed next the staff, and upon the rest of the field the badge is repeated or alternated with the crest. badges and standards are now granted to any person already possessing a right to arms and willing to pay the necessary fees. plate viii. [illustration] the armorial use of the banner in connection with the display of heraldic achievements is very limited in this country. in the case of the marquess of dufferin and ava the banner or flag is an integral and unchangeable part of the heraldic supporters, and in ross-of-bladensburg, _e.g._, it is similarly an integral part of the crest. in the warrant of augmentation granted to h.m. queen victoria eugenie of spain on her marriage, banners of the royal arms of { } england were placed in the paws of her supporters. other cases where arms have been depicted on banners are generally no more than matters of artistic design; but in the arms of scotland as matriculated in lyon register for king charles ii. the supporters are accompanied by banners, the dexter being of the arms of scotland, and the sinister the banner of st. andrew. these banners possess rather a different character, and approach very closely to the german use. the same practice has been followed in the seals of the duchy of lancaster, inasmuch as on the obverse of the seal of george iv. and the seal of queen victoria the royal supporters hold banners of the arms of england and of the duchy (_i.e._ england, a label for difference). james i. on his great seal had the banners of cadwallader (azure, a cross patté fitché or) and king edgar (azure, a cross patonce between four martlets or), and on the great seal of charles i. the dexter supporter holds a banner of st. george, and the sinister a banner of st. andrew. [illustration: fig. .--"middle" arms of the duchy of saxe-altenburg. (from ströhl's _deutsche wappenrolle_.)] of the heraldic use of the banner in germany ströhl writes:-- "the banner appears in a coat of arms, either in the hands or paws of the supporters (fig. ), also set up behind the shield, or the pavilion, as, for instance, in the larger achievement of his majesty the german emperor, in the large achievement of the kingdom of prussia, of the dukedom of saxe-altenburg, and further in the arms of state of italy, russia, roumania, &c. "banners on the shield as charges, or on the helmet as a crest, are here, of course, not in question, but only those banners which serve as _prachtstücke_ (appendages of magnificence). "the banners of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are long and narrow, and frequently run in stripes, like battlements. however, in { } the second half of the thirteenth century flags were also to be met with, with the longer side attached to the stick. later on the banners became more square, and show on the top a long strip, generally of another colour, the _schwenkel_ (_i.e._ something that flourishes), waves to and fro. to bear a red _schwenkel_ was a special privilege, similar to the right of sealing with red wax. "the ecclesiastical banner has three points, and is provided with rings on the top in order that it may be fastened to the stick by them, in an oblique position. "the banner always represents the field of the shield, and assumes accordingly its tincture. the charges of the shield should be placed upon the banner without the outline of a shield, and the edge against the flag-staff is considered the dexter; it follows from this that the figure must be turned towards it. "for instance, if the shield bear the following arms, argent an eagle gules, the same figure, suited to the size of the flag, appears on the banner, with its head turned towards the staff. if it be wished to represent only the _colours_ of the arms upon the flag, that of the charge is placed above, and that of the field below. thus, for example, the prussian flag is black and white, corresponding to the black eagle on the silver field; the flag of hohenzollern is white and black, corresponding to their coat of arms, quartered silver and black, because in the latter case, so soon as a heraldic representation is available, from the position of the coloured fields, the correct order of the tinctures is determined." { } chapter xxxi marks of cadency the manner in which cadency is indicated in heraldic emblazonment forms one of the most important parts of british armory, but our own intricate and minutely detailed systems are a purely british development of armory. i do not intend by the foregoing remark to assert that the occasional use, or even, as in some cases, the constant use of altered arms for purposes of indicating cadency is unknown on the continent, because different branches of one family are constantly found using, for the purposes of distinction, variations of the arms appertaining to the head of their house; in france especially the bordure has been extensively used, but the fact nevertheless remains that in no other countries is there found an organised system or set of rules for the purpose. nor is this idea of the indication of cadency wholly a modern development, though some, in fact most, of the rules presently in force are no doubt a result of modern requirements, and do not date back to the earliest periods of heraldry in this country. the obligation of cadet lines to difference their arms was recognised practically universally in the fourteenth century; and when, later, the systematic use of differencing seemed in danger of being ignored, it was made the subject of specific legislation. in the treatise of zypoeus, _de notitia juris belgici_, lib. xii., quoted also in menetrier, _recherches du blazon_, p. , we find the following:-- "ut secundo et ulterius geniti, quinimo primogeniti vivo patre, integra insignia non gerant, sed aliqua nota distincta, ut perpetuo linæ dignosci possint, et ex qua quique descendant, donec anteriores defecerint. exceptis luxenburgis et gueldris, quibus non sunt ii mores." (the exception is curious.) the choice of these _brisures_, as marks of difference are often termed, was, however, left to the persons concerned; and there is, consequently, a great variety of differences or differentiation marks which seem to have been used for the purpose. the term "brisure" is really french, whilst the german term for these marks is "beizeichen." british heraldry, on the contrary, is remarkable for its use of two { } distinct sets of rules--the english and the scottish--the irish system being identical with the former. to understand the question of cadency it is necessary to revert to the status of a coat of arms in early periods. in the first chapter we dealt with the origin of armory; and in a subsequent chapter with the status of a coat of arms in great britain, and it will therefrom have been apparent that arms, and a right to them, developed in this country as an adjunct of, or contemporaneously with, the extension of the feudal system. every landowner was at one time required to have his seal--presumably, of arms--and as a result arms were naturally then considered to possess something of a territorial character. i do not by this mean to say that the arms belonged to the land and were transferable with the sale and purchase thereof. there never was in this country a period at which such an idea held; nor were arms originally entirely personal or individual. they belonged rather to a position half-way between the two. they were the arms of a given family, originating because that family held land and accepted the consequent responsibilities thereto belonging, but the arms appertained for the time being to the member of that family who owned the land, and that this is the true idea of the former status of a coat of arms is perhaps best evidenced by the grey and hastings controversy, which engaged the attention of the court of chivalry for several years prior to . the decision and judgment in the case gave the undifferenced arms of hastings to the heir-general (grey de ruthyn), the heir-male (sir edward hastings) being found only capable of bearing the arms of hastings subject to some mark of difference. this case, and the case of scrope and grosvenor, in which the king's award was that the bordure was not sufficient difference for a stranger in blood, being only the mark of a cadet, show clearly that the status of a coat of arms in early times was that in its undifferenced state it belonged to one person only for the time being, and that person the head of the family, though it should be noted that the term "head of the family" seems to have been interpreted into the one who held the lands of the family--whether he were heir-male or heir-general being apparently immaterial. this much being recognised, it follows that some means were needed to be devised to differentiate the armorial bearings of the younger members of the family. of course the earliest definite instances of any attempt at a systematic "differencing" for cadency which can be referred to are undoubtedly those cases presented by the arms of the younger members of the royal family in england. these cases, however, it is impossible to take as precedents. royal arms have always, from the very earliest times, been a law unto themselves, { } subject only to the will of the sovereign, and it is neither safe nor correct to deduce precedents to be applied to the arms of subjects from proved instances concerning the royal arms. probably, apart from these, the earliest mark of cadency which is to be met with in heraldry is the label (fig. ) used to indicate the eldest son, and this mark of difference dates back far beyond any other regularised methods applicable to "younger" sons. the german name for the label is "turnierkragen," _i.e._ tournament collar, which may indicate the origin of this curious figure. probably the use of the label can be taken back to the middle or early part of the thirteenth century, but the opportunity and necessity of marking the arms of the heir-apparent temporarily, he having the expectation of eventually succeeding to the undifferenced arms, is a very different matter to the other opportunities for the use of marks of cadency. the lord and his heir were the two most important members of the family, and all others sunk their identity in their position in the household of their chief unless they were established by marriage, or otherwise, in lordships of their own, in which cases they are usually found to have preferred the arms of the family from whom they inherited the lordships they enjoyed; and their identities being to such a large extent overlooked, the necessity for any system of marking the arms of a younger son was not so early apparent as the necessity for marking the arms of the heir. [illustration: fig. .--the label.] the label does not appear to have been originally confined exclusively to the heir. it was at first the only method of differencing known, and it is not therefore to be wondered at that we find that it was frequently used by other cadets, who used it with no other meaning than to indicate that they were not the head of the house. it has, consequently, in some few cases [for example, in the arms of courtenay (fig. ), babington, and barrington] become stereotyped as a charge, and is continuously and unchangeably used as such, whereas doubtless it may have been no more originally than a mere mark of cadency. the label was originally drawn with its upper edge identical with the top of the shield (fig. ), but later its position on the shield was lowered. the number of points on the label was at first without meaning, a five-pointed label occurring in fig. and a seven-pointed one in fig. . in the roll of caerlaverock the label is repeatedly referred to. of sir maurice de berkeley it is expressly declared that "... un label de asur avoit, porce qe ces peres vivoit." { } sir patrick dunbar, son of the earl of lothian (_i.e._ of march), then bore arms similar to his father, with the addition of a label "azure." on the other hand, sir john de segrave is said to bear his deceased father's arms undifferenced, while his younger brother nicholas carries them with a label "gules"; and in the case of edmund de hastings the label is also assigned to a younger brother. further proof of its being thus borne by cadets is furnished by the evidence in the grey and hastings controversy in the reign of henry iv., from which it appeared that the younger line of the hastings family had for generations differenced the paternal coat by a label of three points; and, as various knights and esquires had deposed to this label being the cognisance of the nearest heir, it was argued that the defendant's ancestors would not have borne their arms in this way had they not been the reputed next heirs of the family of the earl of pembroke. the label will be seen in figs. , , and , though its occurrence in the last case in each of the quarters is most unusual. the argent label on the arms for the sovereignty of man is a curious confirmation of the reservation of an argent label for royalty. [illustration: fig. .--arms of john de lacy, earl of lincoln (d. ): quarterly, or and gules, a bend sable, and a label argent. (ms. cott. nero, d. .)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of john de la pole, earl of lincoln (son of john, duke of suffolk), d. : quarterly, and , azure, a fess between three leopards' faces or; and , per fess gules and argent, a lion rampant queue fourché or, armed and langued azure, over all a label argent. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of william le scrope, earl of wiltes (d. ): quarterly, and , the arms of the isle of man, a label argent; and , azure, a bend or, a label gules. (from willement's roll, sixteenth century.)] william ruthven, provost of perth, eldest son of the master of ruthven, bore a label of four points in . two other instances may be noticed of a label borne by a powerful younger brother. one is walter stewart, earl of menteith, the fourth high steward, in ; and we find the label again on the seal of his son alexander stewart, earl of menteith. at caerlaverock, henry of lancaster, brother and successor of thomas, earl of lancaster-- "portait les armes son frère au beau bastoun sans label," _i.e._ he bore the royal arms, differenced by a bendlet "azure." { } jane fentoun, daughter and heir-apparent of walter fentoun of baikie, bore a label in , and dropped it after her father's death. this is apparently an instance quite unique. i know of no other case where the label has been used by a woman as a mark of difference. in france the label was the chief recognised mode of difference, though the bend and the bordure are frequently to be met with. in germany, spener tells us that the use of the label, though occasional, was not infrequent: "sicuti in gallia vix alius discerniculorum modus frequentior est, ita rariora exempla reperimus in germania," and he gives a few examples, though he is unable to assign the reason for its assumption as a hereditary bearing. the most usual method of differencing in germany was by the alteration of the tinctures or by the alteration of the charges. as an example of the former method, the arms of the bavarian family of parteneck may be instanced (figs. to ), all representing the arms of different branches of the same family. [illustration: fig. .--parteneck.] [illustration: fig. .--cammer.] [illustration: fig. .--cammerberg.] [illustration: fig. .--hilgertshauser.] [illustration: fig. .--massenhauser.] next to the use of the label in british heraldry came the use of the bordure, and the latter as a mark of cadency can at any rate be traced back _as a well-established matter of rule_ and precedent as far as the scrope and grosvenor controversy in the closing years of the fourteenth century. at the period when the bordure as a difference is to be most frequently met with in english heraldry, it never had any more definite status or meaning than a sign that the bearer was _not_ the head of the house, though one cannot but think that in many cases in which it occurs its significance is a doubt as to legitimate descent, or a doubt of the probability of an asserted descent. in modern _english_ practice the bordure as a difference for cadets only continues to be used by those whose ancestors bore it in ancient times. its other use as a modern mark of illegitimacy is dealt with in the chapter upon marks of illegitimacy, but the curious and unique _scottish_ system of cadency bordures will be presently referred to. in germany of old the use of the bordure as a difference does not appear to have been very frequent, but it is now used to distinguish { } the arms of the crown prince. in italian heraldry, although differences are known, there is no system whatever. in spain and portugal marks of cadency, in our sense of the word, are almost unknown, but nevertheless the bordure, especially as indicating descent from a maternal ancestor, is very largely employed. the most familiar instance is afforded by the royal arms of portugal, in which the arms of portugal are surrounded by a "bordure" of castile. differencing, however, had become a necessity at an earlier period than the period at which we find an approach to the systematic usage of the label, bordure, and bend, but it should be noticed that those who wished, and needed, to difference were those younger members of the family who by settlement, or marriage, had themselves become lords of other estates, and heads of distinct houses. for a man must be taken as a "head of a house" for all intents and purposes as soon as by his possession of lands "held in chief" he became _himself_ liable to the crown to provide stated military service, and as a consequence found the necessity for a banner of arms, under which his men could be mustered. now having these positions as overlords, the inducement was rather to set up arms for themselves than to pose merely as cadets of other families, and there can be no doubt whatever that at the earliest period, differencing, for the above reason, took the form of and was meant as a _change in the arms_. it was something quite beyond and apart from the mere condition of a right to recognised arms, with an indication thereupon that the bearer was not the person chiefly entitled to the display of that particular coat. we therefore find cadets bearing the arms of their house with the tincture changed, with subsidiary charges introduced, or with some similar radical alteration made. such coats should properly be considered essentially _different_ coats, merely _indicating_ in their design a given relationship rather than as the _same_ coat regularly differenced by rule to indicate cadency. for instance, the three original branches of the conyers family bear: "azure, a maunch ermine; azure, a maunch or; azure, a maunch ermine debruised by a bendlet gules." the coat differenced by the bend, of course, stands self-confessed as a differenced coat, but it is by no means certain, nor is it known whether "azure, a maunch ermine," or "azure, a maunch or" indicates the original conyers arms, for the very simple reason that it is now impossible to definitely prove which branch supplies the true head of the family. it is known that a wicked uncle intervened, and usurped the estates to the detriment of the nephew and heir, but whether the uncle usurped the arms with the estates, or whether the heir changed his arms when settled on the other lands to which he migrated, there is now no means of ascertaining. similarly we find the darcy arms ["argent, three cinquefoils gules," { } which is probably the oldest form], "argent, crusuly and three cinquefoils gules," and "azure, crusuly and three cinquefoils argent," and countless instances can be referred to where, for the purpose of indicating cadency, the arms of a family were changed in this manner. this reason, of which there can be no doubt, supplies the origin and the excuse for the custom of assigning _similar_ arms when the descent is but doubtful. similarity originally, though it _may_ indicate consanguinity, was never intended to be proof thereof. the principal ancient methods of alteration in arms, which nowadays are apparently accepted as former modes of differencing merely to indicate cadency, may perhaps be classified into: (_a_) change of tincture; (_b_) the addition of small charges to the field, or to an ordinary; (_c_) the addition of a label or (_d_) of a canton or quarter; (_e_) the addition of an inescutcheon; (_f_) the addition (or change) of an ordinary; (_g_) the changing of the lines of partition enclosing an ordinary, and perhaps also (_h_) diminishing the number of charges; (_i_) a change of some or all of the minor charges. at a later date came (_j_) the systematic use of the label, the bordure, and the bend; and subsequently (_k_) the use of the modern systems of "marks of cadency." perhaps, also, one should include (_l_) the addition of quarterings, the use of (_m_) augmentations and official arms, and (_n_) the escutcheon _en surtout_, indicating a territorial and titular lordship, but the three last-mentioned, though useful for distinction and frequently obviating the necessity of other marks of cadency, did not originate with the theory or necessities of differencing, and are not properly marks of cadency. at the same time, the warning should be given that it is not safe always to presume cadency when a change of tincture or other slight deviation from an earlier form of the arms is met with. many families when they exhibited their arms at the visitations could not substantiate them, and the heralds, in confirming arms, frequently deliberately changed the tinctures of many coats they met with, to introduce distinction from other authorised arms. practically contemporarily with the use of the bordure came the use of the bend, then employed for the same purpose. in the _armorial de gelre_, one of the earliest armorials now in existence which can be referred to, the well-known coat of abernethy is there differenced by the bendlet engrailed, and the arms of the king of navarre bear his quartering of france differenced by a bendlet compony. amongst other instances in which the bend or bendlet appears originally as a mark of cadency, but now as a charge, may be mentioned the arms of fitzherbert, fulton, stewart (earl of galloway), and others. it is a safe presumption with regard to ancient coats of arms that any coat in which the field is semé is in nine cases out of ten a differenced coat { } for a junior cadet, as is also any coat in which a charge or ordinary is debruised by another. of course in more modern times no such presumption is permissible. an instance of a semé field for cadency will be found in the case of the d'arcy arms already mentioned. little would be gained by a long list of instances of such differences, because the most careful and systematic investigations clearly show that in early times no definite rules whatever existed as to the assumption of differences, which largely depended upon the pleasure of the bearer, and no system can be deduced which can be used to decide that the appearance of any given difference or kind of difference meant a given set of circumstances. nor can any system be deduced which has any value for the purposes of precedent. certain instances are appended which will indicate the style of differencing which was in vogue, but it should be distinctly remembered that the object was not to allocate the bearer of any particular coat of arms to any specific place in the family pedigree, but merely to show that he was not the head of the house, entitled to bear the undifferenced arms, if indeed it would not be more accurate to describe these instances as simply examples of different coats of arms used by members of the same family. for it should be remembered that anciently, before the days of "black and white" illustration, prominent change of tincture was admittedly a sufficient distinction between strangers in blood. beyond the use of the label and the bordure there does not seem to have been any recognised system of differencing until at the earliest the fifteenth century--probably any regulated system does not date much beyond the commencement of the series of visitations. of the four sons of gilles de mailly, who bore, "or, three mallets vert," the second, third, and fourth sons respectively made the charges "gules," "azure," and "sable." the "argent" field of the douglas coat was in some branches converted into "ermine" as early as ; and the descendants of the douglases of dalkeith made the chief "gules" instead of "azure." a similar mode of differencing occurs in the lyon register in many other families. the murrays of culbin in the north bore a "sable" field for their arms in lieu of the more usual "azure," and there seems reason to believe that the southern frasers originally bore their field "sable," the change to "azure" being an alteration made by those branches who migrated northwards. an interesting series of arms is met with in the case of the differences employed by the earls of warwick. waleran, earl of warwick (d. ), appears to have added to the arms of warenne (his mother's family) "a chevron ermine." his son henry, earl of warwick (d. ), changed the chevron to a bend, but thomas, earl { } of warwick (d. ), reverted to the chevron, a form which was perpetuated after the earldom had passed to the house of beauchamp. an instance of the addition of mullets to the bend in the arms of bohun is met with in the cadet line created earls of northampton. the shield of william de roumare, earl of lincoln, who died in , is adduced by mr. planchÉ as an early example of differencing by crosses crosslet; the principal charges being seven mascles conjoined, three, three, and one. we find in the rolls of arms of the thirteenth and early part of the fourteenth century many instances of coats crusily, billetty, bezanty, and "pleyn d'escallops," fleurette, and "a les trefoiles d'or." with these last sir edmond dacre of westmoreland powdered the shield borne by the head of his family: "gules, three escallops or" (roll of edward ii.). the coat borne by the actons of aldenham, "gules, crusily or, two lions passant argent," is sometimes quoted as a gerated coat of lestrange; for edward de acton married the coheiress of lestrange (living ), who bore simply: "gules, two lions passant argent." that the arms of acton are derived from lestrange cannot be questioned, but the probability is that they were _a new invention_ as a distinct coat, the charges suggested by lestrange. the original coat of the house of berkeley in england (barclay in scotland) appears to have been: "gules, a chevron or" (or "argent"). the seals of robert de berkeley, who died henry iii., and maurice de berkeley, who died , all show the shield charged with a chevron only. moris de barkele, in the roll _temp._ henry iii., bears: "goules, a chevron argent." but thomas, son of maurice, who died edward ii., has the present coat: "gules, a chevron between ten crosses patée argent;" while in the roll of edward ii., "de goules od les rosettes de argent et un chevron de argent" is attributed to sir thomas de berkeley. in leicestershire the berkeleys gerated with cinquefoils, an ancient and favourite bearing in that county, derived of course from the arms or badge of the earl of leicester. in scotland the barclays differenced by change of tincture, and bore: "azure, a chevron argent between (or in chief) three crosses patée of the same." an interesting series of differences is met with upon the arms of neville of raby, which are: "gules, a saltire argent," and which were differenced by a crescent "sable"; a martlet "gules"; a mullet "sable" and a mullet "azure"; a "fleur-de-lis"; a rose "gules"; a pellet, or annulet, "sable," this being the difference of lord latimer; and two interlaced annulets "azure," all borne on the centre point of the saltire. the interlaced annulets were borne by lord montagu, as a _second_ difference on the arms of his father, richard nevill, earl of salisbury, he and his brother the king-maker _both_ using the curious { } compony label of azure and argent borne by their father, which indicated their descent from john of gaunt. one of the best known english examples of differencing by a change of charges is that of the coat of the cobhams, "gules, a chevron or," in which the ordinary was charged by various cadets with three pierced estoiles, three lions, three crossed crosslets, three "fleurs-de-lis," three crescents, and three martlets, all of "sable." the original grey coat ["barry of six argent and azure"] is differenced in the roll of edward i. by a bend gules for john de grey; at caerlaverock this is engrailed. the segrave coat ["sable, a lion rampant argent"] is differenced by the addition of "a bendlet or"; or "a bendlet gules"; and the last is again differenced by engrailing it. in the calais roll the arms of william de warren ["chequy or and azure"] are differenced by the addition of a canton said to be that of fitzalan (but really that of nerford). whilst no regular system of differencing has survived in france, and whilst outside the royal family arms in that country show comparatively few examples of difference marks, the system as regards the french royal arms was well observed and approximated closely to our own. the dauphin of france bore the royal arms undifferenced but never alone, they being always quartered with the sovereign arms of his personal sovereignty of dauphiné: "or, a dolphin embowed azure, finned gules." this has been more fully referred to on page . it is much to be regretted that the arms of h.r.h. the prince of wales do not include the arms of his sovereignty of the duchy of cornwall, nor any allusion to his dignities of prince of wales or earl of chester. [illustration: fig. .--seal of elizabeth, widow of philip, duke of orleans.] the arms of the dukes of orleans were the arms of france differenced by a label argent. this is to be observed, for example, upon the seal (fig. ) of the duchess charlotte elizabeth of orleans, widow of philip of orleans, brother of king louis xiv. of france. she was a daughter of the elector charles louis. the arms of the old dukes of anjou were the ancient coat of france (azure, semé-de-lis or) differenced by a label of five points gules, but the younger house { } of anjou bore the modern arms of france differenced by a bordure gules. the dukes d'alençon also used the bordure gules, but charged this with eight plates, whilst the dukes de berri used a bordure _engrailed_ gules. the counts d'angoulême used the arms of the dukes of orleans, adding a crescent gules on each point of the label, whilst the counts d'artois used france (ancient) differenced by a label gules, each point charged with three castles (towers) or. the rules which govern the marks of cadency at present in england are as follows, and it should be carefully borne in mind that the scottish system bears no relation whatever to the english system. the eldest son during the lifetime of his father differences his arms by a label of three points couped at the ends. this is placed in the centre chief point of the escutcheon. there is no rule as to its colour, which is left to the pleasure of the bearer; but it is usually decided as follows: ( ) that it shall not be metal on metal, or colour on colour; ( ) that it shall not be argent or white; and, if possible, that it shall differ from any colour or metal in which any component part of the shield is depicted. though anciently the label was drawn throughout the shield, this does not now seem to be a method officially adopted. at any rate drawn throughout it apparently obtains no official countenance for the arms of subjects, though many of the best heraldic artists always so depict it. the eldest son bears this label during his father's lifetime, succeeding to the undifferenced shield on the death of his father. his children--being the grandchildren of the then head of the house--difference upon the label, but such difference marks are, like their father's, only contemporary with the life of the grandfather, and, immediately upon the succession of their father, the children remove the label, and difference upon the original arms. the use of arms by a junior grandson is so restricted in ordinary life that to all intents and purposes this may be ignored, except in the case of the heir-apparent of the heir-apparent, _i.e._ of the grandson in the lifetimes of his father and grandfather. in his case one label of _five_ points is used, and to place a label upon a label is not correct when both are marks of cadency, and not charges. but the grandson on the death of his father, during the lifetime of the grandfather, and when the grandson succeeds as heir-apparent of the grandfather, succeeds also to the label of three points, which may therefore more properly be described as the difference mark of the heir-apparent than the difference mark of the eldest son. it is necessary, perhaps, having said this, to add the remark that heraldry knows no such thing as disinheritance, and heirship is an inalienable matter of blood descent, and not of worldly inheritance. no woman can ever be an heir-apparent. though now { } the number of points on a label is a matter of rule, this is far from having been always the case, and prior to the stuart period no deductions can be drawn with certainty from the number of the points in use. it seems a very great pity that no warrants were issued for the children of the then duke of york during the lifetime of queen victoria, as labels for _great_-grandchildren would have been quite unique. if the eldest son succeeds through the death of his mother to her arms and quarterings during his father's lifetime, he must be careful that the label which he bears as heir-apparent to his father's arms does not cross the quartering of his mother's arms. if his father bears a quarterly shield, the label is so placed that it shall apparently debruise all his father's quarterings, _i.e._ in a shield quarterly of four the label would be placed in the centre chief point, the centre file of the label being upon the palar line, and the other files in the first and second quarters respectively, whilst the colour would usually depend, as has been above indicated, upon the tinctures of the pronominal arms. due regard, however, must be had that a label of gules, for example, is not placed on a field of gules. a parti-coloured label is not nowadays permissible, though instances of its use can occasionally be met with in early examples. supposing the field of the first quarter is argent, and that of the second azure, in all probability the best colour for the label would be gules, and indeed gules is the colour most frequently met with for use in this purpose. if the father possess the quarterly coat of, say, four quarterings, which are debruised by a label by the heir-apparent, and the mother die, and the heir-apparent succeed to her arms, he would of course, after his father's death, arrange his mother's quarterings with these, placing his father's pronominal arms and , the father's quartering in the second quarter, and the mother's arms in the third quarter. this arrangement, however, is not permissible during his father's lifetime, because otherwise his label in chief would be held to debruise _all_ the four coats, and the only method in which such a combination could be properly displayed in the lifetime of the father but after the death of his mother is to place the father's arms in the grand quartering in the first and fourth quarters, each being debruised by the label, and the mother's in the grand quartering in the second and third quarters without any interference by the label. the other marks of difference are: for the second son a crescent; for the third son a mullet; for the fourth son a martlet; for the fifth son an annulet; for the sixth son a fleur-de-lis; for the seventh son a rose; for the eighth son a cross moline; for the ninth son a double quatrefoil (fig. ). of these the first six are given in bossewell's "workes of { } armorie" ( ), and the author adds: "if there be any more than six brethren the devise or assignment of further difference only appertaineth to the kingis of armes especially when they visite their severall provinces; and not to the father of the children to give them what difference he list, as some without authoritie doe allege." [illustration: fig. .--the english marks of cadency.] the position for a mark of difference is in the centre chief point, though it is not incorrect (and many such instances will be found) for it to be charged on a chevron or fess, in the centre point. this, however, is not a very desirable position for it in a simple coat of arms. the second son of the second son places a crescent upon a crescent, the third son a mullet on a crescent, the fourth son a martlet on a crescent, and so on; and there is an instance in the visitation of london in which the arms of cokayne appear with _three_ crescents one upon another: this instance has been already referred to on page . of course, when the english system is carried to these lengths it becomes absurd, because the crescents charged one upon each other become so small as to be practically indistinguishable. there are, however, very few cases in which such a display would be correct--as will be presently explained. this difficulty, which looms large in theory, amounts to very little in the practical use of armory, but it nevertheless is the one outstanding objection to the english system of difference marks. it is constantly held up to derision by those people who are unaware of the next rule upon the subject, which is, that as soon as a quartering comes into the possession of a cadet branch--which quartering is not enjoyed by the head of the house--all necessity for any marks of difference at all is considered to be ended, provided that that quartering is always displayed--and that cadet branch then begins afresh from that generation to redifference. now there are few english families in whose pedigree during three or four generations one marriage is not with an heiress in blood, so that this theoretical difficulty very quickly disappears. no doubt there is always an inducement to retain the quarterings of an historical or illustrious house which may have been brought in in the past, but if the honours and lands brought in with that quartering are wholly enjoyed by the head of the house, it becomes, from a practical point of view, mere affectation to prefer that quartering to another (brought in subsequently) of a family, the entire representation of which belongs to the junior branch and not to the senior. if { } the old idea of confining a shield to four quarters be borne in mind, concurrently with the necessity--for purposes of distinction--of introducing new quarterings, the new quarterings take the place of the old, the use of which is left to the senior branch. under such circumstances, and the regular practice of them, the english system is seldom wanting, and it at once wipes out the difficulty which is made much of--that under the english system there is no way of indicating the difference between the arms of uncle and nephew. if the use of impalements is also adhered to, the difficulty practically vanishes. to difference a _single_ coat the mark of difference is placed in the centre chief point; to difference a _quarterly_ coat of four quarters the same position on the shield is most generally used, the mark being placed over the palar line, though occasionally the difference mark is placed, and not incorrectly, in the centre of the quarterings. a coat of six quarters, however, is always differenced on the fess line of partition, the mark being placed in the fess point, because if placed in the centre chief point it would only appear as a difference upon the second quartering, so that on all shields of six or more quarterings the difference mark must be placed on some line of partition at the nearest possible point to the true centre fess point of the escutcheon. it is then understood to difference the whole of the quarterings over which it is displayed, but directly a quartering is introduced which has been inherited subsequently to the cadency which produced the difference mark, that difference mark must be either discarded or transferred to the first quartering only. _the use of these difference marks is optional._ neither officially nor unofficially is any attempt made to enforce their use in england--they are left to the pleasure and discretion of the bearers, though it is a well-understood and well-accepted position that, unless differenced by quarterings or impalement, it is neither courteous nor proper for a cadet to display the arms of the head of his house: beyond this, the matter is usually left to good taste. there is, however, one position in which the use of difference marks is compulsory. if under a royal licence, or other exemplification--for instance, the creation of a peerage--a difference mark is painted upon the arms, or even if an exemplification of the arms differenced is placed at the head of an official record of pedigree, those arms would not subsequently be exemplified, or their use officially admitted, without the difference mark that has been recorded with them. the differencing of crests for cadency is very rare. theoretically, these should be marked equally with the shield, and when arms are exemplified officially under the circumstances above referred to, crest, { } [illustration: fig. .--king john, before his accession to the throne. (from ms. cott., julius, c. vii.)] [illustration: fig. .--edmund "crouchback," earl of lancaster, second son of henry iii. (from his tomb.) his arms are elsewhere given: de goules ove trois leopardes passantz dor, et lambel dazure florete d'or.] [illustration: fig. .--thomas, earl of lancaster, d. (son of preceding): england with a label azure, each point charged with three fleurs-de-lis. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--henry of lancaster, - (brother of preceding, before he succeeded his brother as earl of lancaster): england with a bend azure. (from his seal, .) after he bore england with a label as his brother.] [illustration: fig. .--henry, duke of lancaster, son of preceding. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--edward of carnarvon, prince of wales (afterwards edward ii.), bore before : england with a label azure. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--john of eltham (second son of edward ii.): england with a bordure of the arms of france. (from his tomb.)] [illustration: fig. .--arms of edmund of woodstock, earl of kent, rd son of edward i.: england within a bordure argent. the same arms were borne by his descendant, thomas de holand, earl of kent.] [illustration: fig. .--arms of john de holand, duke of exeter (d. ): england, a bordure of france. (from his seal, .)] { } supporters, and shield are all equally differenced, but the difficulty of adding difference mark on difference mark when no marriage or heiress can ever bring in any alteration to the crest is very generally recognised and admitted, even officially, and it is rare indeed to come across a crest carrying more than a single difference mark. the grant of an augmentation to any cadet obviates the slightest necessity for any further use of difference marks inherited before the grant. there are no difference marks whatever for daughters, there being in english common law no seniority between the different daughters of one man. they succeed equally, whether heiresses or not, to the arms of their father for use during their lifetimes, and they must bear them on their own lozenges or impaled on the shields of their husbands, with the difference marks which their father needed to use. it would be permissible, however, to discard these difference marks of their fathers if subsequently to his death his issue succeeded to the position of head of the family. for instance, suppose the daughters of the younger son of an earl are under consideration. they would bear upon lozenges the arms of their father, which would be those of the earl, charged with the mullet or crescent which their father had used as a younger son. if by the extinction of issue the brother of these daughters succeed to the earldom, they would no longer be required to bear their father's difference mark. there are no marks of difference between illegitimate children. in the eye of the law an illegitimate person has no relatives, and stands alone. supposing it be subsequently found that a marriage ceremony had been illegal, the whole issue of that marriage becomes of course illegitimate. as such, no one of them is entitled to bear arms. a royal licence, and exemplification following thereupon, is necessary for each single one. of these exemplifications there is one case on record in which i think nine follow each other on successive pages of one of the grant books: all differ in some way--usually in the colour of the bordure; but the fact that there are illegitimate brothers of the same parentage does not prevent the descendants of any daughter quartering the differenced coat exemplified to her. as far as heraldic law is concerned, she is the heiress of herself, representing only herself, and consequently her heir quarters her arms. marks of difference are never added to an exemplification following upon a royal licence _after illegitimacy_. marks of difference are to indicate cadency, and there is no cadency vested in a person of illegitimate birth--their right to the arms proceeding only from the regrant of them in the exemplification. what is added in lieu is the _mark of distinction_ to indicate the bastardy. { } [illustration: fig. .--john de holand, duke of exeter, son of preceding. arms as preceding. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--henry de holand, duke of exeter, son of preceding. arms as preceding. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--thomas of brotherton, earl of norfolk, second son of edward i.: arms of england, a label of three points argent.] [illustration: fig. .--thomas de mowbray, duke of norfolk (d. ). (from a drawing of his seal, ms. cott., julius, c. vii., f. .) arms, see page .] [illustration: fig. .--john de mowbray, duke of norfolk (d. ): arms as fig. . (from his garter plate.)] [illustration: fig. .--john de mowbray, duke of norfolk (d. ): arms as fig. . (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--edward the black prince: quarterly, and france (ancient); and england, and a label of three points argent. (from his tomb.)] [illustration: fig. .--richard, prince of wales (afterwards richard ii.), son of preceding: arms as preceding. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--edmund of langley, duke of york, fifth son of king edward iii.: france (ancient) and england quarterly, a label of three points argent, each point charged with three torteaux. (from his seal, .) his son, edward, earl of cambridge, until he succeeded his father, _i.e._ before , bore the same with an additional difference of a bordure of spain (fig. ). vincent attributes to him, however, a label as fig. , which possibly he bore after his father's death.] { } the method of differencing the english royal arms is quite unique, and has no relation to the method ordinarily in use in this country for the arms of subjects. the royal arms are not personal. they are the sovereign arms of dominion, indicating the sovereignty enjoyed by the person upon the throne. consequently they are in no degree hereditary, and from the earliest times, certainly since the reign of edward i., the right to bear the undifferenced arms has been confined exclusively to the sovereign upon the throne. in early times there were two methods employed, namely, the use of the bordure and of varieties of the label, the label of the heir-apparent to the english throne being originally of azure. the arms of thomas of woodstock, the youngest son of edward i., were differenced by a bordure argent; his elder brother, thomas de brotherton, having had a label of three points argent; whilst the eldest son, edward ii., as prince of wales used a label of three points azure. from that period to the end of the tudor period the use of labels and bordures seems to have continued concurrently, some members of the royal family using one, some the other, though there does not appear to have been any precise rules governing a choice between the two. when edward iii. claimed the throne of france and quartered the arms of that country with those of england, of course a portion of the field then became azure, and a blue label upon a blue field was no longer possible. the heir-apparent therefore differenced his shield by the plain label of three points argent, and this has ever since, down to the present day, continued to be the "difference" used by the heir-apparent to the english throne. a label of gules upon the gules quartering of england was equally impossible, and consequently from that period all labels used by any member of the royal family have been argent, charged with different objects, these being frequently taken from the arms of some female ancestor. figs. to are a somewhat extensive collection of variations of the royal arms. lionel of antwerp, duke of clarence, third son of edward iii., bore: france (ancient) and england quarterly, a label of three points argent, and on each point a canton gules. the use of the bordure as a legitimate difference upon the royal arms ceased about the tudor period, and differencing between members of the royal family is now exclusively done by means of these labels. a few cases of bordures to denote illegitimacy can, however, be found. the method of deciding these labels is for separate warrants under the hand and seal of the sovereign to be issued to the different members of the royal family, assigning to each a certain coronet, and the label to be borne over the royal arms, crest, and supporters. these warrants are personal to those for whom they are { } [illustration: fig. .--richard, duke of york (son of edward, earl of cambridge and duke of york): arms as preceding. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--referred to under fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--thomas of woodstock, earl of buckingham, seventh son of edward iii.: france (ancient) and england quarterly, a bordure argent. (from a drawing of his seal, , ms. cott., julius, c. vii.)] [illustration: fig. .--henry of monmouth, afterwards henry v.: france (modern) and england quarterly, a label of three points argent. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--richard, duke of gloucester (afterwards richard iii.): a label of three points ermine, on each point a canton gules.] [illustration: fig. .--humphrey of lancaster, duke of gloucester, fourth son of henry iv.: france (modern) and england quarterly, a bordure argent. (from his seal.)] [illustration: fig. .--john de beaufort, earl and marquis of somerset, son of john of gaunt. arms subsequent to his legitimation: france and england quarterly, within a bordure gobony azure and argent. prior to his legitimation he bore: per pale argent and azure (the livery colours of lancaster), a bend of england (_i.e._ a bend gules charged with three lions passant guardant or) with a label of france.] [illustration: fig. .--thomas, duke of clarence, second son of henry iv. france and england quarterly, a label of three points ermine. (from his seal, .)] [illustration: fig. .--george plantagenet, duke of clarence, brother of edward iv.: france and england quarterly, a label of three points argent, each charged with a canton gules. (from ms. harl. .)] { } issued, and are not hereditary. of late their use, or perhaps may be their issue, has not been quite so particularly conformed to as is desirable, and at the present time the official records show the arms of their royal highnesses the duchess of fife, the princess victoria, and the queen of norway, still bearing the label of five points indicative of their position as grandchildren of the sovereign, which of course they were when the warrants were issued in the lifetime of the late queen victoria. in spite of the fact that the warrants have no hereditary limitation, i am only aware of two modern instances in which a warrant has been issued to the son of a cadet of the royal house who had previously received a warrant. one of these was the late duke of cambridge. the warrant was issued to him in his father's lifetime, and to the label previously assigned to his father a second label of three points gules, to be borne directly below the other, was added. the other case was that of his cousin, afterwards duke of cumberland and king of hanover. in his case the second label, also gules, was charged with the white horse of hanover. [illustration: fig. .--john, duke of bedford, third son of henry iv.: france and england quarterly, a label of five points, the two dexter ermine, the three sinister azure, charged with three fleurs-de-lis or. (from ms. add. , .)] [illustration: fig. .--jasper tudor, duke of bedford: france and england quarterly, a bordure azure, charged with martlets or. (from his seal.) although uncle of henry vii., jasper tudor had no blood descent whatever which would entitle him to bear these arms. his use of them is very remarkable.] [illustration: fig. .--thomas de beaufort, earl of dorset, brother of john, earl of somerset (fig. ): france and england quarterly, a bordure compony ermine and azure. (from his garter plate.)] [illustration: fig. .--john of gaunt, duke of lancaster, bore: france (ancient) and england quarterly, a label of three points _ermine_ (_i.e._ each point charged with three ermine spots).] the label of the eldest son of the heir-apparent to the english throne is not, as might be imagined, a plain label of five points, but the plain label of three points, the centre point only being charged. the late duke of clarence charged the centre point of his label of { } three points with a cross couped gules. after his death the duke of york relinquished the label of five points which he had previously borne, receiving one of three, the centre point charged with an anchor. in every other case all of the points are charged. the following examples of the labels in use at the moment will show how the system now exists:-- _prince of wales._--a label of three points argent. _princess royal_ (louise, duchess of fife).--a label of five points argent, charged on the centre and outer points with a cross of st. george gules, and on the two others with a thistle proper. _princess victoria._--a label of five points argent, charged with three roses and two crosses gules. _princess maud_ (h.m. the queen of norway).--a label of five points argent, charged with three hearts and two crosses gules. _the duke of edinburgh_ (duke of saxe-coburg and gotha).--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a cross gules, and on each of the others an anchor azure. his son, the hereditary prince of saxe-coburg and gotha, who predeceased his father, bore a label of five points, the first, third, and fifth each charged with a cross gules, and the second and fourth each with an anchor azure (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--label of the late hereditary prince of saxe-coburg and gotha.] _the duke of connaught._--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with st. george's cross, and each of the other points with a fleur-de-lis azure. _the late princess royal_ (german empress).--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a rose gules, and each of the others with a cross gules. _the late grand duchess of hesse._--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a rose gules, and each of the others with an ermine spot sable. _princess christian of schleswig-holstein._--a label of three points, the centre point charged with st. george's cross, and each of the other points with a rose gules. _princess louise_ (duchess of argyll).--a label of three points, the centre point charged with a rose, and each of the other two with a canton gules. _princess henry of battenberg._--a label of three points, the centre point charged with a heart, and each of the other two with a rose gules. _the late duke of albany._--a label of three points, the centre point charged with a st. george's cross, and each of the other two with a heart gules. { } _the dukes of cambridge._--the first duke had a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a st. george's cross, and each of the other two with _two_ hearts in pale gules. the warrant to the late duke assigned him the same label with the addition of a second label, plain, of three points gules, to be borne below the former label. _the first duke of cumberland._--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a fleur-de-lis azure, and each of the other two points with a cross of st. george gules. of the foregoing recently assigned labels all are borne over the plain english arms ( and england, scotland, ireland), charged with the escutcheon of saxony, except those of the dukes of saxe-coburg and gotha, cambridge, and cumberland. in the two latter cases the labels are borne over the _latest_ version of the arms of king george iii., _i.e._ with the inescutcheon of hanover, but, of course, neither the electoral bonnet nor the later crown which surmounted the inescutcheon of hanover was made use of, and the smaller inescutcheon bearing the crown of charlemagne was also omitted for the children of george iii., except in the case of the prince of wales, who bore the plain inescutcheon of gules, but without the crown of charlemagne thereupon. the labels for the other sons and daughters of king george iii. were as follows:-- _the duke of york._--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a cross gules. the duke of york bore upon the inescutcheon of hanover an inescutcheon argent (in the place occupied in the royal arms by the inescutcheon charged with the crown of charlemagne) charged with a wheel of six spokes gules, for the bishopric of osnaburgh, which he possessed. _the duke of clarence_ (afterwards william iv.).--a label of three points argent, the centre point charged with a cross gules, and each of the others with an anchor erect azure. _the duke of kent_ had his label charged with a cross gules between two fleurs-de-lis azure. _the duke of sussex._--the label argent charged with two hearts in pale gules in the centre point between two crosses gules. _the princess royal_ (queen of würtemberg).--a rose between two crosses gules. _the princess augusta._--a like label, charged with a rose gules between two ermine spots. _the princess elizabeth_ (princess of hesse-homburg).--a like label charged with a cross between two roses gules. _the princess mary_ (duchess of gloucester).--a like label, charged with a rose between two cantons gules. { } _the princess sophia._--a like label, charged with a heart between two roses gules. _the princess amelia._--a like label, charged with a rose between two hearts gules. _the duke of gloucester_ (brother of george iii.).--a label of _five_ points argent, charged with a fleur-de-lis azure between four crosses gules. his son (afterwards duke of gloucester) bore an additional plain label of three points during the lifetime of his father. the royal labels are placed across the shield, on the crest, and on each of the supporters. the crest stands upon and is crowned with a coronet identical with the circlet of any coronet of rank assigned in the same patent; the lion supporter is crowned and the unicorn supporter is gorged with a similar coronet. it may perhaps be of interest to note that no badges and no motto are ever now assigned in these royal warrants except in the case of the prince of wales. f.-m. h.s.h. prince leopold of saxe-coburg, the consort of h.r.h. the princess charlotte (only child of george iv.), received by warrant dated april , , the right "to use and bear the royal arms (without the inescocheon of charlemagne's crown, and without the hanoverian royal crown) differenced with a label of five points argent, the centre point charged with a rose gules, quarterly with the arms of his illustrious house ['barry of ten sable and or, a crown of rue in bend vert'], the royal arms in the first and fourth quarters." by queen victoria's desire this precedent was followed in the case of the late prince consort, the label in his case being of three points argent, the centre point charged with a cross gules, and, by a curious coincidence, the arms of his illustrious house, with which the royal arms were quartered, were again the arms of saxony, these appearing in the second and third quarters. quite recently a royal warrant has been issued for h.m. queen alexandra. this assigns, upon a single shield within the garter, the undifferenced arms of his majesty impaled with the undifferenced arms of denmark. the shield is surmounted by the royal crown. the supporters are: (dexter) the lion of england, and (sinister) a savage wreathed about the temples and loins with oak and supporting in his exterior hand a club all proper. this sinister supporter is taken from the royal arms of denmark. abroad there is now no equivalent whatever to our methods of differencing the royal arms. an official certificate was issued to me recently from denmark of the undifferenced royal arms of denmark certified as correct for the "princes and princesses" of that country. but the german crown prince bears his shield within a bordure gules, and anciently in france (from which country the english system was { } very probably originally derived) the differencing of the royal french arms for the younger branches seems to have been carefully attended to, as has been already specified. differencing in scotland is carried out on an entirely different basis from differencing in england. in scotland the idea is still rigidly preserved and adhered to that the coat of arms of a family belongs only to the head of the family for the time being, and the terms of a scottish grant are as follows: "know ye therefore that we have devised and do by these presents assign ratify and confirm to the said ---- and his descendants _with such congruent differences as may hereafter be matriculated for them the following ensigns armorial_." under the accepted interpretation of scottish armorial law, whilst the inherent gentility conferred by a patent of arms is not denied to cadets, no right to make use of arms is conceded to them until such time as they shall elect to matriculate the arms of their ancestor in their own names. this point has led to a much purer system of heraldry in scotland than in england, and there is far less heraldic abuse in that country as a result, because the differences are decided not haphazardly by the user himself, as is the case in england, but by a competent officer of arms. moreover the constant occasions of matriculation bring the arms frequently under official review. there is no fixed rule which decides _ipse facto_ what difference shall be borne, and consequently this decision has retained in the hands of the heraldic executive an amount of control which they still possess far exceeding that of the executive in england, and perhaps the best way in which to state the rules which hold good will be to reprint a portion of one of the rhind lectures, delivered by sir james balfour paul, which is devoted to the point:-- "i have said that in scotland the principle which limited the number of paternal coats led to a careful differencing of these coats as borne by the junior branches of the family. though the english system was sometimes used, it has never obtained to any great extent in scotland, the practice here being generally to difference by means of a bordure, in which way many more generations are capable of being distinguished than is possible by the english method. the weak point of the scottish system is that, whilst the general idea is good, there is no definite rule whereby it can be carried out on unchanging lines; much is left to the discretion of the authorities. "as a general rule, it may be stated that the second son bears a plain bordure of the tincture of the principal charge in the shield, and his younger brothers also bear plain bordures of varying tinctures. in the next generation the eldest son of the second son would bear his father's coat and bordure without change; the second son would have the bordure engrailed; the third, invected; the fourth, indented, { } and so on, the other sons of the younger sons in this generation differencing their father's bordures in the same way. the junior members of the next generation might have their bordures parted per pale, the following generations having their bordures parted per fess and per saltire, per cross or quarterly, gyronny or compony, that is, divided into alternate spaces of metal or colour in a single trace--this, however, being often in scotland a mark of illegitimacy--counter-compone or a similar pattern in two tracts, or chequy with three or more tracts. "you will see that these modifications of the simple bordure afford a great variety of differences, and when they are exhausted the expedient can then be resorted to of placing on the bordures charges taken from other coats, often from those of a maternal ancestor; or they may be arbitrarily assigned to denote some personal characteristic of the bearer, as in the case of james maitland, major in the scots regiment of foot guards, who carries the dismembered lion of his family within a bordure wavy azure charged with eight hand grenades or, significant, i presume, of his military profession. "you will observe that, with all these varieties of differencing we have mentioned, the younger branches descending from the original eldest son of the parent house are still left unprovided with marks of cadency. these, however, can be arranged for by taking the ordinary which appears in their father's arms and modifying its boundary lines. say the original coat was 'argent, a chevron gules,' the second son of the eldest son would have the chevron engrailed, but without any bordure; the third, invected, and so on; and the next generations the systems of bordures accompanying the modified chevron would go on as before. and when all these methods are exhausted, differences can still be made in a variety of ways, _e.g._ by charging the ordinary with similar charges in a similar manner to the bordure as erskine of shielfield, a cadet of balgownie, who bore: 'argent, on a pale sable, a cross crosslet fitchée or within a bordure azure'; or by the introduction of an ordinary into a coat which had not one previously, a bend or the ribbon (which is a small bend) being a favourite ordinary to use for this purpose. again, we occasionally find a change of tincture of the field of the shield used to denote cadency. "there are other modes of differencing which need not be alluded to in detail, but i may say that on analysing the earlier arms in the lyon register, i find that the bordure is by far the most common method of indicating cadency, being used in no less than cases. the next most popular way is by changing the boundary lines of an ordinary, which is done in shields; cadets difference their arms by the insertion of a smaller charge on the ordinary and on { } the shield. a change of tincture, including counterchanging, is carried out in coats, and a canton is added in cases, while there are coats in which two or more of the above methods are used. from these figures, which are approximately correct, you will see the relative frequency of the various modes of differencing. you will also note that the original coat of a family can be differenced in a great many ways so as to show the connection of cadets with the parent house. the drawback to the system is that heralds have never arrived at a uniform treatment so as to render it possible to calculate the exact relationship of the cadets. much is left, as i said, to the discretion of the officer granting the arms; but still it gives considerable assistance in determining the descent of a family." the late mr. stodart, lyon clerk depute, who was an able herald, particularly in matters relating to scotland, had elaborated a definite system of these bordures for differencing which would have done much to simplify scottish cadency. its weak point was obviously this, that it could only be applied to new matriculations of arms by cadets; and so, if adopted as a definite and unchangeable matter of rule, it might have occasioned doubt and misunderstanding in future times with regard to many important scottish coats now existing, without reference to mr. stodart's system. but the scheme elaborated by mr. stodart is now accepted as the broad basis of the scottish system for matriculations (fig. ). in early scottish seals the bordures are to so large an extent engrailed as to make it appear that the later and present rule, which gives the plain bordure to immediate cadets, was not fully recognised or adopted. bordures charged appear at a comparatively early date in scotland. the bordure compony in scotland and the bordure wavy in england, which are now used to signify illegitimacy, will be further considered in a subsequent chapter, but neither one nor the other originally carried any such meaning. the doubtful legitimacy of the avondale and ochiltree stewarts, who bore the bordure compony in scotland, along with its use by the beauforts in england, has tended latterly to bring that difference into disrepute in the cadency of lawful sons--yet some of the bearers of that bordure during the first twenty years of the lyon register were unquestionably legitimate, whilst others, as scott of gorrenberry and patrick sinclair of ulbester, were illegitimate, or at best only legitimated. the light in which the bordure compony had come to be regarded is shown by a royal warrant granted in to john lundin of that ilk, allowing him to drop the coat which his family had hitherto carried, and, as descended of a natural son of william the lion, to bear the arms of scotland within a bordure compony argent and azure. { } the bordure counter-compony is assigned to fifteen persons, none of them, it is believed, of illegitimate descent, and some expressly said to be "lineallie and lawfulie descended" from the ancestor whose arms they bore thus differenced. the idea of this bordure having been at any time a mark of bastardy is a very modern error, arising from a confusion with the bordure compony. [illustration: fig. .--the scheme of cadency bordures devised by mr. stodart.] in conclusion, attention needs to be pointedly drawn to the fact that all changes in arms are not due to cadency, nor is it safe always to presume cadency from proved instances of change. instead of merely detailing isolated instances of variation in a number of different families, the matter may be better illustrated by closely following the successive variations in the same family, and an instructive instance is met with in the case of the arms of the family of swinton of that ilk. this is peculiarly instructive, because at no point in the descent covered by the arms referred to is there any doubt or question as to the fact of legitimate descent. claiming as they do a male descent and inheritance from liulf the son of edulf, vicecomes of northumbria, whose possession before { } of the lands of swinton is the earliest contemporary evidence which has come down to us of landowning by a scottish subject, it is unfortunate that we cannot with authority date their armorial ensigns before the later half of the thirteenth century. charters there are in plenty. out of the twenty-three earliest scottish writings given in the national mss. of scotland, nine, taken from the coldingham documents preserved at durham, refer to the village and lands of swinton. among these are two confirmations by david i., _i.e._ before , of swinton "in hereditate sibi et heredibus" to "meo militi hernulfo" or "arnolto isti meo militi," the first of the family to follow the norman fashion, and adopt the territorial designation of de swinton; while at durham and elsewhere, cospatric de swinton and his son alan and grandson alan appear more than eighty times in charters before . [illustration: fig. .--seal of alan de swinton, _c._ .] but it is not till we come to _c._ that we find a swinton seal still attached to a charter. this is a grant by a third alan of the kirk croft of lower swinton to god and the blessed cuthbert and the blessed ebba and the prior and monks of coldingham. the seal is of a very early form (fig. ), and may perhaps have belonged to the father and grandfather of the particular alan who uses it. of the henry de swinton who came next, and who swore fealty to edward the first of england at berwick in , and of yet a fourth alan, no seals are known. these were turbulent days throughout scotland: but then we find a distinct advance; a shield upon a diapered ground, and upon it the single boar has given place to the three boars' heads which afterwards became so common in scotland. nisbet lends his authority to the tradition that all the families of border birth who carried them--gordon, nisbet, swinton, redpath, dunse, he mentions, and he might have added others--were originally of one stock, and if so, the probability must be that the breed sprung from swinton. [illustration: fig. .--seal of henry de swinton, .] this seal (fig. ) was put by a second henry de swynton to one of the family charters, probably of the date of , which have lately been placed for safe keeping in the register house in edinburgh. his successor, sir john, the hero of noyon in picardy, of otterburn, and homildon, was apparently the first of the race to use { } supporters. his seal (fig. ) belongs to the second earliest of the douglas charters preserved at drumlanrig. its date is , and sir john de swintoun is described as dominus de mar, a title he bore by right of his marriage with margaret, countess of douglas and mar. this probably also accounts for his coronet, and it is interesting to note that the helmet, coronet, and crest are the exact counterpart of those on the garter plate of ralph, lord basset, in st. george's chapel at windsor. it is possibly more than a coincidence, for froissart mentions them both as fighting in france ten to twenty years earlier. [illustration: fig. .--seal of sir john de swinton, .] [illustration: fig. .--seal of sir john de swinton, .] [illustration: fig. .--seal of robert swinton, of that ilk, .] [illustration: fig. .--arms of swinton. (from swinton church, -.)] of his son, the second sir john, "lord of that ilk," we have no seal. his lance it was that overthrew thomas, duke of clarence, the brother of henry v., at beaugé in , and he fell, a young man, three years later with the flower of the scottish army at verneuil; but in his son, a third sir john, uses the identical crest and shield which his descendants carry to this day (fig. ). john had become a common name in the family, and the same or a similar seal did duty for the next three generations; but in we find the great-great-grandson, robert swinton of that ilk, who represented berwickshire in the first regularly constituted parliament of scotland, altering the character of the boars' heads (fig. ). he would also appear to have placed upon the chevron something which is difficult to decipher, but is probably the rose so borne by the hepburns, his second wife having been a daughter of sir patrick hepburn of whitecastle. whatever the charge was, it disappeared from the shield (fig. ) erected on the outer wall of swinton church by his second son and eventual heir, sir alexander, also member for his native county; but { } the boars' heads are turned the other way, perhaps in imitation of those above the very ancient effigy of the first sir alan inside the church. sir alexander's son, john swinton, "laird swinton" carlyle calls him, wrecked the family fortunes. according to bishop burnet he was "the man of all scotland most trusted and employed by cromwell," and he died a quaker, excommunicated and forfeited. to the circumstance that when, in , the order went out that all arms were to be officially recorded, he was a broken man under sentence that his arms should be "laceret and delete out of the heralds' books," we probably owe it that until of late years no swinton arms appeared on the lyon register. [illustration: fig. .--bookplate of sir john swinton of that ilk, .] [illustration: fig. .--bookplate of archibald swinton of kimmerghame.] then to come to less stirring times, and turn to book-plates. his son, yet another sir john of that ilk, in whose favour the forfeiture was rescinded, sat for berwickshire in the last parliament of scotland and the first of great britain. his bookplate (fig. ) is one of the earliest scottish dated plates. his grandson, captain archibald swinton of kimmerghame, county berwick (fig. ), was an ardent book collector up to his death in , and archibald's great-grandson, captain george c. swinton (fig. ), walked as march pursuivant in the procession in westminster abbey at the coronation of king edward the seventh of { } england in , and smote on the gate when that same edward as first of scotland claimed admission to his castle of edinburgh in . [illustration: fig. .--bookplate of captain george s. swinton, march pursuivant of arms.] the arms as borne to-day by the head of the family, john edulf blagrave swinton of swinton bank, a lieutenant in the lothians and berwickshire imperial yeomanry, are as given (plate iv.). { } chapter xxxii marks of bastardy it has been remarked that the knowledge of "the man in the street" is least incorrect when he knows nothing. probably the only heraldic knowledge that a large number possess is summed up in the assertion that the heraldic sign of illegitimacy is the "bar sinister." no doubt it is to the novelists--who, seeking to touch lightly upon an unpleasant subject, have ignorantly adopted a french colloquialism--that we must attribute a great deal of the misconception which exists concerning illegitimacy and its heraldic marks of indication. i assert most unhesitatingly that there are not now and never have been any unalterable laws as to what these marks should be, and the colloquialism which insists upon the "bar sinister" is a curiously amusing example of an utter misnomer. to any one with the most rudimentary knowledge of heraldry it must plainly be seen to be radically impossible to depict a bar sinister, for the simple reason that the bar is neither dexter nor sinister. it is utterly impossible to draw a bar sinister--such a thing does not exist. but the assertion of many writers with a knowledge of armory that "bar sinister" is a mistake for "bend sinister" is also somewhat misleading, because the real mistake lies in the spelling of the term. the "barre sinistre" is merely the french translation of bend sinister, the french word "barre" meaning a _bend_. the french "barre" is not the english "bar." in order to properly understand the true significance of the marks of illegitimacy, it is necessary that the attempt should be made to transplant oneself into the environment when the laws and rules of heraldry were in the making. at that period illegitimacy was of little if any account. it has not debarred the succession of some of our own sovereigns, although, from the earliest times, the english have always been more prudish upon the point than other nations. in ireland, even so late as the reign of queen elizabeth, it is a striking genealogical difficulty to decide in many noble pedigrees which if any of the given sons of any person were legitimate, and which of the ladies of his household, if any, might be legally termed his wife. in scotland we find the same thing, though perhaps it is not quite so { } blatant to so late a date, but considering what are and have been the scottish laws of marriage, it is the _fact_ or otherwise of marriage which has to be ascertained; and though in england the legal status was recognised from an earlier period, the social status of the illegitimate offspring of a given man depended little upon the legal legitimacy of birth, but rather upon the amount of recognition the bastard received from his father. if a man had an unquestionably legitimate son, that son undoubtedly succeeded; but if he had not, any technical stain upon the birth of the others had little effect in preventing their succession. a study of the succession to the barony of meinill clearly shows that the illegitimate son of the second lord meinill succeeded to the estates and peerage of his father in preference to his legitimate uncle. there are many other analogous cases. and when the church juggled at its pleasure with the sacrament of marriage--dispensing and annulling or recognising marriages for reasons which we nowadays can only term whimsical--small wonder is it that the legal fact, though then admitted, had little of the importance which we now give to it. when the actual fact was so little more than a matter at the personal pleasure of the person most concerned, it would be ridiculous to suppose that any perpetuation of a mere advertisement of the fact would be considered necessary, whilst the fact itself was so often ignored; so that until comparatively recent times the crown certainly never attempted to enforce any heraldic marks of illegitimacy. rather were these enforced by the legitimate descendants if and when such descendants existed. the point must have first arisen when there were both legitimate and illegitimate descendants of a given person, and it was desired to make record of the true line in which land or honours should descend. to effect this purpose, the arms of the illegitimate son were made to carry some charge or alteration to show that there was some reason which debarred inheritance by their users, whilst there remained those entitled to bear the arms without the mark of distinction. but be it noted that this obligation existed equally on the legitimate cadets of a family, and in the earliest periods of heraldry there is little or no distinction either in the marks employed or in the character of the marks, which can be drawn between mere marks of cadency and marks of illegitimacy. until a comparatively recent period it is absolutely unsafe to use these marks as signifying or proving either legitimate cadency or illegitimacy. the same mark stood for both, the only object which any distinctive change accomplished, being the distinction which it was necessary to draw between those who owned the right to the undifferenced arms, and owned the land, and those who did not. the object was to safeguard the right of the real { } possessors and their true heirs, and not to penalise the others. there was no particular mark either for cadency or for illegitimacy, the distinctions made being dictated by what seemed the most suitable and distinctive mark applicable to the arms under consideration. when that much has been thoroughly grasped, one gets a more accurate understanding of the subject. one other point has to be borne in mind (and to the present generation, which knows so well how extensively arms have been improperly assumed, the statement may seem startling), and that is, that the use of arms was formerly evidence of pedigree. as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century evidence of this character was submitted to the committee of privileges at the hearing of a peerage case. the evidence was _admitted_ for that purpose, though doubt (in that case very properly) was thrown upon its value. therefore, in view of the two foregoing facts, there can be very little doubt that the use of armorial marks of bastardy _was not invented or instituted, nor were these marks enforced, as punishment or as a disgrace_. it is a curious instance how a careful study of words and terms employed will often afford either a clue or confirmation, when the true meaning of the term has long been overlooked. the official term for a mark of cadency is a "difference" mark, _i.e._ it was a mark to show the difference between one member of a family and another. the mark used to signify a lack of blood relationship, and a mark used to signify illegitimacy are each termed a "mark of distinction," _i.e._ a mark that shall make something plainly "distinct." what is that something? the fact that the use of the arms is not evidence of descent through which heirship can be claimed or proved. this, by the way, is a patent example of the advantage of adherence to precedent. the inevitable conclusion is that a bastard was originally only required to mark his shield sufficiently that it should be distinctly apparent that heirship would never accrue. the arms had to be distinct from those borne by those members of the family upon whom heirship might devolve. the social position of a bastard as "belonging" to a family was pretty generally conceded, therefore he carried their arms, sufficiently marked to show he was not in the line of succession. this being accepted, one at once understands the great variety of the marks which have been employed. these answered the purpose of distinction, and nothing more was demanded or necessary. consequently a recapitulation of marks, of which examples can be quoted, would be largely a list of isolated instances, and as such they are useless for the purposes of deduction in any attempt to arrive at a correct conclusion as to what the ancient rules were. in brief, there were no { } rules until the eighteenth, or perhaps even until the nineteenth century. the only rule was that the arms must be sufficiently marked in _some_ way. this is borne out by the dictum of menêstrier. except the label, which has been elsewhere referred to, the earliest marks of either cadency or illegitimacy for which accepted use can be found are the bend and the bordure; but the bend for the purpose of illegitimacy seems to be the earlier, and a bend superimposed over a shield remained a mark of illegitimate cadency until a comparatively late period. this bend as a difference naturally was originally depicted as a bend dexter, and as a mark of legitimate cadency is found in the arms of the _younger_ son of edmund crouchback, earl of lancaster, before he succeeded his elder brother. there are scores of other similar instances which a little research will show. whether the term "left-handed marriage" is the older, and the sinister bend is derived therefrom, or whether the slang term is derived from the sinister bend, it is perhaps not necessary to inquire. but there is no doubt that from an early period the bend of cadency, when such cadency was illegitimate, is frequently met with in the sinister form. but concurrently with such usage instances are found in which the dexter bend was used for the same purpose, and it is very plainly evident that it was never at that date looked upon as a penalty, but was used merely as a _distinction_, or for the purpose of showing that the wearer was not the head of his house or in possession of the lordship. the territorial idea of the nature of arms, which has been alluded to in the chapter upon marks of cadency, should be borne in mind in coming to a conclusion. soon after the recognition of the bend as a mark of illegitimacy we come across the bordure; but there is some confusion with this, bordures of all kinds being used indiscriminately to denote both legitimate and illegitimate cadency. there are countless other forms of marking illegitimacy, and it is impossible to attempt to summarise them, and absolutely impossible to draw conclusions as to any family from marks upon its arms when this point is under discussion. to give a list of these instances would rather seem an attempt to deduce a rule or rules upon the point, so i say at once that there was no recognised mark, and any plain distinction seems to have been accepted as sufficient; and no distinction whatever was made when the illegitimate son, either from failure of legitimate issue or other reason, succeeded to the lands and honours of his father. out of the multitude of marks, the bend, and subsequently the bend sinister, emerge as most frequently in use, and finally the bend sinister exclusively; so that it has come to be considered, and perhaps correctly as regards one period, that its use was equivalent to a mark of illegitimacy in england. { } but there has always remained to the person of bastard descent the right of discarding the bastardised coat, and adopting a new coat of arms, the only requirement as to the new coat being that it shall be so distinct from the old one as not to be liable to confusion therewith. and it is a moot point whether or not a large proportion of the instances which are tabulated in most heraldic works as examples of marks of bastardy are anything whatever of the kind. my own opinion is that many are not, and that it is a mistake to so consider them; the true explanation undoubtedly in some--and outside the royal family probably in most--being that they are new coats of arms adopted _as_ new coats of arms, doubtless bearing relation to the old family coat, but sufficiently distinguished therefrom to rank as new arms, and were never intended to be taken as, and never were bastardised examples of formerly existing coats. it is for this reason that i have refrained from giving any extensive list such as is to be found in most other treatises on heraldry, for all that can be said for such lists is that they are lists of the specific arms of specific bastards, which is a very different matter from a list of heraldic marks of illegitimacy. another objection to the long lists which most heraldic works give of early instances of marks of bastardy as data for deduction lies in the fact that most are instances of the illegitimate children of royal personages. it is singularly unsafe to draw deductions, to be applied to the arms of others, from the royal arms, for these generally have laws unto themselves. the bend sinister in its bare simplicity, as a mark of illegitimacy, was seldom used, the more frequent form being the sinister bendlet, or even the diminutive of that, the cottise. there is no doubt, of course, that when a sinister bend or bendlet debruises another coat that that is a bastardised version of an older coat, but examples can be found of the sinister bend as a charge which has no reference whatever to illegitimacy. two instances that come to mind, which can be found by reference to any current peerage, are the arms of shiffner and burne-jones. certainly in these cases i know of no illegitimacy, and neither coat is a bastardised version of an older existing coat. anciently the bendlet was drawn across arms and quarterings, and an example of a coat of arms of some number of quarterings debruised for an illegitimate family is found in the registration of a talbot pedigree in one of the visitation books. as a mark of distinction upon arms the bend sinister for long past has fallen out of use, though for the purpose of differencing crests a bendlet wavy sinister is still made use of, and will be again presently referred to. next to the bend comes the bordure. bordures of all kinds were used for the purposes of cadency from practically the earliest periods { } of heraldic differencing. but they were used indiscriminately, as has been already stated, both for legitimate and illegitimate cadency. john of gaunt, as is well known, was the father of henry iv. and the ancestor of henry vii., the former being the issue of his legitimate wife, the latter coming from a son who, as one of the old chroniclers puts it, "was of double advowtrie begotten." but, as every one knows, john of gaunt's children by catherine roet or swynford were legitimated by act of parliament, the act of parliament not excepting the succession to the throne, a disability later introduced in letters patent of the crown when giving a subsequent confirmation of the act, but which, nevertheless, they could not overrule. but taking the sons of the latter family as legitimate, which (whatever may have been the moral aspect of the case) they were undoubtedly in the eyes of the common law after the passing of the act referred to, they existed concurrently with the undoubtedly senior descendants of the first marriage of john of gaunt with blanche of lancaster, and it was necessary--whether they were legitimate or not--to distinguish the arms of the junior from the senior branch. the result was that as legitimate cadets, and not as bastards, the arms of john of gaunt were differenced for the line of the dukes of somerset by the addition of the bordure compony argent and azure--the livery colours of lancaster. it is a weird position, for these colours were derived from the family of the legitimate wife. the fight as to whether these children were legitimate or illegitimate was, of course, notorious, and a matter of history; but from the fact that they bore a bordure compony, an idea grew up both in this country and in scotland also from the similarity of the cases of the doubtful legitimacy of the avondale and ochiltree stewarts, who both used the bordure compony, that the bordure compony was a sign of illegitimacy, whereas in both countries at an earlier period it undoubtedly was accepted as a mark of legitimate cadency. as a mark of bastardy it had subsequently some extensive use in both countries, and it still remains the only mark now used for the purpose in scottish heraldry. whether it was that it was not considered as of a fixed nature, or whether it was that it had become notorious and unacceptable, it is difficult to say, though the officers of arms have been blamed for making a change on the assumption that it was the latter. some writers who clamour strongly for the _penalising_ of bastard arms, and for the plain and recognisable marking of them as such (a position adopted rather vehemently by woodward, a singularly erudite heraldic writer), are rather uncharitable, and at the same time rather lacking in due observation and careful consideration of ancient ideas { } and ancient precedents. that the recognised mark has been changed at different periods, and as a consequence that to a certain extent the advertisement it conveys has been less patent is, of course, put down to the "venality" of mediæval heralds (happily their backs are broad) by those who are too short-sighted to observe that the one thing an official herald moves heaven and earth to escape from is the making of a new precedent; and that, on the score of signs of illegitimacy, the official heralds, when the control of arms passed into their hands, found no established rule. so far from having been guilty of venality, as woodward suggests, they have erred on the other side, and by having worked only on the limited number of precedents they found they have stereotyped the advertisement, and thereby made the situation more stringent than they found it. we have it from biblical sources that the sins of the fathers shall be visited upon the children unto the third and fourth generations, and this spirit has undoubtedly crept into the views of many writers, but to get into the true perspective of the matter one needs to consider the subject from the point of view of less prudish days than our own. i have no wish to be misunderstood. in these days much heraldic reviewing of the blatant and baser sort depends not upon the value of the work performed, a point of view which is never given a thought, but entirely upon the identity of the writer whose work is under review, and is largely composed of misquotation and misrepresentation. it may perhaps be as well, therefore, to state that i am not seeking to condone illegitimacy or to combat present opinions upon the point. i merely state that our present opinions are a modern growth, and that in the thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, when the fundamental principles of heraldry were in the making, it was not considered a disgrace to have an illegitimate son, nor was it considered then that to be of illegitimate birth carried the personal stigma that came later. at any rate, the fact remains that a new mark was called into being in england about the year when in a grant to zachary to quarter the arms of sacheverell, from which family he was in the female line illegitimately descended, the bordure wavy was first met with as a sufficient and proper mark of illegitimacy. the curious point is that before that date in scotland and in england the bordure wavy possessed nothing of this character, and to the present day the bordure wavy in scotland is undoubtedly nothing more than a legitimate mark of legitimate cadency, for which mark mr. stodart provides a place in the scheme of differencing which he tabulated as the basis of cadency marks in scotland (fig. ). since that date the bordure wavy has { } remained the mark which has been used for the purpose in england, as the bordure compony has remained the mark in scotland. bearing in mind that the only necessity was some mark which should carry sufficient _distinction_ from the arms of the family, it follows, as a natural consequence of human nature, that as soon as any particular mark became identified with illegitimacy (after that was considered to be a stigma), that mark was quietly dropped and some other substituted, and no one should be surprised to find the bordures wavy and compony quietly displaced by something else. if any change is to be made in the future it is to be hoped that no existing mark will be adopted, and that the marks in england and scotland shall not conflict even if they do not coincide. the bendlet sinister, however, survives in the form of the baton sinister, which is a bendlet couped placed across the centre of the shield. the baton sinister, however, is a privilege which, as a charge on a shield, is reserved, such as it is, for royal bastards. the latest instance of this was in the exemplification of arms to the earl of munster and his brothers and sisters early in the nineteenth century. other surviving instances are met with in the arms of the duke of st. albans and the duke of grafton. another privilege of royal bastards is that they may have the baton of _metal_, a privilege which is, according to berry, denied to those of humbler origin. according to present law the position of an illegitimate person heraldically is based upon the common law of the country, which practically declares that an illegitimate child has no name, no parentage, and no relations. the illegitimacy of birth is an insuperable bar to inheritance, and a person of illegitimate birth inherits no arms at all, the popular idea that he inherits a right to the arms subject to a mark of distinction being quite incorrect. he has none at all. there has never been any mark which, as a matter of course and of mere motion, could attach itself automatically to a shield, as is the case with the english marks of difference, _e.g._ the crescent of the second son or the mullet of the third. this is a point upon which i have found mistaken ideas very frequently held, even by those who have made some study of heraldry. but a very little thought should make it plain that by the very nature of the fact there cannot be either a recognised mark, compulsory use, or an _ipse facto_ sign. illegitimacy is negative, not positive--a fact which many writers hardly give sufficient weight to. if any one of illegitimate birth desires to obtain a right to arms he has two courses open to him. he can either (not disclosing the fact of his illegitimacy, and not attempting to prove that he is a descendant of any kind from any one else) apply for and obtain a new grant of { } arms on his own basis, and worry through the college the grant of a coat as closely following in design that of the old family as he can get, which means that he would be treated and penalised with such _alterations_ (not "marks of distinction") as would be imposed upon a stranger in blood endeavouring to obtain arms founded upon a coat to which he had no right. the cost of such a proceeding in england is £ , s., the usual fees upon an ordinary grant. the alternative course is simple. he must avow himself a bastard, and must prove his paternity or maternity, as the case may be (for in the eye of the law--common and heraldic--he bears the same relation, which is nil, and the same right to the name and arms, which is nil, of both his father and his mother). illegitimacy under english law affords one of the many instances in which anomalies exist, for, strange as the statement is, a bastard comes into the world without any name at all. legally, at birth a bastard child has then no name at all, and no arms. it must subsequently acquire such right to a name (whatever right that may amount to) as user of and reputation therein may give him. he inherits no arms at all, no name, and no property, save by specific devise or bequest. the lack of parents operates as a _chasm_ which it is impossible to bridge. it is not a case of a peculiar bridge or a faulty bridge; there is no bridge at all. names, in so far as they are matters of law, are subject to canon law; at any rate, the law upon the subject, such as it is, originated in canon law, and not in statute or common law. canon law was made, and has never since been altered, at a time when surnames were not in existence. a bastard no more inherits the surname of the mother than it does the surname of its father; and the spirit of petty officialism, so rampant amongst the clergy, which seeks to impose upon a bastard _nolens volens_ the surname of its mother, has no justification in law or fact. a bastard has precisely as little right to the surname of its mother as it has to the surname of its father. obviously, however, under the customs of our present social life, every person must have a surname of one kind or another; and it is here that the anomaly in the british law exists, inasmuch as neither statute nor canon law provide any means for conferring a surname. that the king has the prerogative, and exercises it, of conferring or confirming surnames is, of course, unquestioned, but it is hardly to be supposed that the king will trouble himself to provide a surname for every illegitimate child which may be born; and outside this prerogative, which probably is exercised about once a year, there is no method provided or definitely recognised by the law to meet this necessity. to obviate the difficulty, the surname has to be that which is conferred upon the child by { } general custom; and as an illegitimate child is in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred brought up by its mother, it is usually by the same custom which confers the surname of its owner upon a dog in so many parts of the country that a bastard child gets known by its mother's surname, and consequently has that surname conferred upon it by general custom. the only names that an illegitimate child has an inalienable right to are the names by which it is baptized; and if two names are given, and the child or its guardians elect that it should be known only by those baptismal names, and if common repute and general custom, as would be probable, uses the last of those names as a surname, there is no legal power on earth which can force upon the child any other name; and if the last of the baptismal names happens to be its father's surname, the child will have an absolute right to be known only by its christian names, which to all intents and purposes will mean that it will be known by its father's surname. in the same way that an illegitimate child inherits no surname at all, it equally inherits no arms. consequently it has no shield upon which to carry a mark of bastardy, if such a mark happened to be in existence. but if under a will or deed of settlement an illegitimate child is required to assume the name and arms of its father _or of its mother_, a royal licence to assume such name and arms is considered to be necessary. it may be here noted that voluntary applications to assume a name and arms in the case of an illegitimate child are not entertained unless it can be clearly shown (which is not always an easy matter) what the parentage really was. it will be noticed that i have said he will be required to prove his paternity. this is rigorously insisted upon, inasmuch as it is not fair to penalise the reputation of a dead man by inflicting upon him a record of bastard descendants whilst his own life might have been stainless. an illegitimate birth is generally recorded under the name of the mother only, and even when it is given, the truth of any statement as to paternity is always open to grave suspicion. there is nothing, therefore, to prevent a person asserting that he is the son of a duke, whereas his real father may have been in a very plebeian walk in life; and to put the arms of the duke's family at the mercy of any fatherless person who chose to fancy a differenced version of them would be manifestly unjust, so that without proof in a legal action of the actual paternity, or some recognition under a will or settlement, it is impossible to adopt the alternative in question. but if such recognition or proof is forthcoming, the procedure is to petition the sovereign for a royal licence to use (or continue to use) the name desired and to bear the arms of the family. such a petition is always granted, on { } proper proof of the facts, if made in due form through the proper channels. the royal licence to that effect is then issued. but the document contains two conditions, the first being that the arms shall be exemplified according to the laws of arms "with due and proper marks of distinction," and that the royal licence shall be recorded in the college of arms, otherwise "to be void and of none effect." the invariable insertion of this clause puts into the hands of the college one of the strongest weapons the officers of arms possess. under the present practice the due and proper marks of distinction are, for the arms, a bordure wavy round the shield of the most suitable colour, according to what the arms may be, but if possible of some colour or metal different from any of the tinctures in the arms. the crest is usually differenced by a bendlet sinister wavy, but a pallet wavy is sometimes used, and sometimes a saltire wavy, couped or otherwise. the choice between these marks generally depends upon the nature of the crest. but even with this choice, the anomaly is frequently found of blank space being carefully debruised. seeing that the mark of the debruising is not a tangible object or thing, but a mark painted upon another object, such a result seems singularly ridiculous, and ought to be avoided. whilst the ancient practice certainly appears to have been to make some slight change in the crest, it does not seem to have been debruised in the present manner. there are some number of more recent cases where, whilst the existing arms have been charged with the necessary marks of distinction, entirely new, or very much altered crests have been granted without any recognisable "marks of distinction." there can be no doubt that the bendlet wavy sinister upon the crest is a palpable penalising of the bearer, and i think the whole subject of the marks of bastardy in the three kingdoms might with advantage be brought under official consideration, with a view to new regulations being adopted. a bendlet wavy sinister is such an absolute defacement of a crest that few can care to make use of a crest so marked. it carries an effect far beyond what was originally the intention of marks of distinction. a few recent bastardised exemplifications which have issued from ulster's office have had the crest charged with a baton couped sinister. the baton couped sinister had always hitherto been confined to the arms of royal bastards, but i am not aware of any royal crest so bastardised. of course no circumstances can be conceived in which it is necessary to debruise supporters, as under no circumstances can these be the subject of a royal licence of this character, except in a possible case where they might have been granted as a simple augmentation to a man and his descendants, without further limitation. i know of no bastardised version consequent upon such a grant. { } supporters signify some definite honour which cannot ordinarily survive illegitimacy. the bordure wavy is placed round the pronominal arms only, and no right to any quarterings the family may have enjoyed previously is conferred, except such right to a quarterly coat as might ensue through the assumption of a double name. quartering is held to signify representation which cannot be given by a royal licence, but a quartering of augmentation or a duplicate coat for the pronominal name which had been so regularly used with the alternative coat as to constitute the two something in the nature of a compound coat, would be exemplified "all within a bordure wavy." each illegitimate coat stands on its own basis, and there is a well-known instance in which a marriage was subsequently found to be illegal, or to have never taken place, after which, i believe, some number of brothers and sisters obtained royal licences and exemplifications. the descendants of one of the brothers will be found in the current peerage books, and those who know their peerage history well will recognise the case i allude to. all the brothers and sisters had the same arms exemplified, each with a bordure wavy _of a different colour_. if there were descendants of any of the sisters, those descendants would have been entitled to quarter the arms, because the illegitimacy made each sister an heiress for heraldic purposes. this is a curious anomaly, for had they been legitimate the descendants would have enjoyed no such right. in scotland the mark of illegitimacy for the arms is the bordure compony, which is usually but not always indicative of the same. the bordure counter-compony has been occasionally stated to have the same character. this is hardly correct, though it may be so in a few isolated cases, but the bordure chequy has nothing whatever of an illegitimate character. it will be noticed that whilst the bordure compony and the bordure counter-company have their chequers or "panes," to use the heraldic term, following the outline of the shield, by lines parallel to those which mark its contour, the bordure chequy is drawn by lines parallel to and at right angles to the palar line of the shield, irrespective of its outline. a bordure chequy must, of course, at one point or another show three distinct rows of checks. the bastardising of crests even in england is a comparatively modern practice. i know of no single instance ancient or modern of the kind in scottish heraldry, though i could mention scores of achievements in which the shields carry marks of distinction. this is valuable evidence, for no matter how lax the official practice of scottish armory may have been at one period, the theory of scottish armory far more nearly approaches the ancient practices and rules of heraldry { } than does the armory of any other country. that theory is much nearer the ideal theory than the english one, but unfortunately for the practical purposes of modern heraldic needs, it does not answer so well. at the present day, therefore, a scottish crest is not marked in any way. most handbooks refer to a certain rule which is supposed to exist for the differencing of a coat to denote illegitimacy when the coat is that of the mother and not the father, the supposed method being to depict the arms under a surcoat, the result being much the same as if the whole of the arms appeared in exaggerated flaunches, the remainder of the shield being left vacant except for the tincture of the surcoat. as a matter of fact only one instance is known, and consequently we must consider it as a new coat devised to bear reference to the old one, and not as a regularised method of differencing for a particular set of circumstances. in ireland the rules are to all intents and purposes the same as in england, with the exception of the occasional use of a sinister baton instead of a bendlet wavy sinister upon the crest. in scotland, where royal licences are unknown, it is merely necessary to prove paternity, and rematriculate the arms with due and proper marks of distinction. it was a very general idea during a former period, but subsequently to the time when the bend and bendlet sinister and the bordure were recognised as in the nature of the accepted marks of bastardy, and when their penal nature was admitted, that whatever mark was adopted for the purpose of indicating illegitimacy need only be borne for three generations. some of the older authorities tell us that after that length of time had elapsed it might be discarded, and some other and less objectionable mark be taken in its place. the older writers were striving, consciously or unconsciously, to reconcile the disgrace of illegitimacy, which they knew, with heraldic facts which they also knew, and to reconcile in certain prominent families undoubted illegitimacy with unmarked arms, the probability being that their sense of justice and regard for heraldry prompted them to the remark that some other mark of distinction _ought_ to be added, whilst all the time they knew it never was. the arms of byron, somerset, meinill, and herbert are all cases where the marks of illegitimacy have been quietly dropped, entire reversion being had to the undifferenced original coat. at a time when marks of illegitimacy, both in fact and in theory, were nothing more than marks of cadency and difference from the arms of the head of the house, it was no venality of the heralds, but merely the acceptance of current ideas, that permitted them to recognise the undifferenced arms for the illegitimate descendants when there were no legitimate owners from whose claim the arms of the others needed { } to be differentiated, and when lordships and lands had lapsed to a bastard branch. to this fact must be added another. the armorial control of the heralds after the days of tournaments was exercised through the visitations and the earl marshal's court. peers were never subject to the visitations, and so were not under control unless their arms were challenged in the earl marshal's court by the rightful owner. the cases that were notorious are cases of the arms of peers. the visitations gave the officers of arms greater control over the arms of commoners than they had had theretofore, and the growing social opinions upon legitimacy and marriage brought social observances more into conformity with the technical law, and made that technical law of no inheritance and no paternity an operative fact. the result is that the hard legal fact is now rigidly and rightly insisted upon, and the claim and right to arms of one of illegitimate descent depends and is made to depend solely upon the instruments creating that right, and the conditions of "due and proper marks of distinction" always subject to which the right is called into being. nowadays there is no release from the penalty of the bordures wavy and compony save through the avenue of a new and totally different grant and the full fees payable therefor. but, as the bearer of a bordure wavy once remarked to me, "i had rather descend illegitimately from a good family and bear their arms marked than descend from a lot of nobodies and use a new grant." but until the common law is altered, if it ever is, the game must be played fairly and the conditions of a royal licence observed, for the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children. although i have refrained from giving any extended list of bastardised coats as examples of the rules for indicating illegitimacy, reference may nevertheless be made to various curious examples. the canton has occasionally been used. sir john de warren, a natural son of john, earl of surrey, sussex, and warenne (d. ), bore a canton of the arms of his mother, alice de nerford ["gules, a lion rampant ermine"], over the chequy shield of warren. a similar instance can be found in modern times, the arms of charlton of apley castle, co. salop, being bastardised by a sinister canton which bears two coats quarterly, these coats having formerly been quarterings borne in the usual manner. the custom of placing the paternal arms upon a bend has been occasionally adopted, but this of course is the creation of a _new_ coat. it was followed by the beauforts before their legitimation, and by sir roger de clarendon, the illegitimate son of the black prince. the somerset family, who derived illegitimately from the beauforts, dukes of somerset, first debruised the beaufort arms by { } a bendlet sinister, but in the next generation the arms were placed upon a wide fess, this on a plain field of or. although the somersets, dukes of beaufort, have discarded all signs of bastardy from their shield, the version upon the fess was continued as one of the quarterings upon the arms of the old shropshire family of somerset fox. one of the most curious bastardised coats is that of henry fitz-roy, duke of richmond and somerset, illegitimate son of henry viii. this shows the royal arms within a bordure quarterly ermine and counter-compony or and azure, debruised by a baton sinister argent, an inescutcheon quarterly gules and vairé, or and vert [possibly hinting at the blount arms of his mother, barry nebuly or and sable], over all a lion rampant argent, on a chief azure a tower between two stags' heads caboshed argent, attired or. { } chapter xxxiii the marshalling of arms the science of marshalling is the conjoining of two or more coats of arms upon one shield for the purpose of indicating sovereignty, dominion, alliance, descent, or pretension, according to recognised rules and regulations, by the employment of which the story of any given achievement shall be readily translatable. the methods of marshalling are ( ) dimidiation, ( ) impalement, ( ) quartering, ( ) superimposition. instances of quartered shields are to be met with possibly before impalements or dimidiation. the earliest attempt at anything like a regularised method of procedure to signify marriage was that usually males _quartered_ the arms of their wives or ancestresses from whom they acquired their lands; whilst impaled coats were to all intents and purposes the armorial bearings of married women, or more frequently of widows who took an immediate interest in their husbands' property. this ancient usage brings home very forcibly the former territorial connection of arms and land. the practice of the husband impaling the wife's arms, whether heiress or not, probably arose near the close of the fifteenth century. even now it is laid down that the arms of a wife should not in general be borne upon the husband's banner, surcoat, or official seal. but impalement as we now know it was preceded by dimidiation. dimidiation, which was but a short-lived method, was effected by the division of the shield down the centre. on the dexter side was placed the dexter half of the husband's arms, and on the sinister side was placed the sinister half of the wife's arms. with some coats of arms no objection could be urged against the employment of this method. but it was liable to result (_e.g._ with two coats of arms having the same ordinary) in the creation of a design which looked far more like one simple coat than a conjunction of two. the dimidiation of "argent, a bend gules" and "argent, a chevron sable" would simply result in a single coat "argent, a bend per pale gules and sable." this fault of the system must have made itself manifest at an early period, for we soon find it became customary to introduce about two-thirds of { } the design of each coat for the sake of demonstrating their separate character. it must soon thereafter have become apparent that if two-thirds of the design of a coat of arms could be squeezed into half of the shield there was no valid reason why the whole of the design could not be employed. this therefore became customary under the name of impalement, and the practice has ever since remained with us. few examples indeed of dimidiation are to be met with, and as a practical method of conjunction, the practice was chiefly in vogue during the earlier part of the fourteenth century. occasionally quartered coats were dimidiated, in which case the first and third quarters of the husband's coat were conjoined with the second and fourth of the wife's. as far as outward appearance went, this practice resulted in the fact that no distinction existed from a plain quartered coat. thus the seal of margaret of bavaria, countess of holland, and wife of john, count de nevers, in (afterwards duke of burgundy), bears a shield on which is apparently a simple instance of quartering, but really a dimidiated coat. the two coats to the dexter side of the palar line are: in chief burgundy-modern ("france-ancient, a bordure compony argent and gules"), and in base burgundy-ancient. on the sinister side the coat in chief is bavaria ("bendy-lozengy argent and azure"); and the one in base contains the quartered arms of flanders ("or, a lion rampant sable"); and holland ("or, a lion rampant gules"); the lines dividing these latter quarters being omitted, as is usually found to be the case with this particular shield. certain examples can be found amongst the royal arms in england which show much earlier instances of dimidiation. the arms of margaret of france, who died in , the second queen of edward i., as they remain on her tomb in westminster abbey, afford an example of this method of conjunction. the arms of england appear on the dexter side of the escocheon; and this coat undergoes a certain amount of curtailment, though the dimidiation is not complete, portions only of the hindmost parts of the lions being cut off by the palar line. the coat of france, on the sinister side, of course does not readily indicate the dimidiation. boutell, in his chapter on marshalling in "heraldry, historical and popular," gives several early examples of dimidiation. the seal of edmond plantagenet, earl of cornwall (d. ), bears his arms (those of richard, earl of cornwall, and king of the romans) dimidiating those of his wife, margaret de clare. here only the sinister half of his bordure is removed, while the clare coat ("or, three chevrons gules") is entirely dimidiated, and the chevrons are little distinguishable from bends. both coats are dimidiated in other examples mentioned { } by boutell, viz. william de valence and his wife, and alianore montendre and her husband guy ferre. on the seal of margaret campbell, wife of alexander napier, in , the shield shows upon the dexter side the arms of lennox, and on the sinister the dimidiated coat (the sinister half of the quartered arms) of campbell and lorn. this results in the galley of lorn being in chief, and the campbell gyrons in base. an early and interesting irish example of this kind of marshalling is afforded by a dimidiated coat of clare and fitzgerald, which now figures on the official seal of the provosts of youghal (clare: "or, three chevrons gules." fitzgerald: "argent, a saltire gules, with a label of five points in chief"). both these coats are halved. they result from the marriage of richard clare, earl of hertford, with juliana, daughter and heir of maurice fitzgerald, feudal lord of inchiquin and youghal. an even more curious case of dimidiation comes to light in the arms formerly used by the abbey of st. etienne at caen, in which the arms of england and those attributed to the duchy of normandy ("gules, two lions passant guardant or") were dimidiated, so that in the former half three of the fore-quarters of the lions appear, while in the sinister half only two of the hind-quarters are represented. dimidiation was not always effected by conjunction down the palar line, other partition lines of the shield being occasionally, though very rarely, employed in this manner. certain curious (now indivisible) coats of arms remain which undoubtedly originated in the dimidiation of two separate coats, _e.g._ the arms of yarmouth, sandwich, hastings, rye, and chester. in all cases some royal connection can be traced which has caused the royal arms of england to be conjoined with the earlier devices of fish, ships, or garbs which had been employed by the towns in question. it is worth the passing thought, however, whether the conjoined lions and hulks used by the cinque ports may not originally have been a device of the sovereign for naval purposes, or possibly the naval version of the royal arms (see page ). one other remainder from the practice of dimidiation still survives amongst the presently existing rules of heraldry. it is a rule to which no modern authoritative exception can be mentioned. when a coat within a bordure is impaled with another coat, the bordure is not continued down the centre of the shield, but stops short at top and bottom when the palar line is reached. this rule is undoubtedly a result of the ancient method of conjunction by dimidiation, but the curious point is that, at the period when dimidiation was employed and during the period which followed, some number of examples can be { } found where the bordure is continued round the whole coat which is within it. the arms of man and wife are now conjoined according to the following rules:--if the wife is not an heraldic heiress the two coats are impaled. if the wife be an heraldic heir or coheir, in lieu of impalement the arms of her family are placed on an inescutcheon superimposed on the centre of her husband's arms, the inescutcheon being termed an escutcheon of pretence, because _jure uxoris_ she being an heiress of her house, the husband "pretends" to the representation of her family. for heraldic purposes it therefore becomes necessary to define the terms heir and heiress. it is very essential that the point should be thoroughly understood, because quarterings other than those of augmentation can only be inherited from or through female ancestors who are in themselves heirs or coheirs (this is the true term, or, rather, the ancient term, though they are now usually referred to colloquially as heiresses or coheiresses) in blood, or whose issue subsequently become in a later generation the representatives of any ancestor in the male line of that female ancestor. a woman is an "heir" or "heiress" ( ) if she is an only child; ( ) if all her brothers die without leaving any issue to survive, either male or female; ( ) she becomes an heiress "in her issue," as it is termed, if she die leaving issue herself if and when all the descendants male and female of her brothers become absolutely extinct. the term "coheir" or "coheiress" is employed in cases similar to the foregoing when, instead of one daughter, there are two or more. no person can be "heir" or "coheir" of another person until the latter is dead, though he or she may be heir-apparent or heir-presumptive. though the word "heir" is frequently used with regard to material matters, such usage is really there incorrect, except in cases of intestacy. a person benefiting under a will is a legatee of money, or a devisee of land, and not an heir to either. the table on page may make things a little clearer, but in the following remarks intestacy is ignored, and the explanations apply solely to _heirship of blood_. charles in the accompanying pedigree is, after , _heir_ of david. thomas is _heir-apparent_ of charles, being a son and the eldest born. he dies _v.p._ (_vita patris_, _i.e._ in the lifetime of his father) and never becomes heir. a daughter can never become an heir-apparent, as there is always, during the lifetime of her father, the possibility of a son being born. mary, ellen, and blanche are coheirs of thomas their father, whom they survive, and they are also coheirs of their grandfather charles, to whom they succeed, and they would properly in a pedigree be described as both. they are heirs-general of thomas, charles, and david, and, being the heirs of the senior line, they are heirs-general or coheirs-general of their house. david being possessed of the barony "by writ" of cilfowyr, it would "fall into abeyance" at the death of charles between the three daughters equally. { } david cilfowyr, created duke of london in the peerage of the united kingdom, remainder to him and the heirs male of his body, was earl of edinburgh in the peerage of scotland (with remainder to his heirs), and lord cilfowyr by writ in the peerage of england (with remainder to his heirs-general). died . | -------------------------------------------------- | | charles cilfowyr, owen cilfowyr, esq., elder son and heir; head of commonly called lord owen his house, duke of london, cilfowyr by courtesy. earl of edinburgh, and lord cilfowyr. died . died . | | -------------------------------------------------- | | | | | | | | | robert cilfowyr, esq., philip cilfowyr, esq., | | eldest son, becomes heir second son. died . | | male of his house in | | | at the death of george, and ada, only child, has | | as such succeeds as duke of no courtesy title. | | london. died . living in . | | | | | harriet cilfowyr, | | only child, by cecil cilfowyr, esq., | courtesy after third son. when his brother | lady harriet cilfowyr. succeeds in as duke of | died . london he petitions the | queen for that style and | precedence which he would | have enjoyed had his father | lived to inherit the dukedom. | his petition being granted, | he becomes by courtesy lord | cecil cilfowyr, until he | succeeds in , at the | death of his brother, to | the dukedom of london. | --------------------------------------------------------- | | | | | thomas cilfowyr, esq., | | | isabel cilfowyr, eldest son and heir-apparent, | | | styled by courtesy as styled earl of edinburgh by | | | lady isabel cilfowyr. courtesy. died _v.p._ | | | living . , so never succeeds. | | | | | | | | | | irene cilfowyr, | | | styled by courtesy as | | | lady irene cilfowr | | | living . | | | | ---------------- | | | | | | | | edmond cilfowyr, esq., | | second son, styled by courtesy | | courtesy lord edmond cilfowyr | | until , when he succeeds | | as duke of london. died . | | | | | | -------------- | | | | | john cilfowyr, esq., = edith torkington, | | third son, styled by | succeeds in as | | courtesy lord john cilfowyr | _suo jure_ baroness | | until , when he | neville by writ in england, | | succeeds as duke of london. | and countess of torkington | | london. died . | (to herself and her heirs) | | | in scotland. died . | | | | | ----------------------------- | | | | --------------------------------------------------------- | | | | ------------------------------------------------- | | | | | | | mary cilfowyr, ellen cilfowyr, blanche cilfowyr, | | countess of styled by courtesy styled by courtesy | | edinburgh. lady ellen cilfowyr. lady blanche cilfowyr. | | living . living . living . | | _heir of line._ | | | | | | ------------------------------------------- | | | | | the barony of cilfowyr falls into abeyance between these | | three equally. in scottish phraseology they are termed | | heirs portioners. | | --------------------------------- | | | | grace cilfowyr, muriel cilfowyr, | styled by courtesy styled by courtesy | lady grace cilfowyr, lady muriel cilfowyr. | elder dau. living . living . | | | --------------------------------------------------------------- | | | george cilfowyr, esq., alice cilfowyr, | only son, and so styled styled by courtesy | until , when his father succeeds lady alice cilfowyr until | as duke of london. as son of a duke , when she succeeds as | he then becomes by courtesy lord george countess of torkington. | cilfowyr, and this is his proper died , _s.p._ | description, because his father has no | minor title which he could assume. but | by a quite modern custom which has ------------------------- sprung up of late years he would very | probably call himself "lord cilfowyr." annie cilfowyr, = reginald in his mother succeeds in her styled by courtesy | sherwin. own right to two titles, and by lady annie cilfowyr | died . courtesy he would thenceforward be and lady annie | styled by her minor title as lord sherwin. died . | neville until her death in , when | he becomes earl of torkington in his | own right and also lord neville. ---------------------- at his father's death in he | | becomes duke of london. died . | lilian sherwin, | | only daughter, known | | as lady lilian sherwin dorothy cilfowyr, styled | until , when she lady dorothy cilfowyr until , | succeeds as countess when she becomes _suo jure_ | of torkington and countess of torkington and baroness | baroness neville. neville. died _s.p._ . | living . | arthur sherwin, only son and heir, succeeds as earl of torkington and lord neville in , at the death of his aunt. died . | | | ------------------------------------------------------------- | | | | | | maria sherwin, called jane sherwin, | by courtesy lady maria sherwin, by courtesy lady jane | succeeds in as countess of sherwin, succeeds as | torkington and senior coheir countess of torkington | to the barony of neville, in , but the | which falls into abeyance between barony of neville again | herself and her sisters. the falls into abeyance | queen determines the abeyance between herself and her | in her favour, and she consequently younger sister. | becomes also baroness died _s.p._ . | neville. died _s.p._ . | ------------- | hannah sherwin, called by courtesy lady hannah sherwin. she succeeds in as sole heir of her father, and consequently the abeyance determines of itself, and she becomes both countess of torkington and baroness neville. died _s.p._ . { } in scotland mary, ellen, and blanche would be termed "heirs portioners," and mary, being an heiress and the eldest born in the direct and senior line, would be termed the "heir of line." david being possessed of an ancient scottish peerage not limited to males (the earldom of edinburgh), mary, the heir of line, would at once succeed in her own right as countess of edinburgh on the death of her grandfather charles. if the family were an untitled scottish family entitled to supporters, these would descend to mary unless they had been specifically granted with some other limitation. at the death of thomas in edmond becomes heir male apparent, and at the death of his father in edmond becomes heir male of his house until his death. david having been created a peer (duke of london) with remainder to the heirs male of his body, edmond succeeded as duke of london at the death of charles in . grace and muriel are coheirs of edmond after his death. they are _not_ either coheirs or heirs-general of charles, in spite of the fact that their father was his heir male. at the death of charles in , when edmond succeeded as heir male, john succeeded as heir male presumptive to edmond. he was not heir-apparent, because a son might at any moment have been born to edmond. an heir-apparent and an heir-presumptive cannot exist at the same time, for whilst there is an heir-apparent there cannot be an heir-presumptive. john succeeded as heir male of his house, and therefore as duke of london, in , at the death of his elder brother edmond; but, though john was the "heir male" of his said elder brother, he was _not_ his "heir" (grace and muriel being the coheirs of edmond), nor was he the "heir male of the body" of edmond, not being descended from him. john, however, was "heir male of the body" of charles. george is heir-apparent of john until his death in , when george succeeds as "heir" of his father and heir male of his house, and consequently duke of london. at his death in dorothy becomes the "sole heir," or, more properly, the "sole heir-general," of her father george; but his kinsman robert becomes his "heir male," and therefore duke of london, in spite of the fact that there was a much nearer male relative, viz. a nephew, arthur, the son of his sister. robert also becomes the heir male of the body of owen and heir male of his house, and as such duke of london. he would also be generally described as the heir male of the body of david. at the death of dorothy in her coheirs were her aunt alice and her cousin arthur equally, and though these really were the coheirs { } of _dorothy_ (the claims of alice and annie being equal, and the rights of annie having devolved upon arthur), they would more usually be found described as the coheirs of george or of john. annie was never _herself_ really a coheir, because she died before her brother, but "in her issue" she became the coheir of dorothy, though she would, after , be usually described as "in her issue" a coheir of george, or possibly even of john, though this would be an inexact description. arthur was heir of his mother after , heir of his father after , and heir-apparent of his father before that date; after he is a coheir of dorothy, and after sole heir of dorothy and sole heir of alice. he would also be usually described as heir-general of george, and heir-general of john. let us suppose that john had married edith torkington, an english baroness (_suo jure_) by writ (baroness neville), who had died in . at that date the barony would have descended to her eldest son george until his death in , when dorothy, _suo jure_, would have succeeded. at her death in the barony would have fallen into abeyance between alice and arthur. at the death of alice in the abeyance would be at an end, and the barony in its entirety would have devolved upon arthur, who would have enjoyed it until at his death in the barony would have again fallen into abeyance between maria, jane, and hannah equally. it is not unlikely that her majesty might have "determined the abeyance," or "called the barony out of abeyance" (the meanings of the terms are identical) in favour of maria, who would consequently have enjoyed the barony in its entirety. at her death in it would again fall into abeyance between jane and hannah. at jane's death in hannah became sole heir, and the abeyance came to an end when hannah succeeded to the barony. at her death it would pass to her aunt lilian. hannah would usually be described as "coheir and subsequently sole heir of" arthur. if the baroness neville had been possessed of an ancient scottish peerage (the earldom of torkington) it would have passed undividedly and in full enjoyment to the heir of line, _i.e._ in to george, to dorothy, to alice, to arthur, to maria, to jane, to hannah, and to lilian, the last (shown on the pedigree) in remainder. lilian does not become an heiress until , when the whole issue of her brother becomes extinct. irene and isabel never become heirs at all. robert, as we have seen, became heir male of his house and duke of london in . at his death ( ) harriet becomes sole heir of robert, but at her death in his niece ada, the only child of his younger brother philip, who had predeceased him, would be usually referred to as heir of robert, whilst cecil is heir male of his house. { } when the term "of the body" is employed, _actual descent_ from that person is signified, _e.g._ arthur after is "collateral" heir-general of dorothy, but "heir-general of the body" of edith torkington. an "heir of entail," or, to use the scottish term, the "heir of tailzie," is merely the person succeeding to _property_ under a specific remainder contained in a deed of entail. this has no relation to heirship in blood, and the term, from an armorial point of view, might be entirely disregarded, were it not that some number of scottish coats of arms, and a greater number of scottish supporters, and some scottish peerages and baronetcies, are specifically granted and limited to the heirs of entail. there are a few similar english grants following upon royal licences for change of name and arms. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the term "heir in expectancy" is sometimes heard, but it is not really a proper term, and has no exact or legal meaning. when george was alive his daughter dorothy was his heir-presumptive, but supposing that dorothy were a catholic nun and alice a lunatic, in each of which cases there would be very little likelihood of any marriage ever taking place, arthur would very generally be described as "heir in expectancy," for though he was neither heir-apparent nor heir-presumptive, all probability pointed to the eventual succession of himself or his issue. anybody is said to be "in remainder" to entailed property or a peerage if he is included within the recited limits of the entail or peerage. the "heir in remainder" is the person next entitled to succeed after the death of the existing holder. thus (excluding heirs in expectancy and women who are { } heirs-presumptive) a marriage with any woman who is an heir or coheir results in her arms being placed upon an escutcheon of pretence over the arms of the husband. in the cases of all other women the arms are "impaled" only. to "impale two coats" the shield is divided by a straight line down the centre, the whole design of the arms of the husband being placed on the dexter side of the escutcheon, and the whole design of the wife's arms being placed on the sinister side (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] it may perhaps be as well to here exemplify the different methods of the conjunction of the arms of man and wife, arranging the same two coats in the different methods in which they might be marshalled before reverting to ancient practices. [illustration: fig. .] an ordinary commoner impales his wife's arms as in fig. . if she be an heiress, he places them on an escutcheon of pretence as in fig. . if the husband, not being a knight, is, however, a companion of an order of knighthood, this does not (except in the case of the commanders of the victorian order) give him the right to use the circle of his order round his arms, and his badge is simply hung below the escutcheon, the arms of the wife being impaled or placed on an escutcheon of pretence thereupon as the case may necessitate. the wife of a knight bachelor shares the state and rank with her husband, and the only difference is in the helmet (fig. ). but if the husband be a knight of any order, the ensigns of that order are personal to himself, and cannot be shared with his wife, and consequently two shields are employed. on the dexter shield are the arms of the husband with the circle of his order of knighthood, and on the sinister shield are the arms of the husband impaling the arms of the wife. some meaningless decoration, usually a wreath of oak-leaves, is placed round the sinister shield to "balance," from the artistic point, the { } ribbon, or the ribbon and collar, as the case may be, of the order of knighthood of the husband (fig. ). a seeming exception to this rule in the case of the recent warrant to queen alexandra, whose arms, impaled by those of his majesty, are depicted impaled within the garter, is perhaps explained by the fact that her majesty is herself a member of that order. a knight grand cross, of course, adds his collar to the dexter shield, and if he has supporters, these are placed outside the _two_ shields. a peer impales the arms of his wife as in the case of a commoner, the arms of the wife being, of course, under the protection of the supporters, coronet, and helmet of the peer (fig. ). if, in addition to being a peer, he is also a knight of an order, he follows the rules which prescribe the use of two shields as already described. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] supposing the wife to be a peeress in her own right, she cannot nowadays confer any rank whatever upon her husband; consequently, if she marry a commoner, the husband places her arms upon an escutcheon of pretence surmounted by a coronet of her rank, but the supporters belonging to her peerage cannot be added to his shield. the arms of the wife are consequently repeated alone, but in this case upon a lozenge on the sinister side of the husband's shield. above this lozenge is placed the coronet of her rank, and the supporters belonging to her peerage are placed on either side of the lozenge (fig. ). but the arms of a peeress in her own right are frequently represented on a lozenge without any reference to the arms of her husband. in the case of a peeress in her own right marrying a peer, the arms of the peeress are placed upon an escutcheon of pretence in the centre of { } her husband's shield, the only difference being that this escutcheon of pretence is surmounted by the coronet belonging to the peerage of the wife; and on the sinister side the arms of the wife are repeated upon a lozenge with the supporters and coronet belonging to her own peerage. it is purely an artistic detail, but it is a happy conceit in such an instance to join together the compartments upon which the two pairs of supporters stand to emphasise the fact that the whole is in reality but one achievement (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] now, it is not uncommon to see an achievement displayed in this manner, for there have been several instances in recent years of peeresses in their own right who have married peers. every woman who _inherits_ a peerage must of necessity be an heir or coheir, and, as will have been seen, the laws of armory provide for this circumstance; but supposing that the peeress were a peeress by creation and were not an heiress, how would her arms be displayed? apparently it would not be permissible to place them on an escutcheon of pretence, and consequently there is no way upon the husband's shield of showing that his wife is a peeress in her own right. such an instance did arise in the case of the late baroness stratheden, who was created a peeress whilst not being an heiress. her husband was subsequently created baron campbell. now, how were the arms of lord campbell and lady stratheden and campbell displayed? i think i am correct in saying that not a single textbook on armory recites the method which should be employed, and i candidly confess that i myself am quite ignorant upon the point. [illustration: fig. .] all the foregoing are simply instances of how to display the arms of man and wife, or, to speak more correctly, they are instances of the methods _in which a man should bear arms for himself and his wife when he is married_; for the helmet and mantling clearly indicate that it is the man's coat of arms, and not the woman's. in olden days, when the husband possessed everything, this might have been enough for all the circumstances which were likely to occur. a lady whilst unmarried bears arms on a lozenge (fig. ), and upon becoming a widow, bears again upon a lozenge the arms of her husband impaled with the arms borne by her father (fig. ), or with the latter upon an escutcheon of pretence if the widow be herself an { } heiress (fig. ). the widow of a knight has no way whatever of indicating that her husband was of higher rank than an ordinary untitled gentleman. the widow of a baronet, however, places the inescutcheon with the hand of ulster upon her husband's arms (fig. ). i have often heard this disputed, but a reference to the grant books at the college of arms (_vide_ a grant of arms some years ago to lady pearce) will provide the necessary precedent. if, however, the baronetcy is of nova scotia, this means of indicating the rank cannot be employed. the widow of a peer (not being a peeress in her own right) uses a lozenge of her husband's and her own arms, with his supporters and his coronet (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] if a peeress, after marriage with a commoner, becomes a widow she bears on the dexter side a lozenge of her late husband's arms and superimposed thereupon her own on an escutcheon of pretence surmounted by a coronet. (the coronet, it should be noted, is over the escutcheon of pretence and not above the lozenge.) on the sinister side she bears a lozenge of her own arms alone with her supporters and with her coronet above the lozenge. the arms of the present baroness kinloss would show an example of such an arrangement of two lozenges, but as lady kinloss does not possess supporters these additions could not be introduced. [illustration: fig. .] the laws of arms provide no way in which a married woman (other than a peeress in her own right) can display arms in her own right during the lifetime of her husband, unless this is to be presumed from the method of depicting the arms of a wife upon a hatchment. in such a case, a _shield_ is used, usually suspended from a ribbon, identical with the shield of the husband, but omitting the helmet, crest, mantling, and motto. impalement is used occasionally in other circumstances than marriage, _i.e._ to effect conjunction of official and personal arms. with rare exceptions, the official arms which exist are those of archiepiscopal and episcopal sees, of the kings of arms, and of the { } regius professors at cambridge. here certainly, in the ecclesiastical cases, the theory of marriage remains, the official arms being placed on the dexter side and the personal arms on the sinister, inasmuch as the laws of armory for ecclesiastics were made at a time when the clergy were celibate. the personal helmet and crest are placed above the impaled coat, except in the cases of bishops and archbishops, who, of course, use a mitre in place thereof. it is not correct to impale the arms of a wife upon the same shield which carries the impalement of an official coat of arms, because the wife does not share the office. in such a case it is necessary to make use of two shields placed side by side, as is done in conjoining the arms of a knight of any order with those of his wife. in impaling the arms of a wife, it is not correct to impale more than her pronominal coat. this is a definite rule in england, somewhat modified in scotland, as will be presently explained. though it has never been considered good form to impale a quartered shield, it is only recently that the real fact that such a proceeding is definitely incorrect has come to light. it appears from the state papers, domestic series, eliz. xxvi. , :-- "at a chapitre holden by the office of armes at the embroyderers' hall in london, anno ^o reginæ elizabethæ it was agreed that no inhiritrix eyther mayde wife or widow should bear or cause to be borne any creast or cognizance of her ancestors otherwise than as followeth. if she be unmarried to bear in her ringe, cognizaunce or otherwise, the first coate of her ancestors in a lozenge. and during her widowhood to set the first coate of her husbande in pale with the first coate of her auncestors. and if she mary on who is noe gentleman, then she to be clearly exempted from the former conclusion." whilst this rule holds in england, it must, to a certain extent, be modified in relation to the arms of a scottish wife. whilst the inalienable right _to quarter arms derived_ from an heiress cannot be said to be non-existent in scotland, it should be noted that the custom of indiscriminately quartering is much less frequent than in england, and comparatively seldom adopted, unless estates, or chief representation in an important or appreciable degree, follow the technical heraldic representation. in england the claim is always preferred to quarter the arms of an ancestress who had no brothers whether she transmitted estates or not. of course, technically and theoretically the claim is perfectly correct, and cannot, and should not, be denied. but in practice in england it has in some cases reached a rather absurd extent, when a man on marrying an only daughter of the youngest son of the youngest branch of a family consequently acquires the right to display with his own ensigns the full arms and quarterings of { } the head of a house from which he has inherited no lands, and which is still thriving in the senior male line. in scottish practice such an event would be ignored, and in that country it is not usual to add quarterings to a shield, _nor are these officially recognised_ without a rematriculation of the arms. in england it is merely a question of recording the pedigree and proving heirship, and many quarterings are proved and recorded that there is not the slightest intention to use regularly. rematriculation has a more permanent character than mere registration, inasmuch as the coat with its quarterings upon matriculation as far as usage is concerned becomes indivisible, and, consequently, for a scottish wife the impalement should be of the indivisible arms and quarterings matriculated to her father in lyon register, with his bordure and other "difference" marks. all the old armorists provide ways of impaling the arms of several wives, and consequently the idea has grown up that it is permissible and correct to bear and use the arms of two wives at the same time. this is a mistake, because, strictly and technically speaking, the right to impale the arms of a wife ceases at her death. impalement means marriage, and when the marriage is dissolved the impalement becomes meaningless, and should be discontinued. a man cannot be married to two people at one time, nor can he as a consequence impale two coats of arms at the same time. the matter is more clearly apparent if the question of an escutcheon of pretence be considered in place of an impalement. the escutcheon of pretence means that the husband _pretends_ to represent the family of his wife. this _jure uxoris_ he undoubtedly does whilst she is alive, but the moment she dies the _actual_ representation of her family passes to her son and heir, and it is ridiculous for her husband to _pretend_ to represent when there is an undoubted representative in existence, and when the representation, such as it was when vested in himself, has come to an end, and passed elsewhere. if his heiress-wife had been a peeress, he would have borne her escutcheon of pretence surmounted by her coronet; but it is ridiculous for him to continue to do so when the right to the coronet and to the peerage has passed to his wife's heir. the same argument holds good with regard to impalement. that, of course, raises the point that in every authority (particularly in those of an earlier period) will be found details of the methods to be adopted for impaling the arms of several wives. people have quite failed to appreciate the object of these rules. armory from its earliest introduction has had great memorial use, and when a monument or hatchment is put up to a man it has been usual, prior to these utilitarian days of funeral reform, to memorialise _all_ the wives he has been possessed of. in the same way, in a pedigree it is necessary to { } enumerate the names and arms of all the wives of a man. consequently for tombs and pedigrees--when all being dead, there is no reason to indicate any particular woman as the present _wife_--plans have been devised for the combination of several coats into one memorial achievement, plans necessitated by the circumstances of the cases, and plans to which no objection can be taken. tombs, pedigrees, and other memorials are the usual form in which the records of arms have chiefly come down to us, and from the frequency in which cases of achievements with double impalements have been preserved, a mistaken idea has arisen that it is correct to bear, and actually use and carry, two impalements at one and the same time. outside memorial instances, i have utterly failed to find any instance in former days of a man himself using in his own lifetime two impalements, and i believe and state it to be absolutely incorrect for a man to use, say on a carriage, a bookplate, or a seal, the arms of a deceased wife. you may _have been_ married to a presently deceased woman, therefore impale her arms in a record or memorial; but no one _is_ married to a deceased woman, therefore it is wrong to advertise that you are married to her by impaling her arms; and as you cannot be married to two people at the same time, it is illogical and wrong to _use_ or carry two impalements. i know of no instance of a grant to a man of arms to bear in right of a deceased wife. it is for these occasions of memorial and record that methods have been devised to show a man's marriage with several wives. they certainly were not devised for the purpose of enabling him to bear and use for contemporary purposes the arms of a series of dead women, the representation of whom is no longer vested in himself. whilst admitting that for the purposes of record or memorial rules _do_ exist, it should at the same time be pointed out that even for such occasions it is much more usual to see two shields displayed, each carrying its separate impalement, than to find two impalements on one shield. the use of a separate shield for each marriage is the method that i would strongly advocate, but as a knowledge of past observances must be had fully, if one is to read aright the records of the tombs, i recite what the rules are:-- ( ) _to impale the arms of two wives._--either the husband's arms are placed in the centre, with the first wife on the dexter and the second wife on the sinister, or else the husband's arms are placed on the dexter side, and the sinister side is divided in fess, the arms of the first wife being placed in chief and those of the second in base. the former method is the one more generally employed of the two. ( ) _three wives._--husband's arms in centre, first wife's on dexter side, second wife's on sinister side in chief, and third wife in base. { } ( ) _four wives._--husband's in centre, first and second wives' in chief and base respectively on the dexter side, and third and fourth similarly on the sinister. if one of two wives be an heiress her arms might be found in pretence and the other coat or coats impaled, but it is impossible in such a case to place a number to the wife, and it is impossible to display an escutcheon of pretence for more than one wife, as if the escutcheon of pretence is removed from the exact centre it at once ceases to be an escutcheon of pretence. consequently, if more than one wife be an heiress, separate escutcheons should be used for each marriage. plans have been drawn up and apparently accepted providing for wives up to nearly twenty in number, but no useful purpose will be served by repeating them. a man with more than four wives is unusual in this country. divorce nullifies marriage, and both husband and wife must at once revert to bachelor and maiden achievements respectively. it is difficult to deduce any certain conclusions as to the ancient rules connected with impalement, for a simple reason which becomes very noticeable on an examination of ancient _seals_ and other armorial records. in early times there can be no doubt whatever that men did not impale, or bother about the arms of wives who were not great heiresses. a man bore his own arms, and he left his father-in-law, or his brother-in-law, to bear those of the family with which he had matched. of course, we find many cases in which the arms of a wife figure upon the husband's shield, but a careful examination of them shows that in practically every case the reason is to be found in the fact that the wife was an heiress. husbands were called to parliament in virtue of the peerages vested in their wives, and we cannot but come to the conclusion that whenever one finds use in early times of the arms of a wife, it is due to the fact that the husband was bearing them not because of his mere marriage, but because he was enjoying the estates, or peerage, of his wife. for that reason we find in many cases the arms of the wife borne in preference to the paternal arms of descent, or meet with them quartered with the arms of the husband, and frequently being given precedence over his own; and on the analogy of the coats of arms of wives at present borne with the wife's surname by the husband under royal licence, there can be little doubt that at a period when royal licences had not come into regular vogue the same idea was dominant, and the appearance of a wife's coat of arms meant the assumption of those arms by the husband as his own, with or without the surname of the wife. the connection between name and arms was not then so stereotyped as it is at present; rather was it a connection between arms and { } land, and perhaps more pointedly of arms and a peerage title where this existed, for there are many points and many facts which conclusively show that at an early period a coat of arms was often considered to have a territorial limitation; or perhaps it should be said that, whilst admittedly personal, arms have territorial attributes or connection. this is borne out by the pleadings and details remaining to us concerning the grey and hastings controversy, and if this territorial character of a coat of arms is admitted, together with another characteristic no less important--and certainly equally accepted--that a coat of arms could belong to but one person at the same time, it must be recognised that the appearance of a wife's arms on a husband's shield is not an instance of a sign of mere marriage or anything analogous thereto. but when we turn to the arms of women, the condition of affairs is wholly reversed. a woman, who of course retained her identity, drew her position from her marriage and from her husband's position, and from the very earliest period we find that whilst a man simply bore his own arms, the wife upon her seal displayed both the arms of her own family and the arms of her husband's. until a much later period it cannot be said to have been ordinarily customary for the husband to bear the arms of his wife unless she were an heiress, but from almost the beginning of armory the wife conjoined the arms of her husband and herself. but the instances which have come down to us from an early period of dimidiated or impaled coats are chiefly instances of the display of arms by a widow. the methods of conjunction which can be classed as above, however, at first seem to have been rather varied. originally separate shields were employed for the different coats of arms, then dimidiated examples occur; at a later period we find the arms impaled upon one shield, and at a subsequent date the escutcheon of pretence comes into use as a means of indicating that the wife was an heiress. the origin of this escutcheon is easy to understand. taking arms to have a territorial limitation--a point which still finds a certain amount of acceptance in scottish heraldry--there was no doubt that a man, in succeeding to a lordship in right of his wife, would wish to bear the arms associated therewith. he placed them, therefore, upon his own, and arms exclusively of a territorial character have certainly very frequently been placed "in pretence." his own arms he would look upon as arms of descent; they consequently occupied the field of his shield. the lordship of his wife he did not enjoy through descent, and consequently he would naturally incline to place it "in pretence," and from the constant occasions in which such a proceeding would seem to be the natural course of events (all of which occasions { } would be associated with an heiress-wife), one would be led to the conclusion that such a form of display indicated an heiress-wife; and consequently the rule deduced, as are all heraldic rules, from past precedents became established. in the next generation, the son and heir would have descent from his mother equally with his father, and the arms of her family would be equally arms of descent to him, and no longer the mere territorial emblem of a lordship. consequently they became on the same footing as the arms of his father. the son would naturally, therefore, quarter the arms. the escutcheon of pretence being removed, and therefore having enjoyed but a temporary existence, the association thereof with the heiress-wife becomes emphasised in a much greater degree. this is now accepted as a definite rule of armory, but in reciting it as a rule it should be pointed out, first, that no man may place the arms of his wife upon an escutcheon of pretence during the lifetime of her father, because whilst her father is alive there is always the opportunity of a re-marriage, and of the consequent birth of a son and heir. no man is compelled to bear arms on an escutcheon of pretence, it being quite correct to impale them merely to indicate the marriage--if he so desires. there are many cases of arms which would appear meaningless and undecipherable when surmounted by an escutcheon of pretence. "sometimes, also (says guillim), he who marries an heretrix may carry her arms in an inescutcheon upon his own, because the husband pretends that his heirs shall one day inherit an estate by her; it is therefore called an escutcheon of pretence; but this way of bearing is not known abroad upon that occasion." a man on marrying an heiress-wife has no great space at his disposal for the display of her arms, and though it is now considered perfectly correct to place any number of quarterings upon an escutcheon of pretence, the opportunity does not in fact exist for more than the display of a limited number. in practice, three or four are as many as will usually be found, but theoretically it is correct to place the whole of the quarterings to which the wife is entitled upon the escutcheon of pretence. two early english instances may be pointed out in the fifteenth century, in which a husband placed his wife's arms _en surtout_. these are taken from the garter plates of sir john neville, lord montagu, afterwards marquess of montagu (elected k.g. _circa_ ), and of richard beauchamp, fifth earl of warwick and albemarle (elected k.g. _circa_ ); but it was not until about the beginning of the seventeenth century that the regular practice arose by which the husband of an heiress places his wife's arms in an escutcheon _en surtout_ { } upon his personal arms, whether his coat be a quartered one or not. another early instance is to be found in fig. , which is interesting as showing the arms of both wives of the first earl of shrewsbury. his first was _suo jure_ baroness furnivall. her arms are, however, impaled. his second wife was the daughter (but not the heir) of richard beauchamp, earl of warwick, but she was coheir of her mother, the baroness lisle. [illustration] fig. .--arms of john talbot, earl of shrewsbury, k.g.: quarterly, and , gules, a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed or (talbot); and , argent, two lions passant in pale gules (strange); impaling the arms of his first wife whose peerage he enjoyed, viz.: quarterly, and , argent, a bend between six martlets gules (furnival); and , or, a fret gules (verdon); and upon an escutcheon of pretence the arms of the mother of his second wife (to whom she was coheir, conveying her mother's peerage to her son), viz.: and , gules, a lion passant guardant argent, crowned or (lisle); and , argent, a chevron gules (tyes). (from ms. reg. , e. vi.) it should be borne in mind that even in great britain an inescutcheon _en surtout_ does not always mean an heiress-wife. the earl of mar and kellie bears an inescutcheon surmounted by an earl's coronet for his earldom of kellie, and other instances are to be found in the arms of cumming-gordon (see plate iii.), whilst sir hector maclean hay, bart., thus bears his pronominal arms over his quarterings in continental fashion. inescutcheons of augmentation occur in the arms of the dukes of marlborough and wellington, lord newton, and on the shields of newman, wolfe, and others. under the commonwealth the great seals of oliver cromwell and his son richard, as protectors, bore a shield of arms: "quarterly, and , argent, a cross gules (for england); . azure, a saltire argent (for scotland); . azure, a harp or, stringed argent (for ireland);" and upon these quarterings _en surtout_ an escutcheon of the personal arms of cromwell: "sable, a lion rampant argent." in the heraldry of the continent of europe it has long been the custom for an elected sovereign to place his hereditary arms in an escutcheon _en surtout_ above those of his dominions. as having obtained the crown by popular election, the kings of the hellenes also place _en surtout_ upon the arms of the greek kingdom ("azure, a greek cross couped argent") an escutcheon of their personal arms. another instance is to be found in the arms of the dukes of saxe-coburg and gotha. whilst all the descendants of the late prince consort (other than his majesty king edward vii.) bear in england the royal arms of this country, differenced by their respective labels with an escutcheon of saxony _en surtout_ as dukes and duchesses of saxony, the late duke of saxe-coburg and gotha bore { } the arms of saxony, placing the differenced royal shield of this country _en surtout_. we now come to the subject of quartering. considering the fact that every single text-book on armory gives the ordinary rules for the marshalling of quarterings, it is strange how many mistakes are made, and how extremely funny are the ideas of some people upon the subject of quartering. as has already been stated, the rules of quartering are governed by the simple, but essential and important fact, that every quartering exhibited means the representation in blood of some particular person. quarterings, other than those of augmentation, can only be inherited from or through those female ancestors who are in themselves heirs or coheirs in blood, or whose issue subsequently become in a later generation the representatives of any ancestor in the male line of that said female ancestor. briefly speaking, a woman is an heiress, first, if she is only child; second, if all her brothers die without issue in her own lifetime; and third, if the entire issue, male and female, of her brothers, becomes extinct in her own lifetime. a woman becomes an "heiress in her issue," as it is termed, if she die before her brothers, if and when all the descendants of her brothers become absolutely extinct. if the wife be either an heir or coheir, she transmits after her death to _all_ her children the arms and quarterings--_as quarterings to add to their paternal arms, and as such only_--which she was entitled to place upon her own lozenge. the origin and theory of quartering is as follows: if the daughter be an heiress or coheiress she represents either wholly or in part her father and his branch of the family, even if "his branch" only commenced with himself. now in the days when the science of armory was slowly evolving itself there was no married women's property act, and the husband _ipso facto_ became to all intents and purposes possessed of and enjoyed the rights of his wife. but it was at the same time only a possession and enjoyment by courtesy, and not an actual possession in fee, for the reversion remained with the wife's heirs, and did not pass to the heirs of the husband; for in cases where the husband or wife had been previously married, or where there was no issue of their marriage, their heirs would not be identical. of course during the lifetime of his wife he could not actually _represent_ his wife's family, and consequently could not quarter the arms, but in right of his wife he "pretended" to the representation of her house, and consequently the inescutcheon of her arms is termed an "escutcheon of pretence." after the death of a wife her children immediately and actually become the representatives of their mother, and are as such _entitled_ of right to quarter the arms of their mother's family. { } the earliest example which has been discovered at the present time of the use of a quartered coat of arms is afforded by the seal of joanna of ponthieu, second wife of ferdinand iii., king of castile and leon, in . this seal bears on its reverse in a vesica the triple-towered castles of castile, and the rampant lion of leon, repeated as in the modern quarterings of spain. there is, however, no separation of the quarters by a line of partition. this peculiarity will be also noticed as existing in the quartered coats of hainault a quarter of a century later. the quartered coat of castile and leon remains upon the monument in westminster abbey erected in memory of eleanor of castile, who died in , the first wife of edward i. providing the wife be an heiress--and for the remainder of this chapter, which deals only with quarterings, this will be assumed--the son of a marriage _after the death_ of his mother quarters her arms with those of his father, that is, he divides his shield into four quarters, and places the arms of his father in the first and fourth quarters, and the arms of his mother in the second and third. that is the root, basis, and original rule of all the rules of quartering, but it may be here remarked, that no man is entitled to quarter the arms of his mother whilst she is alive, inasmuch as she is alive to represent herself and her family, and her issue cannot assume the representation whilst she is alive. [illustration] fig. .--arms of thomas stanley, earl of derby (d. ); quarterly, . quarterly, i. and iiii., argent, on a bend azure, three bucks' heads caboshed or (stanley); ii. and iii., or, on a chief indented azure, three bezants (lathom); and , gules, three legs in armour conjoined at the thigh and flexed at the knee proper, garnished and spurred or (for the lordship of man); . quarterly, i. and iiii., gules, two lions passant in pale argent (for strange); ii. and iii., argent, a fess and a canton gules (for wydeville). the arms on the escutcheon of pretence are not those of his wife (anne hastings), who was not an heiress, and they seem difficult to account for unless they are a coat for rivers or some other territorial lordship inherited from the wydeville family. the full identification of the quarterings borne by anthony, lord rivers, would probably help in determining the point. but it should not be imagined that the definite rules which exist at the moment had any such unalterable character in early times. husbands are found to have quartered the arms of their wives if they were heiresses, and if important lordships devolved through the marriage. territorial arms of dominion were quartered with personal arms (fig. ), quarterings of augmentation were granted, and the present system is the endeavour to reconcile all the varying circumstances and precedents which exist. one point, however, stands out clearly from all ancient examples, viz. that quartering meant quartering, and a shield was supposed to have but four quarters upon it. consequently we find that instead of the elaborate schemes now in vogue showing { } , , , or quarterings, the shield had but four; and this being admitted and recognised, it became essential that the four most important should be shown, and consequently we find that quarterings were selected in a manner which would seem to us haphazard. paternal quarterings were dropped and the result has been that many coats of arms are now known as the arms of a family with quite a different surname from that of the family with which they originated. the matter was of little consequence in the days when the "upper-class" and arms-bearing families were few in number. every one knew how stafford derived his royal descent, and that it was not male upon male, so no confusion resulted from the earls of buckingham giving the royal coat precedence before their paternal quartering of stafford (see fig. ), or from their using only the woodstock version of the royal arms; but as time went on the upper classes became more numerous, arms-bearing ancestors by the succession of generations increased in number, and while in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it would be a physical impossibility for any man to have represented one hundred different heiresses of arms-bearing families, in later days such became the case. the result has been the necessity to formulate those strict and rigid rules which for modern purposes must be conformed to, and it is futile and childish to deduce a set of rules from ancient and possibly isolated examples originating in and suitable for the simpler genealogical circumstances of an earlier day, and assert that it is equally permissible to adopt them at the moment, or to marshal a modern shield accordingly. [illustration] fig. .--arms of edward stafford, duke of buckingham (d. ): quarterly, and , quarterly, i. and iiii., france; ii. and iii., england, within the bordure argent of thomas of woodstock; and , or, a chevron gules (for stafford). (from ms. add. , .) the first attempt to break away from the four quarters of a shield was the initiation of the system of grand quarters (see figs. and ). by this means the relative importance could roughly be shown. supposing a man had inherited a shield of four quarters and then married a wife in whom was vested a peerage, he naturally wished to display the arms connected with that peerage, for these were of greater importance than his own four quarterings. the problem was how to introduce the fifth. in some cases we find it borne in pretence, but in other cases, particularly in a later generation, we find that important quarter given the whole of a quarter of the shield to itself, the other four being conjoined together and displayed so as to occupy a similar space. these, therefore, became sub-quarters. the system also had advantages, because it permitted coats which by constant quartering had become { } indivisible to be perpetuated in this form. so definite was this rule, that in only one of the series of garter plates anterior to the tudor period is any shield found containing more than four quarters, though many of these are grand quarters containing other coats borne sub-quarterly. the one instance which i refer to as an exception is the shield of the duke d'urbino, and it is quite possible that this should not be quoted as an instance in point. he appears to have borne in the ordinary way four quarters, but he subsequently added thereto two quarterings which may or may not have been one and the same coat of arms by way of augmentation. these he placed in pale in the centre of the others, thus making the shield apparently one of six quarters. [illustration] fig. .--arms of george nevill, baron abergavenny (d. ): quarterly, . gules, on a saltire argent, a rose of the field (nevill); . chequy or and azure (warenne); . or, three chevrons gules (clare); . quarterly argent and gules, in the second and third quarters a fret or, over all a bend sable (le despencer); . gules, on a fess between six cross crosslets or, a crescent sable (for beauchamp). (add. ms. , .) but one is safe in the assertion that during the plantagenet period no more than four quarters were ordinarily placed upon a shield. then we come to the brief period of "squeezed in" quarterings (figs. and ). in the early visitations we get instances of six, eight, and even a larger number, and the start once being made, and the number of four relinquished, there was of course no reason why it should not be extended indefinitely. this appears to have rapidly become the case, and we find that schemes of quarterings are now proved and recorded officially in england and ireland some of which exceed in number. the record number of officially proved and recorded quarterings is at present held by the family of lloyd, of stockton in chirbury, co. salop, but many of the quarterings of this family are mere repetition owing to constant intermarriages, and to the fact that a single welsh line of male descent often results in a number of different shields. welsh arms did not originally have the hereditary unchangeability we are accustomed to in english heraldry, and moreover a large proportion are later inventions borne to denote descent and are not arms actually used by those they stand for, so that the recorded scheme { } of the quarterings of mr. money-kyrle, or of the sister countesses of yarborough and powis, respectively baroness fauconberg and conyers and baroness darcy de knayth are decidedly more enviable. nobody of course attempts to bear such a number. in scotland, however, even to the present day, the system of four quarterings is still adhered to. the result is that in scotland the system of grand quarterings is still pursued, whilst in england it is almost unknown, except in cases where coats of arms have for some reason or another become indivisible. this is a very patent difficulty when it becomes necessary to marshal indivisible scottish coats with english ones, and the system of cadency adopted in scotland, which has its chief characteristic in the employment of bordures, makes the matter sometimes very far from simple. the system adopted at the present time in the case of a royal licence, for example, to bear a scottish name and arms where the latter is a coat of many quarterings within a bordure, is to treat such coat as made indivisible by and according to the most recent matriculation. that coat is then treated as a grand quartering of an equivalent value to the pronominal coat in england. [illustration] fig. .--arms of henry algernon percy, earl of northumberland (d. ): quarterly, . quarterly, i. and iiii., or, a lion rampant azure (percy); ii. and iii., gules, three lucies haurient argent (lucy); . azure, five fusils conjoined in fess or (for percy); . barry of six or and vert, a bendlet gules (poynings); . gules, three lions passant in pale argent, a bendlet azure (fitzpayne), or three piles azure (brian). but reverting to the earlier chart, by the aid of which heirship was demonstrated, the following were entitled to transmit the cilfowyr arms as quarterings. mary, ellen, blanche, grace, muriel, and dorothy all had the right to transmit. by the death of dorothy _v.p._ alice and annie both became entitled. maria jane and hannah would have been entitled to transmit sherwin and cilfowyr, but not cilfowyr alone, if there had been no arms for sherwin, though they could have transmitted sherwin alone if there had been arms for sherwin and none for cilfowyr. harriet would have transmitted the arms of cilfowyr if she had survived, and ada would, each subject to differences as has been previously explained. as has been already explained, every woman is entitled to bear upon a lozenge in her own lifetime the arms, quarterings, and difference marks which belonged to her father. if her mother were an heiress she adds her mother's arms to her father's, and her mother's quarterings also, marshalling the whole into a correct sequence, and placing the said sequence of quarterings upon a lozenge. such are the armorial bearings of a daughter. if the said daughter be not an heraldic heiress in blood she _cannot_ transmit either arms or quarterings to her descendants. needless to say, no woman, heiress or non-heiress, can now transmit a crest, and no woman can bear either crest, helmet, mantling, or motto. a daughter not being an heiress simply confers the right upon her husband to _impale_ upon his shield such arms and difference marks as her father bore in his own right. if an heiress possessing arms marry a man with illegal arms, or a man making no pretensions to arms, her children have no arms at all, and really inherit { } nothing; and the rights, such as they are, to the arms of the mother as a quartering remain, and must remain, _dormant_ unless and until arms are established for their father's line, inasmuch as they can only inherit armorially from their mother _through_ their father. in england it is always optional for a man to have arms assigned to him to fill in any blanks which would otherwise mar his scheme of quarterings. let us now see how various coats of arms are marshalled as quarterings into one achievement. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the original theory of quartering upon which all rules are based is that after a marriage with an heiress, necessitating for the children the combination of the two coats, the shield is divided into four quarters. these four are numbered from the top left-hand (the dexter) corner (no. ) across towards the sinister (no. ) side of the shield; then the next row is numbered in the same way (nos. and ). this rule as to the method of numbering holds good for any number of quarterings. in allocating the position of the different coats to their places in the scheme of quarterings, the pronominal coat must _always_ be in the first quartering. in a simple case (the exceptions will presently be referred to) that places the arms of the father in the first and fourth quarters, and the arms of the mother in the second and third; such, of course, being on the assumption that the father possessed only a simple coat without quarterings, and that the mother was in the same position. the children therefore possess a coat of four quarters (fig. ). suppose a son of theirs in his turn marries another heiress, also possessing only a simple coat without quarterings, he bears arms as fig. , and the grandchildren descending from the aforesaid marriage put that last-mentioned coat in the third quarter, and the coat, though still of only four quarters, is: and , the pronominal coat; , the first heiress; , the second (fig. ). if another single quartering is brought in, in a later generation, that takes the place of no. . so far it is all plain sailing, but very { } few text-books carry one beyond this point. another single quartering inherited gives five quarterings to be displayed on one shield. the usual plan is to repeat the first quartering, and gives you six, which are then arranged in two rows of three. if the shield be an impaled shield one sometimes sees them arranged in three rows of two, but this is unusual though not incorrect. but five quarterings are sometimes arranged in two rows, three in the upper and two in the lower, and with a shield of the long pointed variety this plan may be adopted with advantage. subsequent quarterings, as they are introduced by subsequent marriages, take their places, nos. , , , , , and so on _ad infinitum_. in arranging them on one shield, the order in which they devolve (according to the _pedigree_ and _not_ necessarily according to the _date_ order in which they are inherited) must be rigidly adhered to; but a person is perfectly at liberty ( ) to repeat the _first_ quartering at the end to make an even number or not at his pleasure, but no more than the first quartering must be repeated in such cases; ( ) to arrange the quarters in any number of rows he may find most convenient according to the shape of the space the quarterings will occupy. upon the continent it is usual to specify the number and position of the lines by which the shield is divided. thus, while an english herald would say simply, _quarterly of six_, and leave it to the painter's or engraver's taste to arrange the quarterings in three rows of two, or in two rows of three, a french or german herald would ordinarily specify the arrangement to be used in distinct terms. if a man possessing only a simple coat of arms without quarterings marry an heiress with a number of quarterings (_e.g._ say twenty), he himself places the arms and quarterings of his wife in pretence. their children eventually, as a consequence, inherit twenty-one quarterings. the first is the coat of their father, the second is the first coat of the mother, and the remaining nineteen follow in a regular sequence, according to their position upon their mother's achievement. to sum the rule up, it is necessary first to take _all_ the quarterings inherited from the father and arrange them in a proper sequence, and then follow on _in the same sequence_ with the arms and quarterings inherited from the mother. the foregoing explanations should show how generation by generation quarterings are added to a paternal shield, but i have found that many of those who possess a knowledge of the laws to this extent are yet at a loss, given a pedigree, to marshal the resulting quarterings in their right order. given your pedigree--the first quartering _must_ be _the pronominal coat_ (i am here presuming no change of name or arms has occurred), which is the coat of the strict male line of descent. then follow this male line back as far as it is known. the second quartering is the { } coat of the _first_ heiress who married your earliest ancestor in the male line who is known to have married an heiress. then after her coat will follow all the quarterings which she was entitled to and which she has "brought in" to your family. having exhausted these, you then follow your male line _down_ to the next heiress, adding her arms as a quartering to those already arranged, and following it by her quarterings. the same plan must be pursued until you arrive at your own name upon the pedigree. unless some exceptional circumstance has arisen (and such exceptions will presently be found detailed at length), all the quarterings are of equal heraldic value, and must be the same size when displayed. if after having worked out your quarterings you find that you have more than you care to use, you are quite at liberty to make a selection, omitting any number, _but_ it is entirely _wrong_ to display quarterings without those quarterings which brought them into the paternal line. supposing your name to be brown, you _must_ put the brown arms in the first quarter, but at your pleasure you can quarter the arms of each single heiress who married an ancestor of yours in the male line (_i.e._ who herself became mrs. brown), or you can omit the whole or a part. but supposing one of these, mrs. brown (_née_ smith), was entitled to quarter the arms of jones, which arms of jones had brought in the arms of robinson, you are not at liberty to quarter the arms of jones without quartering smith, and if you wish to display the arms of robinson you _must_ also quarter the arms of jones to bring in robinson and the arms of smith to bring in robinson and jones to your own brown achievement. you can use brown only: or quarterly, and , brown; and , smith: or and , brown; . smith; . jones: or quarterly, . brown; . smith; . jones; . robinson; but you are _not_ entitled to quarter: and , brown; . jones; . robinson, because smith, which brought in jones and robinson, has been omitted, and there was never a match between brown and jones. quarterings signifying nothing beyond mere representation are not compulsory, and their use or disuse is quite optional. so much for the general rules of quartering. let us now consider certain cases which require rules to themselves. it is possible for a daughter to be the sole heir or coheir of her mother whilst not being the heir of her father, as in the following imaginary pedigree:-- _ st wife_ (an heiress). _ nd wife._ mary conyers=john darcy=margaret fauconberg. | | ------------- -------------- | | | joan (only daughter), thomas. henry. heir of her mother but not of her father. { } in this case joan is not the heir of her father, inasmuch as he has sons thomas and henry, but she is the heir of her mother and the only issue capable of inheriting and transmitting the conyers arms and quarterings. joan is heir of her mother but not of her father. the husband of joan can either impale the arms of darcy as having married a daughter of john darcy, or he can place upon an escutcheon of pretence arms to indicate that he has married the heiress of conyers. but it would be quite incorrect for him to simply place conyers in pretence, because he has not married a miss conyers. what he must do is to charge the arms of conyers with a dexter canton of the arms of darcy and place this upon his escutcheon of pretence.[ ] the children will quarter the arms of conyers with the canton of darcy and inherit likewise all the quarterings to which mary conyers succeeded, but the conyers arms must be always thereafter charged with the arms of darcy on a canton, and no right accrues to the darcy quarterings. the following curious, but quite genuine case, which was pointed out to me by the late ulster king of arms, presents a set of circumstances absolutely unique, and it still remains to be decided what is the correct method to adopt:-- _ st wife._ _ nd wife._ lady mary, dau. and = william st. lawrence, = margaret, dau. of coheir of thomas | nd earl of howth. | william burke. bermingham, earl | | of louth. married | | , died . | ---------------------- | | | | thomas st. lawrence, | ----------------------- rd earl of howth. | | | | | other issue. | three other daughters | and coheirs of their | mother. | lady isabella st. lawrence, = william richard annesley, = priscilla, nd dau. and coheir of her | rd earl of annesley. | nd dau. of mother, but not heir of her | | hugh moore. father, therefore entitled | | to transmit the arms of | | bermingham with those of | ------------------- st. lawrence on a canton. | | | first wife of earl | william, th earl hugh, th earl annesley. married , | of annesley. of annesley. died . | ------------ | lady mary annesley, only child and = william john mcguire sole heir of her mother and of rostrevor. coheir of her grandmother, but not heir of her father or of her grandfather. she is therefore entitled to transmit the arms of bermingham with st. lawrence on a canton plus annesley on a canton. married . how the arms of bermingham are to be charged with both st. lawrence and annesley remains to be seen. i believe ulster favoured { } two separate cantons, dexter and sinister respectively, but the point did not come before him officially, and i know of no official decision which affords a precedent. the reverse of the foregoing affords another curious point when a woman is the heir of her father but not the heir of her mother:-- john smith=mary jones. | _ st husband._ | _ nd husband._ john williams = ethel smith, = henry roberts. | only child | | and heir. | ------------------- ------- | | alice williams, = arthur ellis. edward roberts, only child and | heir of his mother. heir of john | | williams. | issue. | theodore ellis, who claims to quarter: and , ellis; . williams; . smith. it is officially admitted (see the introduction to burke's "general armory") that the claim is accurately made. the process of reasoning is probably thus. john williams places upon an escutcheon of pretence the arms of smith, and alice williams succeeds in her own right to the arms of her mother because the latter was an heiress, and for herself is entitled to bear, as would a son, the arms of the two parents quarterly; and having so inherited, alice williams being herself an heiress, is entitled to transmit. at any rate arthur ellis is entitled to impale or place upon his escutcheon of pretence williams and smith quarterly. to admit the right for the descendants to quarter the arms arthur ellis so bore is no more than a logical progression, but the eventual result appears faulty, because we find theodore ellis quartering the arms of smith, whilst the representation of smith is in the line of edward roberts. this curious set of circumstances, however, is rare in the extreme. it frequently happens, in devising a scheme of quarterings, that a person may represent heiresses of several families entitled to bear arms, but to whom the pedigree must be traced through an heiress of another family which did not possess arms. consequently any claim to quarterings inherited through the non-armorial heiress is dormant, and the quarterings must not be used or inserted in any scheme drawn up. it is always permissible, however, to petition for arms to be granted to be borne for that non-armorial family for the purpose of introducing the quarterings in question, and such a grant having been made, the dormant claim then becomes operative and the new coat is introduced, followed by the dormant quartering in precisely the same manner as would have been the case if the arms granted had always existed. grants of this character are constantly being obtained. { } when a royal licence to assume or change name and arms is granted it very considerably affects the question of quartering, and many varying circumstances attending these royal licences make the matter somewhat intricate. if the royal licence is to assume a name and arms in lieu of those previously used, this means that for everyday use the arms are _changed_, the right to the old arms lapsing except for the purpose of a scheme of quarterings. the new coat of arms under the terms of the royal licence, which requires it first "to be exemplified in our royal college of arms, otherwise this our royal licence to be void and of none effect," is always so exemplified, this exemplification being from the legal point of view equivalent to a new grant of the arms to the person assuming them. the terms of the royal licence have always carefully to be borne in mind, particularly in the matter of remainder, because sometimes these exemplifications are for a limited period or intended to devolve with specified property, and a royal licence only nullifies a prior right to arms to the extent of the terms recited in the letters patent of exemplification. in the ordinary way, however, such an exemplification is equivalent to a new grant affecting all the descendants. when it is assumed in lieu, for the ordinary purpose of use the new coat of arms takes the place of the old one, but the right to the old one remains in theory to a certain extent, inasmuch as its existence _is necessary_ in any scheme of quartering _to bring in_ any quarterings previously inherited, and these cannot be displayed with the new coat unless they are preceded by the old one. quarterings, however, which are brought into the family through a marriage in the generation in which the royal licence is obtained, or in a subsequent generation, can be displayed with the new coat without the interposition of the old one. if the royal licence be to bear the name of a certain family in lieu of a present name, and to bear the arms of that family quarterly with the arms previously borne, the quarterly coat is then exemplified. in an english or irish royal licence the coat of arms for the name assumed is placed in the first and the fourth quarters, and the old paternal arms figure in the second and third. this is an invariable rule. the quarterly coat thus exemplified becomes an indivisible coat for the new name, and it is not permissible to subsequently divide these quarterings. they become as much one coat of arms as "azure, a bend or" is the coat of arms of scrope. if this quarterly coat is to be introduced in any scheme of quarterings it will only occupy the same space as any other single quartering and counts only as one, though it of course is in reality a grand quartering. in devising a scheme of quarterings for which a sub-quarterly coat of this character exemplified under a royal licence is the pronominal coat, that { } quarterly coat is placed in the first quarter. next to it is placed the original coat of arms borne as the pronominal coat before the royal licence and exemplified in the second and third sub-quarters of the first quarter. when here repeated it occupies an entire quarter. next to it are placed the whole of the quarterings belonging to the family in the order in which they occur. if the family whose name has been assumed is represented through an heiress that coat of arms is also repeated in its proper position and in that place in which it would have appeared if unaffected by the royal licence. but if it be the coat of arms of a family from whom there is no descent, or of whom there is no representation, the fact of the royal licence does not give any further right to quarter it beyond its appearance in the pronominal grand quartering. the exact state of the case is perhaps best illustrated by the arms of reid-cuddon. the name of the family was originally reid, and representing an heiress of the cuddons of shaddingfield hall they obtained a royal licence to take the name and arms of cuddon in addition to the name and arms of reid, becoming thereafter reid-cuddon. the arms were exemplified in due course, and the achievement then became: quarterly, and , reid-cuddon sub-quarterly, . the arms of reid, . the arms of cuddon. in scotland no such thing as a royal licence exists, the matter being determined merely by a rematriculation following upon a voluntary change of name. there is no specified order or position for the arms of the different names, and the arrangement of the various quarterings is left to be determined by the circumstances of the case. thus in the arms of anstruther-duncan the arms of anstruther are in the first quarter, and the matter is always largely governed by the importance of the respective estates and the respective families. in england this is not the case, because it is an unalterable rule that the arms of the last or principal surname if there be two, or the arms of the one surname if that be the case when the arms of two families are quartered, must always go in the st and th quarters. if three names are assumed by royal licence, the arms of the last name go in the st and th quarters, and the last name but one in the second quarter, and of the first name in the third. these cases are, however, rare. but no matter how many names are assumed, and no matter how many original coats of arms the shield as exemplified consists of, it thereafter becomes an indivisible coat. when a royal licence is issued to an illegitimate person to bear the name and arms of another family, no right is conferred to bear the quarterings of that family even subject to difference marks. the royal licence is only applicable to whatever arms were the pronominal coat used with the name assumed. though instances { } certainly can be found in some of the visitation books and other ancient records of a coat with quarterings, the whole debruised by a bendlet sinister, notably in the case of a family of talbot, where eight quarters are so marked, the fact remains that this practice has long been definitely considered incorrect, and is now never permitted. if a royal licence is issued to an illegitimate woman the exemplification is to herself personally, for in the eyes of the law she has no relatives; and though she may be one of a large family, her descendants are entitled to quarter the arms with the marks of distinction exemplified to her because such quartering merely indicates the representation of that one woman, who in the eyes of the law stands alone and without relatives. in the case of a royal licence to take a name and arms subject to these marks of distinction for illegitimacy, and in cases where the arms to be assumed are a sub-quarterly coat, the mark of distinction, which in england is now invariably a bordure wavy, will surround both quarterings, which remain an indivisible coat. if an augmentation is granted to a person whose pronominal coat is sub-quarterly, that augmentation, whatever form it may assume, is superimposed upon all quarterings. thus a chief of augmentation would go across the top of the shield, the four quarters being displayed below, and the whole of this shield would be only one quartering in any scheme of quartering. an inescutcheon is superimposed over all. if the augmentation take the form of a quartering, then the pronominal coat is a grand quartering, equivalent in size to the augmentation. if a person entitled to a sub-quarterly coat and a double name obtains a royal licence to bear another name and arms, and to bear the arms he has previously borne quarterly with those he has assumed, the result would be: quarterly, and , the new coat assumed, quarterly and , the arms he has previously borne sub-quarterly. but it should be noticed that the arrangements of coats of arms under a royal licence largely depends upon the wording of the document by which authority is given by the sovereign. the wording of the document in its terms is based upon the wording of the petition, and within reasonable limits any arrangement which is desired is usually permitted, so that care should be taken as to the wording of the petition. a quartering of augmentation is always placed in the first quarter of a shield, but it becomes indivisible from and is depicted sub-quarterly with the paternal arms; for instance, the dukes of westminster for the time being, but not other members of the family, bear as an augmentation the arms of the city of westminster in the st and th quarters of his shield, and the arms of grosvenor in the nd and rd, but this coat of westminster and grosvenor is an indivisible { } quarterly coat which together would only occupy the first quarter in a shield of quarterings. then the second one would be the arms of grosvenor alone, which would be followed by the quarterings previously inherited. if under a royal licence a name is assumed and the royal licence makes no reference to the arms of the family, the arms for all purposes remain unchanged and as if no royal licence had ever been issued. if the royal licence issued to a family simply exemplifies a single coat of arms, it is quite wrong to introduce any other coat of arms to convert this single coat into a sub-quarterly one. to all intents and purposes it may be stated that in scotland there are still only four quarters in a shield, and if more than four coats are introduced grand quarterings are employed. grand quarterings are very frequent in scottish armory. the scottish rules of quartering follow no fixed principle, and the constant rematriculations make it impossible to deduce exact rules; and though roughly approximating to the english ones, no greater generalisation can be laid down than the assertion that the most recent matriculation of an ancestor governs the arms and quarterings to be displayed. a royal quartering is never subdivided. in combining scottish and english coats of arms into one scheme of quartering, it is usual if possible to treat the coat of arms as matriculated in scotland as a grand quartering equivalent in value to any other of the english quarterings. this, however, is not always possible in cases where the matriculation itself creates grand quarterings and sub-quarterings; and for a scheme of quarterings in such a case it is more usual for the scottish matriculation to be divided up into its component parts, and for these to be used as simple quarterings in succession to the english ones, regardless of any bordure which may exist in the scottish matriculation. it cannot, of course, be said that such a practice is beyond criticism, though it frequently remains the only practical way of solving the difficulty. until comparatively recent times, if amongst quarterings inherited the royal arms were included, it was considered a fixed, unalterable rule that these should be placed in the first quarter, taking precedence of the pronominal coat, irrespective of their real position according to the date or pedigree place of introduction. this rule, however, has long since been superseded, and royal quarterings now take their position on the same footing as the others. it very probably arose from the misconception of the facts concerning an important case which doubtless was considered a precedent. the family of mowbray, after their marriage with the heiress of thomas de brotherton, used either the arms of brotherton alone, these being england differenced { } by a label, or else placed them in the first quarter of their shield. consequently from this precedent a rule was deduced that it was permissible and correct to give a royal quartering precedence over all others. the position of the mowbrays, dukes of norfolk, as earls marshal no doubt led to their own achievement being considered an exemplary model. but it appears to have been overlooked that the mowbrays bore these royal arms of brotherton not as an inherited quartering but as a grant to themselves. richard ii. apparently granted them permission to bear the arms of edward the confessor impaled with the arms of brotherton, the whole between the two royal ostrich feathers (fig. ), and consequently, the grant having been made, the mowbrays were under no necessity to display the mowbray or the segrave arms to bring in the arms of brotherton. a little later a similar case occurred with the stafford family, who became sole heirs-general of thomas of woodstock, and consequently entitled to bear his arms as a quartering. the matter appears to have been settled at a chapter of the college of arms, and the decision arrived at was as follows:-- _cott. ms., titus, c. i. fol. , in handwriting of end of sixteenth century._ [an order made for henry duke of buckingham to beare the armes of thomas of woodstock alone without any other armes to bee quartered therewith. anno e .] memorandum that in the yeare of the reigne of our soveraign lord king edward the iiij^{th}, the thurtein in the xviij^{tin} day of ffeverir, it was concluded in a chapitre of the office of armes that where a nobleman is descended lenyalle ineritable to iij. or iiij. cotes and afterward is ascended to a cotte neir to the king and of his royall bloud, may for his most onneur bere the same cootte alone, and none lower coottes of dignite to be quartered therewith. as my lord henry duke of buckingham, eirll of harford, northamton, and stafford, lord of breknoke and of holdernes, is assended to the coottes and ayer to thomas of woodstoke, duke of glocestre and sonne to king edward the third, hee may beire his cootte alone. and it was so concluded by [claurancieulx king of armes, marche king of armes, gyen king of armes, windesor herauld, fawcon herauld, harfford herald]. but i imagine that this decision was in all probability founded upon the case of the mowbrays, which was not in itself an exact precedent, because with the staffords there appears to have been no such royal grant as existed with the mowbrays. other instances at about this period can be alluded to, but though it must be admitted that the rule existed at one time, it has long since been officially overridden. a territorial coat or a coat of arms borne to indicate the possession of a specific title is either placed in the first quarter or borne in { } pretence; see the arms of the earl of mar and kellie. a singular instance of a very exceptional method of marshalling occurs in the case of the arms of the earl of caithness. he bears four coats of arms, some being stated to be territorial coats, quarterly, dividing them by the cross engrailed sable from his paternal arms of sinclair. the arms of the earls of caithness are thus marshalled: "quarterly, . azure, within a royal tressure a ship with furled sails all or." for orkney: " and . or, a lion rampant gules." for spar (a family in possession of the earldom of caithness before the sinclairs): " . azure, a ship in sail or, for caithness"; and over all, dividing the quarters, a cross engrailed "sable," for sinclair. the barons sinclair of sweden (so created , but extinct ten years later) bore the above quartered coats as cadets of caithness, but separated the quarters, not by the engrailed cross sable of sinclair, but by a cross patée throughout ermine. in an escutcheon _en surtout_ they placed the sinclair arms: "argent, a cross engrailed sable"; and, as a mark of cadency, they surrounded the main escutcheon with "a bordure chequy or and gules." this arrangement was doubtless suggested by the royal arms of denmark, the quarterings of which have been for so many centuries separated by the cross of the order of the dannebrog: "argent, a cross patée throughout fimbriated gules." in imitation of this a considerable number of the principal scandinavian families use a cross patée throughout to separate the quarters of their frequently complicated coats. the quarterings in these cases are often not indicative of descent from different families, but were all included in the original grant of armorial bearings. on the centre of the cross thus used, an escutcheon, either of augmentation or of the family arms, is very frequently placed _en surtout_. the main difference between british and foreign usage with regard to quartering is this, that in england quarterings are usually employed to denote simply descent from an heiress, or representation in blood; in scotland they also implied the possession of lordships. in foreign coats the quarterings are often employed to denote the possession of fiefs acquired in other ways than by marriage (_e.g._ by bequest or purchase), or the _jus expectationis_, the right of succession to such fiefs in accordance with certain agreements. in foreign heraldry the base of the quartered shield is not unfrequently cut off by a horizontal line, forming what is known as a _champagne_, and the space thus made is occupied by one or more coats. at other times a pile with curved sides runs from the base some distance into the quartered shield, which is then said to be _enté en point_, and this space is devoted to the display of one or more quarterings. the definite and precise british regulations which have grown up on the { } subject of the marshalling of arms have no equivalent in the armorial laws of other countries. very rarely quartering is affected _per saltire_, as in the arms of sicily and in a few coats of spanish origin, but even as regards foreign armory the practice is so rare that it may be disregarded. the laws of marshalling upon the continent, and particularly in germany, are very far from being identical with british heraldic practices. [illustration: fig. .--arms of hans wolf von bibelspurg.] [illustration: fig. .--arms of hans wolf von bibelspurg and his wife catherina waraus married in at augsburg.] [illustration: fig. .] the british method of impaling two coats of arms upon one shield to signify marriage is abroad now wholly discarded, and two shields are invariably made use of. these shields are placed side by side, the dexter shield being used to display the man's arms and the sinister those of the woman's family. the shields are tilted towards each other (the position is not quite identical with that which we term accollé). but--and this is a peculiarity practically unknown in england--the german practice invariably reverses the charges upon the dexter shield, so that the charges upon the two shields "respect" each other. this perhaps can be most readily understood by reference to figs. and . the former shows the simple arms of von bibelspurg, the latter the same coat allied with another. but it should be noted that letters or words, if they appear as charges upon the shield, are not reversed. this reversing of the charges is by no means an uncommon practice in germany for other purposes. for instance, if the arms of a state are depicted surrounded by the arms of provinces, or if the arms of a reigning sovereign are grouped within a bordure of the shields of other people, the charges on the shields to the dexter are almost invariably shown in reflection regarding the shield in the centre. this practice, resting only on what may be termed "heraldic courtesy," dates back to very early times, and is met with even in rolls of arms where the shields are all turned to face the centre. such a system was adopted in siebmacher's "book of arms." but what the true position of the { } charges should be when represented upon a simple shield should be determined by the position of the helmet. it may be of interest to state that in st. george's chapel at windsor the early stall plates as originally set up were all disposed so that helmets and charges alike faced the high altar. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--arms of loschau or lexaw, of augsburg.] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .--arms of the elector and archbishop of treves.] the conjunction of three coats of arms in germany is effected as shown in fig. . although matrimonial alliance does not in germany entail the conjunction of different coats of arms on one shield, such conjunction does occur in german heraldry, but it is comparable (in its meaning) with our rules of quartering and not with our rules of impalement. no such exact and definite rules exist in that country as are to be met with in our own to determine the choice of a method of conjunction, nor to indicate the significance to be presumed from whatever method may be found in use. personal selection and the adaptability to any particular method of the tinctures and the charges themselves of the coats to be conjoined seem to be the determining factors, and the existing territorial attributes of german armory have a greater weight in marshalling than the principle of heirship which is now practically the sole governing factor in british heraldry. one must therefore content oneself with a brief recital of some of the various modes of conjunction which have been or are still practised. these include impalement per pale or per fess (fig. ) and dimidiation (fig. ), which is more usual on the continent than it ever was in these kingdoms. the subdivision of the field, as with ourselves, is most frequently adopted; though we are usually confined to quartering, german armory knows no such restrictions. the most usual subdivisions are as given in fig. . the ordinary quartered shield is met with in fig. , which represents the arms of james iii., von eltz, elector and archbishop of treves ( - ), in which his personal arms of eltz ("per fess gules and argent, in chief a demi-lion issuing or") are quartered with the impersonal arms of his archbishopric, "argent, a cross gules." another method of conjunction is superimposition, by which the design of the one shield takes the form of an ordinary imposed { } upon the other (fig. ). a curious method of conjoining three coats is by engrafting the third in base (fig. ). the constant use of the inescutcheon has been already referred to, and even early english armory (figs. and ) has examples of the widespread continental practice (which obtains largely in spanish and portuguese heraldry) of surrounding one coat with a bordure of another. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the german method of conjunction by incorporation has been frequently pleaded in british heraldry, in efforts to account for ancient arms, but with us (save for occasional use for cadency differencing at an early and for a limited period) such incorporation only results in and signifies an originally _new_ coat, and not an authorised marshalling of existing arms of prior origin and authority. the german method can best be explained by two examples. let us suppose a coat "per fess argent and gules," with which another coat "gules, a fleur-de-lis argent," is to be marshalled. the result would be "per fess argent and gules, a fleur-de-lis counterchanged." with smaller objects a more usual method would duplicate the charges, thus "per bend argent and azure," and "argent, a star of six points azure" would result in "per bend argent and azure, two stars of six points counterchanged" (fig. ). { } chapter xxxiv the armorial insignia of knighthood it hardly falls within the scope of the present work to detail or discuss the various points concerning the history or statutes of the different british orders of knighthood, and still less so of the foreign orders. the history of the english orders alone would make a bulky volume. but it is necessary to treat of the matter to some limited extent, inasmuch as in modern heraldry in every country in europe additions are made to the armorial achievement whenever it is desired to signify rank in any of the orders of knighthood. though a large number of the early plantagenet garter stall plates date as far back as the year , it is evident that nothing in the armorial bearings with which they are emblazoned bears any relation to the order of knighthood to which they belonged until the year or thereabouts, when charles the bold, duke of burgundy, was elected a knight of the garter. his stall plate, which is of a very exceptional style and character, is the first to bear the garter encircling the shield. it is curious to notice, by the way, that upon the privy seal of the duke of burgundy, which shows the same arms depicted upon his garter plate, the shield is surrounded by the collar, from which depends the badge of the order of the golden fleece, so that it is highly probable that the custom of adding marks of knighthood to a shield came to us from the continent. the next garter plate, which shows the garter around the shield, is that of viscount lovel, who was elected in ; and the shield of the earl of derby, who was elected in the same year, also is encircled by the garter. the garter itself encircling the shields of knights of that order remained the only mark of knighthood used armorially in this country for a considerable period, though we find that the example was copied in scotland soon afterwards with regard to the order of the thistle. at the commencement of the present lyon register, which dates from the year , the arms of the king of scotland, which are given as such and not as the king of england and scotland, are described as encircled by the collar of the order of the thistle. this probably was used as the equivalent of the garter in england, for we do not find the collar of the { } garter, together with the garter itself, or the ribbon circle of the thistle, together with the collar of that order, until a much later period. the use of collars of knighthood upon the continent to encircle coats of arms has been from the fifteenth century very general and extensive; examples are to be found at an earlier date; but the encircling of arms with the garter carrying the motto of the order, or with the ribbon (which is termed the circle) and motto of any other order is an entirely english practice, which does not appear to have been copied in any other country. it, of course, arose from the fact that the actual garter as worn by the knight of the order carried the motto of the order, and that by representing the garter round the shield, the motto of the order was of necessity also added. the lyon register, however, in the entry of record (dated ), states that the shield is "encircled with the order of scotland, the same being composed of rue and thistles having the image of st. andrew with his crosse on his brest y^runto pendent," and it is by no means improbable that occasional instances of the heraldic use of the collar of the garter might be discovered at the same period. but it is not until the later part of the eighteenth century that it obtained anything like a regular use. during the hanoverian period it became customary to encircle the shield first with the garter, and that in its turn with the collar of the order whenever it was desired to display the achievement in its most complete style; and though even then, as at the present day, for less elaborate representations the garter only was used without the collar, it still remains correct to display both in a full emblazonment of the arms. an impetus to the practice was doubtless given by the subdivision of the order of the bath, which will be presently referred to. in speaking of the garter, the opportunity should be taken to protest strongly against the objectionable practice which has arisen of using a garter to encircle a crest or shield and to carry the family motto. no matter what motto is placed upon the garter, it is both bad form and absolutely incorrect for any one who is not a knight of the garter to use a garter in any heraldic display. but to tabulate the existing practice the present rules as to the display of the arms of knights of the different orders are as follow:-- _a knight of the most noble order of the garter_ encircles his escutcheon by a representation of the garter he wears. this is a belt of dark blue velvet edged with gold and ornamented with a heavy gold buckle and ornament at the end. it carries the motto of the order, "honi soit qui mal y pense," in gold letters of plain roman character. anciently the motto was spelled "hony soit qy mal y pense," as may be noticed from some of the early garter plates, and the style { } of the letter was what is now known as "old english." the garter is worn buckled, with the end tucked under and looped in a specified manner, which is the method also adopted in heraldic representations. it is quite permissible to use the garter alone, but a knight of the order is allowed to add outside the garter the representation of the collar of the order. this is of gold, consisting of twenty-six buckled garters enamelled in the correct colour, each surrounding a rose, the garter alternated with gold knots all joined up by chain links of gold. from the collar depends the "george," or figure of st. george on horseback encountering the dragon, enamelled in colours. in heraldic representations it is usual to ignore the specified number of links in the collar. a knight of the garter as such is entitled to claim the privilege of a grant of supporters, but as nowadays the order is reserved for those of the rank of earl and upwards, supporters will always have a prior existence in connection with the peerage. _knights of the most ancient and most noble order of the thistle_ are entitled to surround their arms with a plain circle of green edged with gold and bearing the motto in gold letters, "nemo me impune lacessit." they are also entitled to surround their arms with the collar of the order, which is of gold, and composed of sprigs of thistle and rue (andrew) enamelled in their proper colours. from the collar the badge (the figure of st. andrew) depends. _knights of the most illustrious order of st. patrick_ are entitled to surround their arms by a plain circle of sky-blue edged with gold, bearing the motto, "quis separabit. mdcclxxxiii," as enamelled on the star of the order. this is encircled by the collar of the order, which is of "gold, composed of roses and harps alternately, tied together with knots of gold, the said roses enamelled alternately, white leaves within red and red leaves within white; and in the centre of the said collar shall be an imperial crown surmounting a harp of gold, from which shall hang the badge." knights of the thistle and st. patrick are entitled as such to claim a grant of supporters on payment of the fees, but these orders are nowadays confined to peers. _the most honourable order of the bath._--knights of the bath, who have existed from a remote period, do not appear as such to have made any additions to their arms prior to the revival of the order in . at that time, similarly to the orders of the garter and the thistle, the order was of one class only and composed of a limited number of knights. knights of that order were then distinguished by the letters k.b., which, it should be noted, mean knight of the bath, and not knight bachelor, as so many people now imagine. there is nobody at the present time who is entitled to use these letters. upon those { } of the bath plates which now remain in the chapel of henry vii. in westminster abbey, no instance will be found in which the collar is represented outside the circle, which is pretty good evidence that although isolated examples may possibly be found at an earlier date, it was not the usual custom up to the end of the eighteenth century to encircle a shield with a collar of knighthood. these knights of the bath (k.b.), as they were termed, surrounded their escutcheons with circlets of crimson edged with gold, and bearing thereupon the motto of the order, "tria juncta in uno," in gold letters. although at that time it does not appear that the collar of the order was ever employed for armorial purposes, instances are to be found in which the laurel wreath surrounded the circlet with the motto of the order. in the year , owing to the large number of officers who had merited reward in the peninsular campaign, it was considered necessary to largely increase the extent and scope of the order. for this purpose it was divided into two divisions--the military division and the civil division--and each of these were divided into three classes, namely, knights grand cross (g.c.b.), knights commanders (k.c.b.), and companions (c.b.). the then existing knights of the bath became knights grand cross. the existing collar served for all knights grand cross, but the old badge and star were assigned for the civil division of the order, a new pattern being designed for the military division. the number of stalls in henry vii.'s chapel being limited, the erection of stall plates and the display of banners ceased; those then in position were allowed to remain, and still remain at the present moment. consequently there are no stall plates to refer to in the matter as precedents since that period, and the rules need to be obtained from other sources. they are now as follows: a knight grand cross of the order of the bath surrounds his arms with the circlet as was theretofore the case, and in addition he surrounds the circlet by his collar, from which depends the badge (either military or civil) of the division to which he belongs. the collar is really for practical purposes the distinguishing mark of a knight grand cross, because although as such he is entitled upon payment of the fees to claim a grant of supporters, he is under no compulsion to do so, and comparatively but few avail themselves of the privilege. all knights of the bath, before the enlargement of the order, had supporters. a knight grand cross of the _military_ division encircles his arms with the laurel wreath in addition, this being placed outside the circlet and within the collar of the order. the collar is composed of gold having nine imperial crowns and eight devices of the rose, the thistle, and shamrock issuing from a sceptre placed alternately and enamelled in { } their proper colours, the links being connected with seventeen knots enamelled white. the badges of the military and civil divisions differ considerably. knights commanders of the bath have no collar and cannot claim a grant of supporters, but they encircle their shields with the circlet of the order, suspending their badge below the shield by the ribbon from which it is worn. knights commanders of the military division use the laurel wreath as do knights grand cross, but no members of any class of the civil division are entitled to display it. companions of the order (c.b.) do not use the helmet of a knight as does a g.c.b. or a k.c.b.; in fact, the only difference which is permissible in their arms from those of an undistinguished commoner is that they are allowed to suspend the badge of a c.b. from a ribbon below their shields. they do not use the circlet of the order. certain cases have come under my notice in which a military c.b. has added a laurel wreath to his armorial bearings, but whether such a practice is correct i am unaware, but i think it is not officially recognised. _the most exalted order of the star of india_ (like the order of the bath as at present constituted) is divided into three classes, knights grand commanders, knights commanders, and companions. knights grand commanders place the circlet of the order around their shields. this is of light blue inscribed with the motto, "heaven's light our guide." this in its turn is surrounded by the collar of the order, which is composed of alternate links of the indian lotus flower, crossed palm-branches, and the united red and white rose of england. in the centre of the collar is an imperial crown from which depends the badge of the order, this being an onyx cameo of the effigy of her late majesty queen victoria within the motto of the order, and surmounted by a star, the whole being richly jewelled. the surrounding of the shield by the circlet of the order doubtless is a consequence and follows upon the original custom of the armorial use of the garter, but this being admitted, it is yet permissible to state that that practice came from the continent, and there is little reason to doubt that the real meaning and origin of the custom of using the circlet is derived from the continental practice which has for long been usual of displaying the shield of arms upon the star of an order of knighthood. the star of every british order--the garter included--contains the circlet and motto of the order, and it is easy to see how, after depicting the shield of arms upon the star of the order, the result will be that the circlet of the order surrounds the shield. no armorial warrant upon the point is ever issued at the creation of an order; the thing follows as a matter of course, the circlet being taken from the star to surround the shield without further authorisation. upon this point { } there can be no doubt, inasmuch as the garter which surrounds the shield of a k.g. is in _all_ authoritative heraldic paintings buckled in the peculiar manner in which it is worn and in which it is depicted upon the star. the star of the thistle shows the plain circlet, the star of st. patrick the same, and the arms of a knight of st. patrick afford a curious confirmation of my contention, because whilst the motto of the order is specified to be, "quis separabit," the circlet used for armorial purposes includes the date (mdcclxxxiii.) as shown upon the star. the order of the bath, again, has a plain circlet upon the star, and the badges and stars of the military knights have the laurel wreath represented in heraldic drawings, the laurel wreath being absent from the stars and the shields of those who are members of the civil division. now with regard to the order of the star of india the motto on the star is carried upon a representation of a ribbon which is tied in a curious manner, and my own opinion is that the circlet used to surround the shield of a g.c.s.i. or k.c.s.i. should (as in the case of the garter) be represented not as a simple circlet like the bath or thistle, but as a ribbon tied in the curious manner represented upon the star. this tying is not, however, duplicated upon the badge, and possibly i may be told that the circlet and its use are taken from the badge and not from the star. the reply to such a statement is, first, that there is no garter upon the badge of that order, there is no circlet on the badge of the thistle, and the circlet on the badge of st. patrick is surrounded by a wreath of trefoils which in that case ought to appear round the shield of a k.p. this wreath of trefoils is absent from the k.p. star. further, no companion of an order is permitted to use the circlet of the order, whilst every companion has his badge. no companion has a star. though i hold strongly that the circlet of the star of india should be a ribbon tied as represented on the star of the order, i must admit i have never yet come across an official instance of it being so represented. this, however, is a point upon which there is no definite warrant of instruction, and is not the conclusion justifiable that on this matter the officers of arms have been led into a mistake in their general practice by an oversight and possible unfamiliarity with the actual star? a knight grand commander is entitled to claim a grant of supporters on payment of the fees. a knight commander encircles his shield with the circlet of the order and hangs his badge from a ribbon below, a companion of the order simply hangs the badge he wears below his shield. the most distinguished order of st. michael and st. george.--this order again is divided into three classes--knights grand cross, knights commanders, and companions. knights grand cross place the circlet of the order and the collar with the badge around their shields, { } and, like other knights grand cross, they are entitled to claim a grant of supporters. the circlet of the order is of blue edged with gold, and bearing in gold letters the motto of the order, "auspicium melioris ævi." the collar is composed alternately of lions of england, of maltese crosses, and of the ciphers s.m. and s.g., and having in the centre an imperial crown over two lions passant guardant, each holding a bunch of seven arrows. at the opposite point of the collar are two similar lions. the whole is of gold except the crosses, which are of white enamel, and the various devices are linked together by small gold chains. knights commanders of the order encircle their shields with a similar circlet of the order, and hang their badges below. a companion simply suspends his badge from a ribbon below his shield. _the most eminent order of the indian empire._--this order is divided into three classes--knights grand commanders, knights commanders, and companions. knights grand commanders and knights commanders encircle their shields with the circlet of the order, which is of purple inscribed in letters of gold, with the motto of the order, "imperatricis auspiciis." the collar of the order, which is used by the knights grand commanders, in addition to the circle, is composed of elephants, lotus flowers, peacocks in their pride, and indian roses, and in the centre is an imperial crown, the whole being linked together by chains of gold. knights commanders suspend their badges from their shields. companions are only permitted to suspend their badges from a ribbon, and, as in the cases of the other orders, are not allowed to make use of the circlet of the order. _the royal victorian order_ is divided into five classes, and is the only british order of which this can be said. there is no collar belonging to the order, so a g.c.v.o. cannot put one round his shield. knights grand cross surround their shields with the circlet of the order, which is of dark blue carrying in letters of gold the motto, "victoria." knights commanders and commanders also use the circlet, with the badge suspended from the ribbon. members of the fourth and fifth classes of the order suspend the badge which they are entitled to wear below their shields. the "victorian chain" is quite apart from the victorian order, and up to the present time has only been conferred upon a very limited number. it apparently exists by the pleasure of his majesty, no statutes having been ordained. the distinguished service order, the imperial service order, and the order of merit are each of but one class only, none of them conferring the dignity of knighthood. they rank heraldically with the companions of the other orders, and for heraldic purposes merely confer upon those people entitled to the decorations the right to { } suspend the badges they wear below their shields or lozenges as the case may be, following the rules observed by other companions. the victoria cross, the albert medal, the edward medal, the conspicuous service cross, the kaisar-i-hind medal, the royal red cross, the volunteer officers' decoration, the territorial decoration, and the decoration of the league of mercy all rank as decorations. though none confer any style or precedence of knighthood, those entitled to them are permitted to suspend representations of such decorations as are enjoyed below their shields. the members of the orders of victoria and albert and of the crown of india are permitted to display the badges they wear below their lozenges. some people, notably in the early part of the nineteenth century, adopted the practice of placing war medals below the escutcheons amongst other decorations. it is doubtful, however, how far this practice is correct, inasmuch as a medal does not technically rank as a decoration or as a matter of honour. that medals are "decorations" is not officially recognised, with the exception, perhaps, of the jubilee medal, the diamond jubilee medal, and the coronation medal, which have been given a status more of the character of a decoration than of simple medals. _the order of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem in england_ does not rank with other orders or decorations, inasmuch as it was initiated without royal intervention, and carries no precedence or titular rank. in , however, a royal charter of incorporation was obtained, and the distribution of the highest offices of the order in the persons of the sovereign, the prince of wales, and other members of the royal family has of late years very much increased its social status. the order is, however, now recognised to a certain extent, and its insignia is worn at court by duly appointed authority. the crown is gradually acquiring a right of veto, which will probably eventually result in the order becoming a recognised honour, of which the gift lies with the crown. in the charter of incorporation, knights of justice and ladies of justice were permitted to place as a chief over their arms the augmentation anciently used by knights of the english language of the original roman catholic celibate order. the chief used is: "gules, charged with a cross throughout argent, the cross embellished in its angles with lions passant guardant and unicorns passant alternately both or," as in the cross of the order. the omission, which is all the more inexplicable owing to the fact that garter king of arms is the officer for the order, that the heraldic provisions of this charter have never been conveyed, as should have been the case, in a royal warrant to the earl marshal, has caused some { } confusion, for the officers of the college of arms, when speaking officially, decline to admit the insignia of the order in any official emblazonment of arms. lyon king of arms has been less punctilious. knights of justice, knights of grace, and esquires of the orders all suspend the badges they wear from a black watered-silk ribbon below their shields (fig. ), and ladies of justice and ladies of grace do the same below their lozenges. the arms of members of the order are frequently depicted superimposed upon the cross. by the statutes of the order knights of justice were required to show that all their four grandparents were legally entitled to bear arms, but so many provisions for the exercise of discretion in dispensing with this requirement were at the same time created that to all intents and purposes such a regulation might never have been included. some of the knights of justice even yet have no arms at all, others are themselves grantees, and still others would be unable to show what is required of them if the claims of their grandparents were properly investigated. it should perhaps be stated that supporters, when granted to knights grand cross as such, are personal to themselves, and in the patents by which they are granted the grant is made for life only, no hereditary limitation being added. any person in this country holding a royal licence to wear the insignia of any foreign order is permitted to adopt any heraldic form, decoration, or display which that order confers in the country of origin. official recognition exists for this, and many precedents can be quoted. [illustration: fig. .--"bailli-profès" of the catholic order of the knights hospitallers or the order of malta.] the rules which exist in foreign countries concerning heraldic privileges of the knights of different orders are very varied, and it is impossible to briefly summarise them. it may, however, be stated that the most usual practice is to display the shield alone in the centre of the star (fig. ). as with us, the collars of the orders are placed around the shields, and the badges depend below, but the use of the circlet carrying the motto of the order is exclusively a british practice. in the case of some of the orders, however, the official coat of arms of the order is quartered, impaled, or borne in pretence with the personal arms, and the cross patée of the order of the dannebrog is to be met with placed in front of a shield of quarterings, the charges thereupon appearing in the angles of the cross. i am not sure, however, that the cases which have come under my notice should not be rather considered { } definite and hereditary grants of augmentation, this being perhaps a more probable explanation than that such a method of display followed as a matter of course on promotion to the order. the grand masters of the teutonic order quarter the arms of that order with those of their families. the knights of the order of st. stephen of tuscany bear the arms of that order in chief over their personal arms. fig. represents the manner in which a "bailli-profès" (grand cross) of the real catholic and celibate order of st. john of malta places the chief of the order on his shield, the latter being imposed upon a maltese star (this being white) and the badge of the order depending below. the "knight-profès" does not use the chief of the order. in the german protestant order of malta (formerly bailiwick of brandenburg) the commendatores place the shield of their arms upon the cross of malta. the knights of justice ("richtsritter") on the contrary assume the cross upon the shield itself, whilst the knights of grace suspend it from the bottom of the shield. the members of the ancient order of la cordelière formerly encircled their lozenges with a representation of the cordelière, which formed a part of their habit; and the officers of the ecclesiastical orders frequently surround their escutcheons with rosaries from which depend crucifixes. whether this latter practice, however, should be considered merely a piece of artistic decoration, or whether it should be regarded as an ecclesiastical matter or should be included within the purview of armory, i leave others to decide. by a curious fiction, for the origin of which it is not easy to definitely account, unless it is a survival of the celibacy required in certain orders, a knight is not supposed to share the insignia of any order of knighthood with his wife. there is not the slightest doubt that his own knighthood does confer upon her both precedence and titular rank, and why there should be any necessity for the statement to be made as to the theoretical position has long been a puzzle to me. such a theory, however, is considered to be correct, and as a consequence in modern times it has become a rigid rule that the arms of the wife of a knight must not be impaled upon a shield when it is displayed within the circlet of an order. no such rule existed in ancient times, and many instances can be found in which impaled shields, or the shield of the wife only, are met with inside a representation of the garter. in the warrant recently issued for queen alexandra the arms of england and denmark are impaled within a garter. this may be quite exceptional and consequent upon the fact that her majesty is herself a member of the order. nevertheless, the modern idea is that when a knight of any order impales the arms of his wife, he must use two shields placed accollé, the dexter { } surmounting the sinister (fig. ). upon the dexter shield is represented the arms of the knight within the circlet, or the circlet and collar, as the case may be, of his order; on the sinister shield the arms of the knight are impaled with those of his wife, and this shield, for the purpose of artistic balance, is usually surrounded with a meaningless and inartistic floral or laurel wreath to make its size similar to the dimensions of the dexter shield. the widow of a knight of any order is required at present to immediately discontinue the use of the ensigns of that order, and to revert to the plain impaled lozenge which she would be entitled to as the widow of an undecorated gentleman. as she retains her titular rank, such a regulation seems absurd, but it undoubtedly exists, and until it is altered must be conformed to. knights grand cross and knights commanders, as also knights bachelors, use the open affronté helmet of a knight. companions of any order, and members of those orders which do not confer any precedence or title of knighthood, use only the close profile helmet of a gentleman. a knight bachelor, of course, is at liberty to impale the arms of his wife upon his escutcheon without employing the double form. it only makes the use of the double escutcheon for knights of orders the more incomprehensible. reference should also be made to the subject of impalement, which will be found in the chapter upon marshalling. { } chapter xxxv the armorial bearings of a lady bearing in mind that armory was so deeply interwoven with all that was best in chivalry, it is curious that the armorial status of a woman should have been left so undefined. a query as to how a lady may bear arms will be glibly answered for her as maid (fig. ) and as widow (figs. , , and ) by the most elementary heraldic text-book. but a little consideration will show how far short our knowledge falls of a complete or uniform set of rules. let what is definitely known be first stated. in the first place, no woman (save a sovereign) can inherit, use, or transmit crest or motto, nor may she use a helmet or mantling. all daughters, if unmarried, bear _upon a lozenge_ the paternal arms and quarterings of their father, with his difference marks. if their mother were an heiress, they quarter her arms with those of her father. in england (save in the royal family, and in this case even it is a matter of presumption only) there is no seniority amongst daughters, and the difference marks of all daughters are those borne by the father, and none other. there are no marks of distinction as between the daughters themselves. in scotland, however, seniority does exist, according to priority of birth; and, though scottish heraldic law provides no marks of cadency as between sister and sister, the laws of arms north of the tweed recognise seniority of birth in the event of a certain set of circumstances arising. in scotland, as doubtless many are aware, certain untitled scottish families, for reasons which may or may not be known, have been permitted to use supporters to their arms. when the line vests in coheirs, the eldest born daughter, as heir of line, assumes the supporters, unless some other limitation has been attached to them. scottish supporters are peculiar things to deal with, unless the exact terms of the patent of grant or matriculation are known. the lozenge of an unmarried lady is frequently surmounted by a true lover's knot of ribbon, usually painted blue (fig. ). it has no particular meaning and no official recognition, though plenty of official { } use, and practically its status is no more than a piece of supposedly artistic ornament. concerning the law for unmarried ladies, therefore, there is neither doubt nor dispute. a widow bears arms upon a lozenge, this showing the arms of her late husband impaled with those of her own family (fig. ), or with these latter displayed on an escutcheon of pretence if she be an heir or coheir (fig. ). the other state in the progress of life in which a lady may hope or expect to find herself is that of married life. now, how should a married lady display arms? echo and the text-books alike answer, "how?" does _anybody_ know? this "fault," for such it undoubtedly is, is due to the fact that the laws of arms evolved themselves in that period when a married woman was little accounted of. as an unmarried heiress she undoubtedly was a somebody; as a widowed and richly-jointured dowager she was likewise of account, but as a wedded wife her identity was lost, for the married women's property act was not in existence, nor was it thought of. so completely was it recognised that all rights and inheritance of the wife devolved of right upon the husband, that formerly the husband enjoyed any peerage honours which had descended to the wife, and was summoned to parliament as a peer in his wife's peerage. small wonder, then, that the same ideas dominated the rules of armory. these only provide ways and methods for the husband to bear the wife's arms. this is curious, because there can be no doubt that at a still earlier period the practice of impalement was entirely confined to women, and that, unless the wife happened to be an heiress, the husband did not trouble to impale her arms. but a little thought will show that the two are not at variance, for if monuments and other matters of _record_ are ignored, the earliest examples of impalement which have come down to us are all, almost without exception, examples of arms borne by widows. one cannot get over the fact that a wife during coverture had practically no legal status at all. the rules governing impalement, and the conjunction of the arms of man and wife, as they are to be borne by the husband, are recited in the chapter upon marshalling, which also details the ways in which a widow bears arms in the different ranks of life. nothing would be gained by repeating them here. it may be noted, however, that it is not considered correct for a widow to make use of the true lover's knot of blue ribbon, which is sometimes used in the case of an unmarried lady. a divorce puts matters _in statu quo ante_. there still remains, however, the question of the bearing of arms in her own right by a married woman under coverture at the present day. { } the earliest grant of arms that i can put my hands upon to a woman is one dated . it is, moreover, the only grant of which i know to one single person, that person being a _wife_. the grant is decidedly interesting, so i print it in full:-- "to all and singular as well kinges heraldes and officers of armes as nobles gentlemen and others which these presents shall see or here wyllyam hervye esquire otherwise called clarencieux principall heralde and kinge of armes of the south-east and west parties of england fendith due comenda[=c]ons and greting fforasmuch as auncientlye ffrom the beginnynge the valyant and vertuous actes off excellent parsons have ben comended to the worlde with sondry monumentes and remembrances off theyr good desertes among the which one of the chefist and most usuall hath ben the beringe of figures and tokens in shildes called armes beinge none other thinges then evidences and demonstra[=c]ons of prowes and valoure diverselye distributed accordinge to the quallyties and desertes of the parsons. and for that dame marye mathew daughter and heyre of thomas mathew of colchester in the counte of essex esquire hath longe contynued in nobylyte she and her auncestors bearinge armes, yet she notwithstandinge being ignorant of the same and ffor the advoydinge of all inconvenyences and troubles that dayleye happeneth in suche cases and not wyllinge to preiudyce anye person hath instantlye requyred me the sayde clarencieux kinge of armes accordinge to my registers and recordes to assigne and sett forthe ffor her and her posterite the armes belonging and descendinge to her ffrom her saide auncesters. in considera[=c]on whereof i have at her ientle request assigned geven and granted unto her and her posterite the owlde and auncient armes of her said auncesters as followeth. that is to saye--partye per cheveron sables and argent a lyon passant in chefe off the second the poynt goutey[ ] of the firste as more plainly aperith depicted in this margent. which armes i the saide clarencieux kinge of armes by powre and authorite to myne office annexed and graunted by the queenes majesties letters patentes under the great seale of england have ratefyed and confirmed and by these presentes do ratefye and confyrme unto and for the saide dame marye mathew otherwise called dame mary jude wiffe to sir andrew jude knight late mayor and alderman off london and to her posterite to use bear and show for evermore in all places of honour to her and theyr wourshipes at theyr lybertie and pleasur without impediment lett or interup[=c]on of any person or persons. "in witness whereof the saide clarencieux kinge of armes have signed these presentes with my hand and sett thereunto the seale off { } myne office and the seale of myne armes geven at london the x^{th} daye off october in the yeare of owre lord godd and in the ffourth and ffifth yeares off the reignes off owre souereignes lorde and layde phellip and marye by the grace of god kinge and queene of england france both cycles jerusalem irland deffendors of the faythe archedukes of austrya dukes of burgoyne myllain & braband erles of haspurgie, flanders and tyrrell. "w. hervey al[=s] clarencieux "king of armes. "confirmation of arms to dame mary mathew, 'otherwise called dame marye jude, wyffe to sir andrew jude, knight, late lord mayor and alderman off london,' ." in this grant the arms are painted upon a _shield_. the grant was made in her husband's lifetime, but his arms are not impaled therewith. evidently, therefore, the lady bears arms _in her own right_, and the presumption would seem to be that a married lady bears her arms without reference to her husband, and bears them upon a shield. on the other hand, the grant to lady pearce, referred to on an earlier page, whilst not blazoning the pearce arms, shows the painting upon the patent to have been a lozenge of the arms of pearce, charged with a baronet's hand impaled with the arms then granted for the maiden name of lady pearce. on the other hand, a grant is printed in vol. i. of the notes to the "visitation of england and wales." the grant is to dame judith diggs, widow of sir maurice diggs, bart., now wife of daniel sheldon, and to dame margaret sheldon, her sister, relict of sir joseph sheldon, knight, late alderman, and sometime lord mayor of the city of london, daughters and coheirs of mr. george rose, of eastergate. the operative clause of the grant is: "do by these presents grant and assign to y^e said dame judith and dame margaret the armes hereafter mentioned viz^t: ermine, an eagle displayed sable, membered and beaked gules, debruised with a bendlet componè or and azure, as in the margin hereof more plainly appears depicted. to be borne and used for ever hereafter by them y^e said dame judith diggs and dame margaret sheldon, and the descendants of their bodies respectively, lawfully begotten, according to the laws, rules and practice of armes." in each case it will be noted that the sisters were respectively wife and widow of some one of the name of sheldon; and it might possibly be supposed that these were arms granted for the name of sheldon. there seems, however, to be very little doubt that these are the arms for rose. the painting is, however, of the single coat of rose, and one is puzzled to know why the arms are not painted in { } conjunction with those of sheldon. the same practice was followed in the patent which was granted to nelson's lady hamilton. this patent, which both heraldically and historically is excessively interesting, was printed in full on p. , vol. i. of the _genealogical magazine_. the arms which in the grant are specifically said to be the arms of lyons (not of hamilton) are painted upon a lozenge, with no reference to the arms of hamilton. in each of these cases, however, the grantee of arms has been an heiress, so that the clause by which the arms are limited to the descendants does not help. an instance of a grant to a man and his wife, where the wife was not an heiress, is printed in "the right to bear arms"; and in this case the painting shows the arms impaled with those of the husband. the grant to the wife has no hereditary limitations, and presumably her descendants would never be able to quarter the arms of the wife, no matter even if by the extinction of the other issue she eventually became a coheir. the fact that the arms of man and wife are herein granted together prevents any one making any deduction as to what is the position of the wife alone. there was a patent issued in the year to a mrs. sarah lax, widow of john lax, to take the name and arms of maynard, such name and arms to be borne by herself and her issue. the painting in this case is of the arms of maynard alone upon a lozenge, and the crest which was to be borne by her male descendants is quite a separate painting in the body of the grant, and not in conjunction with the lozenge. now, mrs. maynard was a widow, and it is manifestly wrong that she should bear the arms as if she were unmarried, yet how was she to bear them? she was bearing the name of lax because that had been her husband's name, and she took the name of maynard, which presumably her husband would have taken had he been alive; she herself was a miss jefferson, so would she have been entitled to have placed the arms of jefferson upon an escutcheon of pretence, in the centre of the arms of maynard? presumably she would, because suppose the husband had assumed the name and arms of maynard in his lifetime, he certainly would have been entitled to place his wife's arms of jefferson on an escutcheon of pretence. on march , , francis culling carr, and his second wife, emily blanche, daughter of andrew morton carr, and niece of the late field-marshal sir william maynard gomm, g.c.b., both assumed by royal licence the additional surname and arms of gomm. neither mr. nor mrs. carr-gomm appear to have had any blood descent from the gomm family; consequently the gomm arms were granted to both husband and wife, and the curious part is that they were not identical, the marks (showing that there was no blood relationship) being a { } canton for the husband and a cross crosslet for the wife. in this case the arms were impaled. one is puzzled to know why the grant to the wife was necessary as well as the grant to the husband. in mrs. massy, widow of hugh massy, assumed the name and arms of richardson in lieu of massy. mrs. massy was the only child of major richardson brady, who had previously assumed by royal licence the arms of brady only. the painting upon the patent is a lozenge, bearing the arms of massy, and upon an escutcheon of pretence the arms of richardson. of course, the arms of mrs. massy, as a widow, previously to the issue of the royal licence were a lozenge of the arms of massy, and on an escutcheon of pretence the arms of brady. a few years ago a grant of arms was issued to a mrs. sharpe, widow of major sharpe. the arms were _to be borne by herself_ and the descendants of her late husband, and by the other descendants of her husband's father, so that there is no doubt whatever that these were the arms of sharpe. i have no idea who mrs. sharpe was, and i do not know that she possessed any arms of her own. let us presume she did not. now, unless a widow may bear the arms of her late husband on a lozenge, whether she has arms to impale with them or not, how on earth is she to bear arms at all? and yet the grant most distinctly was primarily to mrs. sharpe. after the death of general ross, the victor of bladensburg, a grant of an augmentation was made to be placed upon the monument to the memory of the general (plate ii.). the grant also was for the augmentation to be borne by his widow during her widowhood. but no mention appears of the arms of mrs. ross, nor, as far as i can ascertain, was proof officially made that mrs. ross was in her own right entitled to arms; consequently, whether she really was or was not, we may assume that as far as the official authorities officially knew she was not, and the same query formulated with regard to the sharpe patent holds good in this case. the painting on the patent shows the arms upon a shield, and placed above is a helmet surmounted by the crest of augmentation and the family crest of ross. so that from the cases we have mentioned instances can be found of the arms of a wife upon a shield alone, and of a widow having arms depicted upon a lozenge, such arms being on different occasions the impaled arms of her husband and herself, or the arms of herself alone or of her husband alone; and we have arms granted to a wife, and depicted as an impalement or upon a lozenge. so that from grants it seems almost impossible to deduce any decided and unquestionable rule as to how wife or widow should bear a coat of arms. there is, { } however, one other source from which profitable instruction may be drawn. i refer to the methods of depicting arms upon hatchments, and more particularly to the hatchment of a married woman. now a hatchment is strictly and purely personal, and in the days when the use of such an article was an everyday matter, the greatest attention was paid to the proper marshalling of the arms thereupon. there are so many varying circumstances that we have here only space to refer to the three simple rules, and these uncomplicated by any exceptional circumstances, which governed the hatchments of maid, wife, and widow. in the first case, the hatchment of an unmarried lady showed the whole of the background black, the paternal arms on a lozenge, and this suspended by a knot of blue ribbon. in the hatchment of a widow the background again was all black, the arms were upon a lozenge (but without the knot of ribbon), and the lozenge showed the arms of husband and wife impaled, or with the wife's in pretence, as circumstances might dictate. the hatchment of a wife was entirely different. like the foregoing, it was devoid, of course, of helmet, mantling, crest, or motto; but the background was white on the dexter side (to show that the husband was still alive), and black on the sinister (to show the wife was dead). but the impaled arms were not depicted upon a lozenge, but upon a shield, and the shield was surmounted by the true lover's knot of blue ribbon. i have already stated that when the rules of arms were in the making the possibility of a married woman bearing arms in her own right was quite ignored, and theoretically even now the husband bears his wife's arms for her upon his shield. but the arms of a man are never depicted suspended from a true lover's knot. such a display is distinctly feminine, and i verily believe that the correct way for a married woman to use arms, if she desires the display thereof to be personal to herself rather than to her husband, is to place her husband's arms impaled with her own upon a shield suspended from a true lover's knot, and without helmet, mantling, crest, or motto. at any rate such a method of display is a correct one, it is in no way open to criticism on the score of inaccuracy, it has precedent in its favour, and it affords a very desirable means of distinction. my only hesitation is that one cannot say it is the only way, or that it would be "incorrect" for the husband. at any rate it is the only way of drawing a distinction between the "married" achievements of the husband and the wife. the limitations attached to a lady's heraldic display being what they are, it has long been felt, and keenly felt, by every one attempting heraldic design, that artistic treatment of a lady's arms savoured almost of the impossible. what delicacy of treatment can possibly be added to the hard outline of the lozenge? the substitution of curvilinear for { } straight lines in the outline, and even the foliation of the outline, goes but a little way as an equivalent to the extensive artistic opportunities which the mantling affords to a designer when depicting the arms of a man. to a certain extent, two attempts have been made towards providing a remedy. neither can properly claim _official_ recognition, though both have been employed in a quasi-official manner. the one consists of the knot of ribbon; the other consists of the use of the cordelière. in their present usage the former is meaningless and practically senseless, whilst the use of the latter is radically wrong, and in my opinion, little short of imposture. the knot of ribbon, when employed, is usually in the form of a thin streamer of blue ribbon tied in the conventional true lover's knot (fig. ). but the imbecility and inconsistency of its use lies in the fact that except upon a hatchment it has been denied by custom to married women and widows, who have gained their lovers; whilst its use is sanctioned for the unmarried lady, who, unless she be affianced, neither has nor ought to have anything whatever to do with lovers or with their knot. the women who are fancy-free display the tied-up knot; women whom love has fast tied up, unless the foregoing opinion as to the correct way to display the arms of a married lady which i have expressed be correct, must leave the knot alone. but as matters stand heraldically at the moment the ribbon may be used advantageously with the lozenge of an unmarried lady. with reference to the cordelière some writers assert that its use is optional, others that its use is confined to widow ladies. now as a matter of fact it is nothing whatever of the kind. it is really the insignia of the old french order of the cordelière, which was founded by anne of bretagne, widow of charles viii., in , its membership being confined to widow ladies of noble family. the cordelière was the waist girdle which formed a part of the insignia of the order, and it took its place around the lozenges of the arms of the members in a manner similar to the armorial use of the garter for knights of that order. though the order of the cordelière is long since extinct, it is neither right nor proper that any part of its insignia should be adopted unaltered by those who can show no connection with it or membership of it. { } chapter xxxvi official heraldic insignia the armory of all other nations than our own is rich in heraldic emblems of office. in france this was particularly the case, and france undoubtedly for many centuries gave the example, to be followed by other civilised countries, in all matters of honour and etiquette. if english heraldry were entirely destitute of official heraldic ensigns, perhaps the development elsewhere of this branch of armory might be dismissed as an entirely foreign growth. but this is far from being the case, as there are some number of cases in which these official emblems do exist. in england, however, the instances are governed by no scale of comparative importance, and the appearance of such tokens can only be described as capricious. that a more extended usage might with advantage be made no one can deny, for usage of this character would teach the general public that armory had a meaning and a value, it would increase the interest in heraldry, and also assist greatly in the rapidly increasing revival of heraldic knowledge. the existence of these heraldic emblems would manifestly tend towards a revival of the old and interestingly excellent custom of regularly setting up in appropriate public places the arms of those who have successively held various offices. the inns of court, st. george's chapel, the public office at the college of arms, and the halls of some of the livery companies are amongst the few places of importance where the custom still obtains. and yet what an interesting memorial such a series always becomes! the following list may not be entirely complete, but it is fairly so as far as france is concerned, and i think also complete as to england. the following are from the royal french court:-- _the high constable of france_: two swords held on each side of the shield by two hands in armour issuing from the clouds. _the chancellor_: in saltire behind his arms two great maces, and over his helmet a mortier or cap sable crossed by two bands of gold lace and turned up ermine; thereon the figure of a demi-queen as an emblem of france, holding a sceptre in her right hand and the great seal of the kingdom in her left. { } _the marshal_: two batons in saltire behind the arms azure, semé-de-lis or. _the admiral_: two anchors in saltire behind the arms, the stocks of the anchors in chief azure, semé-de-lis or. _the general of the galleys_: two anchors in saltire behind the arms. _vice-admiral_: one anchor in pale behind the arms. _colonel-general of the infantry_: under his arms in saltire six flags, three on each side, white, crimson, and blue. _colonel of the cavalry_: over the arms four banners of the arms of france, fringed, &c., two to the dexter and two to the sinister. _grand master of the artillery_: two field-pieces of ordnance under the arms, one pointing to the dexter and one to the sinister. _the superintendent of the finance_: two keys imperially crowned and endorsed in pale, one on each side of the arms, the dexter or, the sinister argent. _grand master of the household to the king_: two grand batons of silver gilt in saltire behind the arms. _grand almoner_: under his arms a blue book, on the cover the arms of france and navarre within the orders of st. michael and the holy ghost, over the orders the crown. _grand chamberlain_: two keys, both imperially crowned or, in saltire behind the arms endorsed, the wards-in-chief. _grand esquire_: on each side of the shield a royal sword erect, the scabbard azure, semé-de-lis, hilt and pommel or, the belts folded round the scabbard azure, semé-de-lis or. _grand pannetier_, who by virtue of his office had all the bakers of paris under his jurisdiction, and had to lay the king's cover at his table, bore under his arms a rich cover and a knife and fork in saltire. _grand butler or cupbearer_: on each side of the base of the shield, a grand silver flagon gilt, with the arms of the king thereon. _gamekeeper to the king_: two bugle-horns appending from the ends of the mantling. _grand falconer_: two lures appending from the ends of the mantling. _grand wolf-hunter_: on each side of the shield a wolf's head caboshed. _captain of the king's guards_: two small batons sable, headed gold, like a walking-cane. _captain of the hundred swiss guards_: two batons in saltire sable, headed argent, and under the arms two black velvet caps with feathers. _first master of the household_: under his arms two batons in saltire. _grand carver to his majesty_: under his arms a knife and fork in saltire proper, the handles azure, semé-de-lis or. { } _grand provost of the household_: under his arms two roman fasces or, corded azure. _grand quartermaster_: a mace and battle-axe in saltire. _captain of the guards of the gate_: two keys in pale, crowned argent, one on each side the arms. _the president of the parliament_: on his helmet a black cap with two bands of gold lace. under the empire (of france) the vice-connétable used arms holding swords, as had been the case with the constable of the kingdom, but the swords were sheathed and semé of golden bees. the grand chamberlain had two golden keys in saltire, the bows thereof enclosing the imperial eagle, and the batons of the maréchaux de french were semé of bees instead of fleurs-de-lis. the pope bears a cross with three arms, an archbishop one with two arms, a bishop one with a single arm. besides this, two crossed keys appertain to the pope, the golden key to bind, in bend dexter, the silver key to loose, in sinister bend. british archbishops and bishops will be presently referred to. ecclesiastical princes, who were at the same time sovereign territorial princes, bore behind their shield a pedum or pastorale (crosier), crossed with the sword of penal judicature. a bishop bears the crosier with an outward bend, an abbot with an inward bend, thus symbolising the range of their activity or dominion. the arch and hereditary offices of the old german empire had also their own attributes; thus the "erztruchsess," lord high steward (palatinate-bavaria), bore a golden imperial globe, which arose from a misinterpretation of the double dish, the original attribute of this dignity. the lord high marshal of the empire (saxony) expressed his office by a shield divided "per fess argent and sable," bearing two crossed swords gules. the hereditary standard-bearer (würtemberg) bore: "azure, a banner or, charged with an eagle sable"; the lord high chamberlain (brandenburg): "azure, a sceptre or," while the hereditary chamberlain (hohenzollern) used: "gules, two crossed sceptres or." in italy the duca de savelli, as marshal of the conclave, hangs on either side of his shield a key, the cords of which are knotted beneath his coronet. in holland admirals used the naval crown, and added two anchors in saltire behind the shield. in spain the admirals of castile and of the indies placed an anchor in bend behind the shield. the instances i am aware of which have official sanction already in this country are as stated in the list which follows:-- i have purposely (to make the list absolutely complete) included { } insignia which may possibly be more properly considered ensigns of rank, because it is not particularly easy always to distinguish offices from honours and from rank. _the kings of england_ (george i. to william iv.), as arch treasurers of the holy roman empire, bore: upon an inescutcheon gules, in the centre of the arms of hanover, a representation of the crown of charlemagne. _an archbishop_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms, which he impales (placing it on the dexter side) with his personal arms; ( ) his mitre, which, it should be noted, is the same as the mitre of a bishop, and _not_ having a coronet encircling its band; ( ) his archiepiscopal staff (of gold, and with two transverse arms), which is placed in pale behind his escutcheon; ( ) two crosiers in saltire behind the escutcheon. it is curious to note that the pallium which occurs in all archiepiscopal coats of arms (save that of york) is now very generally conceded to have been more in the nature of an emblem of the _rank_ of archbishop (it being a part of his ecclesiastical costume) than a charge in a concrete impersonal coat of arms for a defined area of archiepiscopal jurisdiction. in this connection it is interesting to observe that the archbishops of york anciently used the pallium in lieu of the official arms now regularly employed. _a bishop_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms, ( ) his mitre, ( ) two crosiers in saltire behind his escutcheon. _the bishop of durham_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms, ( ) his coronetted mitre, _which is peculiar to himself_, and (which is another privilege also peculiar to himself alone) he places a _sword_ and a crosier in saltire behind his arms. reference should also be made to the chapter upon ecclesiastical heraldry. _a peer_ has: ( ) his coronet, ( ) his helmet of rank; ( ) his supporters, ( ) his robe of estate. _a scottish peer_ has, in addition, the ermine lining to his mantling. _a baronet of england_, of ireland, of great britain, or of the united kingdom has: ( ) his helmet of rank, ( ) his badge of ulster upon an inescutcheon or canton (argent, a sinister hand erect, couped at the wrist gules). _a baronet of nova scotia_ has: ( ) his helmet of rank, ( ) his badge (an orange tawny ribbon, whereon shall hang pendent in an escutcheon argent, a saltire azure, thereon an inescutcheon of the arms of scotland, with an imperial crown over the escutcheon, and encircled with this motto, "fax mentis honestæ gloria," pendent below the escutcheon). _a knight of the garter_ has: ( ) his garter to encircle the shield, ( ) his collar and badge, ( ) supporters. the prelate of the order of { } the garter (an office held by the bishops of winchester) is entitled to encircle his arms with the garter. the chancellor of the order of the garter encircles his arms with the garter. formerly the bishops of salisbury always held this office, but in when the county of berks (which of course includes windsor, and therefore the chapel of the order) was removed from the diocese of salisbury to the diocese of oxford, the office of chancellor passed to the bishops of oxford. the dean of windsor, as registrar of the order, displays below his shield the ribbon and badge of his office. _a knight of the thistle_ has: ( ) the ribbon or circlet of the order, ( ) his collar and badge, ( ) supporters. the dean of the chapels royal in scotland, as dean of the order, used the badge and ribbon of his office. _a knight of st. patrick_ has: ( ) the ribbon or circlet of the order, ( ) his collar and badge, ( ) supporters. the prelate of the order of st. patrick was as such entitled to encircle his escutcheon with the ribbon or circlet of that order, from which his official badge depends. the office, of course, came to an end with the disestablishment of the irish church. it was held by the archbishops of armagh. the chancellor of the order of st. patrick is as such entitled to encircle his escutcheon with the ribbon or circlet of that order, from which his official badge depends. this office, formerly held by the archbishops of dublin, has since the disestablishment been enjoyed by the chief secretaries for ireland. the deans of st. patrick's were similarly registrars of the order, and as such used the badge and ribbon of their office. _knights grand cross_ or _knights grand commanders_ of the orders of the bath, the star of india, st. michael and st. george, the indian empire, or the victorian order, have: ( ) the circlets or ribbons of their respective orders, ( ) their collars and badges, ( ) their helmets of degree, ( ) supporters, if they incline to pay the fees for these to be granted. _knights commanders_ of the aforesaid orders have: ( ) the circlets or ribbons of their respective orders, ( ) their badges pendent below the shield, ( ) their helmets of degree. _commanders_ of the victorian order have: ( ) the circlet of the order, ( ) the badge pendent below the shield. _companions_ of the aforesaid orders, and members of the victorian order, as also members of the distinguished service order, the imperial service order, the order of merit, the order of victoria and albert, the order of the crown of india, and those entitled to the victoria cross, the albert medal, the edward medal, the conspicuous service cross, the kaisar-i-hind medal, the royal red cross, the { } volunteer officers' decoration, the territorial decoration, and the decoration of the league of mercy, are entitled to suspend their respective decorations below their escutcheons. the officers of these orders of knighthood are of course entitled to display their badges of office. the dean of westminster is always dean of the order of the bath. _knights grand cross_ and_ knights commanders of the bath, if of the military division_, are also entitled to place a wreath of laurel round their escutcheons. _knights of justice of the order of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem in england_ are entitled to place upon their escutcheons a chief of the arms of the order (gules, a cross throughout argent, embellished in the angles with a lion guardant and a unicorn, both passant or). _knights of grace and other members of the order_ suspend whatever badge they are entitled to wear below their shield from a black watered-silk ribbon. [some members of the order display their arms upon the cross of the order, as was done by knights of the original order, from which the present order is copied, but how far the practice is sanctioned by the royal charter, or in what manner it is controlled by the rules of the order, i am not aware.] _the lord high constable of england_ is entitled to place behind his escutcheon two batons in saltire similar to the one which is delivered to him for use at the coronation, which is now the only occasion when the office is enjoyed. as the office is only held temporarily, the existing privilege does not amount to much. _the lord high constable of scotland_ is entitled to place behind his escutcheon, in saltire, two silver batons tipped with gold at either end. the arms of the earl of errol (hereditary lord high constable of scotland) have only once, at an early period, been matriculated in lyon register, and then without any official insignia, but there can be no doubt of the right to the crossed batons. _the lord high chamberlain of scotland_ (i am not sure this office still exists): two golden keys in saltire behind the escutcheon. _the earl marshal and hereditary marshal of england_ places two batons of gold tipped with sable in saltire behind his arms. [_a deputy earl marshal_ places one similar baton in bend behind his shield.] _the earl marischal of scotland_ (until the office was extinguished by attainder) placed saltirewise behind his shield two batons gules, semé of thistles, each ensigned on the top with an imperial crown or. _the hereditary marshal of ireland_ (an office for long past in abeyance) used two batons in saltire behind his arms. according to { } ms. harl. , f. : "les armes des office du mareschall d'ireland sont de goulz et cinque fucelles bendes d'argent." these certainly do not appear to be the personal arms of those who held the office, but there is other record that some such coat was used. _the hereditary lord great seneschal of ireland_ (the earl of shrewsbury) places a white wand in pale behind his escutcheon. _the duke of argyll_ places in saltire behind his arms: ( ) in bend dexter, a baton gules, semé of thistles or, ensigned with an imperial crown proper, thereon the crest of scotland (as hereditary great master of the household in scotland); ( ) in bend sinister, a sword proper, hilt and pommel or (as hereditary justice-general of scotland) (_vide_ plate iii.). _the master-general of the ordnance_ (by warrant of king charles ii.), bears on each side of his arms a field-piece. _the lord justice-clerk of scotland_ places two swords in saltire behind his shield. _the lord chief-justice of england_ encircles his arms with his collar of ss. _the walker trustees_ place behind their shield two batons in saltire, each ensigned with a unicorn salient supporting a shield argent, the unicorn horned or, and gorged with an antique crown, to which is affixed a chain passing between the fore-legs and reflexed over the back of the last, for the office of heritable usher of the white rod of scotland, now vested in the said trustees. before the recent court of claims the claim was made to exercise the office by deputy, and such claim was allowed. _the master of the revels in scotland_ has an official coat of arms: argent, a lady rising out of a cloud in the nombril point, richly apparelled, on her head a garland of ivy, holding in her right hand a poignard crowned, in her left a vizard all proper, standing under a veil or canopy azure garnished or, in base a thistle vert. _serjeants-at-arms_ encircle their arms with their collars of ss. _garter king of arms_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms (argent, a gules, on a chief azure, a ducal coronet encircled with a garter, between a lion passant guardant on the dexter, and a fleur-de-lis on the sinister, all or); ( ) his crown; ( ) his collar of ss (the collar of a king of arms differs from that of a herald, inasmuch as it is of _silver-gilt_, and on each shoulder a portcullis is inserted); ( ) his badge as garter pendent below his shield. his sceptre of silver-gilt has been sometimes placed in bend behind his escutcheon, but this has not been regularly done. the practice has, however, been reverted to by the present garter. _lyon king of arms_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms (argent, a lion sejant, erect and affronté gules, holding in his dexter paw a thistle { } slipped vert, and in the sinister a shield of the second, on a chief azure a st. andrew's cross--_i.e._ a saltire--of the field); ( ) his crown; ( ) two batons, representing that of his office in saltire behind his shield, these being azure semé of thistles and fleurs-de-lis or, tipped at either end with gold; ( ) his collar of ss; ( ) his triple chain of gold, from which depends his badge as lyon king of arms. _ulster king of arms_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms (or, a cross gules, on a chief of the last a lion of england between a harp and a portcullis, all of the first); ( ) his crown; ( ) his collar of ss; ( ) his two staves in saltire behind the shield; ( ) his chain and badge as ulster king of arms; ( ) his badge as registrar of the order of st. patrick. _clarenceux king of arms_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms (argent, a cross gules, on a chief of the second a lion passant guardant or, crowned of the last); ( ) his crown; ( ) his collar of ss. _norroy king of arms_ has: ( ) his official coat of arms (argent, a cross gules, on a chief of the second a lion of england passant guardant or, crowned with an open crown, between a fleur-de-lis on the dexter and a key on the sinister of the last); ( ) his crown; ( ) his collar of ss. _bath king of arms_ has: ( ) his crown; his collar of ss. i am not aware that any official arms have been assigned to bath up to the present time; but if none exist, there would not be the slightest difficulty in obtaining these. _an english herald_ encircles his shield with his collar of ss. _a scottish herald_ is entitled to do the same, and has also his badge, which he places below the escutcheon pendent from a ribbon of blue and white. an _irish herald_ has his collar of ss, and his badge suspended from a sky-blue ribbon. an _irish pursuivant_ has a similar badge. _the regius professors (or "readers") in the university of cambridge_, for "phisicke," "lawe," "devinity," "hebrew," and "greke," have official arms as follows (see grant by robert cooke, clarenceux, , _genealogical magazine_, vol. ii. p. ):-- _of phisicke_: azure, a fesse ermines (? ermine) between three lozenges or, on a chief gules a lion passant guardant of the third, charged on the side with the letter m sable. crest: on a wreath or and azure, a quinquangle silver, called "simbolum sanitatis." mantling gules and argent. _of lawe_: purpure, a cross moline or, on a chief gules, a lion passant guardant of the second, charged on the side with the letter l sable. crest: on a wreath "purple and gold," a bee volant or. mantling gules and argent. _of devinity_: gules, on a cross ermine, between four doves argent, { } a book of the first, the leaves or, charged in the midst with the greek letter [theta] (theta) sable. crest: on a wreath "silver and gules," a dove volant argent, with an olive-branch vert in his beak. mantling gules, double argent. _of hebrew_: argent, the hebrew letter [hebrew: t] (tawe) sable, on a chief gules, a lion passant guardant or, charged on the side with the letter h sable. crest: on a wreath "silver and sables," a turtle-dove azure. mantling gules, double argent. _of greke_: per chevron argent and sable, in chief the two greek letters [alpha] (alpha) and [omega] (omega) of the second, and in base a "cicado" or grasshopper of the first, on a chief gules, a lion passant guardant or, charged on the side with the letter g sable. crest: on a wreath "silver and sables," an owl argent, legs, beak, and ears or. mantling gules and argent. the following insignia of office i quote subject to the reservation that i am doubtful how far they enjoy official sanction:-- _the lord chancellor of england_: two maces in saltire (or one in pale) behind the shield and the purse containing the great seal below it. _the lord great chamberlain of england_: two golden keys in saltire; and _the lord chamberlain of the household_: a golden key in pale behind the shield. at exeter the dean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer have used official arms impaled with their own insignia. these were:-- _the dean_: azure, a stag's head caboshed and between the horns a cross patée fitchée argent. _the precentor_: argent, on a saltire azure a fleur-de-lis or. _the chancellor_: gules, a saltire argent between four crosslets or. _the treasurer_: gules, a saltire between four leopards' heads or. the dean of the chapel royal, savoy, may perhaps employ the complicated coat of the chapel to impale his personal arms, placing the escutcheon on the breast of an eagle sable, crowned or. many english deaneries claim to possess arms which presumably the occupant may use to impale his own coat with, after the example of the dean of exeter. such are london, winchester, lincoln, salisbury, lichfield, durham, which all difference the arms of the see with a letter d of gold or sable. st. david's reverses the tinctures of the arms of the see. norwich and carlisle carry: argent, a cross sable. canterbury: azure, on a cross argent the monogram sable. york differences the arms of the see by changing the crown into a mitre, and adding three plates in flanks and base. { } chapter xxxvii augmentations of honour of all heraldic distinctions the possession of an augmentation of honour is the one most prized. the sovereign is of course the fountain of honour, and though ordinary grants of arms are made by letters patent under the hands and seals of the kings of arms, by virtue of the powers expressly and specifically conferred upon them in the letters patent respectively appointing them to their offices, a grant of arms is theoretically a grant from the crown. the privilege of the possession of arms in the ordinary event is left in the discretion of the earl marshal, whose warrant is a condition precedent to the issue of a grant. providing a person is palpably living in that style and condition of life in which the use of arms is usual, subject always to the earl marshal's pleasure and discretion, a grant of arms can ordinarily be obtained upon payment of the usual fees. the social status of present-day grantees of arms is considerably in advance of the status of grantees in the tudor period. an augmentation of arms, however, is on a totally and entirely different footing. it is an especial mark of favour from the sovereign, and the effective grant is a royal warrant under the hand and privy seal of the sovereign. the warrant recites and requires that the augmentation granted shall be exemplified and recorded in the college of arms. augmentations have been less frequently conferred in recent years than was formerly the case. technically speaking, a gift of arms by the sovereign direct where none previously existed is not an augmentation, though one is naturally inclined to include such grants in the category. such an example is met with in the shield granted to colonel carlos by king charles to commemorate their mutual adventures in the oak tree ("or, issuing from a mount in base vert, an oak tree proper, over all on a fess gules, three imperial crowns also proper") (plate ii.). there are many gorgeous legends relating to augmentations and arms which are said to have been granted by william the conqueror as rewards after the battle of hastings. personally i do not believe in a single one. there was a certain augmentation borne by the dodge family, which, if it be correct, dates from the thirty-fourth year of edward i., but whether this be authentic it is impossible to say. most { } people consider the alleged _deed of grant_ a forgery, and if this be so, the arms only exist by right of subsequent record and the question of augmentation rests upon tradition. the curious charge of the woman's breast distilling drops of milk to typify the nourishment afforded to the king's army is at any rate most interesting (plate vi.). the earliest undoubted one in this country that i am aware of dates from the reign of edward iii. sir john de pelham shared in the glory of the battle of poictiers, and in the capture of the french king john. to commemorate this he was granted two round buckles with thongs. the pelham family arms were "azure, three pelicans argent," and, as will be seen, these family arms were quartered with the buckles and thongs on a field gules as an augmentation. the quarterly coat forms a part of the arms both of lord chichester and of lord yarborough at the present day, and "the pelham buckle" has been the badge of the pelham family for centuries. piers legh fought with the black prince and took the count de tanquervil prisoner at the battle of crecy, "and did valiantly rere and advance the said princes banner att the bataile of cressy to the noe little encouragement of the english army," but it was not until the reign of queen elizabeth that the augmentation to commemorate this was granted. the battle of flodden was won by the earl of surrey, afterwards the duke of norfolk, and amongst the many rewards which the king showered upon his successful marshal was the augmentation to his arms of "a demi-lion pierced in the mouth with an arrow, depicted on the colours for the arms of the kingdom of scotland, which the said james, late king of scots, bore." according to the act of parliament under which it was granted this augmentation would seem now to belong exclusively to lord mowbray and stourton and hon. mary petre, but it is borne apparently with official sanction, or more likely perhaps by official inadvertence, by the duke of norfolk and the rest of the howard family. the battle of agincourt is referred to by shakespeare, who puts these words into king henry's mouth on the eve of that great battle (act iv. sc. ):-- "we few, we happy few, we band of brothers for he to-day that sheds his blood with me shall be my brother; be he ne'er so vile, this day shall gentle his condition." there is actual foundation in fact for these lines. for in a writ couched in very stringent and severe terms issued by the same king in after years decreeing penalties for the improper assumption and use of false arms, specific exception is made in favour of those "who bore { } arms with us at the battle of agincourt." evidently this formed a very extensive kind of augmentation. the reign of queen elizabeth furnishes an interesting example of the gift of a complete coat in the case of sir francis drake, who had been using the arms of another family of the same name. the representative of that family complained to the queen that sir francis, whom he styled an upstart, should take such liberties with his arms; whereupon the queen said she would give sir francis arms which should outrival those of his namesake. at least, such is the legend, and though the arms themselves were granted by clarenceux king of arms, and i have not yet found any royal warrant indicating that the grant was made by specific royal command, it is possible the story is correct. the arms are: "sable, a fess wavy between two stars argent. crest: a ship under reef, drawn round a terrestrial globe with a cable by a hand issuing from clouds all proper" (plate vi.). the stars upon the shield are the two pole stars, and the wavy band between them typifies drake's voyage round the world, as does also the peculiar crest in which the divine hand is shown guiding his ship around the globe. at the battle of naseby dr. edward lake fought bravely for the king, and in the service of his majesty received no less than sixteen wounds. at the end of the battle, when his left arm was useless, he put the bridle of his horse between his teeth and still fought on. the quartering of augmentation given to him was: "gules, a dexter arm embowed in armour holding in the hand a sword erect all proper, thereto affixed a banner argent charged with a cross between sixteen escutcheons of the field, on the cross a lion of england." the sixteen shields upon the banner typify his sixteen wounds. after the commonwealth was established in england, charles ii. made a desperate effort to regain his crown, an effort which culminated in his disastrous defeat at the battle of worcester. the king escaped through the gate of the city solely through the heroic efforts of colonel newman, and this is kept in remembrance by the inescutcheon of augmentation, viz.: "gules, a portcullis imperially crowned or." every one has heard how the king was accompanied in his wanderings by colonel carlos, who hid with him in the oak tree at boscobel. afterwards the king accompanied mistress jane lane on horseback as her servant to the coast, whence he fled to the continent. the reward of colonel carlos was the gift of the entire coat of arms already referred to. the lanes, though not until after some years had passed and the king had come back to his own again, were granted two remarkable additions to their family arms. first of all "the canton of england" (that is, the arms of england upon a canton) was added { } to their shield. they are the _only_ family to whom such an honour has been given, and a most curious result has happened. when the use of armorial bearings was taxed by act of parliament the royal arms were specially exempted, and on account of this canton the lane family claimed and obtained exemption from the tax. a few years later a crest was granted to them, namely, a strawberry-roan horse, "couped at the flanks," holding in its feet the royal crown (plate ii.). it was upon a horse of this colour that the king and mistress lane had escaped and thereby saved the crown. mr. francis wolfe, of madeley, who also was a party to the escape, received the grant of an inescutcheon gules charged with a lion of england. another family which bears an augmentation to commemorate king charles' escape is whitgreave. the reign of queen anne produced in the duke of marlborough one of the finest generals the world has ever seen; and in the battle of blenheim one of its greatest victories. the augmentation which commemorates this is a shield bearing the cross of st. george and in the centre a smaller shield with the golden lilies of france. in the year the battle of camperdown was fought, when admiral duncan defeated the dutch fleet and was created lord camperdown. to his family arms were added a naval crown and a representation of the gold medal given by george iii. to lord camperdown to commemorate his victory. the arms of nelson are most interesting, inasmuch as one version of the arms carries two separate and distinct augmentations. it is not, however, the coat as it was granted to and borne by the great admiral himself. after the battle of the nile he received the augmentation on the chief, a landscape showing the palm-tree, the disabled ship, and the battery in ruins. the one crest was the plume of triumph given to the admiral by the sultan selim iii., and his second crest, which, however, is not a crest of augmentation, was the stern of the spanish ship _san josef._ after his death at the battle of trafalgar his brother was created earl nelson, and a second augmentation, namely, a fess wavy sable with the word "trafalgar" upon it in gold letters, was added to the arms. this, however, has since been discontinued, except by lord bridport, who quarters it, whilst the nelson family has reverted to the arms as they were borne by the great admiral. after the death of nelson at the battle of trafalgar, lord collingwood took command, and though naval experts think that the action of collingwood greatly minimised the number of prizes which would have resulted from the victory, lord collingwood received for an augmentation a chief wavy gules, thereon the lion of england, navally { } crowned, with the word "trafalgar" above the lion. he also received an additional crest, namely, the stern of his ship, the _royal sovereign_, between a wreath of oak on the one side and a wreath of laurel on the other. the heroic story of the famous fight between the _shannon_ and the _chesapeake_ has been often told. captain broke sent in a challenge to the _chesapeake_ to come out and fight him, and, though a banquet was prepared by the mayor of boston for that evening "to meet the english officers," captain broke defeated the _chesapeake_ in an engagement which only lasted a very short time. he was granted an additional crest, namely, an arm holding a trident and issuing from a naval crown, together with the motto, "sævumque tridentem servamus." general ross fought and won the battle of bladensburg, and took the city of washington, dying a few days afterwards. the story is that the family were offered their choice of a baronetcy or an augmentation, and they chose the latter. the augmentation (plate ii.), which was specially granted with permission for it to be placed upon the monument to the memory of general ross, consists of the arm holding the flag of the united states with a broken flag-staff which will be seen both on the shield itself, and as an additional crest. the shield also shows the gold cross for previous services at corunna and in the peninsula. the family were also given the surname of "ross-of-bladensburg." the capture of curaçoa by admiral sir charles brisbane, k.c.b., is commemorated by the representation of his ship passing between the two dutch forts; and by the additional crest of an arm in a naval officer's uniform grasping a cutlass. admiral sir robert otway, for his distinguished services, was granted: "on a chief azure an anchor between two branches of oak or, and on the dexter side a demi-neptune and on the sinister a mermaid proper," to add to his shield. admiral sir george pocock, who captured havannah, was given for an augmentation: "on a chief wavy azure a sea-horse" (to typify his naval career), between two eastern crowns (to typify his services in the east indies), with the word "havanna," the scene of his greatest victory. sir edward pellew, who was created viscount exmouth for bombarding and destroying the fort and arsenal of algiers, was given upon a chief a representation of that fort, with an english man-of-war in front of it, to add to his arms. it is interesting to note that one of his supporters, though not a part of his augmentation, represents a christian slave, in memory of those in captivity at algiers when he captured the city. there were several augmentations won at the battle of waterloo, { } and the waterloo medal figures upon many coats of arms of waterloo officers. colonel alexander clark-kennedy, with his own hand, captured the french eagle of the th french regiment. for this he bears a representation of it and a sword crossed upon a chief over his arms, and his crest of augmentation is a demi-dragoon holding the same flag. of the multitude of honours which were showered upon the duke of wellington, not the least was his augmentation. this was a smaller shield to be superimposed upon his own, and charged with those crosses of st. george, st. andrew, and st. patrick, which we term "the union jack." sir edward kerrison, who distinguished himself so greatly in the peninsula and at waterloo, was granted a sword with a wreath of laurel and representations of his medals for orthes and waterloo, and, for an additional crest, an arm in armour holding a banner inscribed "peninsula." sir thomas munro, who will be long remembered as the governor of madras, was rewarded for his capture of badamy by a representation of that hill-fort in india. the augmentation of lord keane is very similar, being a representation of the fortress of ghuznee in afghanistan, which he captured. other instances of a similar character are to be found in the arms of cockburn-campbell and hamilton-grace. the arms of lord gough are most remarkable, inasmuch as they show no less than two distinct and different augmentations both earned by the same man. in , for his services in the peninsula, he received a representation of the spanish order of charles iii., and on a chief the representation of the fortress of tarifa, with the crest of the arm holding the colours of his own regiment, the th, and a french eagle reversed and depressed. after his victories in the east, particularly at goojerat, and for the subjugation and annexation of the punjab, he was granted, in , an additional quartering to add to his shield. this has the lion of england holding up the union jack below the words "china" and "india." the third crest, which was then granted to him, shows a similar lion holding the union jack and a chinese flag. sir george pollock, "of the khyber pass," bart., earned everlasting fame for himself in the first afghan war, by forcing the khyber pass and by the capture of cabul. for this he was given an eastern crown and the word "khyber" on a chief as well as three cannon upon a canton, and at the same time he was granted an additional crest--a lion holding an afghan banner with the staff thereof broken. with him it seemed as if the practice of granting augmentations for military services had ceased. lord roberts has none, neither has lord wolseley. but recently the old practice was reverted to in favour of lord kitchener. his family arms were: "azure, a chevron cottised { } between three bustards," and in the centre chief point a bezant; with a stag's head for a crest; but for "smashing the khalifa" he has been given the union jack and the egyptian flag with the staves encircled by a coronet bearing the word "khartoum," all on a pile superimposed over his family arms. he also received a second crest of an elephant's head holding a sword in its trunk issuing from a mural crown. at the conclusion of the south african war a second augmentation was granted to him, this taking the form of a chief. two other very interesting instances of augmentation of arms are worthy of mention. sir ralph abercromby, after a distinguished career, fought and won the battle of aboukir bay, only to die a few days later on board h.m.s. _foudroyant_ of his wounds received in the battle. but long before he had fought and conquered the french at valenciennes, and in had been made a knight of the bath. the arms which are upon his stall plate in westminster abbey include his augmentation, which is an arm in armour encircled by a wreath of laurel supporting the french standard. sir william hoste gained the celebrated victory over the french fleet off the island of lissa in , and the augmentation which was granted was a representation of his gold medal hanging from a naval crown, and an additional crest, an arm holding a flag inscribed with the word "cattaro," the scene of another of his victories. peace has its victories no less than war, but there is generally very much less fuss made about them. consequently, the augmentations to commemorate entirely pacific actions are considerably fewer in number. the speke augmentation has been elsewhere referred to, and reference may be made to the ross augmentation to commemorate the arctic exploits of sir john ross. it is a very common idea that arms were formerly to be obtained by conquest in battle. like many other heraldic ideas, there is a certain amount of truth in the idea, from which very erroneous generalisations have been made. the old legend as to the acquisition of the plume of ostrich feathers by the black prince no doubt largely accounts for the idea. that legend, as has been already shown, lacks foundation. territorial or sovereign arms doubtless would be subject to conquest, but i do not believe that because in battle or in a tournament _à outrance_ one person defeated another, he therefore became entitled to assume, of his own motion, the arms of the man he had vanquished. the proposition is too absurd. but there is no doubt that in some number of historic cases his sovereign has subsequently conferred upon the victor an augmentation which has closely approximated to the arms of his victim. such cases occur in the arms of the clerkes, barts., { } of hitcham, bucks, who bear: "on a sinister canton azure, a demi-ram salient of the first, and in chief two fleurs-de-lis or, debruised by a baton," to commemorate the action of sir john clerke of weston, who captured louis d'orleans, duke of longueville, at borny, near terouenne, henry vii. the augmentation conferred upon the duke of norfolk at the battle of flodden has been already referred to, but the family of lloyd of stockton, co. salop, carry a remarkable augmentation, inasmuch as they are permitted to bear the arms of sir john oldcastle, lord cobham, to commemorate his recapture by their ancestor after lord cobham's escape from the tower. [illustration: fig. .--arms of robert de vere, duke of ireland and earl of oxford: quarterly, and (of augmentation), azure, three crowns or, within a bordure argent; and , quarterly gules and or, in the first quarter a mullet argent.] augmentations which have no other basis than mere favour of kings, or consanguinity to the royal family, are not uncommon. richard ii., who himself adopted the arms of st. edward the confessor, bestowed the right to bear them also upon thomas mowbray, duke of norfolk (fig. ). no difference was added to them in his case, which is the more remarkable as they were borne by the duke impaled with the arms of england. in the king conferred the same arms upon john de holland, duke of exeter, differenced by a label argent, and upon thomas de holland, duke of surrey, within a bordure ermine. richard ii. seems to have been inclined to the granting of augmentations, for in , when he created the earl of oxford (robert de vere) duke of ireland, he granted him as an augmentation the arms of ireland ("azure, three crowns or") within a bordure argent (fig. ). the manners family, who were of royal descent, but who, not being descended from an heiress, had no right to quarter the royal arms, received the grant of a chief "quarterly azure and gules, in the first and fourth quarters two fleurs-de-lis, and in the second and third a lion passant guardant or." this precedent might well be followed at the present day in the case of the daughters of the duke and duchess of fife. it was adopted in the case of queen victoria eugenie of spain. the waller family, of groombridge, co. kent, one of whom, richard waller, captured charles, duke of orleans, at the battle of agincourt, received as an augmentation the right to suspend from the crest ("on a mount a walnut-tree proper") an escutcheon of the arms of that prince, viz.: "azure, three fleurs-de-lis or, a label of three points argent." lord polwarth bears one of the few augmentations granted by william iii., viz.: "an inescutcheon azure charged with an orange ensigned with an imperial crown { } all proper," whilst the titular king james iii. and viii. granted to john græme, earl of alford, a coat of augmentation, viz.: "the royal arms of scotland on the field and cross of st. andrew counterchanged," the date of the grant being th january . sir john keith, earl of kintore, knight marischal of scotland, saved the regalia of scotland from falling into the hands of cromwell, and in return the keith arms (now quartered by lord kintore) were augmented with "an inescutcheon gules, a sword in bend sinister surmounted by a sceptre in bend dexter, in chief an imperial crown, the whole within an orle of eight thistles." the well-known augmentation of the seymour family: "or, on a pile gules, between six fleurs-de-lis azure," is borne to commemorate the marriage of jane seymour to henry viii., who granted augmentations to all his wives except catharine of aragon and anne of cleves. the seymour family is, however, the only one in which the use of the augmentation has been continued. the same practice was followed by granting the arms of england to the consort of the princess caroline and to the late prince consort. see page . [illustration: fig. .--device from the chief of the "prussian sword nobility."] the frequent grant of the royal tressure in scotland, probably usually as an augmentation, has been already referred to. king charles i. granted to the earl of kinnoull as a quartering of augmentation: "azure, a unicorn salient argent, armed, maned, and unguled or, within a bordure of the last charged with thistles of scotland and roses gules of england dimidiated." the well-known augmentation of the medicis family, viz.: "a roundle azure, charged with three fleurs-de-lis or," was granted by louis xii. to pietro de medicis. the prussian officers, ennobled on the th of january , the twenty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of the new german empire, bear as a device a chief purpure, and thereupon the prussian sceptre and a sword in saltire interlaced by two oak-branches vert (fig. ). the late right hon. sir thomas thornton, g.c.b., received a royal licence to accept the portuguese title of conde de cassilhas and an augmentation. this was an inescutcheon (ensigned by his coronet as a conde) "or, thereon an arm embowed vested azure, the cuff gold, the hand supporting a flagstaff therefrom flowing the royal standard of portugal." the same device issuing from his coronet was also granted to him as a crest of augmentation. sir woodbine parish, k.c.h., by legislative act of the argentine republic received in a grant of { } the arms of that country, which was subsequently incorporated in the arms granted to him and registered in the heralds' college in this country. he had been consul-general and chargé d'affaires at buenos ayres, - ; he was appointed in plenipotentiary, and concluded the first treaty by which the argentine republic was formally recognised. reference has been already made (page ) to the frequent grant of supporters as augmentations, and perhaps mention should also be made of the inescutcheons for the dukedom of aubigny, borne by the duke of richmond and gordon, and for the duchy of chatelherault, borne by the duke of abercorn. possibly these should more properly be ranked as territorial arms and not as augmentations. a similar coat is the inescutcheon borne by the earl of mar and kellie for his earldom of kellie. this, however, is stated by woodward to be an augmentation granted by james vi. to sir thomas erskine, one of several granted by that king to commemorate the frustration of the gowrie plot in . the marquess of westminster, for some utterly inexplicable reason, was granted as an augmentation the right to bear the arms of the city of westminster in the first quarter of his arms. those who have rendered very great personal service to the crown have been sometimes so favoured. the halford and gull (see page ) augmentations commemorate medical services to the royal family, and augmentations have been conferred upon sir frederick treves and sir francis laking in connection with his majesty's illness at the time of the coronation. the badges of ulster and nova scotia borne as such upon their shields by baronets are, of course, augmentations. two cases are known of augmentations to the arms of towns. the arms of derry were augmented by the arms of the city of london in chief, when, after its fearful siege, the name of derry was changed to londonderry to commemorate the help given by the city of london. the arms of the city of hereford had an azure bordure semé of saltires couped argent added to its arms after it had successfully withstood its scottish siege, and this, by the way, is a striking example of colour upon colour, the field of the coat being gules. there are many grants in the later part of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries recorded in lyon register which at first sight appear to be augmentations. perhaps they are rightly so termed, but as the additions usually appear to be granted by the lyon without specific royal warrants, they are hardly equivalent to the english ones issued during the same period. many ordinary grants made in england which have borne direct reference to particular achievements of the grantee have been (by the grantees and their { } descendants) wrongly termed augmentations. a rough and ready (though not a certain) test is to imagine the coat if the augmentation be removed, and see whether it remains a properly balanced design. few of such coats will survive the test. the additions made to a coat to make it a different design, when a new grant is founded upon arms improperly used theretofore, are not augmentations, although spoken departures from the truth on this detail are by no means rare. { } chapter xxxviii ecclesiastical heraldry ecclesiastical heraldry has nothing like the importance in british armory that it possesses elsewhere. it may be said to consist in this country exclusively of the official arms assigned to and recorded for the archiepiscopal and episcopal sees, and the mitres and crosiers which are added to the shields, and a certain number of ecclesiastical symbols which occur as charges. in pre-reformation days there were, of course, the many religious houses which used armorial emblems, but with the suppression of the monasteries these vanished. the cardinal's hat was recognised in former days, and would still be officially certified in england as admittedly correctly displayed above the arms of a roman cardinal. but the curious and intricate development of other varieties of the ecclesiastical hat which will be found in use in all other european countries is not known to british armory. nor has the english college of arms recognised the impersonal arms of the catholic communities. those arms, with and without the ecclesiastical hats, play a conspicuous part in continental heraldry. it is difficult to assign a proper value or a definite status to the arms of the abbeys and other religious houses in this country in pre-reformation times. the principal, in fact the only important sources of information concerning them are the impressions of seals which have come down to us. many of these seals show the effigies of saints or patrons, some show the impersonal arms of the religious order to whose rule the community conformed, some the personal arms of the official of the moment, others the personal arms of the founder. in other cases arms presumably those of the particular foundation or community occur, but in such cases the variations in design are so marked, and so often we find that two, three, or more devices are used indifferently and indiscriminately, that one is forced to arrive at the conclusion that a large proportion of the devices in use, though armorial in character, had no greater status than a temporary existence as seal designs. they distinctly lack the unchanging continuity one associates with armorial bearings. but whatever their status may { } once have been, they have now completely passed out of being and may well be allowed to rest in the uncertainty which exists concerning them. the interest attaching to them can never be more than academic in character and limited in extent. the larger abbeys, the abbots of which were anciently summoned to parliament as lords of parliament, appear to have adhered rather more consistently to a fixed device in each case, though the variations of design are very noticeable even in these instances. a list of them will be found in the _genealogical magazine_ (vol. ii. p. ). the suppression of the monasteries in this country was so thorough and so ruthless, that the contemporary instances of abbatical arms remaining to us from which deduction as to armorial rules and precedents can be made are singularly few in number, but it would appear that the abbot impaled the arms of his abbey on the dexter side of his personal arms, and placed his mitre above the shield. the mitre of an abbot differed from that of a bishop, inasmuch as it had no labels--or _infulæ_--depending from within it. the abbot used a crosier, which doubtless was correctly added to his armorial bearings, but it is found in pale behind the shield, in bend, and also two in saltire, and it is difficult to assert which was the most correct form. the crosier of an abbot was also represented with the crook at its head curved inwards, the terminal point of the crook being entirely contained within the hook. the point of a bishop's, on the other hand, was turned outwards at the bottom of the crook. the difference is said to typify the distinction between the confined jurisdiction of the abbot--which was limited to the abbey and the community under his charge--and the more open and wider jurisdiction of the bishop. although this distinction has been much disputed as regards its recognition for the actual crosiers employed, there can be no doubt that it is very generally adhered to in heraldic representations, though one hesitates to assert it as an absolute rule. the official arms for the archiepiscopal and episcopal sees are of some interest. with the single exception of york, the archiepiscopal coats of arms all have, in some form or another, the pallium which forms part of an archbishop's vestments or insignia of rank, but it is now very generally recognised and conceded that the pallium is not merely a charge in the official coat for any specified jurisdiction, but is itself the sign of the rank of an archbishop of the same character and status as is the mitre, the pallium being displayed upon a shield as a matter of convenience for artistic representation. this view of the case has been much strengthened by the discovery that in ancient instances of the archiepiscopal arms of york the pallium is found, and not the more modern coat of the crown and keys; but whether the pallium is { } to be still so considered, or whether under english armorial law it must now be merely ranked as a charge in an ordinary coat of arms, in general practice it is accepted as the latter; but it nevertheless remains a point of very considerable interest (which has not yet been elucidated) why the pallium should have been discarded for york, and another coat of arms substituted. the various coats used by the archbishops of england and ireland are as follows:-- _canterbury._--azure, an episcopal staff in pale or, and ensigned with a cross patée argent surmounted of a pall of the last, charged with four crosses formée fitchée sable, edged and fringed or. _york._--gules, two keys in saltire argent, in chief a royal crown or. _armagh._--azure, an episcopal staff argent, ensigned with a cross patée or, surmounted by a pallium of the second, edged and fringed or, charged with four crosses formée fitchée sable. _dublin._--the arms of this archbishopric are the same as those of armagh, only with five crosses charged on the pallium instead of four. the arms of the episcopal sees have no attribute at all similar to the charge of the pallium in the coat of an archbishop, and are merely so many different coats of arms. the shield of every bishop and archbishop is surmounted by his mitre, and it is now customary to admit the use of the mitre by all persons holding the title of bishop who are recognised as bishops by the english law. this, of course, includes colonial and suffragan bishops, retired bishops, and bishops of the episcopal churches in scotland and in ireland. it is a moot point whether the bishops of the episcopal churches in ireland and in scotland are entitled to make use of the official arms formerly assigned to their sees at a period when those churches were state-established; but, looking at the matter from a strictly official point of view, it would not appear that they are any longer entitled to make use of them. the mitres of an archbishop and of a bishop--in spite of many statements to the contrary--are exactly identical, and the mistaken idea which has of late years (the practice is really quite a modern one) encircled the rim of an archbishop's mitre with the circlet of a coronet is absolutely incorrect. there are several forms of mitre which, when looked upon as an ecclesiastical ornament, can be said to exist; but from the heraldic point of view only one mitre is recognised, and that is of gold, the labels being of the same colour. the jewelled variety is incorrect in armorial representations, though the science of armory does not appear to have enforced any particular _shape_ of mitre. the "several forms" of the mitre--to which allusion has just been { } made--refer to the use in actual practice which prevailed in pre-reformation england, and still holds amongst roman catholic bishops at the present day. these are three in number, _i.e._ the "precious" (_pretiosa_), the gold (_auriferata_), and the simple (_simplex_). the two former are both employed at a pontifical mass (being alternately assumed at different parts of the service); the second only is worn at such rites as confirmation, &c.; while the third (which is purely of white linen) is confined to services for the dead, and on good friday. as its name implies, the first of these is of cloth of gold, ornamented to a greater or less degree with jewels, while the second--though likewise of cloth of gold--is without any design or ornament. the short gothic mitre of norman days has now given place to the modern roman one, an alteration which, with its great height and arched sides, can hardly perhaps be considered an artistic improvement. some individual roman catholic bishops at the present day, however (in england at any rate), wear mitres more allied to the norman and gothic shape. the past fifteen or so years have seen a revival--though in a purely eclectic and unofficial manner--of the _wearing_ of the mitre by church of england bishops. where this has been (and is being) done, the older form of mitre has been adhered to, though from the informal and unofficial nature of the revival no rules as to its use have been followed, but only individual choice. at the recent coronation, mitres were _not_ worn; which they undoubtedly would have been had this revival now alluded to been made authoritatively. all bishops and archbishops are entitled to place two crosiers in saltire behind their shields. archbishops of the roman catholic church have continuously placed in pale behind their shields what is known as the archbishop's cross. in actual practice, the cross carried before an archbishop is an ordinary one with one transverse piece, but the heraldic archiepiscopal cross is always represented as a double cross, _i.e._ having two transverse pieces one above the other. in the established church of england the archiepiscopal cross--as in the roman catholic church--is the plain two-armed variety, and though the cross is never officially recognised as an armorial attribute and is not very frequently met with in heraldic representations, there can be no doubt that if this cross is used to typify archiepiscopal rank, it should be heraldically represented with the double arms. the actual cross borne before archbishops is termed the provincial cross, and it may be of interest to here state that the bishops of rochester are the official cross-bearers to the archbishops of canterbury. to the foregoing rules there is one notable exception, _i.e._ the bishop { } of durham. the bishopric of durham, until the earlier part of the nineteenth century, was a palatinate, and in earlier times the bishops of durham, who had their own parliament and barons of the palatinate, exercised a jurisdiction and regality, limited in extent certainly, but little short in fact or effect of the power of the crown. if ever any ecclesiastic can be correctly said to have enjoyed temporal power, the bishops of durham can be so described. the prince-bishops of the continent had no such attributes of regality vested in themselves as were enjoyed by the bishops of durham. these were in truth kings within their bishoprics, and even to the present day--though modern geographies and modern social legislation have divided the bishopric into other divisions--one still hears the term employed of "within" or "without" the bishopric. the result of this temporal power enjoyed by the bishops of durham is seen in their heraldic achievement. in place of the two crosiers in saltire behind the shield, as used by the other bishops, the bishops of durham place a sword and a crosier in saltire behind their shield to signify both their temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. the mitre of the bishop of durham is heraldically represented with the rim encircled by a ducal coronet, and it has thereby become usual to speak of the coronetted mitre of the bishop of durham; but it should be clearly borne in mind that the coronet formed no part of the actual mitre, and probably no mitre has ever existed in which the rim has been encircled by a coronet. but the bishops of durham, by virtue of their temporal status, used a coronet, and by virtue of their ecclesiastical status used a mitre, and the representation of both of these at one and the same time has resulted in the coronet being placed to encircle the rim of the mitre. the result has been that, heraldically, they are now always represented as one and the same article. it is, of course, from this coronetted mitre of durham that the wholly inaccurate idea of the existence of coronet on the mitre of an archbishop has originated. apparently the humility of these princes of the church has not been sufficient to prevent their appropriating the peculiar privileges of their ecclesiastical brother of lesser rank. a crest is never used with a mitre or ecclesiastical hat. many writers deny the right of any ecclesiastic to a crest. some deny the right also to use a motto, but this restriction has no general acceptance. therefore ecclesiastical heraldry in britain is summed up in ( ) its recognition of the cardinal's hat, ( ) the official coat of arms for ecclesiastical purposes, ( ) the ensigns of ecclesiastical rank above alluded to, viz. mitre, cross, and crosier. { } ecclesiastical heraldry--notably in connection with the roman church--in other countries has, on the contrary, a very important place in armorial matters. in addition to the emblems officially recognised for english heraldry, the ecclesiastical hat is in constant use. the use of the ecclesiastical hat is very general outside great britain, and affords one of the few instances where the rules governing heraldic usages are identical throughout the continent. this curious unanimity is the more remarkable because it was not until the seventeenth century that the rather intricate rules concerning the colours of the hats used for different ranks and the number of tassels came into vogue. other than the occasional recognition of the cardinal's hat in former days, the only british official instance of the use of the ecclesiastical hat is met with in the case of the very recent matriculation of arms in lyon register to right rev. Æneas chisholm, the present roman catholic bishop of aberdeen. i frankly admit i am unaware why the ecclesiastical hat assigned to the bishop in the official matriculation of his arms has ten tassels on either side. the continental usage would assign him but six, and english armory has no rules of its own which can be quoted in opposition thereto. save as an acceptance of roman regulations (roman holy orders, it should not be forgotten, are recognised by the english common law to the extent that a roman catholic priest is not reordained if he becomes an anglican clergyman), the heraldic ecclesiastical hat of a bishop has no existence with us, and the roman regulations would give him but six tassels. the mitre is to be met with as a charge and as a crest, for instance, in the case of barclay and berkeley ["a mitre gules, labelled and garnished or, charged with a chevron between ten crosses patée, six and four argent. motto: 'dieu avec nous'"]; and also in the case of sir edmund hardinge, bart., whose crests are curious [" . of honourable augmentation, a hand fesswise couped above the wrist habited in naval uniform, holding a sword erect surmounting a dutch and a french flag in saltire, on the former inscribed "atalanta," on the latter "piedmontaise," the blade of the sword passing through a wreath of laurel near the point and a little below through another of cypress, with the motto, 'postera laude recens;' . a mitre gules charged with a chevron argent, fimbriated or, thereon three escallops sable."] the cross can hardly be termed exclusively ecclesiastical, but a curious figure of this nature is to be met with in the arms recently granted to the borough of southwark. it was undoubtedly taken from the device used in southwark before its incorporation, though as there were many bodies who adopted it in that neighbourhood, it is difficult to assign it to a specific origin. { } pastoral staves and passion-nails are elsewhere referred to, and the figures of saints and ecclesiastics are mentioned in the chapter on "the human figure." the emblems of the saints, which appear to have received a certain amount of official recognition--both ecclesiastical and heraldic--supply the origin of many other charges not in themselves heraldic. an instance of this kind will be found in the sword of st. paul, which figures on the shield of london. the cross of st. cuthbert, which has been adopted in the unauthorised coat for the see of newcastle-on-tyne, and the keys of st. peter, which figure in many ecclesiastical coats, are other examples. the lilies of the virgin are, of course, constantly to be met with in the form of fleurs-de-lis and natural flowers; the wheel of st. catharine is familiar, and the list might be extended indefinitely. { } chapter xxxix arms of dominion and sovereignty royal arms in many respects differ from ordinary armorial bearings, and it should be carefully borne in mind that they stand, not for any particular area of land, but for the intangible sovereignty vested in the rulers thereof. they are not necessarily, nor are they in fact, hereditary. they pass by conquest. a dynastic change which introduces new sovereignties introduces new quarterings, as when the hanoverian dynasty came to the throne of this country the quartering of hanover was introduced, but purely personal arms in british heraldry are never introduced. the personal arms of tudor and stewart were never added to the royal arms of this country. the origin of the english royal arms was dealt with on page . "gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or," as the arms of england, were used by kings john, henry iii., edward i., and edward ii. the quartering for france was introduced by edward iii., as explained on page , and the royal shield: quarterly and , france, ancient (azure, semé-de-lis or); and , england (gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or), was in use in the reigns of edward iii., richard ii. (who, however, impaled his arms with those of st. edward the confessor), and henry iv. the last-mentioned king about reduced the number of fleurs-de-lis to _three_, and the shield remained without further change till the end of the reign of edward vi. queen mary did not alter the arms of this country, but during the time of her marriage with philip of spain they were always borne impaled with the arms of spain. queen elizabeth bore the same shield as her predecessors. but when james i. came to the throne the arms were: "quarterly and , quarterly i. and iiii. france, ii. and iii. england; . scotland (or, a lion rampant within a double tressure flory and counterflory gules); . ireland (azure, a harp or, stringed argent)." the shield was so borne by james i., charles i., charles ii., and james ii. when william iii. and mary came to the throne an inescutcheon of the arms of nassau ("azure, billetty and a lion rampant or") was { } superimposed upon the royal arms as previously borne, for william iii., and he impaled the same coat without the inescutcheon for his wife. at her death the impalement was dropped. after the union with scotland in the arms of england ("gules, three lions," &c.) were _impaled_ with those of scotland (the tressure not being continued down the palar line), and the impaled coat of england and scotland was placed in the first and fourth quarters, france in the second, ireland in the third. at the accession of george i. the arms of hanover were introduced in the fourth quarter. these were: "tierced in pairle reversed, . brunswick, gules, two lions passant guardant in pale or; . luneberg, or, semé of hearts gules, a lion rampant azure; . (in point), westphalia, gules, a horse courant argent, and on an inescutcheon (over the fourth quarter) gules, the crown of charlemagne (as arch treasurer of the holy roman empire)." at the union with ireland in the opportunity was taken to revise the royal arms, and those of france were then discontinued. the escutcheon decided upon at that date was: "quarterly, and , england; . scotland; . ireland and the arms of hanover were placed upon an inescutcheon." this inescutcheon was surmounted by the electoral cap, for which a crown was substituted later when hanover became a kingdom. at the death of william iv., by the operation of the salic law, the crowns of england and hanover were separated, and the inescutcheon of hanover disappeared from the royal arms of this country, and by royal warrant issued at the beginning of the reign of queen victoria the royal arms and badges were declared to be: and , england; . scotland; . ireland. the necessary alteration of the cyphers are the only alterations made by his present majesty. the supporters date from the accession of james i. before that date there had been much variety. some of the royal badges have been already alluded to in the chapter on that subject. the differences used by various junior members of the royal family will be found in the chapter on marks of cadency. { } chapter xl hatchments a custom formerly prevailed in england, which at one time was of very considerable importance. this was the setting up of a hatchment after a death. no instances of hatchments of a very early date, as far as i am aware, are to be met with, and it is probably a correct conclusion that the custom, originating rather earlier, came into vogue in england during the seventeenth century and reached its height in the eighteenth. it doubtless originated in the carrying of ceremonial shields and helmets (afterwards left in the church) at funerals in the sixteenth century, and in the earlier practice of setting up in the church the actual shield of a deceased person. the cessation of the ceremonial funeral, no doubt, led to the cult of the hatchment. hatchments cannot be said even yet to have come entirely to an end, but instances of their use are nowadays extremely rare, and since the early part of the nineteenth century the practice has been steadily declining, and at the present time it is seldom indeed that one sees a hatchment _in use_. the word "hatchment" is, of course, a corruption of the term "achievement," this being the heraldic term implying an emblazonment of the full armorial bearings of any person. the manner of use was as follows. immediately upon the death of a person of any social position a hatchment of his or her arms was set up over the entrance to his house, which remained there for twelve months, during the period of mourning. it was then taken down from the house and removed to the church, where it was set up in perpetuity. there are few churches of any age in this country which do not boast one or more of these hatchments, and some are rich in their possession. those now remaining--for example, in st. chad's church in shrewsbury--must number, i imagine, over a hundred. there does not appear to have been any obligation upon a clergyman either to permit their erection, or to allow them to remain for any specified period. in some churches they have been discarded and relegated to the vestry, to the coal-house, or to the rubbish-heap, whilst in others they have been carefully preserved. the hatchment was a diamond-shaped frame, painted black, and { } enclosing a painting in oils upon wood, or more frequently canvas, of the full armorial bearings of the deceased person. the frame was usually about five feet six in height, and the rules for the display of arms upon hatchments afford an interesting set of regulations which may be applied to other heraldic emblazonments. the chief point, however, concerning a hatchment, and also the one in which it differs from an ordinary armorial emblazonment, lay in the colour of the groundwork upon which the armorial bearings were painted. for an unmarried person the whole of the groundwork was black, but for a husband or wife half was black and half white, the groundwork behind the arms of the deceased person being black, and of the surviving partner in matrimony white. the background for a widow or widower was entirely black. { } chapter xli the union jack by rev. j. r. crawford orders in council and other official documents refer to this flag as the union flag, the union jack, our jack, the king's colours, and the union banner, which last title precise heraldry usually adopts. in patriotic songs it is toasted as "the red, white, and blue," whilst in the services men affectionately allude to it as "the dear old duster." but britons at large cling to the title which heads this chapter; to them it is "_the union jack_." _why union?_ obviously because it unites three emblems of tutelar saints on one flag, and thereby denotes the union of three peoples under one sovereign. it is the motto "_tria juncta in uno_" rendered in bunting. _why jack?_ two theories are propounded, one fanciful, the other probable. some say "jack" is the anglicised form of "jacques," which is the french signature of james i., in whose reign and by whose command the first union flag was called into being. against this at least three reasons may justly be urged: ( ) the term "_jack_" does not appear--so far as we can discover--in any warrant referring to the jacobean flag of . it is rather in later documents that this term occurs. ( ) if the earliest union flag be a "_jack_" just because it is the creation of james, then surely it follows that, to be consistent, later union flags, the creations of later sovereigns, should have borne those sovereigns' names; for example _the union anne_, _the union george_! ( ) the english way of pronouncing "jacques" is not, and probably never was _jack_, but _jaikes_. the other, and more feasible theory, is as follows: the term "jaque" (e.g. _jaque de mailles_) was borrowed from the french and referred to any jacket or coat on which, especially, heraldic emblems were blazoned. in days long prior to those of the first stuart king, mention is made of "whytte cotes with red crosses worn by shyppesmen and men of the cette of london," from which sentence we learn that the emblem of the nation's tutelar saint was (as in yet earlier crusaders' days) a _fighter's_ emblem. when such emblem or emblems were transferred to a flag, { } the term _jaque_ may well, in course of time, have been also applied to that flag, as previously to the jacket. glance now at the story of those orders in council which created the various union flags. the very union of the two kingdoms of england and scotland seems to have accentuated the pettier national jealousies, so that southrons annoyed northerners by hoisting the st. george above the st. andrew, and the scotchmen retaliated by a species of _tu quoque_. the king sought to allay these quarrels by creating a british, as other than a purely english or scottish, flag. but let the proclamation speak for itself. "_by the king._ "_whereas, some differences hath arisen between our subjects of south and north britaine travelling by seas, about the bearing of their flagges: for the avoiding of all contentions hereafter, wee have, with the advice of our councill, ordered: that from henceforth all our subjects of this isle and kingdome of great britaine, and all our members thereof, shall beare in their main-toppe the red crosse, commonly called st. george's crosse, and the white crosse, commonly called st. andrew's crosse, joyned together according to the forme made by our heralds, and sent by us to our admerall to be published to our subjects: and in their fore-toppe our subjects of south britaine shall weare the red crosse onely as they were wont, and our subjects of north britaine in their fore-toppe the white crosse onely as they were accustomed._"-- . this attempt at conciliating differences deserved but did not win success. "_the king's owne shipps_" deemed themselves slighted, since all vessels were treated alike in this matter, and so persistent was the agitation that at last, in charles i.'s reign ( ), another proclamation was issued "_for the honour of oure shipps in oure navie royall_," whereby those ships alone had the right of hoisting "_the union flagge_." the days of the commonwealth brought another change, for with the king the king's flag disappeared. the protector caused two new flags to be made, viz. _the great union_ (a flag little used, however, although it figured at his funeral obsequies), and which may be thus blazoned: _quarterly and , the st. george_; . _the st. andrew_; . _azure, a harp or, for ireland; over all on an inescutcheon of pretence, sable, a lion rampant or_, for the protector's personal arms, and _the commonwealth ensign_, which latter parliament treated as the paramount flag. the most interesting features of this flag are that it was of three kinds, one red, one white, one blue, and that ireland but not scotland had a place on its folds. when the king came to { } his own again yet another change was witnessed. by this proclamation ships in the navy were to carry _the union_, and all merchantmen _the st. george_, whilst these latter vessels were also to wear "_the red ensign with the st. george, on a canton_." passing on, we reach the days of queen anne, who as soon as the union of the two parliaments was accomplished, issued a famous proclamation often quoted. suffice it here to outline its effect. plate ix. [illustration] [illustration: fig. .] the two crosses of _st. george_ and _st. andrew_ were--as the treaty of union had agreed should be--"_conjoyned in such a manner as we should think fit_"; and what that manner was is "_described on the margent_" in the shape of a sketch. but further, in place of the _st. george_ being placed on the canton of the _red ensign_ of charles ii. (itself the _commonwealth ensign, minus_ the harp) the proclamation ordered the "_union_" as a canton, and finally this new red ensign was confined to the merchant ships, whilst "_our jack_" was reserved for the use of the navy, unless by particular warrant. thus things continued until the union of ireland with england and scotland. the proclamation referring to this act of union closes with the herald's verbal blazon of the full union flag:--"_the union flag shall be azure, the crosses saltire of st. andrew and st. patrick, quarterly per saltire, countercharged argent and gules, the latter fimbriated of the second, surmounted by the cross of st. george of the third, fimbriated as the saltire._" thus the union, as displayed in bunting, was perfected. our _union flag_ is very remarkable, even amongst the flags of christendom, both as a blending of crosses, and crosses only, and also as an emblem of the union of two or more countries. yet it is not unique, for the flags of denmark, sweden, and norway have a somewhat similar story to tell. the last two countries separated at { } different dates from denmark, and then together formed a united scandinavian kingdom. in separating, they each took to themselves a separate flag, and again, in uniting, they called into being a union banner. how they treated these changes fig. will illustrate. notwithstanding these acts of union both scandinavians and britons have had, and we still have, differences over these union flags. whilst, however, they based their protests on the sentiment of independence, we ground our grumblings on questions of heraldic precedence, and of the interpretation of verbal blazons. leaving our neighbours to settle their differences, let us examine our own. take the subject of precedence. very early in the flag's history, scotsmen were indignant because the st. andrew was not placed over the st. george. all kinds of variations have been suggested to lessen this crux of precedence, but such attempts must plainly be in vain. do what you will, some kind of precedence is unavoidable. the _st. george_, then, as representing the paramount partner, occupies the centre of the flag, whilst the _st. andrew_, as senior in partnership to the _st. patrick_, is placed _above the st. patrick, in the first quarter_, although throughout it is counterchanged. the words in italic are important, for when the order is reversed, then that particular flag is flying upside down. [illustration: fig. .--the union flag of .] the mode of procedure in creating flags has been much the same from one reign to another. briefly it is this: the sovereign seeks the advice of, and receives a report from, the lords of the privy council. these councillors are "_attended by the king of arms and heralds, with diverse drafts prepared by them_." a decision being arrived at, an order in council, followed by a royal proclamation, makes known the character of the flag. in both order and proclamation it is usual to make reference to the verbal blazon, and to "_the form made by our heralds_." thus there are three agents recognised--( ) the sovereign, the fountain of all honours; ( ) the heralds, who authoritatively blazon, outline, and register all achievements; and ( ) the naval authority, as that in which are vested the duty and the power of seeing the actual bunting properly made up and properly flown. { } [illustration: fig. .--the union flag of .] in keeping with this, the general mode of procedure, the proclamations demand our attention. the proclamation of james ( ). a high official of the college of arms informs us that neither verbal blazon nor drawing of the first union flag is extant. on the other hand, in the proclamations of and we have both blazon and drawing. the blazon has already been given of the flag (which is the one most needing a verbal blazon), and the drawings of both flags we here produce (figs. and ). these drawings--though slightly reduced in these pages--are most careful copies of the _signed_ copies supplied to us by the official already alluded to. in forwarding them he writes: "_they are not drawn to scale_;" and he adds, further on, "_they are exactly the same size as recorded in our books_." so then we have, in these two drawings, the heralds' interpretation, _at the time_, of their own verbal blazon. now comes the admiralty part of the work. in the admiralty regulations we have a "_memorandum relative to the origin of the union flag in its present form_." in this there is a brief history of the changes made in the flag from time to time, with quotations from the warrants, together with the verbal blazon and two coloured drawings (figs. and ). the admiralty has also appended to the memorandum the following interesting and ingeniously worked out _table of proportions, adapted for a flag feet by ½ feet_. presumably this table forms the basis upon which all union flags are made up under admiralty supervision:-- ft. in. the + of { st. george / } together / { } / { two borders / each / } { } { st. patrick / } together / { } the × of { its border / } { } / { st. andrew / } [illustration: fig. .--admiralty pattern of flag.] [illustration: fig. .--admiralty pattern of flag.] the student of heraldry will observe that this table is based on the proportions of the ordinaries and sub-ordinaries figuring on the flag, as those proportions are regulated by english rules of armory. these rules give a cross as / , a saltire as / , a fimbriation about / , of { } the flag's width. by the way, we notice here, yet only to dismiss it as hypercritical, the objection taken to the employment (in the verbal blazon of ) of the term "_fimbriated_." to our mind this objection seems a storm in a teacup. further, it is always admissible in armory to lessen the size of charges when these crowd a field, and although we are fully aware that the laws of armory are not always nor all of them applied to flags, yet there is sufficient evidence to show that the heralds and the admiralty did recognise the cases of shields and flags to be somewhat analogous. but there are two features in _the admiralty pattern_ which cannot but arrest the attention of all those who have made a study of armory. the one is that the sub-ordinaries, _i.e._ the fimbriations, have different proportions given to them, although they are repetitions of the same sub-ordinary, and also seem guarded against such treatment by the very wording of the blazon, and by the practice usual in such cases. and the other is that, after counterchanging the saltires, the st. patrick is attenuated by having its fimbriation taken off its own field, instead (as the common custom is) off the field of the flag. all warrants dealing with flags provide for their being flown _at sea_ (queen anne's proclamation is apparently the first that adds "_and land_"), and gradually reserve for the royal navy--or fighting ships--the honour of alone bearing the union jack. the accompanying diagram shows at a glance the changes made by the several proclamations. the latest word on this subject is "the merchant shipping (colours) act of queen victoria, ." this acts sets forth among other things that--( ) "_the red ensign usually worn by merchant ships, without any defacement or modification whatsoever, is hereby declared to be the proper national colours for all ships and boats belonging to any british subject, except in the case of her majesty's ships or boats, or in the case of any other ship or boat for the time being allowed to wear any other national colours in { } pursuance of a warrant from her majesty or from the admiralty._ ( ) _if any distinctive national colours except such red ensign, or except the union jack with a white border, or if any colours usually worn by her majesty's ships, &c. ... are or is hoisted on board any ship ... without warrant ... for each offence ... a fine not exceeding five hundred pounds._" { } chapter xlii "seize-quartiers" proof of ancestry if any heraldic term has been misunderstood in this country, "seize-quartiers" is that term. one hears "seize-quartiers" claimed right and left, whereas in british armory it is only on the very rarest occasions that proof of it can be made. in england there is not, and never has been, for any purpose a real "test" of blood. by the statutes of various orders of knighthood, esquires of knights of those orders are required to show that their grandparents were of gentle birth and entitled to bear arms, and a popular belief exists that knights of justice of the order of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem in england need to establish some test of birth. the wording of the statute, however, is very loose and vague, and in fact, judging from the names and arms of some of the knights, must be pretty generally ignored. but peer, k.g., or c.b., alike need pass no test of birth. the present state of affairs in this country is the natural outcome of the custom of society, which always recognises the wife as of the husband's status, whatever may have been her antecedents, unless the discrepancy is too glaring to be overlooked. in england few indeed care or question whether this person or that person has even a coat of arms; and in the decision of society upon a given question as to whether this person or the other has "married beneath himself," the judgment results solely from the circle in which the wife and her people move. by many this curious result is claimed as an example of, and as a telling instance to demonstrate, the broad-minded superiority of the english race, as evidenced by the equality which this country concedes between titled and untitled classes, between official and unofficial personages, between the land-owning and the mercantile communities. but such a conclusion is most superficial. we draw no distinction, and rightly so, between titled and untitled amongst the few remaining families who have held and owned their lands for many generations; but outside this class the confusion is great, and to a close observer it is plainly enough apparent that great distinctions are drawn. but they are often mistaken ones. that the rigid and definite dividing { } line between patrician and plebeian, which still exists so much more markedly upon the continent, can only be traced most sketchily in this country is due to two causes--( ) the fact that in early days, when society was slowly evolving itself, many younger sons of gentle families embarked upon commercial careers, natural family affection, because of such action, preventing a rigid exclusion from the ranks of society of every one tainted by commerce; ( ) the absence in this country of any equivalent of the patent distinguishing marks "de," "van," or "von," which exist among our neighbours in europe. the result has been that in england there is no possible way (short of specific genealogical investigation) in which it can be ascertained whether any given person is of gentle birth, and the corollary of this last-mentioned fact is that any real test is ignored. there are few families in this country, outside the roman catholic aristocracy (whose marriages are not quite so haphazard as are those of other people), who can show that all their sixteen great-great-grandparents were in their own right entitled to bear arms. that is the true definition of the "proof of seize-quartiers." in other words, to prove seize-quartiers you must show this right to have existed for self. parents. grand- gt.-grand- gt.-gt.-grand- parents. parents. parents. . your father's father's father's father. . your father's father's father's mother. . your father's father's mother's father. . your father's father's mother's mother. . your father's mother's father's father. . your father's mother's father's mother. . your father's mother's mother's father. . your father's mother's mother's mother. . your mother's father's father's father. . your mother's father's father's mother. . your mother's father's mother's father. . your mother's father's mother's mother. . your mother's mother's father's father. . your mother's mother's father's mother. . your mother's mother's mother's father. . your mother's mother's mother's mother. it should be distinctly understood that there is no connection whatever between the list of quarterings which may have been inherited, which it is permissible to display, and "seize-quartiers," which should never be marshalled together or displayed as quarterings. few people indeed in this country can prove the more coveted distinction of "trente deux quartiers," the only case that has ever come under my notice being that of the late alfred joseph, baron mowbray, segrave, and stourton, for whom an emblazonment of his { } thirty-two quarters was prepared under the direction of stephen tucker, esq., somerset herald. after many futile trials (in order to add an existing english example), which have only too surely confirmed my opinion as to the rarity of "seize-quartiers" in this country, it has been found possible in the case of the duke of leinster, and details of the "proof" follow:-- ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) augustus frederick (fitz{ william robert (fitz gerald), nd duke of gerald), rd duke of { leinster, k.p., born th march , married leinster, born st { th november , died th october .= august , married { th june , died { hon. emilia olivia st. george, dau. of usher th october = { (st. george), baron st. george of hatley { st. george. { charles (stanhope), rd earl of harrington, lady charlotte augusta { g.c.h., born th march , married rd may (stanhope), born th { , died th september .= february , died th{ february . { jane, dau. and co-heir of sir john fleming, { bart., of brompton park. george granville { george granville (leveson-gower), st duke of (sutherland-leveson- { sutherland, k.g., born th january , gower, formerly leveson-{ married th september , died th july . gower), nd duke of {= sutherland, k.g., born { th august , married{ elizabeth, _suo jure_ countess of sutherland, th may , died th{ born th may , died th january . february = { { george (howard), th earl of carlisle, k.g., lady harriet elizabeth { born th september , married th march georgiana howard, born { , died th october .= st may , died th{ october . { lady georgiana cavendish, eldest dau. and co- { heir of william, th duke of devonshire, k.g. william (duncombe), nd { charles (duncombe), st baron feversham, born baron feversham, born { th december , married th september , th january , { died th july .= married th december { , died th february{ lady charlotte legge, only dau. of william, nd = { earl of dartmouth, died th november . { george (stewart), th earl of galloway, k.t., { born th march , married th april , lady louisa stewart, { died th march .= died th march = { { lady jane paget, dau. of henry, st earl of { uxbridge, died th june . right hon. sir james { sir james graham, st bart., of netherby, born robert george graham, { april , married th september , died nd bart., p.c., g.c.b.,{ th april .= born st june , died{ th october = { lady catherine stewart, dau. of john, th earl { of galloway, died th september . { colonel james callander of craigforth, born fanny callander, married{ , died ----, married (as his rd wife) th july , died th{ .= october . { { lady elizabeth macdonnel, dau. of alexander, { th earl of antrim, died . charles william lady caroline william ernest mabel violet (fitz gerald), th sutherland-leveson (duncombe), st graham. duke of leinster, -gower, born th earl of feversham born th march april , died (created ), , married th th may . born th january october , died , married th th february = august = gerald (fitz gerald), th duke of lady hermione wilhelmina duncombe, leinster, born th august , born th march , died th married th january , died st march . december .= the most noble maurice (fitz gerald), duke of leinster, marquess and earl of kildare, co. kildare, earl and baron of offaly, all in the peerage of ireland; viscount leinster of taplow, co. bucks, in the peerage of great britain; and baron kildare of kildare in the peerage of the united kingdom; premier duke, marquess, and earl of ireland; born st march . { } the following are the heraldic particulars of the shields which would occur were this proof of "seize-quartiers" emblazoned in the ordinary form adopted for such a display. the arms are numbered across from left to right in rows of , , , , and . . _duke's coronet_ (ribbon of st. patrick): argent, a saltire gules (fitz gerald). . _lozenge_: argent, a chief azure, over all a lion rampant gules, ducally crowned or (st. george). . _earl's coronet_ (ribbon of hanoverian guelphic order): quarterly ermine and gules, in the centre a crescent on a crescent for cadency (stanhope). . _lozenge_: argent, a chevron gules, a double tressure flory and counterflory of the last (fleming). . _duke's coronet_ (garter): quarterly, and , barry of eight or and gules, over all a cross flory sable; and , azure, three laurel leaves or (leveson-gower). . _lozenge_ (surmounted by earl's coronet): gules, three mullets or, on a bordure of the second a tressure flory counterflory of the first (sutherland). . _earl's coronet_ (garter): quarterly of six, . gules, on a bend between six cross crosslets fitchée argent, an inescutcheon or, charged with a demi-lion rampant, pierced through the mouth with an arrow, within a double tressure flory counterflory of the first; . gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or, in chief a label of three points argent; . chequy or and azure; . gules, a lion rampant argent; . gules, three escallops argent; . barry of six argent and azure, three chaplets gules, in the centre of the quarters a mullet for difference (howard). . _lozenge_: sable, three bucks' heads caboshed argent (cavendish). . _baron's coronet_: per chevron engrailed gules and argent, three talbots' heads erased counterchanged (duncombe). . _lozenge_: azure, a buck's head caboshed argent (legge). . _earl's coronet_ (ribbon of thistle): or, a fess chequy argent and azure, surmounted of a bend engrailed gules, within a tressure flory counterflory of the last (stewart). . _lozenge_: sable, on a cross engrailed between four eagles displayed argent, five lions passant guardant of the field (paget). . _baronet's badge_: or, on a chief sable, three escallops of the field (graham). . _lozenge_: arms as on no. (stewart). . _shield_: quarterly, and , sable, a bend chequy or and gules between six billets of the second; . azure, a stag's head caboshed or; . gules, three legs armed proper, conjoined in the fess point and flexed in triangle, garnished and spurred or (callander). . _lozenge_: quarterly, . or, a lion rampant gules; . or, a dexter arm issuant from the sinister fess point out of a cloud proper, the hand holding a cross crosslet fitchée erect azure; . argent, a ship with sails furled sable; . per fess azure and vert, a dolphin naiant in fess proper (macdonell). . as . but no ribbon of k.p. . _lozenge_: arms as . . _duke's coronet_ (garter): quarterly, and , as in ; , as in ; . as in no. . . _lozenge_: as no. . . _baron's coronet_: as no. . . _lozenge_: as no. . . as no. , but with ribbon of a g.c.b. . _lozenge_: as no. . . as . { } . _lozenge_: as no. . . as , but earl's coronet. . _lozenge_: as no. , but no baronet's badge. . as . . _lozenge_: as no. . . _arms_: argent, a saltire gules. crest: a monkey statant proper, environed about the middle with a plain collar, and chained or. supporters: two monkeys (as the crest). mantling gules and argent. coronet of a duke. motto: "crom a boo." { } index { } abank, arms of, abbey, abbot, mitre of an, ; crosier of an, abbot ysowilpe, abel, arms, abercorn, duke of, abercromby, arms, ; sir ralph, augmentation, aberdeen, arms of, ; earls of, ; earl of, supporters, ; incorporation of tailors, arms, ; roman catholic bishop of, ; university of, abergavenny, marquis of, arms, crest, supporters and badges, , ; town of, arms, , abernethy, ; arms, ; alexander, abney, arms, aboyne, earl of, abraham, crest, accrington, crest, achaius, acorn, ; in arms, actons, arms, ; edward de, arms, adam, ; arms, adamoli, arms, adams, arms, addorsed, , adjutant birds as supporters, adlercron, arms, adlerflügel mit schwerthand, admiral, the insignia of, ; lord high, arms, ; (in holland), insignia of, ; of castile (spain), insignia of, adrastus, advocates, the dean and faculty of, arms, ; library, Æschylus, agincourt, , agnew, bart., supporters, ailesbury, marquess of, supporters, ailettes, ailsa, marquess of, arms, aitken, arms, , albany, ; duke of, label, ; duke of, john, ; duke of, robert stewart, seals, alberghi, alberici, arms, albert medal, alberti, marquises, aldborough church, aldeburgh, sir william de, alderberry, arms, alderson, alençon, count of, supporter, alerion, alexander ii., alexander iii., , alexandra, h.m. queen, , ; crown, ; coronation, , alford, crest, ; earl of, augmentation, alfred, king, alington, arms, alishay or aliszai, pursuivant, allcroft, arms, allhusen, crest, alloa, burgh of, allocamelus, almond, arms, almoner, grand, insignia of, alpaca, alphabet, letters of the, alston, arms, altyre, aluminium in use, amadeus vi., seal, amaranth, amelia, princess, label, amherst, lord, ; arms, ; supporters, amman, jost, , amphiaraus, amphiptère, amphisboena, ampthill, lord, ancaster, duke of, ; lord, supporters, anchor, anderson, crest, anderton, arms, angels, anglesey, marquess of, supporters, angora, goats', angus, ; earl of, ; seal, anhalt, ; duke of, ; crests, animals, imaginary, ; mythical, ; supporters, anjou, , , ; count of, geoffrey, , , , ; crest, ; badge, ; dukes of, ; arms, ; duke of, earl of, ; king of, arms, anne, queen, , annesley, annulet, , , anrep-elmpt, count, anselm, père, anstis (garter), , anstruther-duncan, arms, antelope, anthony, antique crowns, ; coronets, "antiquities of greece," antrobus, supporters, ants, antwerp, anvils, apaume, ape, apollo, apothecaries' co., appenzell, supporters, apperley, john, arms, appleby, town of, supporters, applegarth, robert, arms, apples, apple-tree, apres, aquitaine, , , arabic figures, aragon, catharine of, badge, , arbroath, supporters, arbuthnot, bart., sir robert, supporters, ; viscount, supporters, arbutt, arc, joan of, arms, archbishop, , , ; insignia of, , ; mitre of, arched, archer-houblon, arms, arches, ; william, arms, ardilaun, lord, supporters, argent, , , argile, crest, argyll, duke of, ; insignia, ; duchess of, label, arina, ark, arkwright, arms, armadillo, armagh, ; archbishops of, , armed, , , , , , , , , ; and langued, armorial bearings mean and include, "armorial de gelre," , , armory, ; laws of, ; origin of, armour, arms, ; commanded to correct, ; defacing, ; definition of, ; displayed on, ; forfeited, ; having no charges, ; illegal, began, ; like a title, ; marshalling, of, - ; necessary to use, ; older coats of, ; of one tincture, ; painted reversed, ; purposes of memorial, ; principal methods of alterations in, ; recording, arquinvilliers, arrow-heads, arrows, arscot, crest, arthur, bart., arms, "arthur's book, prince," artillery, grand master of the, insignia of, arundel, edmund de, ; sir richard, ; earl of, richard, ; sir thomas, ; earl of, john fitz alan, seal, ; k.g., sir wm., arms, ; earl of, thomas fitz alan, coronet of, ; countess of, beatrice, coronet of, arundell, arms, ash colour, ashen-grey, , ashikaya, minamoto, ashley-cooper, ashmolean collection, ash-tree, ashua, ashwell, ashworth, asiatic, aspilogia, aspinall, arms, ass, , assurgeant, , astley, ; crest, astronomical signs, at gaze, athenians, atholl, earl of, reginald, ; walter stewart's seal, attainder, attewater, arms, , attired, atwater, arms, , aubigny, dukedom of, aubrey, augmentations, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; crests as, , , ; of honour, ; inescutcheons of, ; quarterings of, , ; supporters, augusta, princess, label, australia, wattle or mimosa of, austria, archduke of, rudolf iv., seals, austria, crest, ; supporters, austrian ducal herald, avoir, pierre, avondale, , awoï-mon, ayr, azure, , , , , ; derivation of, babington, ; arms, bacharia, backhouse, crest, bacquere, arms, baden, duke of, badge, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; national, ; royal, , ; and standards, badger, bagnall, crest, bagot, lord, supporters, bagwyn, baikie, arms, baillie, arms, baines, baird of ury, arms, baker, arms, balance, balbartan, balcarres, baldric, baldwin, arms, , balfour arms, baliol, john, ; alexander de, ballingall, balme, arms, banded, bandon, earls of, arms, banff, royal burgh of, banner, , , , ; decorations, bannerman, arms, ; crest, bantry, earl of, supporters, banville de trutemne, arms, bar, ; embattled, ; gemel, , ; sinister, bar, countess of, yolante de flandres, seal, barb, , barbers, livery company of, crest, barbute, , barclay, arms, ; mitre as a charge, ; supporters, bardolph, arms, bardwell, motto, baring, barisoni, barkele, moris de, arms, barnacles or breys, barnard, ; lord, ; arms, crest and motto, barnes, ; arms, barnewall, sir reginald, crest, baron, coronet, , , , ; robe or mantle of, , ; supporters, baroness, coronet, ; robe or mantle, baronet, badge of, ; helmet of, , , ; insignia of, ; nova scotian, ; british, supporters, ; scottish, supporters, ; widow of, baronetcy, supporters, barrels, barret, barrington, , ; arms, barrow-in-furness, arms, , barrulet, barruly, barry, , , ; bendy, , ; nebuly, bars, bartan or bertane, arms, bartlett, barttelot, arms, , ; crest, bascinet, , , basilisk, , , basle, arms, ; supporters, bassano, arms, basset, ralph, garter plate, , bastard, arms, bastardy, , , , , bat, bates, crest, bath, city of, arms, bath king of arms, , , ; robes of the, ; insignia of, bath, military order of the, , , ; knights commanders of the, ; knights grand commanders of the, insignia of, ; military division, ; companions of the, ; insignia of, ; knights grand cross of the order of the, rules, ; insignia of, ; military division, insignia of, bath and wells, bishop of, thomas beckynton, bathurst, crest, baton, , , , ; of metal, ; sinister, batten, battenberg, princess henry of, label, battering-ram, battle-axes, battlements of a tower, bavaria, , , ; crest, ; king of, ; national museum, bavier, bawde, crest, bayeux tapestry, , baynes, sir christopher, supporters, beacons, beaconsfield, viscountess, arms, beaked, , , bean-pods, bear, , , bearers, bearsley, beatson, arms, beaufort, , ; duke of, ; crest, ; supporter, beaumont, ; arms, , ; bishop, ; lord, ; lord, mantling, beaver, beck, bedford, ; duke of, ; duke of, crest, ; earl of, ; motto, bee, bee-hive, beef-eaters, beetles, beffroi, béguinage, lady superior of the, beizeichen, belfast, city of, arms, belgium, bell, , bellasis, crest, belled, bellegarse, comtes de, bellerophon, bellomont, de, or de beaumont, arms, belshes, john hepburn, compartment, bend, , , , , , , , , ; barry, ; chequy, ; compony, ; cottised, ; dancetté, ; flory and counterflory, ; lozenge, , , ; raguly, ; sinister, , , ; wavy, bendlet, , , , , ; sinister, , , , ; wavy sinister, bendy, , , bengal tiger, benn, arms, benoit, arms, benson, arms, benwell, crest, bendwise, bentinck, crest, benzoni, berendon, arms, berington, berkeley, house of, arms, ; maurice de, seal, ; sir maurice de, label, ; robert de, seal, ; sir thomas de, arms, berlin, royal library in, bermingham, arms, bermondsey, berne, supporters, berners, lord, ; arms of, ; sir john bourchier, stall plate, ; mantling, ; torse, arms, berri, duc de, seal, ; arms, ; supporters, berry, , , , , , , , bersich, arms, bertie, ; arms, besançon, besant, arms, bessborough, earls of, arms, betty, arms, bewes, crest of, bewley, arms, ; crest, bezant, , , bezanté, , bibelspurg, von, arms, biberach, town of, bicchieri, veronese, arms, bicknell, crest, bigland, arms, billet, , , ; urdy, billetty or billetté, , billiat, arms, ; crest, billiers, crest, binney, crest, birch-trees, birches, arms, birds of paradise, birkin, arms, birmingham, mason's college, birmingham, university of, arms, birmingham, town of, supporters, birt, arms, biscoe, crest, bishop, ; crosiers of, ; grant to a, , ; insignia of a, , ; mitre of, bison, black, , blackett-ord, blackpool, town of, arms, blazon, , , , ; rules of, block, blood, colonel, blood descent, mark of, blood-red, , blount, crest, blue, , blue-bottle, blue-céleste or bleu du ciel, blue ensign, bluemantle, pursuivant, , _blut fahne_, blyth, boar, boden, arms, body, arms, boece, hector, boehm, sir edgar, ; arms, bohemia, arms of, bohemian knight, grant to, bohn, crest, bohun, , ; arms, , ; humphrey de, seal, boileau, bart., crest, boiler-flue, corrugated, boissiau, arms, bold, charles the, bolding, arms, , , boleslas iii., seal, boiler, arms, bollord or bolloure, arms, bologna, bolton, arms, bolton, baron of, sir richard le scrope, bombay, supporters, , bombs, , bonar, thomas, bonefeld, arms, bones, bonnet, books, "book of arms," , ; "of costumes," ; "of standards," boot, , boothby, arms, bootle, arms, bordures, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; chequy, , ; compony, , , ; counter-compony, , , ; of england, ; of spain, ; inescutcheon within a, ; rule of, ; wavy, , , boroughbridge, bosham, bossewell, boston, ; arms, crest, supporters, and compartment, bothwell, botreaux, ; lord, seal, bouchage, bourchier, arms, ; crest, ; knots, , ; sir henry (mantling), ; sir john torse, arms, ; lord (sir lewis robsart) torse, arms, ; (mantling), boutell, , bow, , bowden, arms, bower, bowes, arms, bowls, boyce, boycott, arms, boyd, arms, boyle, arms of, , boys, brabant, ; chancellor of, supporters, braced, bradbury, arms, bradway, arms, brady, major richardson, branch, branches, brandenburg, ; bailiwick of, ; prussian province of, brassarts, brasses, braye, lord, badge, ; supporters, , brecknock, baron of, arms, breslau, town library at, bretagne, count of, ; anne of, bretessed, , , breton, bricquebec, bertrand de, arms, bridge, bridger, arms, crest, bridle-bits, bridled, bridlington priory, bridport, lord, brimacombe, crest, brisbane, arms, ; crest, ; supporters, brisbane, k.c.b., admiral sir charles, bristol, city of, supporters, ; see of, arms, brisure, "british herald," british museum, british official regalia, brittany, ; arms of, ; duke of, ; john of, earl of richmond, arms of, britton, badge, broad arrow, broadbent, arms, brocas collection, brock, brocklebank, arms, brodribb, arms, broke, sir philip bowes, crest, , brooke, crest, broom, badge, , , brotherton, arms, , ; thomas de, , brotin, brown, , brown-westhead, browne, arms, bruce, ; motto, ; robert, bruges, , ; william of, , brugg, richard del, bruis, robert de, brunâtre, brunner, arms, brunswick, ; duke of, magnus i., ; duke of, crests, brussels, city of, brussels, royal library at, brzostowski, counts, arms, buchan, crest, buck, buckelrîs, buckets, buckingham, town of, arms, ; duke of, edward, portrait, ; arms, ; badges, ; livery colours, , ; duke of (sir humphrey), garter plate, buckingham and chandos, duke of, crests, buckle, , buckworth, buckworth-herne-soame, bart., crest, buffalo, buffe, bugle-horn, bull, , , bulrushes, bume, arms, _buntfeh_, buonarotti, arms, burgh, de, arms, burgh, lord, sir thomas burgh, torse, arms, burghclere, lord, supporters, burgkmair, hans, burgonet, burgundy, arms, ; duke of, arms, , burke, , ; sir bernard, , ; peerage, burlton, burnaby, supporters, burne-jones, ; arms, , burnet, bishop, burnett, burslem, town of, burton, ; crest, ; lord, supporters, burton, de, burton, hill-, bury, town of, arms, bussy, sir john, seals, butcher's livery company, supporters, , bute, ; marquess of, crest, butkens, butler, arms, butterflies, , buxton, byron, , byzantine silk, ; coins, cabasset, caboshed, , cadency, , , ; bordure, ; differencing to indicate, ; different marks, ; mark of, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; marks of, rules, ; a semé field, cadifor ap dyfnwal, cadman, arms, cadmus, cadwallader, ; banners, caerlaverock, roll of, cailly, de, caithness, earl of, arms, calabria, duke of, arms, calais rolls, calcutta, city of, supporters, caledonia, calf, , caligula, calli, calopus, calthorpe, lord, supporters, caltraps, , , camail, , camberwell, arms, cambi, cambridge, earl of, richard of conisburgh, ; duke of, label, ; dukes of, label, cambridge, university of, ; regius professors, arms, camden, ; marquess of, crest, camel, , , camelford, arms, camelopard, , , camerino, dukes de, cameron, arms, cameron highlanders, tartan, cammell, arms, campbell, ; arms, , , ; baron, ; crest, , ; lord, arms, ; supporters, ; margaret, seal, campbell and lorn, camperdown, canada, ; maple, , canivet, nicolas, cannon, cantelupe, arms, , ; thomas de, arms, canterbury, , ; archbishop of, , ; cathedral, , , ; rebus at, ; town of, canting, arms, , canton, , , , , , , ; of augmentation, ; of england, , ; or quarter, cantonned, , cap of maintenance, , , and _see_ chapeau capaneus, cape colony, supporters, , , , cape town, supporters, capel, sir giles, helm of, capelin, capelot, caps, , caracalla, cardinal, carew, lord, supporters, carinthia, arms, carlisle, carlos, colonel, arms, , , carlyon, arms, carmichael family, carminow, carnation, carnegy, crest, caroline, consort of princess, carr, carriages, arms on, carrick, carruthers, carter, arms, carteret, de, cartouche, carver to his majesty, grand, insignia of, carysfort, earl of, crest, case, casks, casque, , cassan crest, cassithas, conde de, augmentation, castile, bordure of, castile, eleanor of, ; and leon, castille, king of, don pedro, castle, castlemaine, lord, hancock, arms, castles, castlestuart, earl of, supporters, cat, cat-a-mountain, catanei, catapults, catherine wheel, catton, r.a., cauldron, cavalry, colonel of, the insignia of, cave, motto, cavendish, ; motto, cawston, arms, ; crest, ceba, arms of, cedar-tree, celata, , celestial coronet, , cendrée, centaur, , , chabet, chadwick, crest, chafy, crest, chain, armour, , chains, chaldean bas-relief, b.c., challoner, arms, chalmers, ; arms, chamberlain, grand, insignia of, , ; (brandenburg) lord high, insignia of, ; (of england) lord high, insignia of, ; (hohenzollern) hereditary, insignia of, chambers, arms, chamier, crest, ; supporters, champagne, champnay, richard, chancellor, the, insignia of, , ; of england, lord high, insignia of, chandos le roy d'ireland, channel islands, ; coins of, chapeau, , , , chapel royal, dean of the, insignia of, chapelle-de-fer, , , chapels royal in scotland, dean of, the insignia of, chaplet, , , chappel, charge, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , charges, addition of small, ; placed, ; on a bend, ; specific number, charlemagne, , ; crown, , charles i., , , , , , , , ; coronation ring, ; seal, charles ii., , , , , , , , , , , , ; state crown, ; warrant of, charles iii., spanish order of, charles iv., , charles v., , , ; supporters, charles vi., charles vii., charlton, ; arms, chart, chatelherault, duchy of, chatham, arms, chatloup, chaucer, , chauses, cheape, arms, cheeky or chequy, chemille, arms, cheney, arms, cherleton, lord, , , cherries, cherry-tree, cherubs, chess-rooks, chester, ; herald, ; earl of, , ; hugh lupus, ; ranulph, seal, chettle, arms, chevron, , , , , , , ; chequy, ; vair, chevronel, , ; interlaced, chevronny, , chevronwise, chichester, earl of, , ; badge, chichester, see of, chichester-constable, arms of, chief, , , , ; arched, ; double-arched, ; embattled, chief-justice, lord, chiefs, supporters of, chieftainship, mark of, child, arms, childebert, arms, childeric, badge, chimera, chimrad, pellifex, china-cokar tree, chinese dragon, , chinese white, chisholm, supporters, , ; rt. rev. Æneas, ; batten, arms, chivalry, court of, chocolate colour, cholmondeley, arms, ; marquess of, ; marchioness of, arms, , chorinski, mantling, chorley, arms, christie, arms, christopher, arms, , chrysanthemum, church, ; of england, laws of, ; flag, ; vestments, church-bell, cinque ports, cinquefoil, , , circles, cirencester, abbot of, thomas conyston, cinti (now cini), cities, supporters, civic crown, claes heynen, clare, ; arms, ; earls of, , , clare, margaret de, arms, clarence, duke of, label, , ; duke of, lionel, ; arms, ; duke of, thomas, , clarenceux king of arms, , , , ; arms of, ; arms and insignia of, clarendon, arms, ; sir roger de, , claret colour, clarion, clark-kennedy, col. alexander, augmentation, clarke, arms, clayhills, arms of, , cleland, clenched, clergyman, ; grant to, clerk of pennycuick, crest, clerke, bart., arms, , ; sir john, cleves, anne of, ; lilies, clifford, arms, clifton, clinton, de, arms, clippingdale, crest, clisson, oliver de, supporter, clogher, see of, arms, close, , , , clothes, embroidery upon, clouds, , , ; as compartment, clux, sir hertong von, k.g., arms, crest, mantling, coat of arms, origin, ; what it must consist of, cobbe (bart., ext.), arms, cobham, arms, ; lord, arms, crest, mantling, ; lord (sir john oldcastle), cochrane, arms, cochrane, adm. sir alex., k.b., augmentation, cock, cockatrice, , ; as supporters, cockburn-campbell, cockfish, cocoanut-tree, codfish, coffee-plant, coffee-tree, cogan, arms, cognisance, co-heir, ; or co-heiress, cokayne, arms, , , coke, coldingham, prior and monks of, cole, arms, coles, crest, colfox, collared and chained, collars, college of arms, , , , , , , , , , , , ; arms of, , collingwood, lord, augmentation, colman, arms, cologne, ; arms, colossus, colours, , , ; of nature, ; simple names of, ; for mantlings, , ; rules about, colston, arms, columbine, ; flowers, column, colville of culross, viscount, supporters, comb, combed, , comber, crest, combination, rule against, commoner, arms of, ; impaling, companion of any order, helmet of, comparisoned, compartments, ; blazon of, ; mottoes on, composite charge, compton, arms, comyn, arms, , conan, conder, coney, conjoined arms, rules as to, conjoined in leure, connaught, duke of, label, connaught, prince arthur of, conrad, the furrier, conran, crest, consort, prince, ; descendants of, bear, consort, queen, crown, constable, lord high, constabulary, royal irish, badge, constance, queen, seal, continent, quarterings on the, ; grant on the, continental, arms, , continental heraldry, contourné, contre-hermin, contra-naiant, contre vair, conyers, ; arms, , cook, crest, cooper, arms, , cope, william, arms, corbet, arms, ; crest, ; motto, corbie, cordelière, order of the, corke, arms, cornfield, crest, cornflower, cornish chough, cornwall, crest, ; duchy of, , , ; earl of, edmond plantagenet, seal, ; earl of, piers gaveston, ; earl of, richard, ; seal, coronation, , ; invitation cards, coronets, , , , ; foreign, ; of rank, , ; order concerning, corporate seal, cost, costume of an officer of arms, , cotter, arms, , cottise, , , cottised, , cotton, sir robert, cotton-plant, or tree, , , counterchanged, , counter-embowed, counter-flory, counter-passant, counter-potent, , counter vair, , countess, robe or mantle, ; coronet, couped, , , , , , courant, , , courcelles, marguerite de, courcey, arms, courtenay, , ; arms, coutes, cow, , coward, , cowbridge, cowell, arms, cowper, arms, ; earl, ; supporters, , cowper-essex, crest, crab, crackanthorpe, crest, craigmore, crane, cranstoun, arms, ; crest, ; motto, cranworth, lord, supporters, crawford, crest, ; lord (sir david lindsay), ; reginald, ; rev. j. r., ; earl of, crawhall, arms, crawshay, ; arms, crenelle, crescent, , , , crespine, crests, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; angle of, ; badge as a, ; bastardising, ; coronets, , , ; differencing on, , ; label upon, ; made of, ; position of, creyke, arms, crined, cri-de-guerre, , crisp, crest, ; molineux-montgomerie, crest, crocodile, , croker, crest, cromwell, ; seals, crookes, sir william, arms, ; crest, ; motto, crosier, , , cross, arms, cross, , , , , , , , , , , ; botonny, , , ; calvary, ; cleché voided and pometté, ; crosslet, , , ; crosslet, differencing by, ; crosslets, ; dancetté, ; fleurette, ; flory, ; moline, , ; of st. andrew, ; parted and fretty, ; patée or formée, , ; patée quadrant, ; patonce, ; pieces, ; potent, , ; quarter-pierced, ; tau or st. anthony's, ; of st. george, crow, crown, , , , ; civic, ; imperial state, ; of england, ; palisado, ; vallary, , crusades, crusilly, , , cubit arm, cuffe, cuffed, cuirass, cuisses, cullen, cumberland, dukes of, , ; label, cumbræ, college of the holy spirit of, cumin, alexander, cumming-gordon, ; arms, , ; arms, crest, motto, and supporters, cummins, arms, cuninghame, cunliffe, arms, cunninghame, arms, ; supporters, ; montgomery, supporters, cup-bearer, grand butler or, insignia of, cups, , cure, curiosities of blazon, "curiosities of heraldry," , curzon, arms, ; motto, cushions, cypress-trees, d'albrets, supporters, d'albrey, arnaud, supporters, d'alençon, duc, ; arms, ; comte, jean iv., supporter, d'angoulême, counts, arms, d'arcy, arms, , , , d'artois, counts, arms, d'aubernoun, sir john, , d'auvergne, dauphins, dabrichecourt, sir sanchet, mantling, dacre, lord, arms, ; sir edmond, arms, dakyns, crest, ; motto, dalrymple, j. d. g., f.s.a., daly, crest, dalzells, dalziel, , dalziell, dammant, arms, danby, ; arms, dancetté, , daniels, dannebrog, order of the, dannecourt, darbishire, , darcy de knayth, baroness, ; supporter, ; _see_ d'arcy darnaway, dartmouth, arms, ; earl of, arms, ; supporters, darwen, town of, arms, dashwood, bart., sir george john egerton, ; supporters, daubeney, ; arms, ; crest, ; badge, ; mantling, daughters, arms of, ; difference marks, dauphin, ; arms, dauphiny, davenport, , , , ; crest, david ii., , ; seal, , davidson, crest, davies, ; arms, ; motto, ; sir thomas, crest, davis, cecil t., davis, col. john, f.s.a., crest, de acton, _see_ acton de aldeburgh, _see_ aldeburgh de arundel, _see_ arundel de bailly, _see_ bailly de bellomont, or de beaumont, _see_ bellomont de berkeley, _see_ berkeley de berri, _see_ berri de bohun, _see_ bohun de bruges, _see_ bruges de bruis, _see_ bruis de burgh, _see_ burgh de burton, _see_ burton de carteret, _see_ carteret de cassilhas, _see_ cassilhas de clare, _see_ clare de clarendon, _see_ clarendon de clinton, _see_ clinton de courcy, _see_ courcy de davenport, _see_ davenport de flandre, _see_ flandre de gevres, _see_ gevres de giresme, _see_ giresme de grey, _see_ grey de guenonville, _see_ guetterville de hasting, _see_ hasting de haverington, _see_ haverington de hoghton, _see_ hoghton de knayth, _see_ darcy de knayth de lacy, _see_ lacy de lowther, _see_ lowther de luttrell, _see_ luttrell de mailly, _see_ mailly de mandeville, _see_ mandeville de monbocher, _see_ monbocher de montfort, _see_ montfort de montravel, _see_ montravel de mornay, _see_ mornay de mundegumbri, _see_ mundegumbri de nerford, _see_ nerford de nevers, _see_ nevers de pelham, _see_ pelham de quincey, _see_ quincey de ramsey, _see_ ramsey de rouck, _see_ rouck de salis, _see_ salis de saumerez, _see_ saumerez de savelli, _see_ savelli de segrave, _see_ segrave de trafford, _see_ trafford de trutemne, _see_ trutemne de valence, _see_ valence de vera, _see_ vera de vere, _see_ vere de vesci, _see_ vesci de warren, _see_ warren de woodstock, _see_ woodstock de worms, _see_ worms de la ferte, de la rue, crest, de la vache, crest, de la warr, de la zouche, sir w., arms, deane, crest, debruised, , dechaussée, decollated, "decorative heraldry," , , , , decrescent, deer, , defamed, delves, demembré, , demi-bird, demi-falcons, demi-griffin, demi-horse, demi-lamb, demi-leopard, demi-lions, demi-otter, demi-ram, demi-savage, demi-vol, denbigh, earl of, denham, arms, denmark, royal arms, ; royal shield of, ; flag of , depicting, derby, earl of, , , , ; william de, seal, ; earls of, stanleys, crests, , , d'eresby, willoughby, barony of, supporters, derry, _see_ londonderry desart, lord, desenberg, counts spiegel zum, arms, deutscher, herold, device, devil, devonport, arms, dewsbury, d'harchies, gerard, supporters, diadem, diamond, diapering, dick, arms, dick-cunningham, dickson, dr., dickson-poynder, "dictionary of heraldic terms," , diffamed, difference marks, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; optional, ; bordures as, ; position of, ; compulsory, differencing, ; modes of, diggs, dame judith, arms, dighton, dignity, cap of, dillon, viscount, dimidiation, dingwall, diocletian, coins of, disarmed, dismembered, , displayed, , , distaff, distinction, ; canton for, ; marks of, , , , , , , , ; marks of, practice, distinguished service order, ; members of, insignia of, dobrée, ; arms, dock or burdock, arms, dodds, dodge, arms, ; crest of, ; augmentation, doe, , dog, , , , dogfish, dolphins, dominion and sovereignty, arms of, donington, lord, supporters, donnersperg, arms, donoughmore, lord, supporters, dorchester church, stained glass, dore, ; arms, dormer, arms, double-headed eagle, supposed origin of, double quatrefoil, doubly cottised, douglas, , , ; arms, , ; bart., supporters, ; earl of, seal, , ; chapeau, ; supporter, , ; badge, ; and mar, countess of, margaret, doulton, arms, dove, dover, dovetailed, , , downes, arms, dox or doxey, arms, dragance, dragon, , , , , , , , ; ship, ; as supporters, drake, sir francis, arms, dress of an officer of arms, , dreyer, drummond, supporters, ; sir james williams, arms, ; of megginch, arms of, dublin, ; archbishop of, ; arms, ; city arms, ; visitations of, ducal coronet, . _see_ also coronet and crest coronet duchess, mantle, ; coronet, duck, duckworth, arms, dudley, earl of, supporters, ; lord, crest, duff-sutherland-dunbar, bart., sir george, dufferin and ava, marquess, ; supporters, duffield, arms, duke, robe or mantle of, , ; coronet, , , ; those having rank and title of, coronets, dukinfield, dumas, arms, dumbarton, arms, dunbar, crest, ; bart., sir alexander james, crest, ; sir archibald, ; crest, ; sir patrick, label, ; brander, arms, duncan, admiral, arms, duncombe, crest, dundee, city of, arms, ; university of, arms, ; royal burgh of, arms, dunn, bart., sir w., arms, dunstable, sir richard, badge, du plessis angers, durand, sir mortimer, supporter, d'urban, d'urbino, duke, durham, bishop of, , , ; insignia of, ; dean of, ; cathedral, ; sir alex., durning-lawrence, arms, dusgate, dykes, crest, dykmore, arms and crest, eagle, , , , , ; as supporters, ; shields displayed on the breasts of, eaglets, ealing, borough of, arms, eared, earl marshal, , , , ; and hereditary marshal of england, insignia of, ; deputy, insignia of, ; batons, earls, robe or mantle of, ; coronet of, , , earth-colour, , east india company, supporters, eastern coronet, , ebury, lord, eccles, arms, ; town of, ecclesiastical banner, ; emblems, ; heraldry, echlin, eddington, arms, edel, edgar, king, seal, edinburgh, ; college of surgeons, ; castle, edock, edward i., , , , , , , , edward ii., , , edward iii., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; seal, edward iv., , , , , , , , , ; badge, ; seal, edward vi., ; seal, ; supporters, edward vii., , , ; coronation of, , edward the black prince, ; crest, ; helmet, edward the confessor, , , ; ring of, ; seal, edwards, arms, eel, eglinton, earl of, ; supporters, ehrenvest, eider-duck, eighth son, eisenhüt-feh, eisenhutlein, eldest son, difference mark of, , , , elephant, elgin, royal burgh of, elgin and kincardine, earl of, supporters, elizabeth, queen, , , , , , , , , ; supporters, ellis, ; arms, , ; crest, elmhurst, crest, elphinstone, lord, supporters, ely, abbess of, arms of the see, embattled, , , , ; counter-embattled, emblazon, emblazonments, ; early, ; of mottoes, embowed, , , , , emerald, empress, german, late, label, end, endorsed, , , endure, enfantleroy, enfield, england, ; badge, ; a bordure of, ; canton of, , ; lord chief-justice of, insignia of, ; kings of (george i. to william iv.), arch treasurers, insignia of, ; lord high constable of, insignia of, ; mottoes in, ; regalia in, ; rose of, ; royal arms of, ; a throne heir-apparent, label, "english regalia," engouled, engrailed, , , , enguerrand iv., enhanced, enniskillen, earl of, supporters, ensign , ; owl in, ; or flags, enys, arms, epaulières, eradicated, , erased, erect, , ermine, , , ; spot, ermine spots, , , ermines, erminites, erminois, errol, earl of, , ; badge, erskine, augmentation, escallops, escarbuncle, , escutcheon, , ; of pretence, , ; of pretence, quarterings on, espin, arms, esquire, helmet of, ; grand, insignia of, essex, earl of, mantling, ; torse, arms, ; garter plate of, ; effigy, ; mandevilles, estoiles, estwere, arms, eton college, arms, , ettrick, evans, arms, , ; captain john viney, arms, ; sloane, , . eve, g. w., , , , , , , , , , , every-halstead, crest, eviré, exemplification, , , exeter, dean of, insignia of, ; duke of, john de holland, label, ; marquesses of, crest, exmouth, viscount, augmentation, exterior ornaments, eye, ; crest, , ; town of, crest, Éyre, ; simon, arms, faerie queen, faggot, falcon, , ; as a badge, ; king of arms, falconer, arms, falconer, grand, insignia of, falkland, falmouth, viscount, supporters, ; arms, family tokens, japanese, fane-de-salis, crest, ; counts, arms, fanhope, lord, crest, fanmakers' company, crest, fans, , , , farmer, arms, farquhar, crest, farquharson, farrer, , farrier, fasces, fauconberg, lord, torse, arms, ; garter plate, fauconberg and conyers, baroness, fauntleroy, favours, , ; supporters as marks of, fawside, allan, feathers, fees, felbrigge, k.g., sir simon, arms, crest, mantling, fellows, arms, , fenton, arms, fentoun, jane, label, ferdinand iii., fergus i., king, ferguson, arms, fermoy, lord, crest, ; motto, fern-brake, ferrar, ferrer, arms, , ferrers, , , , ; earl, arms, ; lord, garter plate, ; torse, arms, fess, , , , , ; dancetté, ; embattled, , ; flory, ; wreathed, fest-buch, fetterlocks, feversham, earl of, supporters, ffarington, crest, ffinden, field, , , , , , , , , ; composed of, ; fretty, ; gyronny, ; masculy, ; per chevron, ; quarterly, fife, duke of, crest, , ; supporters, ; duchess of, label, ; princesses of, fifth son, file, fillet, finance, superintendent of the, insignia of, finch, finlay, arms, fir-cone, fir-trees, fire, firth, fish, fisher, ; lady, fishmongers' livery company, arms, fitched, fitzalan, fitzercald, fitzgerald, ; arms, ; motto, ; maurice, fitzhardinge, lord, fitz-herbert, ; arms, fitz-pernell, robert, fitz-simon, arms, , fitzwalter, arms, fitzwilliam, earl, supporters, flags, , , , - flanders, arms, ; count of, philippe d'alsace, helmet, ; count of, louis van male, signet of, flandre, jeanne de, seal of, flanks, flasks, flaunch, , , flavel, flayed, fleam, fleas, fleece, , flemings, flesh-colour, , fleshed, fletcher, ; arms, , ; crest, fleur-de-lis, , , , , , , fleurons, flies, florence, , ; arms, florencée, , florent, seal, florio, arms, flory, , ; counter-flory, flounders, flukes, foljambe, badge, forbes, crest, forcene, ford, james, foreign heraldry, forrest, arms, fortescue, motto, fortification, fortune, foulis, arms, foulds, arms, fountain, , fourth son, fox, , , ; arms, , , ; crest, ; -davies, crest, ; head, ; hound, fraises, , france, , , , , ; arms, ; chancelier, mantling, ; crests, ; ensigns of, ; heralds in, ; high constable of, insignia of, ; label, ; margaret of, arms, ; presidents of, mantling, ; royal arms of, france-hayhurst, crest, francis i., king of france, franco, franconis, arms, francquart, franks, king of the, fraser, arms, , , , fraser-mackintosh, crest, frederick iii., emperor, motto, frederick iv., emperor, free warren, licence of, freiburg, supporters, french blazon, ; coat, ; royal arms, ; term, fresnay, fret, , , fretty, , , fruit, frog, froissart, , , , , fructed, full chase, fuller, thomas, fulton, arms, fur, , , , , ; separately, furison, furnivall, baroness, fusil, , fusilly in bend, ; in bend sinister, fylfot, fysh, sir philip oakley, crest, gabions, gadflies, gads, galbraith, galley, ; general of the, insignia of, galloway, earl of (stewart), arms, ; see of, galpin, arms, gamb, , _see_ paw gamboa, arms, gamecock, gandolfi, arms, gandy, arms, garbett, motto, garbs, garioch, garland, , garnished or, garter king of arms, , , , , , , , , , , , , ; arms and insignia of, , ; most noble order of the, ; chancellor of the order of the, insignia of, ; knight of the, insignia of, , ; knights of the, rules, ; stall plates, mantlings, , ; star of, garvey, garvinfisher, garwynton, arms, garzune, gasceline, arms, gascoigne, gatehouse, crest, gaul, gaunt, john of, , , gauntlet, , ged, geddes, geese, gegen-hermelin, gegensturzkrückenfeh, gellic, arms, gelre, , ; armorial de, ; herald, gem-rings, gemel, _genealogical magazine_, , , , , "généalogie des comtes de flandre," "general armory," , geneva, genouillères, gentleman, meaning of, ; helmet of, george i., , george iii., , , , , ; seal, german, ; electors, mantlings, ; heraldry, , , ; heralds, ; inescutcheon in, ; officers, ; terms for, , ; "von," "german bookplates," german emperor, arms, ; supporters, germany, , , , , ; arms in, ; bordures, ; cadency, ; crests, , ; differences in, ; label, ; method of conjunction, ; mottoes in, , ; supporters in, gevres, de, supporters, geyss, arms, gibsone, supporters, gillman, ; crest, gillyflowers, gilmour, gilstrap, giraffe, giresme, nicole de, supporters, gladstone, , ; rt. hon. w. e., glasford, crest, glasgow, arms, ; city of, arms, ; crest of, glass, glaziers' livery company, supporters, glevenrad, glissant, "glossary of terms used in heraldry," , , , gloucester, ; cathedral, rebus at, ; duke of, ; duke of, label, ; duke of, richard, ; duke of, thomas, badge, ; duchess of, label, ; herald, ; king of arms, , , gloved, gloves, , gnu, goat, , ; as supporter, gold, , ; ermine spots, ; ingots of, ; use of, gold-hermelin, golden fleece, order of the, badge, , goldie, arms, goldie-scot, golpe, gomm, gooch, ; arms, goodchief, arms, gooden, james, goodfellow, ; arms, gordon, arms, ; crest, ; highlanders, ; tartan of, gorges, gorget, gostwick, sir john, helmet, gothic, ; shield, gough, lord, augmentation, , ; supporter, , gourds, goutté, grace, knights of, , ; ladies of, ; knights of, and other members, insignia of, græme, crest, grafton, duke of, graham, crest, graham-wigan, crest, grailly, john de, garter hall-plate, "grammar of heraldry," , granada, king of, grandchildren, label, grand quarterings, , , grantmesnil, grants of arms, , ; to a bishop, ; to a woman, ; crest, ; fees, granville, earls of (de carteret), grapes, grass, grasshopper, graves, lord, supporters, great central railway, arms, great torrington, arms, grecians, greece, kingdom of, supporters, ; arms, green, , greenwich, mason of, arms, greg, grenades, grene, henry, gresham, crest, ; sir william, badge, gresley, ; arms, greve, henry, grey, , ; arms, ; john de, arms, ; sir john, ; of ruthin, k.g., sir john, arms, crest, mantling, grey and hastings controversy, , greyhounds, grid-iron, grieces, griffin, , , , , , , ; as supporter, griffin or gryphon, , grifton, richard, grimaldi roll, grimké-drayton, crest, grocers' livery company, arms, ; supporters, grosvenor, , , ; arms, , ; sir gilbert le, ; _see_ scrope gros vair, ground of the shield, grove, arms, grunenberg, , , , , gruthuyse, lord of, louis de bruges, gryphon, supposed origin of, gryphon-marine, guard, yeomen of the, badge, guards of the gate, captain of the, insignia of, gudgeon, gueldres, duke of, ; mary of, seal, guige, guillim, , , , , , , , guise, arms of, ; crest, ; supporters, gules, , , , gull, bart., arms, ; crest, ; augmentation, gulston, crest, gunstone, gutté-d'eau, ; d'huile, ; de-larmes, ; d'or, ; de-poix, ; de-sang, guyenne, , , ; and lancaster, a herald of the duke of, guze, gwatkin, crest, gwilt, crest, gynes, gyron, , gyronny, , , habited, hacked, hadrian, emperor, coin, hagelshaimer, sigmund, arms, haig, arms, hailes, hainault, counts of, badge, hales, , ; arms, halford, augmentation, ; supporters, halifax, lord, ; town of, ham, hamilton, arms, ; crest, ; duke of, ; lady, hamilton-grace, hammers, hammersmith, crest, hampshire, earl of, hanbury, crest, hand, hanover, , , ; arms of, ; king of, ; princess frederica of, coronet, hanoverian guelphic order, hapsburg, ; counts of, harben, arms, harcourt, crest, hardinge, bart., arms, hare, hargenvilliers, harington, harleian mss., , harley, , harman, arms, harmoustier, john of, harold, harp, harpy, , , harris, ; crest, harrison, arms, ; crest, ; rogers, crest, hart, ; sir robert, bart., arms, ; supporter, , , harter, harvest flies, haseley, arms, hastings, , , , ; arms, , ; sir edward, ; edmund de, label, ; lord, badge, hat, , hatchings, , hatchments, , hatton, crest, hauberk, , hauriant, ; embowed, haverington, sir john de, hawberk, sir richard, helm of, hawk, , , hawke, lord, supporters, hawkey, arms, hawk's lure, ; bell, hawthorn-tree, hay, bart., ; motto, ; supporters, hayne, crest, hays, hazel-leaves, heads, varieties of, heard, sir isaac, hearne, arms, heart, ; escutcheon, ; shield, heathcock, hedgehog, heir or heiress, , , , , , ; crests, ; crests heritable through, ; heirs-general, , ; portioners, ; quarterings, hefner-alteneck, helard, heldchurchgate, helemmes, hellenes, kings of the, helmet, , , , , , , , ; of a peer, ; lady's sleeve upon, ; crests, ; two, helmschau, , , helt, henderson, heneage knot, henry i., , ; seal, henry ii., badge, ; coins, henry iii., , , , , ; badge, ; seal, henry iv., , , , , , , , , ; crown, ; seal, , henry v., , , , , ; badges, ; garter plate, henry vi., , , , ; badges, ; seal, henry vii., , , , , , ; badges, , ; chapel, , , , ; coins, , ; seal, ; supporters, , henry viii., , , , , , , , , , , ; crown and seal, ; privy seal, ; supporters, hepburn arms, ; sir patrick, herald, , , , , , , , , , , , ; costume of, ; king of arms, ; tabard of, ; english, insignia of, ; irish, insignia of, ; scottish, insignia of, ; incorporated, ; wear, ; and pursuivants, "heraldic atlas," , heraldic courtesy, heraldry, age of, ; antiquity of, ; origin of, "heraldry of continental nations," herbert, hereford, city of, ; bishop of, arms, ; earls of, ; earls of, badge, ; earl of, richard clare, hermon, crest, herne, herodotus, , heron, ; as supporters, herring, herring-net, herschel, sir wm., arms, herschell, lord, supporters, hesilrige or hazlerigg, arms, hesse, ; duke of, ; grand duchess of, late, label, hesse-homburg, princess of, label, heyworth, arms, hieroglyphics, , hill, arms, , hilton, supporters, hinckley, hind, , hindlip, lord, supporters, hippogriff, hippomedon, hippopotamus, hobart, arms, hobson, arms, hodsoll, arms, hoghton, de, ; supporters, hohenzollern, flag of, holderness, earls of, supporters, holdick-hungerford, crest, holland, countess of, margaret of bavaria, seal, hollis, hollist, arms, crest, holly, ; branches, ; leaves, holthouse, roger, arms of, holy roman empire, , ; arch treasurers of, holy trinity, emblem of, holyrood, hone, honour, augmentations of, , ; marks of, hood, lord, supporters, hooded, hook, theodore, motto, hope, crest, hope, st. john, , horse, ; as supporter, ; in arms, horsely, william, horseshoes, hose, arms, hoste, sir william, augmentation, houldsworth, arms, household, first master of the, insignia of, ; lord chamberlain of the, insignia of, hove, town of, arms, howard, ; lord, badge, howth, earl of, supporters, huddersfield, town of, hulley, arms, human figures, , ; head, humbert i., ; ii., seal, hundred swiss guards, captain of the, insignia of, hungary, crown, hungerford, crest, ; lord, garterplate, ; heytesbury, k.g., lord, sir walter hungerford, arms, crest, mantling, hunter, hunter-weston, arms, huntingdon, lord, supporters, ; earl of, , hurst, arms, hurt, hussey, arms, ; crest, , hutchinson, arms, huth, arms, , hutton, arms, , hybrids, hydra, hyena, ibex, , iceland, arms, ilchester, earl of, arms, ; town of, illegitimacy, , , ; mark of, , , , , , , ; royal licence, , ; difference marks, ; sign of, impalement, , , , , , , , , imperial crown, , , ; service order, ; members of, insignia of, impersonal arms, in armour, in base, in bend, , in chevron, in chief, in fess, in full chase, in full course, in his pride, in its piety, in orle, in pale, , inchiquin and youghal, feudal lord, indented, , , india, order of the crown of, members of, insignia of, , ; emblem of, ; lotus-flower, indian empire, most eminent order of the, , inescutcheon, , , , , , ; addition of an, ; within an, infantry, colonel-general of the, insignia of, ingelram de ghisnes, arms, inheritance, inner temple, arms, innes, crest, innes, cosmo, invecked or invected, inveraray, ; burgh of, inverarity, crest, , inverness, arms, ; royal burgh of, arms, supporters, ; town of, supporters, inverted, , ireland, , , ; badge, ; crest, ; crests, ; crest of, ; duke of, augmentation, ; heralds in, ; helmet, ; king of arms, ; mottoes in, ; national badge, ; pursuivants in, ; shamrock, ; supporters in, ireland, badge, ; chief secretaries for, insignia of, ; hereditary lord great seneschal of, insignia of, ; hereditary marshal of, insignia of, irene, empress, iron hat vair, iron-grey, , irvine, irvine or irwin, , isham, arms, islay, isle of man, islip, rebus, italian differences, italy, , italy, state of, iveagh, lord, supporters, jack, jackson, arms, jamaica, supporters, jambes, james i., , , , , ; seal, james ii., , , ; state crown, james iii., , ; arms, james iv., , james v., , james vi., , janssen, bart., arms, japanese tokens, javelin, jean, dauphin, seal, jedburgh, arms of, , jefferson, miss, jeffrey, lord, jejeebhoy, bart., sir jamsetjee, crest, jellopped, jenkinson, crest, jennings, arms, jerningham, crest, ; badge, jerusalem, arms of, , jervis, arms, jervoise, arms, jessant-de-lis, , jess and jessed, jessel, crest, jeune, crest, jezierski, counts, arms, joass, arms, jocelyn, arms, joerg, von pauli, john, king, ; seal, johnson, dr. johnston, ; graham, , ; crest, johnstone, arms, joicey, lord, supporters, joiners' livery company, supporters, jonson, crest, jorger, joscelin, crest, joseph iii., emperor, joslin, arms, jousting-shield, ; helm, jude, dame marye, grant to, , jungingen, arms, jupiter, , jupon, justice, ; knights of, , ; ladies of, justinian, , kaisar-i-hind medal, ; insignia of those entitled to, kay, arms of, kaye, rev. walter j., keane, lord, augmentation, keates, kekitmore, arms, kelly, arms, kemsley, crest, kenneth iii., , kenney, crest, kent, ; duke of, label, ; earl of, thomas holland, seal, ; badge, ; fair maid of, joan, badge, kerrison, sir edward, augmentation kersey, crest, kevilioc, arms, keys, keythongs, killach, arms, kilmarnock, town of, arms, supporters, kilvington, kimono, king, king of arms, , , , , ; crown of, ; crown or coronet of, kingdom, constable of the, insignia of, king's flag, ; livery, ; favour of, augmentations, ; gamekeeper to the, insignia of, ; grand master of the household to the, insignia of, ; guards, captain of the, insignia of, kinloss, baroness, arms, kinnaird, lord, supporters, kinnoull, earl of, ; augmentation, kintore, earl of, augmentation, ; crest, kiku-non-hana-mon, kiri-mon, kirk, arms, kirkcaldy, royal burgh of, kirkwood, kitchener, lord, augmentation, ; arms, ; viscount, supporter, knevet, elizabeth, knight, arms, ; impales arms of wife, ; widow of, ; bachelor, wife of, ; helmet of, "knight and rumley's heraldry," knighthood, ; banner of, ; order of, ; companion of any order of, impaling, knights of any order, widow of, knights bachelor, impaling, ; helmet of, ; commanders, helmet of, ; insignia of, ; grand cross, helmet of, ; supporters to, knill, arms, knots, koh-i-noor, kursch, la cordelière, order of, la dolce, la tour du pin, la warr, motto, label, , , , , , , , , , , lacy, de, ladies, supporters to, lady, armorial bearings of, ; arms of, lady, colours of, lady's sleeve, lady, unmarried, arms, laird, compartment, laiterberg, arms, lake, dr. edward, augmentation, laking, bart., g.c.v.o., sir francis, lamb, , lambel, lambert, ; crest, , lambeth, arms, lambrequin, , , , ; badges on, lamplugh, c.e., crest, lancaster, , ; badge of, ; henry of, , ; herald, ; king of arms, , , , ; earl of, edmund cruchback, ; earl of, thomas, ; county council, seal, ; duke of, ; motto, ; duchy of, ; duchy of, seals, , ; town of, arms, ; livery colours, ; roy d'armes del north, lance, , land, conditions held under, landgrave, konrad, landscape, ; augmentation, ; coats, landschaden, crest, lane, crest, , , ; arms, , ; sir thomas, ; mistress jane, , , lanesborough, lord, supporter, langridge, arms, langton, crest, lanigan-o'keefe, lantern, lanyon, lapwing, lark, latham, latimer, lord, ; arms, crest, mantling, laurel, ; branches, ; leaves, ; tree, laurie, ; arms, lausanne, law, arms, ; "law and practice of heraldry in scotland," , lax, mrs. sarah, layland-barratt, arms, le corbeau, le fitz, le grosvenor, _see_ grosvenor le mans, cathedral of, le moyne, crest, le neve, sir wm., le strange, styleman, supporter, lead, league of mercy, decoration of the, ; insignia of those entitled to, leake, stephen martin, leaves, leconfield, lord, supporters, lee, , leeds, arms, ; duke of, supporter, lees, arms, leeson, arms, leg, leg-irons, legg, legge, arms, legged, , , legh, ; augmentation, leicester, , ; earls of, , , , ; earls of, simons de montfort, ; king of arms, ; town of, arms, leigh, arms, ; general, ; gerard, , ; town of, leighton, lord, leinster, duke of, supporters, , leipzic, town library of, leith, ; town of, arms, leland, , leman, sir john, crest, lemon-tree, lemprière, lennox, leon, arms, leopard, , , , , , , , ; face, leopard-lionné, leopold, markgrave, seal, lerwick, leslie, arms, ; crest, ; motto, lestrange, lethbridge, sir roper, ; arms, lever, arms, leveson-gower, arms, lewis, arms, , licence, lichfield, ; dean of, lichtenstein, liebreich, arms, life guards, lighthouse, lilford, lord, arms, lilienfield, lilienhaspel, lilley, arms, lilly, arms, lily, , lily-staple, lincoln college, oxford, ; earl of, william de roumare, ; dean of, ; sees of, lincoln's inn, hall of, linden leaves, , lindsay, , ; crest, ; sir david, , lindwurm, lines, , , , , , , lingen, crest, ; arms, linlithgow, ; burgh of, linz, lion heraud, lion, william the, lion-léopardé, lionced, lioncels, lioness, lionné, lions, , , , - , ; as supporter, lippe, prince of, crests, lipton, bart., crest, liskeard, ; seals, lisle, baroness, lismore, lord, arms, liverpool, earl of, crest, ; town of, supporters, livery, ; colours, , , ; crests, , livingstone, arms, lizards, , lloyd, , , , ; arms, , ; augmentation, ; quarterings, lobkowitz, lobster, loch, lord, arms, lockhart, arms, locomotives, loder-symonds, arms, lodged, loffredo, loggerheads, lombardy, iron crown of, london, city of, seal, ; arms, , , ; crest, ; supporters, , ; dean of, ; lord mayor of, ; _gazette_, londonderry, arms, ; town of, augmentation, long, arms, long cross, longueville, duke of, louis d'orleans, longueville, count de, arms, crest, torse, mantling, , lopes, bart., lopus, dr., arms, lorraine, , ; arms, lothian, earl of, lotus-flower, loudoun, earl of, badge, louis vii., seal, ; signet, louis viii., seal and counter-seal, louis xi., seals, louis xii., louis xvi., lovel, viscount, garter plate, ; torse, arms, ; mantling, lovett, low, arms, , lowdell, lower, lower austria, lownes, lowther, arms, lozenge, , , , , , , ; arms on, , lub-den frumen, lucas, lucerne, supporter, lucy, ludlow, lord, ; arms, lumley, arms, lumsden, arms, lundin, john, luneberg, lupus, lurgan, lord, crest, luttrell, sir geoffrey de, effigy, ; supporters, lygh, roger, lympago, lymphad, , , lynch, crest, lynx, lyon king of arms, , , , , , , , , ; arms of, , ; crown of, lyon office, , , ; grants of, supporters by, lyveden, lord, supporter, mccammond, mccarthy, crest, mcdowille, dugal, mclarty, arms, macara, arms, macleod, crest, macdermott, macdonald, macfarlane, compartment, macfie, ; arms, macgregor, mackenzie, , mackerel, mackesy, arms, maclachlan, supporters, maclaurin, arms, macmahon, arms, macmurrogh-murphy, arms, maconochie, arms, ; wellwood, supporters, macpherson, cluny, supporters, , madden, arms, maddock, maddocks, arms, madras, university of, , ; governor of, magnall, arms, magpie, mahon, arms, mahony, crest, mailly, gilles de, arms, maintenance, cap of, mainwaring, crest, ; ellerker-onslow, crest, , maitland, arms, , ; major, james, major, arms, malcolm, bart., crest, malet, sir edward, g.c.b., supporters, , mallerby, arms, mallory, , malta, cross of, , ; german, protestant order of, ; star, maltravers, arms, , man in armour, ; at-arms, ; head, ; lion, , , ; tiger, , ; and wife, arms, ; grant to, manchester, mandeville, manners, grant, mansergh, arms, ; crest, mantegre, manticora, mantle, ; of estate, mantling, , , , , , ; badges on, ; colours of, ; royal, ; rules for the colour of, maories, maple-leaf, ; tree, mar, earl of, mar and kellie, earl of, , ; arms, ; supporters, marburg, march, , ; white lion of, ; herald, ; king of arms, marches, , marchioness, robe or mantle, ; coronet, marchmont, mare, margens, arms, marigold, marindin, arms of, mariners, market cross, edinburgh, markham, arms, marlborough, duke of, , ; augmentation, ; supporters, , ; duchess of (henrietta), marquess, coronet, , , ; robe or mantle of, , marriage, impalements to indicate, , ; signify, mars, marshal of the empire, lord high, insignia of, marshal's, earl, order concerning robes, coronets, &c., , marshall, , , ; crest, ; badge of, ; the insignia of, marshalling, , - martin, motto, martlet, , , , marwood, crest, mary, ; queen, , ; badge, maryborough, town of, arms, marylebone, ; crest, mascle, , , ; field, mascles, mask, mason, arms, ; crest, mason's college, , massey, mrs., mastiff, matheson, mathew, dame marye, grant to, , matilda, queen, matriculation, , maud, the empress, , mauerkrone, maule, crest, maunch, , maundeville, sir john, mauritanian, mawdsley, arms, maxwell, arms, maynard, meath, earl of, supporters, mecklenburg-schwerin, duke of, ; crests, medicis, pietro de, augmentation, meeking, arms, meergries, meinill, ; barony of, melbourne, university of, melles, melrose abbey, melusine, , membered, memorials, menetrier, , , menteith, arms, ; earl of, ; label, menu-vair, menzies, bart., supporters, mercers' livery company, arms, merchant adventurers' company, supporters, mercury, meredith, arms, merit, order of, ; members of, insignia of, merlette, mermaid, , ; as supporters, merman, , mertz, crest, messarney, arms, metal, ; baton of, metcalfe, methods of blazoning, methuen, lord, midas' head, middlemore, crest, middlesex, arms, mieroszewsky, mignianelli, arms, mikado, milan, ; duchy of, arms, military men, grants to, mill-rind or fer-de-moline, milner, ; viscount, supporters, , minamoto ashikaya, minamoto tokugawa, miniver, minshull, sir robert, minutoli, arms, mirandola, princes and dukes of, mantling, mirrors, mitchell, arms, mitchell-carruthers, crest, mitford, arms, mitre, , , moir, mole, molesworth, molette, mon, , monastery, monbocher, de, bertrand, money-kyrle, ; quarterings, montagu, arms, montagu, k.g., marquess of, garter plates, montagu, lord, montague, lord, crest, montefiore, arms, montendre, alianore, montfaucon, montfort, de, ; simon de, ; badge, montgomery, arms, ; viscount, supporters, monti, ; arms, montravel, comte tardy de, arms, montrose, , ; burgh of, arms, ; royal burgh, arms, crest, mantling and compartment, monumental brasses, monypenny, arms, , moon, , moorcock, moore, arms, , ; crest, ; sir john, k.b., grant to, ; john, ; sir john w., moorhen, moors, mount-stephen, lord, arms, mountain-ash, mountjoye, ; lord (sir walter blount), arms, crest, mantling, moray, earls of, arms, moreau, philip, moresby, crest, morfyn, morgan, sylvanus, morion, , , mornay, de, arms, morris, william, , morse, ; crest, "morte d'arthur," , mortimer, arms, ; edmund, seal, morton, earl of, supporters, ; earl of, douglas, crest, moseley arms, moss, sir h. e., arms, motion, arms, motto, , , mowbray, , badges, ; supporters, ; and stourton, lord, , ; badge, ; supporters, ; "trente deux quartiers," mule, , mullet, , , , mun, marquis of, arms, mundegumbri, de, john, seal, munro, sir thomas, munster, earl of, muntz, arms, mural crown, or coronet, , , murfyn, murray, arms, murrey, , muschamp, musimon, musselburgh, town of, arms, naiant, , ; embowed, nairne, arms, naissant, naked flesh, names, bastards', napier, alexander, ; lord, , naples, napoleon, , ; i., mantling, narcissus flowers, narwhal, nassau, arms of, national bank of scotland, national flag, nature, colour of, , , naval crown, or coronet, , , navarre, arms, ; king of, naylor, sir george, nebuly, , , needlemakers' company, supporters, nelson, admiral, augmentations, ; earl, augmentation, ; town of, arms, nenuphar-leaf, neptune, nerford, de, alice, arms, nevers, de, count, john, nevil, ; crest, ; of raby, arms, new galloway, town of, supporter, newcastle-on-tyne, see of, newdigate, newlands, lord, supporters, newman, ; arms, ; colonel, augmentation, newnes, sir george, bart., newton, lord, nicholson, crest, nicholas, sir harris, nightingale, bart., arms, ninth son, nisbet, , , , , , , nobility, arms as a sign of, nombril, norfolk, duke of, ; (thomas mowbray), ; duke of, augmentation, , ; duke of (thomas howard), badge, normandy, duke of, john, seal, ; duchy of, arms, normandy, marquess of, supporters, north british borneo company, supporters, northumberland, earl of, ; earl of, badge, ; duke of (percy), arms, ; crest, northumbria, vicecomes of, norroy king of arms, , , , ; arms and insignia of, norway, flag of, norway, h.m. queen of, label, , norwich, ; city of, supporters, nottingham, town of, supporters, ; earl of, thomas, earl marshal, crest, , nova scotia, ; baronets of, , ; badges of, ; insignia of, nowed, nude figures, nugent, bart., ; supporter, nürnberg, city of, arms, ; german national museum at, nuvoloni, oak, ; branch, ; leaves, ; slips, ; tree, oakes, arms of, oakham, town of, oban, town of, obelisk, oberwappen, o'connor, don, supporters, odo, , o'donovan, supporters, oesel, office, rod of, officer of arms, official dress of, official arms, impalement, official insignia, ; regalia, ogilvie, compartment, o'gorman, supporters, ogress, o'hara, arms, okapi, o'keefe, lanigan, , oldham, olive-tree, o'loghlen, omens, ondozant, opinicus, , or, , orange, , , , , , ; tawny ribbon, orders of knighthood, ; of st. john of jerusalem, ordinary, , , , , , , , , , , ordnance, master-general of the, insignia of, o'reilly, supporters, orkney, orle, , , ; gemel, orleans, duke of, , ; arms, , ; duchess charlotte elizabeth of, seal, ormonde, ; knot, ; earls of, ormsby-hamilton, crest, ormskirk, ory, arms, oryx, ost-friesland, reitbergs, princes of, osprey, ostrich, ; feathers, badge, oswald, otharlake, john, otter, otterburn, moir of, otway, arms, ; supporters, ; sir robert, ounce, outram, supporters, , oval, over-all, owen, arms, ownership, badge as a sign of, owl, ox, oxford, arms of, ; bishops of, insignia of, ; city of, ; city of, arms, ; city of, supporters, ; lincoln college at, ; university of, ox-yokes, , padua, , painters, stainers, and coachmakers, companies of, warrant, pairle, , , pale, , , , ; cottised, ; dancetté, ; embattled, , ; lozengy, palewise, palisado coronet, pall, pallet, pallium, , palm, ; branch, ; tree, palmer's staff, palmetto-trees, paly, , , , ; bendy, panes, pannetier, grand, insignia of, panther, , , papacoda, papelonné, papillon, arms, papingoes, papyrus plant, paris, arms of, , paris, matthew, parish, sir woodbine, k.c.h., parker, , , , , , parkin-moore, parkyns, bart., crest, parliament, opening of, ; president of the, insignia of, parrot, parted, parteneck, bavarian family of, parthenopæus, partition, ; lines, , , , , , , , , , , ; lines, changing, ; methods of, party, , ; badge, paschal lamb, passant, , , , passion cross, ; nails, patent, paton, sir noel, crest, patriarchal cross, paul, sir james balfour, , , , , , , paw, paynter, peacock, pean, pearce, lady, pear-tree, ; pears, pearl, pearson, arms, peascod, pease, crest, peebles, arms, peer, carriage of, ; coronet, ; helmet, , ; impaling, ; insignia of, ; mantling of, ; order concerning robes, coronets, &c., of, ; sons of, supporters, , ; supporters, ; widow of, ; widow of, supporters, , "peerage and baronetage," peeress, ; after marriage, ; by creation, arms, ; in her own right, peeresses, robes or mantles, ; supporters, peewhit, pegasus, , , , , ; as supporter, peke, edward, pelham, sir john de, ; arms, augmentation, ; badge, pelican, pellet, pellew, sir edward, pelts or hides, pemberton, pembridge, sir richard, helm, pembroke, earl of, , , ; earl of, badge, penhellicke, arms, penned, pennon, penrose, arms, per bend, , , ; sinister, ; chevron, , , ; chief, ; cross, , ; fess, , ; pale, , ; engrailed, ; invected, ; pile, ; saltire, , , perceval, dr., percy, henry, seal, perring, bart., arms, perrins, arms, perry, arms, perryman, arms, persevanten, perth, earl of, , ; compartment, ; city of, ; arms, ; county of, supporters, pery, arms, pescod, walter, petilloch, william, petre, lord, pfahlfeh, pfirt, pharamond, arms of, pheasant, pheons, philip i., seal, philip ii., seal, philippa, queen, phillips, phoenix, , , physiologus, picardy, pichon, arms, pick, pictorial ensigns, picts, pigott, arms, pike, pile, , , , , , pilkington, crest of, ; motto, pillars of hercules, pilter, arms, , pily, pimpernel flower, pineapple, , pine-cone, pink, pirie, arms, pirrie, arms, pitcher, ; arms, pittenweem, town of, pixley, crest, planché, , , , , , , , , planets, planta genista, badge, plantagenet, plants, plasnes, dame de, jeanne, seal, plasterers' company, supporters, plate, plates, platt-higgins, player, arms, plough, plover, plowden, plumeté, , plummets, pocock, augmentation, points, pole, poleyns, pollock, augmentations, polwarth, lord, arms, ; augmentation, pomeis, pomegranate, , pomeranians, ponthieu, count of, ; joanna of, seal, pontifex, crest, pope, his holiness the, insignia of, , popinjay, poplar-tree, porcupine, portcullis, , , ; badge, porter, arms, porterfield, portland, duke of, supporters, portobello, burgh of, portsmouth, earl of, supporters, portugal, crests, ; royal standard of, ; royal arms of, ; marks of cadency, potent, , ; potenté, , , ; counter-potent, , potier, arms, potter, potts, poulett, earl, supporters, powdered with, poynter, prankhelme, pranker-helm, , prawns, precedence, precentor, insignia of, preed, arms, pretence, escutcheon of, , , prevost, supporters, price, prideaux-brune, primrose, , ; viscount, ; of dalmenie, "prince arthur's book," prince of wales, supporters, princes, helmets of, ; ecclesiastical, insignia of, principal king of arms, pringle, arms, prism, private person, flag of, proclamation, procter, arms, professors, regius, arms, proper, , , , , , provand, crest, provost of the household, grand insignia of, prussia, king of, ; kingdom of, ; supporters, ; officers of, prussian flag, public buildings, flags, puckberg, arms, pudsey, borough of, pugin, pujolas, arms, pullici, arms, pulver turme, purfled, purple, , purpure, , ; fretty or, pursuivant, , ; badges, ; clothes, ; creation, ; duties of, ; fees, , ; tabard of, ; irish insignia of, pursuivant of arms, , , puttkammer, barons von, pyke, pyne, arms, pyramid, pyrton or peryton, arms, quain, bart., arms, ; crest, quarter, , , , quarterings, , , , , ; augmentation takes the form of, ; augmentation, superimposed on, ; importance attached to, ; omitting, ; order of, quarterly, , quartermaster, grand, insignia of, quatrefoil, , ; double, queensberry, marquess of, queensferry, ; town of, "quentin durward," queue-fourché, quinces, quincy, de, ; arms, rabbit, radford, arms, radiometer, raglan, lord, supporter, ; raguly, , , raikes, rainbow, raised in benediction, ram, , ; head, ; as supporters, rampant, , , , ramsay, ramsden, arms, ramsey, arms, ramsey, de, lord, supporters, ramsgate, arms, , , randles, arms, ; crest, ranfurly, raphael, arms, rashleigh, arms, rat, ratton, arms, raven, ravenna, ravissant, rawlinson, bart., crest, rawmarsh, rawson, arms, rawtenstall, raynor, arms, rayonné, reade, crest, reading, town of, arms, rebus, records, erased from, red, , red deer, red dragon, , red ensign, red shield, another use of the plain, reed, e. t., reeds, reem, regarding, regent of france, reider, , reinach, counts, reindeer, , reid-cuddon, rendel, lord, renfrew, renty, arms, respecting, rethel, arms, reynell, arms, rhinoceros, , rhodes, rhys, lord, rhys ap griffith, ribbons, , , richard, richard i., , ; badge, ; banner, ; crest, ; seal, richard ii., , , , , , , , , , ; badge, ; white hart, richard iii., , ; badge, richardson, arms, , , richmond, ; badge of, ; earl of, ; earl of, john of brittany, arms of, , , , ; herald, ; king of arms, richmond and gordon, duke of, , ; and somerset, duke of, henry fitz-roy, richtsritter, ridley, "right to bear arms," , rinach, arms, ringed, ripon, marquess of, crest, rise, arms, rising, , , ritchie, rivers, lord, sir richard wydville, torse, arms, ; garter plate, rjevski, roach, robe of estate, robert ii., coronation of, roberton, arms, roberts, ; sir abraham, g.c.b., robertson, , ; crest, ; compartment, robertson-glasgow, arms, robes, order concerning, robinson, bishop, robson's, rochdale, town of, arms, roche, arms, rochefort, arms, rocheid, , rochester, bishops of, rocke, arms, rod of office, rodd, ; arms, roderick the great, rodolph ii., roebuck, roman catholic bishop, ; empire, holy, arch treasures of, insignia of, ; numerals, ; royal diadem, rompu, romreich, ronquerolles, rook, rose, , ; george, ; badge, ; leaves, ; en-soliel, rosebery, earl of, ; arms, rosmead, lord, supporters, ross, ; earl of, ; general, augmentation, , ; sir john, augmentation, ; countess of, euphemia, seal, ; see of, ross-of-bladensburg, , ; arms, ; grant to, rotherham, rothesay, rothschild, supporters, rouck, de, rouge-croix, ; -dragon, rouillon, oliver, seal, roumania, state of, roundel, , , rousant, rowe, arms, rowel spurs, royal arms, , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; augmentation, ; badges, ; crest, , , , , , , ; escutcheon, ; supporters, , ; motto, ; quartering, ; house, ; household, ; mantle, ; shield, ; tressure, , royal buck hounds, royal family, , , , ; arms, ; badges, ; members of, coronets, ; warrants, ; labels, , , ; position of, ; livery, ; mantling, royal favour, marks of, royal licence, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , royal navy, royal prerogatives, royal proclamations, royal red cross, ; insignia of those entitled to, royal warrants, , , , , , , , , ; coronet assigned by, rubische, dr. heinrich, arms, ruby, rudolstadt, supporters, ruspoli, arms, russia, state of, rustre, , rutherford, lords, rutherglen, crest, ruthven, william, seal, ; barony of, supporters, ruthyn, sir john grey de, ryde, ; arms, rye, ; arms, ryland, arms, sable, , , , sacheverell, , sachsen, sackville, crest, sacred cross, saffron-flower, sagittarius, , , saints, emblems of, salamander, salient, salis, de, supporters, salisbury, earl of, richard nevill, arms, ; arms, crest, mantling, ; bishops of, ; see of, salled or sallet, salmon, , saltire, , , , , , , ; botonny, ; couped, ; parted, saltireways, salvesen, arms, samson, samuel, arms, ; bart., crest, samuelson, arms, sandeman, sandford, , sand-glass, sandwich, ; arms, sanglier, sanguine, , sapphire, saracens, , saturn, satyr, , satyral, , saumerez, de, savage, , ; sir john, badge, savelli, duca de, as marshal of the conclave, insignia of, savoy, sawbridge, arms of, saxe-altenburg, duke of, ; dukedom of, ; grand duke of, crests, saxe-coburg, prince leopold of, saxe-coburg and gotha, late duke of, ; duke of, crests, ; dukes of, ; label, ; prince of, label, saxe-meiningen, grand duke of, crests, saxe-meiningen-hildburghausen, duke of, saxe-weimar-eisenach, duke of, saxony, ; king of, ; king of, crests, ; dukes and duchesses of, scabbard, scala, veronese princes della, arms, scale, armour, scales, scaling-ladders, scaltenighi, arms, scandinavia, scarf, scarisbrick, scarsdale, lord, supporter, sceptre, , schafhausen, supporters, schallern, schiffskrone, schildbuden, schildgestell, schildwachter, schilter, schleswig-holstein, princess christian, label, schomberg, crest, schwartzburg-rudolstadt, prince of, crest, schwartzburg-sondershausen, prince of, crests, ; supporters, schwazer bergbute, society of the, schweidnitz, town of, schweig, supporters, schwenkel, scissors, sconce, arms, scot, john, scotland, , , ; arms of, , , ; royal arms of, , ; badge, ; bordures in, ; crests, ; royal crest, ; royal crown, ; crown of, ; differencing in, , ; helmet, ; heralds in, ; king of, ; king of, arms, ; illegitimacy marks, ; laws concerning the use of supporters, ; mantling of peers, ; mottoes in, ; national bank of, arms, , ; patron saint of, ; quarterings in, ; re-matriculation, ; shields in, ; supporters, right to bear in, ; thistle of, ; earl marischal of, insignia of, ; hereditary great master of the household in, insignia of, ; hereditary justice-general of, insignia of, ; lord high chamberlain of, insignia of, ; lord high constable of, insignia of, ; lord justice-clerk of, insignia of, ; master of the revels in, arms, ; insignia of, scots greys, scott, arms, ; of gorrenberry, ; of thirlstane, ; sir walter, , scott-gatty, , , ; crest, scottish bordure, , ; cadency, ; cadency bordures, ; crests, ; field, ; heralds, , ; heralds, king of, ; parliament, ; patents, crests, mantling, ; peer, insignia of, ; practice, ; practice, supporters, ; regiments, ; seals, ; wife, impalement, scrope, ; and grosvenor, , , , , , ; supporters, scruby, scudamore, arms, scymitar, scythes, sea, sea-dogs, , ; as supporters, ; dragon, ; eagle, ; griffin, , ; horse, , ; leaf, , ; lions, ; as supporters, ; monkey, ; stag, , ; unicorn, ; urchins, ; wolf, seal, , , ; head, ; compartment appears on, seax, seccombe, seckau, chapter of, second shield, ; son, difference mark, seeded, ; or, sefton, lord, crest, segrave, arms, ; john, seal, , segreant, , , seize-quartiers, - sejant, selim iii., sultan, semé, , , , ; de-lis, , serjeants-at-arms, ; insignia of, serpent, service badge, service cross, conspicuous, those entitled to, insignia of, , seton, , , ; of mounie, ; capt. robert, ; church of, setvans, sir robert de, seventh son, sewell, arms, seymour, arms, ; crest, ; augmentation, ; jane, marriage, shaftesbury, earl of, shakefork, , shakerley, bart., shakespeare, arms, shamrock, shape of shield, sharpe, grant to, shearer, arms, sheaves, sheep, sheepshanks, sheffield, town of, supporters, sheldon, dame margaret, arms, sheldrake, sherard, lord, supporters, shetland ponies as supporters, shield, , ; of peace, ; colour of is termed, , ; divided by, ; encircled by, ; earliest shape, ; ground of, ; of gules, ; hatching of, ; in scotland, ; made of, ; no ordinary on, ; pageant, ; shape of, , shiffner, ; arms, ship, ; ornaments and devices, shirley, shogune, shoveller, shrewsbury, ; arms, ; earl of, , ; earl of, quartering, ; earls of, crest, ; earls of talbot, ; earl of talbot, crest, shrimps, shuttle, shuttleworth, arms, sicily, ; jerusalem, duke of anjou, rené, sidney, crest, siebmacher, , , sigismund, emperor, silesia, ; arms, sillifant, crest, silver, , , ; ingots of, ; use of, sinclair, baron, arms, ; patrick, sirr, arms of, sissinks, arms, sixth son, skeen, arms, skeet, skeleton, skull, slack, crest, sledge, slipped, , , ; leaved, slips, smallshaw, arms, smert, john, , smith, , , ; arms, ; crest, smith-cunningham, smitheman, arms, smyth, arms, snail, sneds, sneyd, arms, snowdon, sodor and man, , soldanieri, arms, soles, sollerets, soluthurn, supporters, somers, crest, , somerscales, arms, somerset, ; duke of, henry fitzroy, ; duke of, john beaufort, garter plate, ; arms, ; dukes of, ; herald, , sophia, princess, label, soudan, de la tran, k.g., sir bermond arnaud de presac, arms, crest, mantling, southampton, arms, ; city of, arms, crest, supporters and compartment, southwark, borough of, southwell, see of, ; viscount, supporters, soutiens, sovereign, helmet of, sovereign's privy seals, ; grand-children of, coronets, ; sons and daughters or brothers and sisters of a, coronets of, spain, , , ; crests, ; marks of cadency, ; queen victoria eugenie of, , , ; philip of, ; quarterings of, sparlings, spear and spear-head, specified, number, speke, crest and supporters, ; augmentation, , spelman, sir henry, , , , , spener, , spenser, sphinx, , , , spider, spikes, spokes, arms, springbok, , ; as supporters, sprot, spry, arms, spur-nowels, or spur-revels, , spurs, , squirrel, , ss, collar of, st. adrian, st. Ægidius, st. albans, boke of, ; duke of, ; monastery, st. andrew, , , , st. andrew, saltire of, ; cross of, ; flag of, st. anthony's cross, st. asaph, bishop of, st. aubin, cloister of, st. boniface, st. britius, st. bryse, st. catherine, wheel of, , st. columba, st. cricq, comtes de, arms, st. cuthbert, cross of, st. david's, st. denis, , , ; abbey of, , st. duthacus, st. edmund, cross and martlets of, st. edward, st. edward the confessor, , ; arms, st. edward's crown, st. elizabeth, st. etheldreda, st. etienne, abbey of, st. george, , ; arms of, ; banner of, ; cross of, , ; flag of, ; chapel, , , ; stall plates, st. giles, st. helens, borough of, arms, st. ives (cornwall), arms, st. john the baptist, st. john of jerusalem, order of the hospital of, ; knights of justice of the order, insignia of, st. john of malta, celibate order of, st. kentigern, st. lawrence, st. leonards, lord, st. mark, , , st. martin, , st. mary, lily of, ; the virgin, college of, arms, st. maur, arms, st. michael, , ; and all angels, ; st george, most distinguished order of, , , st. mungo, st. neots, st. ninian, st. oswald, lord, supporters, st. patrick, ; order of, ; knights of, rules, ; supporters, ; insignia of, ; order of prelate of the, insignia of, ; deans of, insignia of, ; chancellor of, insignia of, st. patrick, flag of, st. paul, ; sword of, , st. peter, emblem, ; keys of, , st. petersburg, st. stephen of tuscany, knights of the, st. vincent, lord, crest, stable, arms, stafford, ; crest, ; knot, ; earl of, stafford, earl of, supporters, ; earl of, sir humphrey stafford, arms, crest, mantling, ; lord, badge, ; crest, stags, , stains, , stalbridge, lord, standard, , , ; badges upon, ; bearer (würtemburg), hereditary insignia of, standish, arms, staniland, arms, stanley, ; lord, badge, , ; torse, arms, staple, stapleton, sir miles, k.g., arms, crest, mantling, stapylton, supporters, starckens, star of india, most exalted order of the, , stars, , statant, , , , state liveries, badges on, statute of resumptions, steamer, stephen, coins, stephen de windesore, sterling, william, seal, steuart, bart., crest, steward, lord high, insignia of, stewart, arms, ; crest, ; of ochiltree, , stilwell, crest, stirling-maxwell, supporters, stirrups, stoat, stockfish, stockings, stocks of trees, stodart, , , , stoke-lyne, lord of the manor, arms, stones, storey, stork, , stothard, c., stourton, arms, , , ; badge as a crest, ; barony of, supporters, ; crest, , ; lord, supporters, ; seal, strange, arms of, strangman, strathcona, lord, crest, ; arms, stratheden, baroness, late, stratherne, countess of, muriel, seal, strigoil and chepstow, earls of, struan, stuart-french, arms, stuart-menteith, stubbs, arms, stukele, arms, sturgeon, sturzkrückenfeh, sturzpfahlfeh, styleman, arms, styria, arms, , sub-ordinaries, , , , , , , ; complete list of, ; sub-quarters, , suchenwirt, suffolk, ; duke of, william de la pole, badge, ; garter plate, sugar-cane, sun, , ; burst, badge, , ; in splendour, sunflower, superimposed, , supporters, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; the first, ; differencing on, ; crested, ; by prescriptive right, ; in england, right to bear, ; honourable, ; origin of, ; position of, ; single, surcoat, , , surgeons, college of, arms, surrey, ; duke of (thomas de holland), bordure, ; earl of, augmentation, sussex, duke of, label, ; earl of, sutton, arms, swaby, crest, swallow, , swan, swanne, adam fitz, swansea, lord, crest, sweetland, arms, swindon, arms, crest, swinton, , ; arms, ; crest, ; supporters, ; henry de, seal, ; captain archibald, ; captain george c., ; sir john de, ; john edulf blagrave, laird, ; arms, ; robert, switzerland, sword, , , swynnerton, sydenham, arms, sykes, ; arms, , symbolism, , symonds-taylor, arms, syphium-plant, tabard, "table book," tacitus, , tain, royal burgh of, talbot, , , , ; arms of, ; earl of, ; lord, crest, tallow chandlers' company, ; arms, ; crest, tamworth, seals, tancred, crest, tankerville, earl of (bennet), arms, ; (sir john grey), torse, arms, tannenvels, arms, tarleton, crest, tarn or loch, tarragone, arms, tarsell, arms, tartsche, or tartscher, tassa, tasselled hat, tatshall, taunton, taylor, tea-plant, teck, duke of, teesdale, arms, telescope, temperance, temple, temple-nugent-brydges-chandos-grenville, crests, templer, arms, tenants, tenné, , , tenremonde, arms, teutonic order, ; masters of the, teviot, viscount (livingstone), thackeray, ; arms, thebes, king of, theme, arms, theodosia, empress, thierry, third son, thistle, ; order of the, , ; knight of the, insignia of, ; knights of the, rules, ; supporters, thorndyke, crest, thornhill, crest, thornton, arms, , , ; supporters, thunderbolt, thuringia, thurston, crest, tichborne, supporters, tiger, ; as supporters, tigress, tilting-helm, tinctures, , , , ; change of, tindal, tityron, tjader, toad, tobacco-pipe makers, the company of, arms, todmorden, town of, arms, tokugawa, toledo, arms of, tollemache, arms, topaz, topsell, torches, or firebrands, torphichen, lord, arms, torrington, lord, supporters, torse, , , , ; colours of, torteau, tortoise, tournament helmet, tournay, tournebu, pierre de, supporter, tourney, towers, , towns, rules as to supporters, toymote, trafford, de, crest, ; mottoes, transposed, trapaud, trappe, arms, trasegnies, arms, trayner, arms, treacher, arms, treason, treasurer, insignia of, "treatise on heraldry," , , , , , , , trees, , , , trefoil, tregent, arms, ; crest, trelawney, arms, trente deux quartiers, tresmes, ducs de, supporters, tressure, , , , , , trevelyan, arms, ; supporters, treves, bart., ; arms, ; augmentation, treves, elector and archbishop of, trick, , tricorporate, triple-towered, trippant, , trist, crest, triton, trononnée, trotter, arms of, trotting, trout, troutbeck, arms, trumpeter, costume of, trumpington, sir roger de, trunk of a tree, trunked, trupour, or trumpour, john, trussing, trussley, trutemne, banville de, arms, truth, tuam, see of, arms, tucker, stephen, tudor, royal house, badge, tulips, tuns, tunstall, arms, , tupper, turbots, turner, arms, turnierkragen, turnip, tuttebury, earl of, tweedy, tynes, tynte, crest, tyrol, tyrrell, crest, , tyrwhitt, ; arms, tyson, crest, udine, udney, ulster, canton of, , ; king of arms, , , , , ; badges of, ; arms and insignia of, ; official arms of, ; office, , , , , , umbo, umfraville, ; arms, undy, unguled, unicorn, , , , , , united kingdom, royal arms, compartment, union banner, , , union jack, , unmarried lady, lozenge of, unter-walden, supporter, uphaugh, duppa de, arms, upton, urbino, duke of, frederick, ; mantling, urcheon, urdy, , ; at the foot, utermarch, arms, vaile, , vaillant, vair, , , , , ; appointé, ; in bend, ; bellies, ; ondé, ; en pal, ; in pale, vairé, , , ; corrupted form of, ; en pal, vairpière, valence, de, ; william, vallary, coronet, vambraced, vambraces, van eiden, sir jacob, van houthem, barons, arms, van schorel, vane, arms, , varano, varenchon, varroux, arms, varry, tassy, ; cuppy, varus, vase, vaughan, vavasseur, arms, veitch, arms, venus, vera, de, verden, verdon, arms, verdun, alix de, vere, arms, , verelst, crest, veret, verhammes, vernon, motto, verona, , verre, verschobenes, vert, , , veruled, vervelled, vesci, de, viscount, supporters, vesentina, vesili's, andreas, vested, vestments, vice-admiral, insignia of, vice-connétable, insignia of, victoria, queen, , , , , , , ; seal, ; cross, ; those entitled to the, insignia of, ; princess, label, , ; and albert, order of, members of, insignia of, victorian order, royal, ; insignia of, victory, viennois, dauphin de, charles, supporter, vigilance, , vine, virgil de solis, virgin mary, ; lilies of the, virolled, visconti, arms, viscountess robe or mantle, ; coronet, viscounts, robe or mantle of, , ; coronet of, , visitations, mottoes in, vivian, crest, vohlin, arms, void, voiders, vol, volant, , ; en arrière, volunteer officer's decoration, ; insignia of, "von," german, von burtenback, captain sebastian schärtlin (schertel), arms, von dälffin, grauff, arms, von fronberg, herr, von lechsgemünd, count heinrich von, seal, von pauli, vree, vulned, , vulture, vyner, sir robert, wade, crest, wake, knot, wakefield, crest, wakefield, town of, arms, waldeck-pyrmont, prince of, crests, waldegrave, arms of, ; lord, arms, wales, badge of, , , ; herald of, , ; ruddy dragon of, ; prince of, , , ; coronet, ; badge, , ; label, ; mantling, , ; princess of, coronet, walker, arms, ; sir edward, ; trustees, insignia of, walkinshaw, arms, wallenrodt, counts, arms, waller, ; arms, ; crest, , ; sir jonathan wathen, supporters, ; richard, augmentation, wallop, walnut-leaves, ; tree, walpole, walrond, arms, walsh, wands, wandsworth, wappen und stammbuch, wappenbuch, , , wappencodex, wappenkönige, wappenrolle, von zurich, warde-aldam, arms, , wareham, arms, warnecke's, warren, ; sir john de, ; william de, arms, ; mantling, warrington, town of, ; arms, warwick, lord, ; earls of, differences, ; earl of, richard beauchamp, ; earl of, waleran, ; earl of, thomas, ; and albemarle, earl of, richard beauchamp, water, , ; colour, , ; bougets, waterford, supporters, ; earl of, ; marquess of, supporters, ; city of, supporters, waterlow, arms, watermen and lightermen's livery co., supporters, watkin, bart., arms, watney, crest, watson-taylor, supporters, wattled, , wave, vair, wavy, , ; or undy, waye, arms, weasel, wechselfeh, weirwolf, , welby, lord, weldon, sir anthony, wellington, duke of, ; duke of, augmentation, wells, welsh dragon, ; arms, were, arms, west riding, westbury, arms of, westcar, crest, westmeath, earl of, supporters, , westminster, dukes of, arms, ; crest, ; marquess of, augmentation, ; city of, arms, ; abbey, , , ; dean of, westphalia, ; arms, westworth, arms, whale, , , whalley, arms, wharton, wheat, wheel, whelks, whitby, arms, white, supposed to be, ; ensign, ; ermine spots, ; label, ; staff, white-thomson, arms, whitgreave, crest, ; augmentation, widow, arms, , , wiergman, wife, impalements, , , , wigan, crest, , wilczek, count hans, wild cat, wildenvels, arms, wildmen, wildwerker, wilkinson, wilson, william i., , , william ii., seal, william iii., , , william iv., , ; state crown, williams, arms, williams-drummond, bart., supporters, willoughby, winchester, bishops of, insignia of, ; dean of, ; earl of, , ; earl of, seiher de quincy, ; marquesses of, ; captain peter, arms, windsor, , , , ; badge of, ; henry of, ; dean of, insignia of, ; herald, ; castle bookplates, ; library, wingate, arms, winged, winged ape, ; lions, ; stags, winlaw, ; motto, winnowing fans, winterstoke, lord, supporters, winwick, wogenfeh, , wolf, wolf-hunter, grand, insignia of, wolfe, , ; crest, ; francis, , wolkenfeh, wolseley, arms, ; lord, , , wolverhampton, town of, arms, , woman, grant to a, , , ; illegitimate, royal licence, ; married, arms, wood, ; late sir albert, ; crests granted, ; sir william, woodbine-leaves, woodman, wood-pigeon, woodstock, borough of, arms, woodstock, de, ; thomas of, woodward, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; and burnett, , , , , ; arms, , woollan, woolpack, worcester, wordsworth, "workes of armorie," worms, baron de, supporters, wortford, arms, wreath, wright, wriothesley, wursters, arms, wurtemburg, supporters, ; queen of, label, wyatt, arms, wylcote, sir john, brass, wyndham, crest, wyndham-campbell-pleydell-bouverie, crests, wynn, sir watkin williams, wyon, wyvern, , , , ; as supporters, , xantoigne, yacht, yarborough, earl of, , ; badge, , ; supporter, yarmouth, ; arms, yeates, yeatman-biggs, arms, yellow, yerburgh, crest, yeropkin, yockney, arms, yonge, crest, york, ; archbishop of, ; arms, , , ; pallium, ; cardinal, ; herald, ; badge of, ; duke of, , ; duke of, label, ; duke of (edward), seal, ; blazing sun of, badge, ; white rose of, badge, ; and lancaster, badges, yorke, ; crest, youghal, provosts of, seal, young, sir charles, crest, , zachary, zebra, , zobel, zoë, queen, zorke, zorn, crests, zug, supporters, zurich, ; supporter, ; wappenrolle, the end printed by ballantyne, hanson & co. edinburgh & london * * * * * notes [ ] "norreys and surreis, that service aught the kyng, with horse and harneis at carlele, made samning." see langtoft's chronicle treating of the wars of edward i. against the scots. "bot sir john de waleis taken was, in a pleyne, throgh spring of norreis men that were certeyn." ibid., _australes se norensibus opposuerunt_. m. oaris, under the year . [ ] robertson's index to "missing charters." [ ] here lieth sir john d'aubernoun, knight. on his soul may god have mercy. [ ] "monumental brasses of gloucestershire," by c. t. davis. london: phillimore & co., . [ ] the arms are quoted by mr. davis from bigland's "gloucestershire," p. . [ ] the arms of clayhills of invergowrie: parted per bend sanguine and vert, two greyhounds courant bendwise argent. mantling gules doubled argent; and upon a wreath of the liveries is set for crest, an arm holding an imperial crown proper; and in an escroll over the same, this motto, "corde et animo." matriculated in lyon office _circa_ . [ ] armorial bearings of sir henry seymour king, k.c.i.e.: quarterly, argent and azure, in the second and third quarters a quatrefoil of the first, over all a bend barry of six of the second, charged with a quatrefoil also of the first, and gules. [ ] armorial bearings of william warde-aldam, esq.: quarterly, and , party per fesse azure and ermine, in the sinister chief and dexter base an eagle displayed or, in the dexter canton issuant towards the sinister base seven rays, the centre one gold, the others argent (for aldam); and (for warde). [ ] armorial bearings of isham: gules, a fesse wavy, and in chief three piles in point also wavy, the points meeting in fesse argent. [ ] _collectanea_, ed. , ii. . [ ] in m. victor bouton's edition of the _armorial de gelre_ (paris ) the bonnet is described as a mount. [ ] arms of rutherglen: argent, in a sea proper an ancient galley sable, flagged gules, therein two men proper, one rowing, the other furling the sail. above the shield is placed a suitable helmet, with a mantling gules, doubled argent; and on a wreath of the proper liveries is set for crest, a demi-figure of the virgin mary with the infant saviour in her arms proper; and on a compartment below the shield, on which is an escroll containing this motto, "ex fumo fama," are placed for supporters, two angels proper, winged or. [ ] arms of sandwich: party per pale gules and azure, three demi-lions passant guardant or, conjoined to the hulks of as many ships argent. [ ] arms of hastings: party per pale gules and azure, a lion passant guardant or, between in chief and in base a lion passant guardant or, dimidiated with the hulk of a ship argent. [ ] arms of ramsgate: quarterly gules and azure, a cross parted and fretty argent between a horse rampant of the last in the first quarter, a demi-lion passant guardant of the third conjoined to the hulk of a ship or in the second, a dolphin naiant proper in the third, and a lymphad also or in the fourth. crest: a naval crown or, a pier-head, thereon a lighthouse, both proper. motto: "salus naufragis salus ægris." [ ] arms of yarmouth: party per pale gules and azure, three demi-lions passant guardant or, conjoined to the bodies of as many herrings argent. motto: "rex et nostra jura." [ ] armorial bearings of dodge: barry of six or and sable, on a pale gules, a woman's breast distilling drops of milk proper. crest: upon a wreath of the colours, a demi sea-dog azure, collared, maned, and finned or. [ ] armorial bearings of james joseph louis ratton, esq.: azure, in base the sea argent, and thereon a tunny sable, on a chief of the second a rat passant of the third. upon the escutcheon is placed a helmet befitting his degree, with a mantling azure and argent; and for his crest, upon a wreath of the colours, an ibex statant guardant proper, charged on the body with two fleurs-de-lis fesswise azure, and resting the dexter foreleg on a shield argent charged with a passion cross sable. motto: "in deo spero." [ ] upon a wreath of the colours, from a plume of five ostrich feathers or, gules, azure, vert, and argent, a falcon rising of the last; with the motto, "malo mori quam foedari." [ ] armorial bearings of peebles (official blazon): gules, three salmon naiant in pale, the centre towards the dexter, the others towards the sinister. motto: "contra nando incrementum." [ ] arms of accrington: gules, on a fess argent, a shuttle fesswise proper, in base two printing cylinders, issuant therefrom a piece of calico (parsley pattern) also proper, on a chief per pale or and vert, a lion rampant purpure and a stag current or; and for the crest, an oak-branch bent chevronwise, sprouting and leaved proper, fructed or. motto: "industry and prudence conquer." [ ] out of a ducal coronet gules, a lion's head ermine (nicholson). [ ] crest of bentinck: out of a marquess's coronet proper, two arms counter-embowed, vested gules, on the hands gloves or, and in each hand an ostrich feather argent. [ ] plate xi. fig. , laing's "catalogue," no. . at each side of the king's seated figure on the counter-seal of robert ii. ( ) the arms of scotland are supported from behind by a skeleton within an embattled buttress ("catalogue," no. ). [ ] armorial bearings of william speke, esq.: argent, two bars azure, over all an eagle displayed with two heads gules, and as an honourable augmentation (granted by royal licence, dated july , , to commemorate the discoveries of the said john hanning speke), a chief azure, thereon a representation of flowing water proper, superinscribed with the word "nile" in letters gold. upon the escutcheon is placed a helmet befitting his degree, with a mantling azure and argent; and for his crests: . (of honourable augmentation) upon a wreath of the colours, a crocodile proper; . upon a wreath of the colours, a porcupine proper; and as a further augmentation for supporters (granted by royal licence as above to the said william speke, esq., for and during his life)--on the dexter side, a crocodile; and on the sinister side, a hippopotamus, both proper; with the motto, "super æthera virtus." [ ] arms of glasgow: argent, on a mount in base vert an oak-tree proper, the stem at the base thereof surmounted by a salmon on its back also proper, with a signet-ring in its mouth or, on the top of the tree a redbreast, and in the sinister fess point an ancient hand-bell, both also proper. above this shield is placed a suitable helmet, with a mantling gules, doubled argent; and issuing from a wreath of the proper liveries is set for crest, the half-length figure of st. kentigern affronté, vested and mitred, his right hand raised in the act of benediction, and having in his left hand a crosier, all proper. on a compartment below the shield are placed for supporters, two salmon proper, each holding in its mouth a signet-ring or, and in an escroll entwined with the compartment this motto, "let glasgow flourish." [ ] supporters of lord hawke: dexter, neptune, his mantle of a sea-green colour, edged argent, crowned with an eastern coronet or, his dexter arm erect, darting downwards his trident sable, headed silver, resting his sinister foot on a dolphin, also sable; sinister a sea-horse or, sustaining in his forefins a banner argent the staff broken proper. [ ] arms of boston: sable, three coronets composed of crosses patté and fleurs-de-lis in pale or. crest: a woolpack charged with a ram couchant all proper, ducally crowned azure. [ ] the caltrap was an instrument thrown on the ground to injure the feet of horses, and consisted of four iron spikes, of which one always pointed upwards. [ ] arms borne on a sinister canton suggest illegitimacy. [ ] gutté-de-poix. * * * * * corrections made to printed original page . "herald ([greek: kêrux])" corrected from "herald ([greek: kêrnx])" page . "the reverse exhibits the arms of the office of ulster" corrected from "the reserve exhibits ..." page . "then it was found that" corrected from "then it was found than" page . "the bearer was not the person chiefly entitled" corrected from "the hearer ..." index "layland-barratt" corrected from "llanday-burratt" to match text, and placed in correct sequence transcriber's note: in this text [gh] represents the middle english letter "yogh", similar to the numeral . * * * * * the buke of the order of knighthood, translated from the french, by sir gilbert hay, knight. from the manuscript in the library at abbotsford. [decoration] edinburgh: m.dccc.xlvii. to the president and members of the abbotsford club, this specimen of the early literature of scotland, now first printed, is dedicated and presented by their obedient servant, beriah botfield. norton hall, january , . * * * * * the abbotsford club. january, m.dccc.xlvii. president, right hon. john hope, lord justice-clerk. right hon. the earl of aberdeen. adam anderson, esq. david balfour, esq. charles baxter, esq. robert bell, esq. robert blackwood, esq. bindon blood, esq. beriah botfield, esq. james burn, esq. hon. henry cockburn, lord cockburn. john payne collier, esq. thomas constable, esq. james crossley, esq. james dennistoun, esq. john dunn, esq. joseph walter king eyton, esq. hon. john hay forbes, lord medwyn. john black gracie, esq. hon. james ivory, lord ivory. hon. francis jeffrey, lord jeffrey. james kinnear, esq. george ritchie kinloch, esq. david laing, esq. henry liddell, esq. james lucas, esq. john whitefoord mackenzie, esq. alexander maconochie, esq. james macknight, esq., _treasurer_. james maidment, esq. william henry miller, esq. theodore martin, esq., _secretary_. rev. james morton, b.d. robert nasmyth, esq. robert pitcairn, esq. right hon. the earl of powis. john robertson, esq. right hon. andrew rutherfurd, lord advocate. erskine douglas sandford, esq. john smith, esq. l.l.d. william b. d. d. turnbull, esq. edward vernon utterson, esq. patrick warner, esq. right hon. sir george warrender, bart. [decoration] preface. the literature of scotland, during the fifteenth century, is entitled to a much greater share of attention than it has hitherto received; more especially, as it is a period in which the contemporary literature of england is comparatively so devoid of interest. among the persons who then flourished, and to whom but a scanty share of justice has been awarded, we may reckon sir gilbert hay, knight. dunbar the scotish poet,[ ] who adorned the reign of james the fourth, in his "lament for the death of the makars" or poets, includes the name of hay; so likewise does sir david lyndesay, in the reign of james the fifth; but no other writer seems to have been aware that such an author had ever existed, until we reach the year , when there appeared the third volume of "the lives and characters of the most eminent writers of the scots nation, &c. by george mackenzie, m. d."[ ] this volume, the last which the author lived to publish,[ ] commences with "the life of sir gilbert hay, chamberlain to charles vi. king of france." it extends to eight folio pages, and furnishes a suitable specimen of mackenzie's mode of constructing biography. it commences with the following paragraphs:-- "the hayes are said to have their first rise from a very noble and heroick action, about the year of our lord , in the reign of kenneth iii., as we have shown in the life of that prince, in the second volume of this work, pag. . but whatever truth be in this, it is certain that this is one of the most noble and ancient families in scotland, and that ever since the reign of king robert bruce, they have been lord high constables of scotland: that prince, for the faithful service and loyalty of robert lord hay, declar'd them heritable constables of scotland, about the year . "from this noble and ancient family our author was descended, of whom i have no other account to give, but that he was born in the north of scotland, brought up at the university of aberdeen, where, after he had finished the course of his studies in philosophy, he commenced master of arts, went over to france, where he studied the laws, and was batchelor of the canon law, and for his great merit, obtained the honour of knighthood, and was made chamberlain to charles vi. king of france; upon whose death he returned to scotland, and was in great favour and esteem with william earl of orkney, and lord high chancellor of scotland, at whose desire he translated, from the french into scots, dr bonnet's book of battles in the year of our lord . "as for our author, 'tis probable that he died towards the latter end of the th century; and from his performance it appears that he was well seen in the civil, canon, and military laws; and had he not been a person of singular merit and worth, he had not raised himself to the dignities that he attain'd to." these paragraphs contain the whole biographical portion of the "life," contained in his eight folio pages,--the author's practice being that of introducing some extraneous matter suggested by, but not connected with the subject of the biography. but in the passages quoted the author's usual carelessness or ignorance is very apparent. his statements of matters of fact, indeed, are never to be relied upon, being seldom confirmed, and often contradicted by better authorities, and instead of a work of national importance, deserving the liberal patronage it received, it is altogether worthless. thus mackenzie might have known, that if hay was "brought up," and "commenced master of arts," at a university in scotland, it could not have been at aberdeen, which was not founded until the year ; and that if hay was chamberlain to a king of france, it could not have been charles the sixth, whose reign extended from the year to . the concluding notice of the supposed time of hay's death, "towards the latter end of the th century," is obviously a clerical error for the th century. instead, however, of favouring the reader with an abridged history of the kings of france, or some other discursive topic, dr mackenzie has in this instance deviated from his ordinary practice, and given a careful and detailed analysis of a manuscript volume in his own possession, containing three works translated from the french by sir gilbert hay; and this may be instanced as one of the few actual contributions to the literary history of scotland, contained in his three folio volumes. it may here be quoted, omitting a somewhat confused and inaccurate account of the original author honorè bonnor or bonnet, prior of sallon. "the first book (he says,) contains chapters, wherein the author gives the definition of war, according to the doctors of civil and canon law, and shows that it had its first rise in heaven betwixt god and his rebellious angels; then he treats of the bypast persecutions of the church by way of commentary upon s. john's vision of the five angels in the revelation, and speaking of the fourth angel, he acknowledges, that there was a woman that was chosen pope and that she was an english woman: and after leon, says our translator, "was chosen a woman pape, not wittand that she was a woman, the quhilk was of england born." "the second book contains chapters, wherein he treats of the destruction of the four great empires of the world: the babylonian begun in the east, in the time of abraham; the carthaginian begun in the time of the judges; the macedonian begun in the time of the maccabees; and that of the roman begun in the time of achan king of judea: but he more particularly insists upon the roman empire, and shews when the city of rome was first founded, when they begun their government by kings, senators, consuls, and emperors, and of their most memorable or remarkable actions, of the actions of alexander the great, and the destruction of the carthaginian empire; and concludes with an account of the first rise of government or jurisdiction amongst men, and who were the first governors or judges. "the third book contains chapters, wherein he treats of the lawfulness of making of war, and if it be possible for mankind to live without it; how men know when they are justly compell'd to make war; what the marks of true valour and cowardice are; what punishment is due to those that leave the army, without asking permission of their commanders, or fight the enemy, without the orders of their commanders. "the fourth book contains chapters, wherein he treats of the lawful grounds of war, especially amongst christians against the turks, and all infidels; whether the emperor can lawfully declare war against the pope and the church, and whether the pope may make war against him; concerning the duties of knights, and for what reasons they ought to be punished; concerning the duties of generals, and if, when they are taken in battle, they ought to lose their lives or not; whether strength or force be a moral, cardinal, or natural virtue; whether prisoners that are taken in war belong to those that take them, or to the princes to whom the armies in which they are taken belongs; whether vassals should serve in the army upon their own or their prince's expences; if a baron be obliged to serve his king but only in his own wars; whether two barons having war against one another, their men are obliged to assist either of them till they receive orders from their king and respective lords; whether we are bound to defend our neighbours with arms and men when invaded by others, and what the persons are that are obliged to defend one another, and particularly how the vassal is obliged to defend his lord, the son his father, by the law of justice; whether he is more bound to defend his father or natural prince; whether a clergyman is bound most to assist his father or his bishop, when a war is declared betwixt them; whether men may make a defensive war for their temporal goods lawfully conquish'd; whether priests and clerks may defend their goods by force of arms; whether arms lent and lost in the field of battle ought to be restored; whether arms and horses hired and lost in battle ought to be restored; whether a knight being robbed in his king's service, he or his king ought to pursue the robbers; whether a man that goes to the wars uncharg'd ought to take wages; whether a knight serving a king uncharg'd, may lawfully ask wages of him; whether, when the king of spain sends assistance to the king of france, he ought to ask wages of him; whether a man that goes to the wars out of vain glory, ought to ask wages by the law of arms; whether a captain that is robbed obeying his lord's commands, his lord ought to restore him his goods or not; whether a man going to the wars for covetousness and robbery, ought to demand wages; whether a priest or clergyman may lawfully go to the war or not, concerning the time that men ought to be paid their wages that go to the wars; whether a warriour that obtains leave to divert and recreat himself for some time, should receive wages for that time; whether a knight that has taken wages of a king for a year's service, and after three months goes to the service of another prince, ought to receive wages for the time that he has served; whether a soldier that has been paid by a prince for a year's service, may substitute another in his place; whether a captain may send any of his men away, after he has mustered them in the fields before his prince; whether a soldier falling sick in the wars may lawfully ask his wages for all the time that he had been sick; how the goods or spoil that is gained by the army ought to be parted amongst the soldiers; whether a man may lawfully keep what he takes from a robber that was designed to rob him on the highway; of the lawfulness of the war that is made betwixt two cities that hold of no sovereign; whether a man may kill a prisoner that delivers himself voluntarly; whether by the law of arms, a man may take a ransom of gold or money from his prisoner; whether in a war betwixt england and france, the french may lawfully seize upon the goods of the english husbandmen, and detain their persons prisoners; whether one king may overcome another king lawfully by craft and subtilty; whether it be lawful to fight upon a holyday; whether, when one man wrongs another, he may lawfully recover his own by war or force, before he pursues him legally; whether a knight that dies in battle, in his prince's service, is sure of his salvation; whether the righteous or sinners are the most powerful in battle; why there are so many wars in the world; whether one that is taken prisoner, and sworn to keep prison, may lawfully break it, and make his escape, if he finds occasion; whether one that is taken prisoner, and put in a close dark room, and makes his escape, may be said to break prison? whether a man that's promised safe conduct from one place to another, but has neglected to capitulate for his safe return, may be lawfully detained prisoner? whether a man that has safe conduct promised to him and his attendants, can bring alongst with him a greater man than he himself is? if a man be taken prisoner upon another's safe conduct, whether he that had the safe conduct be obliged to relieve him upon his own charges? if a man having liberty to go out of prison, on condition that he should return upon such a day, re-enters again into the prison, fails in the day, how he should be punished? whether it be lawful for one prince to refuse another, with whom he is at peace, passage thorow his country? whether churchmen should pay taxes, tributes, and impositions to secular kings and princes? if the church should make war against the jews? if a man may defend his wife by force of arms? if a brother may defend his brother by force of arms? when a baron is a vassal to two lords of different countries, that have both of them war, whom of them he ought to serve? when a baron is a vassal to two lords that make war upon one another, whom of them he ought to obey? when a man is a burgess in two cities that make war against one another, which of them he ought to obey? whether a man that is in bondage or in slavery be obliged to go to the wars with his lord and master? whether a man may be compelled to go to the wars? if one man fairly wounds another, and he wounds him again, whether he ought to be punished for the same? if a bondman or slave kills another by his master's command, whether he ought to be punished for the same? whether a bondman or slave may defend himself against his lord and master that designs to kill him? whether a monk may defend himself against his abbot who designs to kill him? whether the son may lawfully defend himself against the father who designs to kill him? whether a man may lawfully defend himself against his judge? whether a man, being banished the realm, and returning again without permission, when people set upon him to take him, if he ought to defend himself? whether a priest that is assaulted carrying the lord's body (or the sacrament) alongst with him, ought to lay it down and defend himself? if a man that is innocent ought to be punished by way of reprisal for the guilty? and how princes ought to behave themselves in the cases of reprisals? how reprisals should be made against a city that owes allegiance to no sovereign? if all lords or masters may make reprisals? how and for what reason it may be said that the king of france is no ways subject to the emperor? whether the king of england be in any manner of way subject to the empire? whether reprisals can be granted to a burgess that's living at paris, and robbed in his return to paris, for recovering the money or goods that he has been deprived of in another prince's dominions? whether an english student at the university of paris may be detained prisoner when a war is declared betwixt the two nations? whether a servant should enjoy the privileges that his master has? whether an englishman coming to paris to visit his son, student at that university, in time of war, may be detain'd prisoner? whether an englishman coming to visit his brother at the university may be detained prisoner? whether a student may be imprisoned by way of reprisal? whether a mad man may be detained and ransomed in the wars? whether a mad man returning to his senses may be detained prisoner? whether by the law of arms an old man may be detained prisoner? whether by the law of arms a child may be taken and detained prisoner? whether by the law of arms a blind man may be detained prisoner? whether an ambassador coming to visit a king may lead any of his enemies thorow his country? whether a bishop may be taken and detained prisoner? whether any churchman may be taken by way of reprisal? whether pilgrims may be made prisoners by the law of arms? what things in time of war have safe conduct, without liberty asked at the prince? whether, in time of war, the ass and the ox is free? whether the husbandman's servant enjoys, by the law of arms, the same privilege with himself? whether, in time of war, it be lawful to build castles and walled towns? how they ought to be punished that breaks the safe conduct or assurance of a prince? whether a great lord, or any in a meaner dignity, ought to trust in a safe conduct? whether a christian king may lawfully give a safe conduct to a saracen king or any other infidel prince? whether, if two lords make peace, and the one breaks it, the other ought to break it likewise? whether it be better to fight fasting, or before meat or after meat? whether battle ought to be set before ladies? and if queen jonat of naples had right in her war against lewis king of sicily? "then he proves that duelling is against all manner of laws; yet he gives seventeen different cases, wherein by the laws of lombardy 'tis lawful. then he treats of those who fight for their principles in duels, and how far that is lawful: then of the form and oath that is taken by those that fight in lists or combats; whether a man that is superannuate may substitute another to fight for him in battle? if any of the company breaks his sword, if another should be given unto him? if the lord or judge cannot discern on the first day who has the advantage in the field; if he be obliged to return on the second day, and enter the lists as before, which of the parties ought to begin the fight? if he that is overcome ought to pay the other the damages, tho' the king should pardon them? if a man is overcome in duelling, if he may be afterwards accused in law? whether, if the company pleases, they may fight in plain field, without barriers? how they should be punished that owns their crime, and is openly overcome? whether, when one knight chalenges another, he may be allowed to repent and recall his chalenge? "then our author treats of arms and banners in general and particularly, and proceeds to the answering of the following questions: if a man at his own pleasure may make choice of another man's coat of arms? if a german finds a frenchman in the field bearing the same coat of arms with him, if he ought to appeal him to a combat? how they ought to be punished that assume the arms of others? "then he treats of all the different colours us'd in herauldry, and of all the different rules and conditions that are to be observed in fighting of duels: and concludes with the duties incumbent upon emperors, kings, and princes; which he ends with these words: "explicit liber bellorum, sed potius dolorum, ut recitat doctor in pluribus. "next to this follows our author's translation of dr bonet's book of chevalry or knighthood, which contains eight chapters: in the first chapter he tells us, how that a batchelor, squire of honour, travelling to the coronation of a great prince, with an intention to take upon him the order of knighthood, he went astray in a wilderness, where he happened to light upon a hermitage, in which lived an old and venerable knight, that had forsaken the world for the love of god; and how this old knight taught the squire all the points of honour, and all that belonged to the duty of a knight, which is the subject matter of all the following chapters; where in the second chapter, he, the old knight shows, how he ought to receive that high order, and how he ought first to be instructed in every thing that belongs to it. the third contains all the duties of a knight. the fourth contains their form of examination, and how he ought to be examined before he receives the order. the fifth contains directions for him at the receiving of the order, and the form of giving it. in the sixth is explained the signification of the arms of knighthood. in the seventh he shows the many advantages that knights have above others by this honourable order; and the last shows the great respect that ought to be shown to all that order,--ending with these words, "explicit l'ordre de chevalrie. "after this follows our author's translation of dr bonet's book of government of princes, which is a translation of aristotle's politics, and contains chapters, with a prologue, shewing into how many languages it had been translated, and how it was first found in the temple of the sun, built by esculapius. then follows a translation of king alexander the great's letter to aristotle, after his conquest of persia, with aristotle's answer, and two other letters of king alexander's and aristotle's." the manuscript, of which the preceding was an analysis, is not mentioned in any more recent work, and as it could not be traced in any public repository, it was considered to be irrecoverably lost. but in the "catalogue of the library at abbotsford," printed in , at page , there occurs the following title:-- "_here begynnys the buke call't the buke of the law of armys, the quhilk was compilit be a notable man, doctour in decrees, callit bennet, prioure of sallan, &c._ ms. _fol._" this title attracted the notice of mr laing, secretary of the bannatyne club, who conjectured it might prove to be a copy of the work described by mackenzie. to ascertain this point, he made an application for the use of the volume, through isaac bayley, esq.; which being courteously granted, it was no difficult matter to perceive that this was the identical manuscript which dr george mackenzie had possessed. as the volume itself furnishes no indication on this head, we can only conjecture that it may have fallen into sir walter scott's hands, either by purchase at a sale, or as a present from some of his friends. but we may conclude, that had sir walter been aware of the peculiar interest and curiosity of the volume, he would have pointed it out, and some use of it have been made during the latter period of his life. the manuscript in question is a large folio of leaves,[ ] on lombard paper, written in a very distinct hand, about the end of the th century. it is in the original wooden boards, in perfect preservation, and contains, repeated in different parts of the volume, autograph signatures of "w. sanclair of roislin," "oliver sinclar of rosling, knycht," and "w. sanclair of roislin, knecht." it consists of three distinct works:-- i. the buke of batailles. ii. the buke of the order of knyghthede. iii. the buke of the governance of princes. to have published the entire volume was considered to be altogether inexpedient, on account of its great extent. yet not wishing it to remain in comparative obscurity, i readily acceded to mr laing's suggestion, in selecting the second of these works, which forms a distinct treatise by itself, as my contribution to the objects of the abbotsford club; at the same time subjoining in the appendix such specimens of the two other works as should satisfy all reasonable curiosity. in this way, i hope that whatever is really valuable or interesting in the ms. has been put into an accessible shape, in order to exhibit and preserve from casual destruction one of the earliest existing specimens of scotish prose composition. a brief account of the originals may here be given, before endeavouring to throw some light on the life and character of the translator. i. the buke of batailles. this well known and popular work forms the first and largest portion of the abbotsford manuscript. no english version of it is known. in the appendix will be found the prologue, the table of the chapters in the different books, and some other extracts, which may be compared with the corresponding passages, here copied from one of the later editions of the original work, which bears the following title:-- "larbre de batailles. "sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de plusieurs choses comme de leglise. et aussi des faictz de la guerre. et aussi comment on si doyt gouuerner. imprime nouuellement a lyon. (design cut in wood.) ¶ on les vend a lyon au pres de nostre dame de confort cheulz oliuier arnoullet." to. black letter, sign. a. to m. six, in eights. ¶ cy commence le prologue du liure intitule larbre des batailles faict et compose par vng venerable et religieuse personne maistre honnore bonhor, prieur de salon, et docteur en decret. a la saincte couronne de france en laquelle auiourdhuy par lordonnance de dieu regne charles cinquesme de ce nom tres bien ayme et par tout le monde redoubte soit donne loz, gloire, et victoire sur toutes seigneuries terriennes. tres hault prince, ie suis nomme par mon droict nom honnore bonhor prieur de salon, indigne docteur en decret, souuenteffoys ay eu en voulente de faire et compiller, selon mon debile entendement, ce petit liure a lhonneur de dieu premierement de sa benoiste mere, et de vostre haulte seigneurie sire. et les raisons qui mont esmeu et incite a ce faire sont assez bonnes, selon mon aduis. premierement, lestat de saincte eglise est en telle tribulation et perplexite que si dieu ny mect remede et vostre seigneurie, laquelle est acoustumee de acheuer et mettre affin les chieres aduantures de la foy crestienne, ie ny voy voye ne chemin comme y puisse estre mise bonne ne briefue accordance. la deuziesme raison si est, que voyez toute chrestiente si greuee de guerres, haynes, larrecins et discentions, que a grant peine peut on nommer vng petit pays soit une conte ou duche qui bien soyt en paix. la tierce raison si est, que la terre de prouuence dont ie suis ne et nourry est de present tellement atournee par le changement de noble seigneurie et pour les diversitez doppinions qui sont entre les nobles et le communes que a grant paine pourroit homme tant fust saige racompter les maulx que les gens du pays pour ce debat seuffrent. la quarte raison est, que ie considere plusieurs choses dictes de grans clerez modernees que bien pensent entendre les prophecies anciennes parlans des maulx presens et dient que vng de la haulte lignee de france doit estre celluy par qui les remdes seront donnez au siecle trauailant, et mis en grande pestitance pour lesquelles raisons me suis efforce de faire aulcune chose nouuelle affin que vostre ieunesse soit informee de plusieurs entendemens de la saincte escripture et aussi affin que vostre personne soit plus adonnee de faire secours a la saincte foy de iesu crist et faire que les prophecies qui sentendent de vostre digne personne et escriptures soyent verifiez par voz bonne oeuures si vous supplie mon tres hault seigneur que rien que ie die en ce liure ne vueillez mespriser car ce que iay mis en luy prent son fondement sus le droit canon et civil et sus naturelle philosophie, qui nest aultre chose que raison de nature et aura nom cestuy liure larbre des batailles pour fournir lequel liure me fault trouuer matiere condecente a ce faire, si mest venu en ymaginacion faire vng arbre de dueill, au dessus duquel pourrez veoir les regnes de saincte eglise en grandes et merueilleuses tribulations. apres pourrez veoir la grande discention qui est auiourdhuy entre les roys et princes crestiens. pareillement pourrez veoir le grande discencion et murmure qui est entre les nobles et les communes. et deuiseray mon liure en quatre parties principalles ainsi comme a plain est cy apres declaire dont en la premiere partie sera faicte mention des tribulations de l'eglise jadis passees devant l'advenement de jesu christ nostre sauveur. en la seconde partie sera traicte de la destruction des quatre grans royaulmes jadis. en la tierce partie sera traicte des batailles en general. en la quarte partie sera dit du battailles en special. ¶ quelles choses appartiennent estre faictes a tous bons roys et princes. chapitre clxxvi. on disons aulcune chose des roys pource que apres lempereux ilz sont les plus honnorez sur tous les aultres princes. et encores ce nom cy de roy selon la saincte escripture sembleroit estre de plus grande excellence que le nom de lempereur, car nostre seigneur se nomme et appelle en plusieurs lieux et endroitz de la saincte escripture roy des roys et seigneur de seigneurs. item, le benoist filz de dieu en aulcuns lieux de la saincte escripture est appele filz du roy dauid par humanite. et ainsi par excellence de ce nom de roy appellons nous de lignage royal. et en oultre selon la doctrine et enseignement de monseigneur, sainct paul apostre qui preschoit au peuple en leur admonestant que pour lhonneur et reuerence de dieu ilz fussent soubmys a toute creature humaine et en especial au roy comme au plus noble et excellent de tous les aultres mesmement en approuuant la dignite de ce nom de roy. et pour dire aulcun bon notable auquel ieunes roys puissent prendre plaisir. roy qui veult estre bon guerroyer sur saige fier et couraigeux, et de se gens il soit seigneur, comme de quaille espreuier, et soit misericors et rigoureux quant est besoing, et que au besoing soit le premier se darmes veult estre eureux. pour retourner a nostre propos, &c. moult daultres belles et notables choses appartenans a tous bons roys et princes pourroye encores dire et assez trouuer. mais pour le present ie ne pense plus riens a escripre en ce liure, car ien suis tout lasse. toutesfoys le temps viendra se dieu me donne espace de viure que ie escripray aulcunes choses sur les contenances de toutes personnes soyent ecclesiasticques ou seculiers, hommes ou femmes ce qui leur est necessaire dauoir au plus pres que ie pourray de la saincte escripture et du droict escript selon les dignites de leur offices. et ie prie humblement et deuotement a nostre seigneur, que par sa saincte grace vous doint en telle maniere gouuerner vostre royaulme et la saincte couronne quil vous a commise que apres la fin il vous maine et conduyse a la saincte gloire de paradis qui iamais ne fauldra. amen. ¶ cy fine le liure intitule larbre des batailles. in the preface to the edition printed by anthony verard, at paris, on the th of june , there are several variations; and the sentence in which the name of the author occurs runs thus--"mon tres hault et redoubte seigneur souvent j'ay eu voulente de faire ce present livre," omitting the name altogether. the last chapter of the work is numbered cxxxxii in verard's edition, and ends in the same manner as the other. of the original work there are numerous manuscript copies, and also several early printed editions; but these, as an eminent french antiquary remarks, are "toutes rares, toutes fautives et defecteuses." in verard's edition, for instance, the name of charles vi., to whom the author dedicated the work, is changed to charles viii., in order to pay a compliment to the reigning sovereign; and in these editions the author's name is given as honoré bonner, instead of bonnet. the terms of the author's dedication, (says m. paulin paris,) carry us naturally to the first years of the arrival of louis ii. of anjou to the sovereignty of provence, that is to say, from to . charles vi., the conqueror of rosbec, was still young, and the schism of the church had reached its point of the greatest violence. m. paris's analysis of the work is very concise, and may be quoted in his own words:--"l'arbre d'honoré bonnet présente quatre branches principales, ^o. l'eglise en schisme. ^o. les rois en guerre. ^o. les grandes en dissension. ^o. les peuples en révolte. mais l'auteur paroît fort peu soucieux de suivre un ordre quelconque dans son travail. après avoir dans les premiers chapitres appliqué la prophétie des cinq anges de l'apocalypse à l'histoire ecclésiastique du xiv^e siècle, il résume les fastes de l'antiquité, puis enfin expose la théorie du comportement des armes, des droits et des devoirs de tous les vassaux, chevaliers et gens de guerre."[ ] the author honorÉ bonnet, was a monk in the abbey of ile-barbe of lyons, and prior of salon in provence. his name, which is often given as bonnor, or bonhor, or bonnoz, has been ascertained, from an examination of nearly twenty ancient manuscripts in the royal library at paris, to have been bonnet. a provençal translation, made in the year by order of mossen ramon de culdes, is preserved in the same collection, no. ; and also a translation in the catalan dialect, ms. no. . there is some indication of caxton having translated in part the work in the year , but no copy is known to exist.[ ] the original work was first printed at lyons, by barthelemy buyer, , folio; and another edition at lyons in . it was again printed at paris, by anthoine verard, , folio, of which there is, in the royal library at paris, a magnificent copy printed upon vellum, with illustrations,--the first representing charles viii. receiving the work from verard the printer, who, as already noticed, had substituted the name of the reigning monarch instead of charles vi. of france, at whose request the work was originally written. van praet[ ] describes this copy, and mentions two other copies on vellum, but neither of them perfect. the discrepancies existing between the early manuscript and printed copies will readily explain the variations, which will be obvious upon comparing sir gilbert hay's translation with the preceding extracts. it must also be confessed, that to a modern reader bonnet's book of battles is sufficiently tedious and uninteresting; and it need excite no surprize that the author, as he admits in his concluding chapter, having wearied himself with his task, broke off abruptly--"mais pour le present je ne pense plus riens a escripre en ce livre, _car j'en suis tout lasse_;" or, as sir gilbert hay in his translation expresses it--"but in gude faith the doctour sais, that he was _sa irkit of wryting_, that he mycht nocht as now, na mare tak on hand as to put in this buke of bataillis," &c. ii. the buke of the order of knyghthood. although subjoined to "the buke of batailles," there is no evidence to show that it was written by the same author. the original work, entitled "le livre de l'ordre de chevalerie," is anonymous. a copy of it is contained in a magnificent volume, written upon vellum, and illuminated for henry vii. of england, which forms part of the royal collection of manuscripts in the british museum (mss. bibl. reg. e. ii. art. ). the work also exists in a printed form, although now of great rarity. "l'ordre de chevalerie, auquel est contenue la maniere comment en doit, faire les chevaliers, et de l'honneur qui à eux appartient, et de la dignité d'iceulx; compose par ung chevalier, lequel en sa veillesse fut hermite." lyon, vincent de portunaris de trine, , in folio, black letter. it is, however, a proof of the great popularity of the work, that a copy of it having fallen into the hands of our venerable typographer, william caxton, (who probably never heard of sir gilbert hay's previous version,) he added this to his other translations from the french, and having printed his own translation, he addressed the volume to king richard the third. it has no date, but must have been printed about the year ; and his edition is acknowledged to be one of the rarest specimens of his press. lewis in his life of caxton, ; oldys in his british librarian, ; ames and herbert in their typographical antiquities, and ; and dibdin, in his enlarged edition of that work, , and also in his bibliotheca spenceriana, , have each given a more or less detailed account of caxton's translation. in the advocates' library, edinburgh, among the collection of mss. which belonged to sir james balfour of denmyln, lord lyon in the reign of charles the first, there is a volume, to which he has prefixed this title, "collectanea domini davidis lyndesay de monthe militis leonis armorum regis." this volume is described by dr leyden[ ] in the preface to his republication of "the complaynt of scotland," but he has confounded two persons of the same name, and who held the same office, at an interval of half a century. the volume, which contains nothing to identify it with sir david lyndesay the poet, is here noticed, from containing a copy of "the order of knighthood," without the name of the translator. this is evidently a transcript from caxton's printed volume, omitting the concluding address to richard the third, in which caxton introduces his own name as the translator; while the transcriber has used his own discretion in adapting the language to the scotish orthography and dialect. dr leyden passes over this portion of the ms. in a very summary manner, and strangely says, that it, along with "the buke of cote-armouris," which immediately follows, in lyndesay's ms., was transcribed from dame juliana berners's treatise on hunting, hawking, &c., which is usually known as the "booke of st albans." the following extracts from the copy of caxton's volume, in the british museum, will be sufficient to convey to the reader some idea of the work itself; and to form a comparison of the english and scotish versions. the first leaf is here given in black letter, line for line, in imitation of the original:-- ¶ here begynneth the table of this present booke intytled the book of the ordre of chyualry or knyghthode. unto the praysynge and dyuyne glorye of god/ whiche is lord and souerayne kynge aboue and ouer alle thynges celestyal/ and wordly/ we begynne this book of the ordre of chyualry for to shewe that to the sygnefyaunce of god/ the prynce almyghty whiche seygno= ryeth aboue the seuen planettes/ that ma= ke the cours celestyal/ and haue power & seygnorye in gouernynge & ordeynynge the bodyes terrestre and erthely/ that in lyke wyse owen the kynges prynces and grete lordes to haue puyssaunce and seyg= nory upon the knyghtes/ and the kny= tes by symylytude oughten to haue po= wer and dominacion ouer the moyen peple and this booke conteyneth viij chapitres ¶ the fyrst chapytre sayth/ how a knyght beyng an heremyte deuysed to the squyer the rule and ordre of chyualrye ¶ the second is of the begynnynge of chyualry ¶ the thyrd is of thoffyce of chyualry ¶ the fourthe of thexamynacion/ that ought to be made to the esquyer whan he wylle entre in to the ordre of chyualry ¶ the fyfthe is in what maner the squyer ought to receyue chyualry ¶ the syxthe is of the sygnefyaunce of the armes longynge to a knyght al by ordre ¶ the seuenth of the custommes that apperteyne to a knyght ¶ the eyght is of the honour that oughte to be done to a knyght ¶ thus endeth the table of the book of chyualry ¶ here after foloweth the mater and tenour of this said booke. and the fyrst chapyter saith hou the good heremyte deuysed to the esquyer the rule and ordre of chyualrye. a contrey ther was in which it happed that a wyse knyght whiche longe had mayntened the ordre of chyualrye/ and that by the force & noblesse of his hyghe courage and wysedom and in auenturyng his body had mayntened warres justes & tornayes & in many batailles had had many noble victoryes & gloryous & by cause he sawe & thought in his corage y^t he my[gh]t not long lyue as he which by long tyme had ben by cours of nature nyghe unto his ende/ chaas to hym an heremytage/ for nature faylled in hym by age/ and hadde no power ne vertu to vse armes as he was woned to do/ soo that thenne his herytages/ & all his rychesses he lefte to his children/ and made his habytacion or dwellynge place in a greete wode habondaunt of watres and of grete trees/ and hygh berying fruytes of dyuerse manyers/ and fledde the world/ by cause that the feblenesse of his body in the whiche he was by old age fallen/ and that he dishonoured not that/ whiche that in honourable thynges and aventurous hadde ben longe tyme honoured/ the same knyght thynkynge on the dethe/ remembryth the departynge fro this world in to that other/ and also thought of the ryght redoubtable sentence of oure lord in the whiche hym behoued to come to the day of jugement/ in one of the partyes of the same wode was a fayr medowe/ in whiche was a tree wel laden and charged of fruyte in his tyme/ of which the knyght lyued in the forest/ and vnder the same tree was a fontayne moche fayre and clere/ that arowsed and moysted all the medowe/ and in the same place was the knyght acustomed to come euery daye for to preye and adoure god almyghty/ to whome he rendryd thankynge of the honoure that he had done to him in this world alle the dayes of his lyf/ in that time it happed at the entryng of a strong wynter/ that a kynge moche noble/ wyse and ful of good custommes/ sente for many nobles/ by cause that he wold hold a grete courte/ and by the grete renommee that was of thys courte/ it happed that a squyer moeued hym for to goo thyder/ in entencion that there he shold be made knyght/ ¶ thus as he wente all allone rydynge vppon his palfroy/ it happed/ that for the trauaylle that he had susteyned of rydynge/ he slepte vpon his horse/ ¶ in the meane whyle that he rode soo slepynge/ his palfroye yssued oute of the ryght waye/ and entryd in to the forest/ where as was the knygte heremyte/ and soo longe he wente/ that he came to the fontayne at the same tyme that the knyght whiche dwellyd in the wode to doo his penaunce was there comen for to praye vnto god/ and for to despyse the vanytees of this worlde/ lyke as he was acustomed euery day/ whan he sawe the squyer come/ he lefte his oroyson/ and satte in the medowe in the shadow of a tree/ and beganne to rede in a lytyl book that he had in his lappe/ and whan the palfroy was come to the fontayne/ he beganne to drynke/ and the squyer that slept anone felte that his hors meued not/ and lyghtly awoke/ and thenne to hym came the knyght whiche was moche old/ and had a grete berde/ longe heer/ and a feble gowne worne and broken for ouer longe werynge/ and by the penaunce that he dayly made was moche discolourd and lene/ and by the teres that he had wepte/ were his eyen moche wasted/ and hadde a regard or countenaunce of moche hooly lyf/ eche of them merueylled of other/ for the knyghte whiche hadde ben moche longe in his heremytege/ had sene no man sythe that he had lefte the worlde/ and the sqyuer merueylled hym strongly/ how he was comen in to that place/ thenne descended the squyer fro his palfroy/ and salewed the knyght/ and the knyght receyued hym most wysely/ and after sette them vpon the grasse that one by that other/ and er ony of them spak/ eche of them byheld eche others chere/ the knyght that knewe that the squyer wold not speke fyrst/ by cause that he wold doo to hym reuerence spak fyrst and said/ fayr frend what is your corage or entent/ and whyther goo ye/ wherfor be ye comen hyther/ syre sayde he/ the renommee is sprad by ferre contreyes/ that a kynge moche wyse and noble/ hath commaunded a courte general/ and wylle be maade hym selfe newe knyght/ and after adoube and make other newe knyghtes/ estraunge barons and pryue/ and therfore i goo to this courte for to be adoubed knyght/ but whanne i was a slepe for the trauaylle that i haue had of the grete journeyes that i haue made/ my palfroy wente oute of the ryghte way/ and hath brought me vnto this place/ whanne the knyght herd speke of the knyghthode & chyualrye/ and remembryd hym of thordre of the same/ and of that whiche apperteyneth to a knyght/ he caste out a grete syghe/ and entryd in a grete thou[gh]t remembrynge of the honoure/ in which chyualrye hadde ben so longe mayntened/ ¶ in the meane whyle that the knyghte thus thought/ the esquyer demaunded of hym/ wherof he was so pensyf/ ¶ and the knyght answerd to hym/ ¶ fayre sone my thoughte is of the ordre of knyghthode or chyualrye/ and of the gretenesse in which a knyght is holden/ in mayntenynge the gretenesse of the honour of chyualry/ thenne the esquyer prayed to the knyght/ that he wold saye to hym thordre and the manere/ wherfore me ought the better to honoure and kepe in highe worshippe hit/ as it ought to be after the ordenaunce of god/ ¶ how sone sayd the knyght knowest thou not what is the rule and ordre of knyghthode/ and i meruaylle how thow darest demaunde chyualrye or knyghthode/ vnto the tyme that thou knowe the ordre/ ¶ for noo knyght can loue the ordre/ ne that whiche apperteyneth to his ordre/ but yf he can knowe the defaultes that he dothe ageynst the ordre of chyualry/ ne no knyght ought to make ony knyghtes/ but yf he hym self knowe thordre. for a disordynate knyghte is he/ that maketh a knyghte/ and can not shewe the ordre to hym/ ne the customme of chyualry. ¶ in the meane whyle that the knyght sayd these wordes to the esquyer/ that demaunded chyualrye/ withoute that he knewe/ what thynge was chyualrye/ the esquyer answered and sayde to the knyght/ syre yf hit be your playsyre/ i byseche yow/ that ye wylle saye and telle to me the ordre of chyualrye/ for wel me semeth and thynketh that i should lerne hit for the grete desyre/ that i haue therto/ and after my power i shalle ensiewe hit/ yf hit please yow to enseynge shewe and teche hit me/ ¶ frend sayde the knyght/ the rule and ordre of chyualrye is wreton in this lytyl booke that i hold here in myn handes in which i rede and am besy somtyme/ to the ende/ that hit make me remembre or thynke on the grace and bounte/ that god hath gyven and done to me in this world/ by cause that i honoured and mayntened with al my power thordre of chiualrye/ for alle in lyke wyse as chyualrye gyueth to a knyghte all that to hym apperteyneth/ in lyke wyse a kny[gh]t ought to gyve alle his forces to honoure chyualrye/ ¶ thenne the knyght delyuered to the esquyer the lytyl booke. ¶ and whanne he hadde redde therin/ he vnderstode that the knyght only amonge a thousand persones is chosen worthy to haue more noble offyce than alle the thousand/ and he had also vnderstanden by that lytyl booke/ the rule and ordre of chyualry/ and thenne he remembryd hym a lytyl/ and after sayd/ a syre blessyd be ye/ that haue brought me in place and in time/ that i haue knowlege of chyualrye/ the whiche i haue longe tyme desyred/ withoute that i knewe the noblesse of the ordre/ ne the honoure in whiche oure lord god hath sette alle them that ben in thordre of chyualrye/ ¶ the knight sayd/ fayre sone i am an old man & feble/ and may not forthon moche longe lyue/ and therfor this lytyl booke that is made for the deuocion/ loyalte/ and the ordinance that a knyght ought to haue in holdynge his ordre/ ye shall bere with yow to the courte where as ye go vnto/ and to shewe to alle them that will be made knyghts/ and whan ye shalle be newe doubed knyght/ and ye shall retorne in to your countrey/ come ageyne to this place/ and lette me haue knowlege who they be that haue ben maade newe knyghtes/ and shalle haue ben obeyssant to the doctryne of chyualry/ thenne the knyght gaf to thesquire his blessynge/ and he took leve of hym/ and tooke the booke moche deuoutely/ and after mounted vpon his palfroy/ and went forth hastely to the courte/ and whan he was comen/ he presented the booke moche wysely and ordynatly to the noble kyng/ & furthermore he offryd that euery noble man that wold be in thordre of chyualry myght haue a copye of the sayd book/ to thend that he myght see & lerne thordre of knyghthode and chyualrye/ ¶ here endeth the book of thordre of chyualry/ whiche book is translated out of frensshe into englysshe at a requeste of a gentyl and noble esquire by me/ william caxton dwellynge in westmynstre besyde london in the most best wyse that god hath suffred me/ and accordynge to the copye that the sayd squyer delyuerd to me/ whiche book is not requisyte to euery comyn man to haue/ but to noble gentylmen that by their virtu entende to come & entre in to the noble ordre of chyualry/ the whiche in these late dayes hath ben vsed accordyng to this booke here to fore wreton but forgeten/ and thexcersitees of chyualry/ not used/ honoured/ ne exercysed/ as hit hath ben in auncyent tyme/ at whiche tyme the noble actes of the knyghtes of englond that vsed chyualry were renomed thurgh the vnyuersal world/ as for to speke to fore thyncarnacion of jesu chryste/ where were there euer ony lyke to brenius and belynus that from the grete brytagne now called englond vnto rome & ferre beyonde conquered many royaumes and londes/ whos noble actes remayn in thold hystoryes of the romayns/ and syth the incarnacion of oure lord/ byhold that noble king of brytayne king arthur/ with all the noble kny[gh]tes of the ro[=u]d table/ whos noble actes and noble chyualry of his knyghtes occupye soo many large volumes/ that is a world/ or as thing incredyble to byleue/ o ye knyghtes of englond where is the custome and vsage of noble chyualry that was vsed in tho dayes/ what do ye now/ but go to the baynes & playe atte dyse/ and some not wel aduysed/ vse not honest and good rule ageyn alle ordre of knyghthode/ leue this/ leue it and redde the noble volumes of saynt graal of lancelot/ of galaad/ of trystram/ of perse forest/ of percyual/ of gawayn/ & many mo/ ther shalle ye see manhode/ curtosy/ & gentylnesse/ and loke in latter dayes of the noble actes syth the c[=o]quest/ as in kyng rychard dayes cuer du lyon/ edward the fyrste/ and the thyrd/ and his noble sones/ syre robert knolles/ syr johan cha[=u]dos/ and syre gualtier manuy/ rede froissart/ and also behold that vyctoryous and noble kynge harry the fyfthe/ and the captayns vnder hym his noble bretheren/ therle of salysbury montagu/ and many other whoos names shyne gloryously by their vertuous noblesse & actes that they did in thonour of thordre of chyualry/ allas what do ye/ but sleep & take ease/ and are al dysordred fro chyualry/ i wold demaunde a question yf i shold not displease/ how many knyghtes ben there now in englond/ that haue thuse and thexcercyse of a knyght/ that is to wete/ that he knoweth his hors/ & his hors hym/ that is to saye/ he beyng eredy at a poynt to haue al thyng that longeth to a knight/ an hors that is accordyng and broken after his hand/ his armures and harnoys mete and syttyng/ & so forth/ _et cetera_/ i suppose and a due serche shold be made/ there shold he many founden that lacke/ the more pyte is/ i wold it pleasyd our souerayn lord that twyes or threys in a year/ or at the least ones he wold do crye justes of pees/ to thend that euery knyght shold haue hors and harneys/ and also the vse and craft of a knyght/ and also to tornoye one ageynst one/ or ij against ij/ and the best to haue a prys/ a dyamond or jewel/ suche as shold please the prynce/ this shold cause gentylmen to resorte to thauncyent customes of chyualry to grete fame and ren[=o]mee/ and also to be alwey redy to serue theyr prynce whan he shalle calle them/ or haue nede/ thenne late euery man that is come of noble blood/ and entendeth to come to the noble ordre of chyualry/ read this lytyl book/ and doo therafter/ in kepyng the lore and commaundements therin comprysed/ and thenne i doubte not he shall atteyne to thordre of chyualry/ _et cetera_. and thus this lytyl book i presente to my redoubted naturel and most dradde souerayne lord kyng rychard kyng of englond and of fraunce/ to thend/ that he commaunde this book to be had and redde vnto other yong lordes knyghtes and gentylmen within this royame/ that the noble ordre of chyualry be herafter better vsed & honoured than hit hath ben in late dayes passed/ and herin he shalle do a noble & vertuous dede/ and i shalle pray almy[gh]ty god for his long lyf & prosperous welfare/ & that he may haue vyctory of all his enemyes/ & after this short & transitory lyf to haue euerlastyng lyf in heuen/ where as is joye and blysse/ world without ende/ amen/ iii. the buke of the gouernance of princes. this very popular work is a translation of the "secretum secretorum," falsely attributed to aristotle. its popularity was so great that not less than nine english translations and six french translations are known. it is probable that sir gilbert hay made his version from one of the french translations current in the fifteenth century. * * * * * in now adverting to sir gilbert hay, the translator of the "ordere of knighthood," and of other works, from the french, it is matter of regret that we possess no very certain information respecting him. some of the uncertainty which prevails in regard to his lineage arises from the circumstance that the name of gilbert, in the family of errol, with whom we may presume he was nearly related, was of very common occurrence. the hays of errol, the chief of the name in scotland, appear in the public records as hereditary constables of scotland before the end of the twelfth century. without further entering upon their genealogy, as exhibited in douglas and wood's peerage of scotland, vol. i. page , &c., and in similar works, it may briefly be noticed that, in the course of the fifteenth century-- i. sir thomas hay of errol, constable of scotland, died in the year . he married in , elizabeth third daughter of king robert ii., by his first wife elizabeth mure; and had two sons, sir william, who succeeded, and gilbert hay, who is designed of dronlaw; also three daughters, the youngest of whom, alicia, married sir william hay of locharret.[ ] ii. sir william hay of errol, who succeeded in , died in . by his wife margaret, daughter of sir patrick gray of broxmouth, he had two sons, gilbert, and william hay of urry, in the county of kincardine. iii. gilbert hay, eldest son of sir william, was one of the hostages sent to england in , and again in , for the ransom of king james the first, who had been held in captivity for eighteen years. on the last occasion he is styled "gilbertus primogenitus et hæres willielmi constabularii scotiæ," his annual revenue being estimated equal to marks; and at that time "gilbert of the haye, askyth conduct for servants." (rymer's foedera, vol. x. p. ). in he had a safe conduct. he died in england soon after , leaving, by his wife alicia, daughter of sir william hay of yester, two sons, william and gilbert. iv. sir william hay succeeded his grandfather in , and was created earl of errol in the year - . he married beatrix douglas, daughter of james third lord dalkeith. his brother gilbert, who succeeded his uncle william hay of urry, had a charter of the lands of urry, in the county of kincardine, th august ; and died before september . the earl of errol, who died about , was succeeded by his eldest son, v. nicholas, second earl of errol. he died without issue in , and was succeeded by his brother, vi. william, third earl of errol, who survived till . this brief view of the hays of errol, during the fifteenth century, may serve to guide our conjectures in regard to sir gilbert hay. that he was born about the commencement of that century, we are warranted to assume. there is no evidence of any of the younger sons in the errol family, at this period, having had the honour of knighthood; and therefore it may be conjectured that he was the son of sir william hay of locharret, one of whose daughters, jane, was married to sir alexander home of dunglas, who accompanied the scotish forces under the earl of douglas to france, and who lost his life with the earl at the battle of verneuil, th august . it is certain, at least, that gilbert hay received a liberal education, and he appears to have prosecuted his studies at the university of st andrews, which was founded in the year . this we ascertain from the "acta facult. art. univers. s. andreæ," where the name "gylbertus hay," occurs among the _determinants_, or bachelors of arts, in the year . in the following year, "gilbertus de haya, magister," is included in the higher degree among the _licentiates_, or masters of arts. one of his fellow students was william turnbull, who afterwards became successively doctor of laws, archdean of st andrews, keeper of the privy seal, and bishop of glasgow; and who, about three years before his death, so honourably distinguished himself by founding the college of glasgow, in the year - . after taking his master's degree at st andrews, gilbert hay proceeded to france, but whether it may have been to complete his education, or that he was sent on any special mission, must be left to conjecture.[ ] it might have been, that like so many of the younger sons in scotish families of rank, at an early as well as in more recent times, he had gone abroad to push his fortunes; and thus, like quentin durward, when first addressing louis xi., he might have said,--"i am ignorant whom i may have the honour to address, but i am indifferent who knows that i am a cadet of scotland; and that i come to seek my fortune in france, or elsewhere, after the custom of my countrymen." it will be seen that he styles himself "gilbert of the haye, knycht, master in arts, and bachelor in decreis,"--titles expressive of academical distinctions; and also "chamberlain umquhile to the maist worthy king charles of france." dr mackenzie, overlooking the obvious meaning of these words in the position of _umquhile_, instead of "late chamberlain to the king," made him "chamberlain to charles vi., king of france." but that monarch began his reign in , and died in , probably before hay had set his foot in france. his son, charles vii., ascended the throne in , and survived till . sir walter scott, in "quentin durward," chapter v., has given a very graphic account of the scotish archer guard, which was instituted by charles vi., and consisted of a select number of the scotish nation, supplied from the superabundant population of their native country. it is no improbable conjecture, therefore, that gilbert hay may have been one of their number, and like the imaginary character in the work of fiction referred to, have thus been brought under the special notice of the french king, and in this manner obtained the patronage of charles vii. another event that may have contributed to his holding an official appointment in the royal household, was the alliance between margaret, eldest daughter of james i. of scotland, and the dauphin of france. this took place in july , when she was only twelve years of age; and she was attended by a number of persons of rank, some of whom remained in her service. be this as it may, and without attempting to conjecture on what occasion hay received the honour of knighthood, we know, from a passage to be afterwards mentioned, that he resided in france during a period of twenty-four years; and he may have returned to his native country soon after the death of the youthful princess. she died of a broken heart in august , or sixteen years before her husband, whose character is so ably depicted by scott, had succeeded to the throne under the title of louis xi. after sir gilbert hay's return to scotland, we find him residing at roslin castle with sir william saintclair, third earl of orkney, (a title which he resigned, in , for the earldom of caithness)--a nobleman of great influence and wealth, who had accompanied the princess margaret to france in . he was twice married, his first wife being lady margaret douglas, daughter of archibald fourth earl of douglas; and he lived in such a kingly state, that we are told, his lady "had serving her gentlewomen, whereof were daughters to noblemen, all cloathed in velvets and silks, with their chains of gold, and other pertinents; together with rideing gentlemen, who accompanied her in all her journeys. she had carried before her when she went to edinburgh, if it was darke, lighted torches. her lodging was att the foot of the blackfryer wynde: so that, in a word, none matched her in all the country, save the queen's majesty."[ ] we are further told of this "prince," william earl of orkney, that--"in his house he was royally served in gold and silver vessels, in most princely manner; for the lord dirletone was his master household, the lord borthwick was his cup-bearer, and the lord fleming his carver, under whom, in time of their absence, was the laird of drumlanrig, surnamed stewart, the laird of drumelzier, surnamed tweedie, and the laird of calder, surnamed sandilands. he had his halls and chambers richly hung with embroidered hangings," &c. in , he founded the collegiate church of roslin, that beautiful specimen of architecture, the ruins of which still excite so much admiration under the popular designation of roslin chapel. it was at the request of this nobleman that he undertook the translations which are contained in the present volume, and which bear the date of . sir gilbert hay, like some of the persons here named, was probably connected with this nobleman, as in the genealogy of that family, the fifth of the nine daughters of henry second earl of orkney, is said to have married a hay earl of errol. there is still preserved a curious document entitled "the inventar of the goods of alexander de sutherland of dumbethe," whose daughter marjory was the countess of caithness and orkney.[ ] it includes his testament, and bears to have been made at roslin, the castle of his son-in-law, on the th november , "in the presence of ane hie and mighti lord william earl of caithnes and orkney, lord saintclair, &c., sir gilbert the haye, sir henry atkinson, mr thomas thurberndson (or thornebrande), public notar, &c., with dyvers uthirs." at the end of his numerous legacies and bequests, there is added, "item, i gif and leive my sylar [silver] colar to _sir gilbert the haye_, and he to say for my soul ten psalters."[ ] the long residence of sir gilbert hay in france rendered him familiar not only with the language, but with the current literature of the country. this may have suggested to him, upon his return to scotland, the propriety of employing himself in translating some of the more remarkable productions of french literature, for the benefit or amusement of his friends. a fortunate discovery of an old manuscript volume at taymouth castle, and the liberality of the noble proprietor in communicating it, brought to light another and a more important undertaking which sir gilbert hay had accomplished, by rendering the metrical romance of alexander the great into scotish verse, at the request of thomas first lord erskine, (properly second earl of mar, of the name of erskine,) who succeeded his father in , and died in . the work extends to upwards of , lines; but the imperfect state of the manuscript, which exhibits an evidently inaccurate copy of the translation, added to its great extent, may possibly keep it from ever being printed entire. but some obscure lines, introduced by one of the transcribers, at the close of the volume, contains the information already alluded to, of its having been translated at the request "of the lord erskine, by sir gilbert the hay," and of his having spent twenty-four years in the service of the king of france.[ ] how long sir gilbert hay may have survived can only be conjectured. the taymouth ms. is transcribed from another copy which had apparently been written in the year ; and the mode in which the translator is alluded to, indicates that he had been dead for several years. this serves to corroborate the mention of his name among the deceased scotish poets who are celebrated by dunbar in his "lament for the death of the makaris."[ ] norton hall, _january _. * * * * * the buke of the order of knyghthood, translated by gilbert of the haye knycht. [decoration] prologus. at the honour and the reuerence of god almichty his glore and louyng of his prouidence, the quhilk is souerane lord and syre de toutes choses, of all thingis in heuyn and in erde, we begyn here the buke of the ordre of knychthede: ffor to schaw, how be the semblaunce of the hye almychty prince of hevin, quhilk has dominacioun and seignoury apon the vij planetis of the hevyn,--the quhilkis seuin planetis makis all the courss of the hevyn, and gouernis the influences celestiales, and has powere apon the ordinancis of all erdely corporale thingis; and to schaw, that as kingis and princis has dominacioun and seignoury here apon all knychtis, sa suld knychtis haue dominacioun and seignourye subordinate of the princis and lordis behalue, be semblaunce of syk like figure, apon the small peple, to gouerne, reugle, and defend thame in all thair necessiteis: the quhilk buke is deuidit in sere parties, as sall efterwart appere be the declaracioun of the chapitres efter folowand. here folowis the declaracioun of the rubrikis eftir the parties of the buke. the fyrst chapitre is, how a bachelere squyere of honoure passit till a grete semblee of lordis, at a kingis crounyng, in entencioun to tak the ordere of knychthede, and how he forvayit, and willit in a wilderness quhare thare was ane alde knycht duelland in ane hermytage, that had tane him fra the warld, to lyue in contemplacioun of almychty god, to mend his lyf, and mak gude end, etc.; and how the worthy anciene knycht techit the squyere the poyntis of honour and propereteis pertenand to the said ordre, etc. quhat the secund chapitre contenis, sequitur.-- the secound chapitre is, how the bachelere quhilk suld ressaue that hye ordre, how he suld first lere the pointis and the propereteis of the ordre, before that he tak it, in the begynnyng. quhat the thrid chapitre contenis.-- the thrid chapitre contenis, all the said properteis of the noble ordre and office of knychthede, as the knycht deuisis. quhat the ferde chapitre contenis.-- the ferde chapitre contenis, the forme of the examinacioun how the bachelere squyere suld be examynit, be the faderis of the ordre, before or he ressauit the said ordre. quhat the fyft chapitre contenis.-- the fyft chapitre contenis, how the bacheler squyer suld ressaue the noble ordre, and the forme and manere tharof, and of the process of the making of knychtis be ordre. quhat the sext chapitre contenis.-- the sext chapitre contenis, the poyntis of the takenyngis of the blasoun of the signis and seremons custumable to be maid in geving of the said ordre, and all be ordre. quhat the sevynt chapitre contenis.-- the sevynt chapitre contenis, the gude thewis, vertues, and custumes that pertenis to the knychtis that honourably wald manetene the foresaid ordre of knychthede. quhat the auchtand chapitre contenis.-- the auchtand chapitre contenis, how the said ordre suld be haldyn at honour, and quhat honoure suld be done to thame that beris the said ordre, and has optenyt it with honoure. [decoration] here begynnys the first chapitre of the buke. the autoure of this buke rehersis, how it befell in a contree quhare a worthy, wyse, anciene knycht, that lang tyme had bene in the exercisioun of honourable weris, the quhilk, be the noblesse and the force of his noble and hie curage, throu grete wisedome and hye gouernaunce, had auenturit his persone to pursue and manetene justis, tournaymentis, and weris, and throu his gude fortune and prowess, had optenyt grete honour and glore, and victorius loving: and efter all this, as course of nature gevis till all mankynde, and othir creaturis that in this erde lyf beris, he, considerand that this lyf mycht nocht langsumly endure, bot it behovit nedely tak ane end; for to make gude end, and conclusioun to godwart, and to lyve out of the sicht of tribulacioun and vexacioun of the warld, and to be at his deuocioun in contemplacioun of his creatour: for he sawe that god had gevin him largely of his grace, sufficiandly of warldly honoure and glore; and that nature in him was sa faillid throu febilness, that he had nouthir force, na vertu, na powere to welde armes as he was wount; and had deuisit and departit his landis, gudis, and heritagis till his barnis, and ordanyt for all his thingis fynablye, and chesit to mak his habitacioun in a thik wod of a wilderness, in a faire haulch, inclosit within wateris, and grete treis bath of fruytis and of diuers naturis, and of herbes, sa that he was content to flee the sycht and the repaire of the warld: sa that nane that had sene him sa worthily, honestly, and honourably, had euir hidertillis manetenyt sa worthy and hye ordere in all worschip, but lak or dishonestee of his cors, suld se him in his failit elde, for fault of powere of naturall strenth, in syk febilness that he mycht nocht oure him self to gouerne his persone in syk worschip of honestee as he was wount, that filth of elde schamyt him nocht, quhill he had [gh]eldit to god and nature his naturale dewiteis: and als, that the vexacioun of the warld gert him nocht abstrak his inclinacioun of contemplacioun and deuocioun fra the contynuale remembraunce that he was determynit in his hert to have of the glorious passioun of crist, the quhilk he traistit, suld be a targe betuix him and the inymy of mankynde, in the day of the dredefull jugement, to sauf him fra the terrible paynis of hell. and as he was walkand a day in ane herbare allane, in his deuocioun, in a thik busk of the wod, quhare there was a grete tree in the myddis, chargit full of fair fruytis in the sesoun, the quhilkis he gaderit and held to refresch him with be tymes: and in that herbare, vnder the saide fruyte tree, thare was a faire well of water of noble nature, quhilk in diuers stryndis past throu the herber till othir gardynnis and preaux, till watere thame in somere for more gudely growth; in the quhilk herbare the noble knycht was custumyt to mak his dayly repaire; and thare in his contemplacioun, he maid his secrete orisoun, zeldand gracis and lovingis to almychty god, the makare of the mekle honour and worschip that he had grantit him in this warld, euermare day of his lyf, to contynew in sik deuocioun and contemplacioun perpetualy. and sa befell that in the samyn tyme, befell a grete stormy wyntere, in the quhilk a worthy king had sett and ordanyt a grete assemblee of lordis and knychtis and worthy men, for hie, grete, and honourable actis to be done, in the quhilkis mony [gh]ong bachelere squieris proposit thame to be maid knychtis of that worthy kingis hand: and sa befell that ane of the lordis sonis of that contree, quhilk had sett his entent and purpose to tak the ordre of knychthede at the said assemblee; and as it hapnyt him to pas throu that contree quhare the noble anciene knycht had maid his habitacioun; and forthy that the said squier quhilk was ferre trauailit, for irknes of trauale and waking to cum to the semblee, he slepit apon his palfray, and wauerit fra his folk out of the hye way, sa that he become properly in the samyn forest and wilderness quhare the knycht was induelland; and to the samyn fontayn, in the herbere thare, quhare the knycht was at his contemplacioun, in the samyn tyme come [the palfray] thare to drink at the well. and als sone as that the knycht sawe in syk a kynde, sik ane honourable man, he left his contemplacioun, and tuke out a buke of his bosum and began to rede. and sone quhen the pallefray put doun his hede in the well for to drynk, the squiere began to wakyn of his slepe, and wist nocht quhare he was becummyn, and than rais vp the worthy anciene knycht, and comit till him to spere of his effere; the quhilk quhen the [gh]ong squiere saw sa hare and alde, with a lang berde, and langar syde hyngand hare, quhite as the snawe, with a syde goun, alde and bare of wolle, and euill farand, with mony holis ryvin and rent, for grete age of wering, and for the grete waking and deuocioun and penitence that he had tane till him in that desert, and the greting that he maid for his trespass of [gh]outhede, he was worthin rycht lene, pale and wan, with hevy chere, and holl eyne, sa that be semblance his behalding was lyke to be as of a haly man and of godly lyf. sa that grete maruaill had thai ilkane of othir, ffor sen the knycht hed left the warld, to duell thare in that desert, he had nocht sene na man in all that tyme. and the [gh]ong squyere had mare grete maruaill, how he was hapnyt thare, and of the grete maruailouss maner of the worthy man; quhilk be his feris and port semyt till have bene a man of grete valoure: and with that he lichtit doun of his pallefray, and salust the noble knycht, quhilk [gh]eldit him agayne his reuerence and ressauit him graciously, and gert him sytt doun in the herbere, and reyne his horse, and rest him; and lang tyme beheld him in the visage, to se gif he wold aucht say. bot the squyere, quhylk maruailit mekle of the efferis of the knycht, for the grete worthynes that him thocht apperit in his visage, and maneris, he deferrit till him to moue first speche, as to do him reuerence for honour and age. and thus the worthy knycht spak first, sayand, faire frende, quhat is the cause of [gh]oure cummyng here in this wildernes? and fra quhyn ar [gh]e cummyn, and quhare wald [gh]e be? and than ansuerd the [gh]ong bachelere, sayand, certes sir, thare is a grete renoun gangand in ferre contreis of a grete assemblee, and rycht honourable, that suld be maid in this land be ane of the maist worthy kingis that is in the warld: quhare grete multitude of honourable and worthy men suld assemble, for honourable actis to be done, and thare suld the said king mak mony new knychtis, be cause that he him self has entencioun to be maid knycht thare, in the samyn tyme; and thus for honour of the worthy prince and of his new knychthede, i and otheris drawis togedir to se thai honourable actis, and, god willand, to be maid knycht of his hand thare. and be caus that i tuke grete journeis be the way cummand, my pallefray, throu his soft passing, gave me curage to slepe, as man fordouerit, and sa bade behynd my company, and wanderit sa in this wilderness, vnwittand quhare, quhill my hors, in this haulch, heldit to drynk. than ar [gh]e, said the worthy knycht rycht welcum here. bot quhen the noble worthy man herd him speke of the hye and noble ordere of knychthede, and of the propereteis that till it appertenis, he gave a sare sob, with a grete siche, that vness mycht he speke lang tyme eftir; rememberand of the grete honoure that he had bene in, manetenand the saide ordre of sa lang tyme. and quhen the squyere saw him fall in syk a thocht, be manere of ane extasy, he sperit at him, quhat movit him to muse sa mekle on his wordis? and than the worthy anciene knycht ansuerd him, sayand, that his thocht was on the hye and worthy ordre of knychthede that he had spoken of, and on the grete charge that a knycht vndergais quhen he vndertakis that noble and worschipfull ordre of knychthede. and than said the said squiere, that gif he coud oucht teche him of the poyntis that mycht pertene to the said ordere, for the honour and reuerence of god, that he wald teche him. and with that the said knycht blenkit vp, sayand, o faire sone, how art thou sa bald to sett thee to tak that forenamyt ordere bot first thou knew the poyntis belangand the gouernaunce and manetenaunce of it, and the maner how it suld be kepit, gouernyt, and manetenyt in honoure and worschip, as efferis, eftir the ordinaunce of god: ffor thare suld nane be sa hardy to tak that hye honourable ordre bot he war first worthy be the sicht of a prince thare till. and syne that coud the poyntis and the articlis that to the said ordre appertenis, and to knaw bath the meritis and the prowess of the ordre; and rycht sa the defaultis that a knycht may mak till his ordre; nathare suld na knycht mak ane othir bot first he himself coud thai poyntis, techingis, and documentis, to teche thame to the vassall or bachelere, that he thocht to mak a knycht of: ffor he is misordanyt and vnworthy knycht that makis knychtis nocht knawand the propereteis of the said ordre, to teche to thame that he gevis the ordre till the custumys and documentis that till it appertenis. and then said the sqyuare, faire fader, sen it is sa that as i traist [gh]e knaw the propereteis and custumes of the said ordre, that [gh]e wald, of [gh]our gudelynes, teche me and informe of the documentis and propereteis belangand to the said ordre of knichthede; ffor i haue gude hope in god, that for the traist that i haue thairto, i sulde lere besily and wele all the perfectioun of the said ordre. and than ansuerd the knycht, sayand, faire sone, sen it is sa that thou has sa gude will to lere the reuglis and the documentis belangand the said ordre, i sall len thé a lytill buke quharein all the reuglis and the ordynaunce of all the poyntis and documentis that pertenis to the said ordre ar writin; in the quhilk buke, i rede wele oft, and takis consolatioun, of the mekle honoure, worschippis, and worthynes that to the said ordre appertenis, and of the grete grace that god hes gevin me in this erde to be sa happy till haue gouernyt sa, but lak, the said ordre, that all my grace and gude auenture throw it i hadand rycht sa i honourit it, and did all my powere to manetene it, and kepe it in worschip, but repruf; for rycht as knycht, be his ordre, takis bath of god and man honoure, worschip, and warldly prouffit, rycht sa he is behaldyn till gouerne, kepe, and manetene his ordre in all honoure, worschip, and reuerence vndefoulit. and than delyuerit the knycht the buke to the bachelere; in the quhilk quhen he had red a lytill space, he hevit vp his handis to the hevyn, and lovit almychti god that had gevin him the grace to cum that way, in the tyme that he was sa wele fortunyt to haue knaulage of the poyntis, techingis, and properteis of the said ordre, and reuglis that till it appertenit, the quhilk i have lang tyme mekle desyrit to knawe. and than said the knycht, faire sone, thou sall tak this buke with thé to the court, for sen i am bath alde and wayke, and may nocht trauaill to schaw the reuglis, and documentis, and propereteis of the said ordre to thame that desyris thame, that ar with the king, thou sall geve the copy of this said buke till all men that desyris it; and thou sall hecht me, quhen thou art doubbit knycht, thou sall cum this way agayne this, and tell me quhat knychtis salbe maid thare, and all the manere of thair making, and how the king and the new knychtis takis in thank this buke of the reuglis and documentis of the said ordre; and quha askis the copy of it. and thus tuke the bachelere his leve at the knycht, and the knycht his benedictioun, and sa lap on his horse, and passit on, quhill he met with his men[gh]é; and sa to the kingis palace; and did his devoyr in gouernement of his persone rycht worthily, and gave the copy till all maner of noble man that wald desyre till have it: the quhilk buke the king lovit mekle, and prisit, and all the lordis, and held it rycht dere. [decoration] secundum capitulum. here folowis the secund chapitre, that spekis of the poyntis of the ordre that a bachelere squiere suld lere, or he tak the forenamyt ordre. in the tyme that cheritee, leautee, justice, and veritee was failit in the warld, than began crueltee, vnlautee, injure and falsetee: and than was errour and distrublaunce in the warld; in the quhilk warld god had maid man to duelle to trowe in him, serue him, honoure him, loue him, and dout him: bot first quhen despising of justice come in the warld, and than was syk mysreugle and misgouernaunce in the warld amang the peple for fault of justice, that for to gere the reugle of gude gouernaunce cum agayn with force and drede of awe, the peple gert chess a man amang a thousand, the quhilk was maist wise, maist stark and sturdy, and best of gouernaunce, maist godlyke, and full of grete leautee, and of maist nobless, maist curageus, and best techit in vertues; and ay of ilke thowsand of the peple thare was syk a man chosyn to be chiftane of the laue, and to gouerne thame, and be thaire ledare: and syne thai inquerit and soucht quhat beste was maist worthy, maist stark and sturdy, and maist swift rynnand, and maist hable to mannis service, and behove, and thareto was chosyn the horse; for the maist worthy and convenable and best rynnand, and maist hable for mannis service; and that hors was ordanyt to that chose man to ryde upon; and eftir the hors the knycht, ane of his namys, that in franche is callit cheualier, that is to say, hors man, and be the tothir significacioun, that is callit miles; that cummys of this foresaid caus, that he was in thai tymes a man chosyn be the prince and the peple of ilke thousand men, the worthiest to be thair chiftane and gouernoure in were, and thaire protectour in tyme of pes. and thus quhen he was in thai tymes chosyn amang a thousand, ane of maist vertu, and worthiest to be a gouernour of the laue; and syne the maist worthy and noble beste of the warld chosin to bere him, that he suld nocht ga on fut: syne eftir ordaynyt thai that the maist noble and worthy armoure suld be deuisit and maid to thai knychtis to kepe thair persouns in hele fra strakis of thair inymyeis, and fra the dede; and thare was he enarmyt and sett upon the hors and maid chiftane and gouernour of a thowsand persouns vnder him; and thus was knychthede first ordanyt and maid. and thar fore all knychtis suld think apon thair worthy and noble begynnyng, and the propereteis and causis thar of; and sett him sa that he haue als noble a curage in him self as suld effere to the noble ordre, that he ressauis in virtueis, and in gude thewis, and worthynes of condiciouns, sa that his worthy condiciouns and vertewis accorde to the begynnyng that is sa noble; ffor and he do the contrair, he is inymy till his ordre, and syk men suld nocht be ressauit to the ordre that ar inymyes tharetill. na suld nane be maid knychtis that had contrarius condiciouns to that worthy and noble ordre: he suld haue lufe and drede in him till god, and till his prince, agains haterent and despising; and rycht as he suld lufe and drede god, and his lord and prince, sa suld he ger him self be dred and lufit of his folk, bathe be nobless of curage, and gude thewis, and gude custumes, thinkand apon the hye honoure and worschip that is gevin till him, that is sa hye and sa noble ane office, and of sik worschip, that the condiciouns, and the nobless of the ordre, suld be accordand togeder: sa that throu the grete honour of his electioun, first, that be the prince and the people, is chosin amang a thousand for the maist worthy, and syne the maist noble and worthy armouris put on him, and syne the maist noble and worthy beste that was in the world gevin and ordanyt him to ryde on, and otheris to gang on sut besyde him; than aucht he wele to lufe and drede god, and his prince that sendis him that hye honour and worschip; and syne he aw wele to mak syk cause throu nobless of curage and gude custumes, that he be lufit and dred of the peple; sa that be lufe he conquest charitee, and be drede he conquest lautee and justice: and thus all knycht suld haue in him thir foure thingis, that is to say, charitee and gude thewis, lautee and justice, and suld excede otheris in nobless of vertues as he does in nobless of honouris. and alssua, in samekle as man is mare worthy, mare curageus, and vertuous, and mare wit and vnderstanding has na womman, and of mair stark nature, in samekle is he better na womman, or ellis nature war contrary till it self; that bountee and beautee of curage suld folowe bountee, and beautee, and nobless of cors; and thus sen a man is mare hable till haue mare noble curage, and to be better na womman, in samekle is he mare enclynit to be tempit to vice na is the womman, ffor he is mare hardy vndertakare, bathe in gude and euill, opynly; and in samekle has he mare meryt till abstene him fra vicis na has the womman, that is of wayke nature: and tharfore ilke man suld be war that wald enter in the foresaid ordre; and wit wele first quhat he dois, ffor he takis thare a grete honoure, maryte with a grete seruitute; that is to say, a grete thrillage that he mon ressaue with the ordre, to be thrall to the condiciouns, propereteis, and custumes that appertenis to the said ordre, and to the frendis of the said ordre: ffor quhy, that in samekle that a man has mare noble creacioun and begynning, and mare has of honour, in samekle is he mare thrall, and bounde to be gude and agreable to god, and till him that dois him that honoure. and gif he be of wikkit and euill lyf of tyranny and crimynous lyfing, he is contrarius and inymy of the ordre, and rebellour to the commandementis of honour. for the ordre of knychthede, be the caus that it is maid and ordanyt for, is sa noble of it self, that the princis war nocht anerly content, and the peple to ches the maist noble man of ligny, and to geue him the maist noble armouris, and syne sett him on the maist noble and curageus beste for mannis vse. bot sen thai ordanyt him to be a lorde: bot quhat vnderstandis thou redare be a lorde? a man is nocht a lord supposs he haue neuer sa mekle of warldly gudis: bot he is a lord that has seignoury and jurisdictioun vpon other men, to gouerne thame, and hald law and justice apon thame quhen thai trespass. in the quhilk lordschip thare is sa mekle nobless, and in seruitude thare is sa mekle subjectioun, bondage, and thrillage, that grete difference is betuene, and than suld thare be alsmekle difference in the personis, as thare is difference betuix the twa estatis: for and a man tak the ordere of knychthede, and he be villaine of his condiciouns, and wykkit of lyf, he dois grete injure to all his subjectes that he has vnder him in gouernaunce, that ar gude folk and symple, and mekle seruis punycioun for cruell and wickit lyf that tyrane lordis ar of, to the peple, makis tham mare worthy to be bondis bound, na to be lordis of the peple of god, off the quhilkis thai mon [gh]elde a strayte compt a day, quhilk efferis to the prince to punys, be the counsale of thame that gude and worthy knychtis ar, ffor vnworthy war, that thai war callit knychtis, and here the name and the honoure of that hye ordre that wyrkis in the contrair, destroyand and vndoand the peple of god, that thai ar chosin be electioun, and oblist to defend, and for that caus has thair lordschippis to gouerne the peple of god: ffor nocht anerly the chesing and electioun to the ordre, na the noble hors, na armouris, na gouernaunce, na lordschip, thame thocht nocht anerly, was sufficiand to the worthynes of that noble and worschipfull ordre till hald it at honour; bot thai ordanyt him a squier, and a varlet page to be euer contynualy at his bidding and seruice in all placis thare he war, to tak kepe till him,--the squiar to gang with him at his bidding, the page to kepe his hors. and ordanyt the peple to labour the ground, to graith lyfing for the knychtis and nobles that war thair gouernouris and protectouris, and to thair hors and seruandis; the quhilkis was excusit to nocht laboure, bot to rest thame euer betuix dedis of armes and actis honourable, at hunting and hauking, and othir disportis, and to gouerne and kepe passibles the labouraris, and sauf thame fra fors and wrang, sa that clerkis mycht pesably study in sciencis, men of kirk vake in goddis seruice, merchandis in thair marchandice, and othir craftis wirkand at lordis deuiss. and thus quhen clerkis studyis in sciencis, how men suld be techit to knawe, lufe, and serue god, and doubt, and to geue gude ensample of doctrine to the lawit peple to rycht sa do, for the honour and reuerence of almychtie god in deuocioun and gude lyf. rycht sa apon the tothir part, quhen knychtis ar maid be princis, thai suld sett thame with gude virtues and gude ensamplis and nobless of curage, and othir wayis gif nede war be force of armes to manetene, gouerne and defend the small peple in all justice and equitee, in lufe and drede both of god and of the prince as is before recomptit, be the quhilkis thai suld throu lufe haue contynuale charitee amang tham, and be the drede thai suld stand awe to do oucht ilkane till othir wrang, or wikkitness; and here atour as the clerkis techis thair scoleris to the sculis of sciencis of clergy, sa suld a gude knycht teche his barnis the nobless of the poyntis and propereteis of chyualrie; and that suld be done in thair [gh]outhede: and first and formast a knycht suld lere his sone to be doctryned in vertues, and syne suld he be doctrinyt and techit to ryding in his [gh]outhede, or ellis he sall neuer be gude rydare; and ay as he cummys till elde, that he lere to gouerne hors and armouris; and that he be seruand to sum lord, and vse him in armes lang or he tak the ordre, ffor vnworthy war he suld be a lord or a maister that knew neuer quhat it is to be a seruand, ffor he may neuer wele tak na knawe the suetenes that it is to be the lord, bot gif he had sum knaulage of the sourness that it is, and payne to a gude hert, to be ane vnderlout or a seruand. and tharfore war he neuer sa grete a lordis sone appertenand to be lord, he war the better that in [gh]outhede sum lord that he seruit to kerue before him, to serue in chaumer, till arme a lord, till ouresee his hors, that thai war wele gouernyt and grathit, to haunt armouris, to ryn a spere, to excercise wapnis, and othir habiliteis of honour quhilk appertenis to nobless, and namely, thai suld be techit and doctrinyt be a knycht thay [gh]ong lordis sonis that thocht to be knychtis, ffor rycht as it war nocht semand till a [gh]ong man that wald lere to be a man of craft, suld lere at ane othir that war nocht of the craft, sa is it vnsemand that lordis sonis that wald be in the maist noble ordre of knychthede suld sett thame to lere the documents and propereteis of the ordre of knychthede, bot at thame that war expert in the knaulage of virtues and gude thewis honourable that to the said ordre apperteins; the quhilkis ar vnknawable till ignoraunt and vnworthy personis; ffor the grete nobless of the said ordre may nocht ferd at keping of hors na justis na tournaymentis, na [gh]it to haunt na duell with lordis, na knychtis in company, to pas in weris na in bataillis. bot it war rycht expedient that thare war deuisit, and ordanyt be the prince, scolis of doctrinyng and teching of the noble poyntis and properteis that efferis to that hye and worthy ordre till [gh]ong lordis barnis that war lykly to cum to perfectioun. and that the knawlage thar of ware writtin in bukis be wys men of knaulage, that knewe and had experience tharof, sa that ignorant [gh]ong lordis barnis mycht first lere the science be study and speculacioun, and syne efter thai mycht, quhen thai come eldar, lere the practik of the ordre, be conuersacioun, as to pas to diuers justis and tournaymentis, to diuers realmes, in diuers voyagis and battaillis, sa mycht thai haue the pratyk with the science; ffor vile thing is, to bere office or ordre, and nocht to knawe the gouernaunce tharof throu wilfull ignorance; ffor war nocht the sculis of clergy, mony errouris and ignorauncis war in the warld mare na thare is. bot sen thare is na sculis of cheualrye, quhat maruaill is thouch thare be mony knychtis vnwytty; ffor war all knychtis and clerkis but errour, than wald thai be till all the laue of the warld a gude myroure, and than suld ilkane drede to do wrangis and injuris till othir: and sen thir tua thingis gouernis and manetenis all this warld--the tane the spiritualitee, the tother the temporalitee; and thare is sa mony sculis in sere contreis of sciencis of clergy, and nocht ane that men wate of the nobil ordre of cheualrye, than ar the gouernouris and manetenouris of the said ordre, to blame in thair awin proffit and honour, quhare sa grete nede is, to be sa negligent. quharfor the autour of this buke prayis and requeris, and mekely makis supplicacioun to the magestee ryall, and till all the company of the nobless and chyualrye of the realme, that thai assemble thame togidder, and mak reformacioun of this grete fault that is maid to the noble ordre, and the grete wrang that is done till it, in the fault of doctrine and teching of the poyntis and propereteis of noblesse, etc. [decoration] tertium capitulum. how sen the doctoure has declarit in sum part the poyntis of the ordre with the propereteis and condiciouns,--now lykis it him to speke of the office that followis the said ordre:-- that is to say, to quhat purpos it was ordanyt--to quhat fyne--and quhat entencioun: and how gif knychtis vss nocht thair office, thai ar contrarius to thair ordre, and to the begynning of thair awin making: ffor the quhilk caus he is nocht veray knycht in dede, supposs he bere the name; ffor sik knychtis ar mare villayns na is outhir smyth, wrycht, or masoun, that dois thair craft, as thai ar techit, and tharefor to schaw the poyntis of the ordre is grete meryt to thame that wate it nocht: the quhilkis he declaris here efterwart; and first and formast, knychthede was ordanyit to manetene and defend haly kirk, and the faith, for the quhilk god, the fader of hevyn, send his sone in this warld, to tak in him oure humanitee, fleschly inumbrit, and incarnate in the glorious virgyne mary, his suete moder, be the joyfull message brocht till hir be the angel gabriel; and fyne for our sakis, and to synde vs of the origynale syn, and to geve vs eternale lyf, tuke dede and passioun here, with grete dispising vilaynous, to geue vs ensample and informacioun how we suld reule oure lyfing here: quhilk ordanyt all writtis for oure teching and doctrine; and all his werkis and dedis here, he did for oure ensample and enformyng, to multiply his faith. and thus, rycht as he has chosin to growe and manetene his fayth, the worthi and wys clerkis to hald scolis, and ilkane to teche othir be the haly wryttis of prophecies and of lawis aganis the inymyes of the faith: rycht sa the hye glorious god chesit knychtis to be his campiouns, sa that the unworthy mystrowaris and rebellouris agaynis his faith mycht be throu thame chastisit, be force of armes to vencuss and ourecum his inymyes, the quhilkis every day forss thame at thair powar to put doun the fayth of haly kirk, and thir knychtis that thus occupyis thame in the defense of his rychtis ar callit his knychtis of honour in this warld, and in the tothir, that defendis the haly kirk and the cristyn faith, quhilk is oure saule hele and salvacioun. and tharefore knychtis that has faith and baptesme in him, and usis nocht the vertues and properteis of the faith, ar contrarius till otheris that kepis the faith, evyn as a man that god hes gevin till resoun, and discrecioun, and he dois evyn the contrary. thus he that has faith, and kepis it nocht, is contrarius till himself, for he wald be sauf, and gais nocht the hye gate till his salvacioun: ffor quhy, his will discordis with his witt, and ledis it the way of mystreuth, that is agayne his salvacioun, and ledis him to the way of eternale dampnacioun; and syk men takis the office and ordre, mare to be prisit and honourit in this warld, na for any prouffit that thai think to do to god, na to thair prince that gave thame the office. bot the maist noble officeris and ordres in this erd ar office and ordre of clerkis and of knychtis, and the best lufe in this erde is ay betuix thame; and tharfore rycht as clergy was nocht ordanyt to be agayn the ordre of knychthede, bot to honoure it, and thame that worthily beris it, sa suld knychtis nocht be aganis the haly ordre and office of clergy, to manetene worschip and defend it, aganis the rebellouris and euill willaris of the kirk, that are callit sonis of iniquitee, as thai ar oblist in taking of the said ordre of knychthede: ffor a man is nocht anerly oblist to lufe his ordre, bot he is oblist with that to lufe thame that be othir ordres vnder his awin lord; for to lufe his ordre, and nocht to lufe the caus that his ordre is ordanyt for; ffor syk lufe is nocht ordere lyke, ffor god has ordanyt nane ordre vnder him to be contrair till ane othir; and as to that thare is ordres of religious that few of thame lufis ane othir, and [gh]it lufis well thair awin ordre; bot that is nocht the rycht ordre of lufe and charitee, that suld be in religious: and rycht sa a knycht suld nocht samekle lufe his awin ordre, that he myslufe othere ordres, ffor that war aganis god, and gude faith; ffor the ordre of knychthede is sa hye, that quhen a king makis a knycht, he sulde mak him lord and governour of grete landis and contreis, efter his worthines, and all knychtis suld think that there is a lord and syre aboue all knychtis, ffor the honour of quham thai ar all made knychtis for to do his will, and serue him fyrst, and syne thair temporale lordis. item, the emperour aw to be knycht, in significance that he is lord and syre of all knychtis in temporalities: and becaus that the emperour may nocht mak na gouerne all knychtis, thare was ordanyt kingis, to be subordinate persons, next efter emperouris, to gouerne realmes and contreis the quhilkis suld alssua be knychtis, sa that thai may mak knychtis, ffor na man may mak knychtis bot he be knycht before, sauffand the pape: alssua all kingis suld have vnder thame dukkis and princis, erllis and vicountes, and vauvassouris and barouns; and vnder the barouns knychtis of a schelde, the quhilkis suld gouerne thame be the ordynance of the barouns that ar in the hyare degree of knychthede, before namyt: and that gerris he [him] multiply knychtis in takenyng that na king, bot he may na can gouerne all the generalitee of knychtis in erd, ffor thare is nouthir emperoure, na king, that can, na may in his regne gouerne all his subditis but help of his knychtis: bot the king of glore can wele allane but othir power, na of his awin vertu and majestie, can and may gouerne and reugle all this erde, and all the hevin, at his awin plesaunce, the quhilk is ane anerly god allane in trinitee and vnitee; and tharfor wald he nocht that ony knycht allane mycht mak a knycht that suld gouerne all the knychtis of this warld bot he allane; and tharfore ordanyt he in this warld mony of knychtis to be, that his magestee may the better be knawin, and that kingis and princis suld mak officeris vnder thame of knychtis. and forthy dois a king or a prince grete wrang to the ordre of knychthede quhen he makis othir sereffis, baillies, or prouostis of othir lawlyar men na knychtis; ffor than ar kingis and princis caus of the abusioun of the ordre of knychthede, quhilk was ordanyt for sik caus: ffor that ordre was ordanyt to be substitute till princis and kingis, apon the gouernement of the peple, as maist worthy and maist honourable for sik gouernaunce of small peple; and aboue thame dukis, erllis, and barouns; and aboue thai kingis and princis; and aboue princis and kingis allenerlye emperouris and papis. and thus suld the warld be gouvernyt be commoun reugle of gouernance, sauffand kingis that ar priuilegit or prescribit in thaire power imperiale: and thus knychthede is the hyest temporale ordre that is in the warld; but nocht the hiest office: ffor kingis and emperouris is nocht ordre, bot it is office; be the quhilk office thai precell aboue all othir officis of temporalitee, as dukis, countes, marquis, vauvasour, baroun, and knychtis; and supposs, of all officis of honourabilitee, the knychtis office be the lawast office of dignitee vnder imperiale or ryale magestee, neuertheles the ordre is hyest and maist honourable; ffor quhy, that all emperouris and kingis aw to bere that ordre, or ellis thair dignitee is nocht perfyte, ffor ellis may thai mak na knychtis. and be honourabilitee of the ordre of knychthede grete honour is ordanyt be the lawis to do to knychtis, and be nobless of honour that is put till him, he suld haue nobless of vertues, and worthyness in his curage; be the quhilk nobless of curage he suld be less inclynit till all wikkitness, and all vicis of barat, and trechery, and othir villain condiciouns, na ony othir persone. the office alssua of knychthede aw to defend his naturale lord, and manetene him; ffor a king is bot a man allane but his men; and but tham thare may na king gouerne, na deffend his peple, na [gh]it nane othir lord, ffor thai ar bot synglere persons; and thus, gif ony man be aganis the magestee or othir lordis of the temporalitee, the knychtis suld help him to defend and manetene his rychtis. bot commonly ane euill wikkit knycht takis party contrair with a kingis subditis agayne himself, ffor he wald haue his lord put doun, that he mycht haue sum part of the lordschip; bot than wirkis he agayne his awin ordre, and office that he is ordaynit for; that is ane, the faith of jhesu crist; ane othir, his natural lord; the third, the peple in thair richtis: ffor the knychtis ar adettit to manetene and defend justice; ffor rycht as a juge has powar be his office to juge and geue a sentence, rycht sa has he poware to kepe his jugementis fra fors and fra wrang and violence, in excercisioun and in execucioun of his jugement and sentence. and becaus that till jugement of caus pertenis wele wisdome and discrecioun of clergy to knaw the lawis, it is a noble thing quhen knychthede and clergy is assemblit togedir, sa that knychtis war clerkis and wele letterit men, sa that thai war the mare sufficiand to be jugis be the knaulage of science of lawis, ffor than war thare na man mare worthy na hable till to be a juge, na a knycht clerk: ffor bot science of clergy to knaw the lawis, thare is na man worthy to bere office of justice. knychtis suld be wele ryddin, and in [gh]outhede lere to be wele ryddin, on destrellis and courseris, till haunte justis and tournaymentis, to hald table round, to hunt and hauk at hert and hynde, daa and raa, bere and baare, loup and lyoun, and all sik honourable plesauncis, and sa mayntenand the office and the ordre of knychthede worthily: and as all thir propereteis before said pertenis till a knycht, as to the habilnes of his corps, rycht sa is thare othir propereteis pertenand to the saule; as justice, force, prudence, and temperaunce, charitee and veritee, lautee and humilitee, faith, esperaunce, subtilitee, agilitee, and with all othir vertues touchand to wisdome, appertenis till him, as to the saule; and forthy, when a knycht has all strenthis and habiliteis that appertenis to the corps, and has nocht thame that appertenis to the saule, he is nocht verray knicht, bot is contrarius to the ordre, and inymy of knichthede: ffor than it war lyke that knychthede war contrarius to the saule behufe; the quhilk is fals, ffor the principale caus of the ordre is to the manetenaunce of the cristyn faith, and of all vertues, and inymy to vicis. item, office of knychtis is to manetene and gouerne landis and policy, and to defend thame; ffor the raddour and the drede that the peple has of the knychtis, thai byde apon thair craftis and labouragis, and grathis lyfing for the lordis, for dout to be vndone, destroyit, and desertit; and thus ar the kingis dred for the knychtis. and thare, sais the doctour, that a fals knycht, that will nocht help to defend his king and his lord naturale, is lyke faith bot gude charitable workis, or knychthede tume and idill bot office, or heretike aganis the faith. and thus a fals knycht that is vntrewe, that dois nocht the bidding of his prince, and is contrarius till his biddingis and opyniouns, dois grete wrang to the knychtis that fechtis to the dede for justice, and for the faith, and for his prince, and his naturale lord, and is worthy to be punyst vtterly: ffor thare is na ordre na office that is maid bot it may be vnmaid, or ellis goddis mycht war bot small; and than, sen the ordre of knychthede was ordanyt be god almychty, and gouernyt and manetenyt be thame that beris the said ordre, gif thai that suld gouerne the said ordre, and manetene it, misgouernys it, and dois the contraire, the ordre is lytill behaldyn to thame, ffor thai vndo the ordre. and thus the wikkit king vndois nocht anerly the ordere of knychthede in himself, bot alssua he vndois it in his knychtis quhen he gerris thame do aganis the ordre, outhir be euill ensample that he gevis thame, doand thingis that ar aganis the said ordre, or be flatery that thai mak to thair wikkit maister, and fals suggestioun to ger thame be lufit of him, knawand that he is euill sett and will redily trow euill talis. and all thus gif it be euill done, to gerr a knycht be misgouernyt, and mysfarne throu euill gouernaunce. it is mekle were done to misgouerne mony knychtis, as thir wikkit princis dois, that all the charge of the misgouernaunce of all the knychtis of his realme is be his default and negligence, or that thai be sa wikkit in thame self, that thai geve him vnworthy counsale, to do apon his subjectis extorsiouns, be wikkitness of tyrannye, or of barate or trechery, tresone to thair naturale lordis, or vnleautee till his subditis, be force of thair wikkit curage; and than is syk a prince mekle to prise and to love, that knawis syk trychouris, and trompouris and vnworthy traytouris, that beris waste name of knychthede, that wald counsale him, and tyce him to forffet and vndo the worthy and noble ordre of knychthede, that he has sa honourably tane, and worthily hydertillis has manetenyt; mekle honour and worschip is in his curage of the prince that sa dois, and mekle suld be lufit with thame that beris the ordre worthily, quhen he takis sik vengeaunce of the inymyes of the ordre, that throu thair wikkit counsale wald corrumpe his noble curage. item, the order of knychthede standis in the corage, and nocht in the corssage, ffor ellis war the ordre litill worth; ffor quhy? a lytill persone may quhilum throu habilitee of corps oure cum a mekle, and tak him, and enprisone him. bot a thousand men, suppos thai be neuer sa stark, may nocht oure cum na vencus a gude knychtis curage. and thus is the ordre of knychthede mare worthily in the curage na in the corssage, ffor ellis war nocht that the knychthede accordit better to the body na to the saule. and be that, the vnworthy cowartis knychtis that fleis in bataillis fra thair lordis ar nocht worthy to be callit knychtis, na to bere the honour that to worthy knychtis efferis, ffor thai drede mare the distroublaunce and maless of thair corssage, na the honoure and worschip of thair curage that appertenis to the ordre of knychthede of rycht. and thus nobless of curage is better pertenand to knychtis na is force of corssage, or ellis suerenes and cowardise in mannis persone suld be of the propereteis of the ordre. and hardynes and largess suld be contrarius till it, and that war mekle vnresone; bot be all gude way of ordere, quhen a gude knycht is oure sett with oure grete powar, and lesse has of help and of falouschip to supple him, in sa mekle suld he haue mare hye curage and mare force of spirit, to oure cum all his aduersaris; and gif he be oure thrawin, till manetene the poyntis and propercteis of the worthy ordre of knychthede, than has he optenyt the honour and the loss of the worschipfull reward and meryt of justice, that deis for the defenss of the rycht, and manetenaunce of the worschipfull and meritable poyntis of the ordre, as he that deis for lufe and leautee, and honoure of the noble ordre that he was ordanyt to. for the wise man sais, that knychthede and hardynesse may neuer langsumly dwell togider bot wisedome and wise discrecion; ffor quhare na wisdome na discrecione restis, how suld thare be knaulage of honoure. na, how suld that persone discerne betuix honorable and dishonorable act or vndertaking of worschip, quhare wisdome is away, ffor wisdome will never mare mak fault till his honoure. and forthy, is it signifyit till all knychtis of honour, that a knycht may neuer be hardy, na haue the vertues that to knychthede suld pertene, bot he haue wisedome in him; na thare is na man that may sa mekle honour do till his ordre of knychthede, as to stand to the vtterest with stark curage for the rycht fermely, and neuer consent to leve his lord; na his rychtwise actioun to dee tharfore; and treuly that mon be reuglit with witt and resoun, and nocht be foly na ignoraunce; ffor quhen foly and ignoraunce is with the ordere of knychthede, wit and resone, knaulage and discrecioun, ar flemyt thairfra; ffor wisedome, resoun, and discrecioun ar the ledaris and gouernouris of cheualrye bathe in knycht, king, and emperoure, and but wisedome the order is peruertit; ffor inpossible thing it is, that foly and ignoraunce gouerne that worthy ordre. and than mon it on nede force be gouernyt be wisedome, and thus is it, that sen the ordre is reuglit be witt and wisedome, than suld all gude knychtis pres them to be wyse, and sett tharon all thair hert and mynde; the quhilk makis knycht sa curageus, that he doubtis nocht the dede, in regarde of honoure and his rychtwise cause, that he may lufe and honour his ordre, to sauf bathe saule and honour, in the contrair of foly and ignoraunce. item, office of knychthede is to mantene and defend wedowis, maidenis, faderles and moderles barnis, and pore miserable persouns and piteable, and to help the wayke agayne the stark, and the pure agayne the riche; ffor ofttymes sik folk ar be mare stark na thai pelit and derobbit, and thaire gudis tane, and put to destructioun and pouertie, for fault of powere and defence. and becaus all sik dedis is wikkitnes, crueltee, and tyranny, tharfore is the ordre of knychthede ordanyt, as in that poynt amang the lave, to gaynstand. and gif a knycht himself be the manetenar or doare of thir thingis, he is vnworthy to bere the ordre for his wikkitnes. and rycht as god has gevin to the knycht pithe, hardynes, and hye curage, rycht sa has he gevin him pitee in hert, to haue merci of the pure that gretis on him; askand help and consort for traist that thai haue in thame of help. and thus suld a knycht haue gude sicht to the miserable persouns, gude eris to here thame, and gude mynde to think on thame, that pitously cryis apon him for help and confourt. and he that has nocht thir vertues, is nocht verray knicht, na suld nocht be comptit as ane of the ordere of knychthede. alsua, and the office of knichthede, that sa mekle is lufit and presit and honourit, war till derub and destroy the pore folk and all sik peaceable persouns, and till desaue wedowis, that has na defence bot god and the office of knychthede, and till mysgouerne in thair gudis and heritagis, and dissaue the faderles and moderles barnis, and all thing that war falsate, barate, wikkitnes and trechery, war poyntis of the said office, and the office war alsmekle honourit for euill dedis, and wickit lyfing, as it is now for gude dedis, thare suld ma press to tak the said ordre and office na thare dois now; ffor be cause that the ordre is founded apon lautee, curtaisy, liberalitee, lufe, and pitee, many of thame that beris the said ordre irkis tharof in the warld that now is. for the office of knychthede suld have stark place in gouernaunce, and he suld be wele horsit, and haue power of men to kepe the contree and the kingis wayis, all pilgrymes, trauailouris, merchandis, labouraris, and suld haue the jurisdictioun of justice in citeis and townis; and quhen nede war, to assemble the folk for the prouffit of the commountee; and quhen perilis war apperand in the landis, to byrn mysal housis, and destroye perilous passagis, ger hag woddis, and byg and mak reparacioun of euill biggit placis, castellis, and wallit townis and fortressis, and kepe and defend all gudely persouns; chastyse and punyse all misdoaris and wikkit cruell persouns; ffor and the contrary of thir gude poyntis war approprit to the ordre, than all gude gouernance wald faile, and na man wald be seur; ffor the office is foundit ay on gude and prouffitable werkis that ar spede full to the commoun prouffit, and to gaynstand all thame that settis thame for the distrublaunce of the pore peple, and hyndering of the commoun prouffit, and to put down euill and wikkit men, and to fauour, nurise, and manetene gude peple: ffor rycht as the hewing ax is ordanyt to cutt doun treis that hynderis labouragis of landis, and cartis and chariotis and merchandices to passe through the forestis, sa is the suerd of knychthede ordanyt to kutt away and destroye the wickkit vnworthy wedis and ronnis of thornis of euill men that lettis labouraris, merchandis, and traualouris to trauale throu the warld, quhilk is as a forest and wildernes quhen it is not wele redde; off the quhilk euill men suld be wedit out be knychtis, keparis of the lawe, that gude men mycht lyve in lee; and he that is a knycht, and dois nocht this, bot dois evyn the contrary, suld be tane be the prince, or be othir worthy, faithfull, and honourable knychtis, and put till dede; ffor quhen a knycht is a revare, or a thef, or a traytour or a murtherar, or a lollard, scismatike or heretike, or in syk termys opinly knawin and approuit, than is he vnworthy for to lyve, bot to be punyst in example of otheris that defoulis that maist noble and worthy ordre, and abusit it aganis the poyntis and the propereteis of the ordre; ffor it war better to syk a knycht to [gh]elde him selfe to justice to be punyst, with mortall punycion, na to lyve in sik misordinate lyf for to vndo himself, and otheris mony, quhilk lesse euill war that he war vndone allane, and lesse charge till his saule: ffor gif a knycht or a lord haue all thir forenamyt vicis in him or any part of thame, and wald punyse otheris, and will nocht punyse himself, that is nocht the rycht way of justice; ffor gude justice begynnis at it selfe, and syne at othir men, ffor grete lak is to reproue and correct otheris in that, that he is foulare smyttit him self; quhilk gif he will nocht do, othir knychtis suld do for honoure of thair ordre, till hald it euir in honoure and worschip, as wele efferis it to be. and all knychtis that fauouris syk cruell dedis, and gerris nocht punyse thame, thai ar foule in the dede as the doaris of thame; ffor syk men ar nocht verray knychtis, bot feigned beris the ordre, and dois nocht the office; ffor rycht as a knycht had a hurt in ane of his handis, that hurt is mare nere and dere, to the laue of his othir membris, na it is to me or ane othir man, and erar efferis till him to sett remede tharein. and rycht sa, gif a knycht mysgouernis him in syk kynde that he be othir thef, or traytour, revar, or murderar, it appertenis mare till othir knychtis to sett thare in remede, na it dois till otheris that ar na knychtis; ffor all knychtis ar, and suld be as a cors. and thare ffore, knychtis has mare wite of the mysgouernaunce of othir knychtis na ony othir man has, and mare dishonoure alssua na men that ar na knychtis; ffor it is thair default, sen the correctioun efferis to the order and to the office; ffor quhy, he is inymy to the ordre that sa gouernys: and than suld it wele effere to the order to punyse thair inymyes. quharefore, thou that art a knycht, and will correk otheris defaultis, correk thine awin faultis fyrst: ffor a traytour, thef, or revare knycht, he is alssua thef, traytour, and revare till his order that revis at the worschip and the honoure that appertenis till it, mare na to reve othir mennis gudis; ffor he that stelis or revis honour fra ony persone, bringis him hame schame and dishonoure and euill renoune; quhilkis honoure passis all richess. quhat difference is thare, to gude vnderstanding, till a traytour that betraisis his awin lord naturale, or his castell, or his wyf, or his douchter, or his eldest sone, or slais his counsale and murderis thame, or sik dedis dois, in regard of him that euer was lele and trewe in all thir thingis, and deis for his lord in bataill place. and alssua quhen a knycht defendis ane othir that is false and traytoure till his prince or his naturale lord, and will nocht thole him cum to justice, nor na punycione to be done apon him, he is were na he that did the dede: and the ordre of knychthede is dishonourit in his persone, that manetenis, and will nocht bring to justice a false traytour; and vnworthy war that he had justice in keping. ane othir poynt of the office of the knychthede is, to accuse traytouris aganis his prince, or otheris that it efferis, and till appelle thame of bataill, and feicht wyth thame: and office of traytour is, to deny his tresone, and hyde it, and cover it, quhill he may, and eschewe all prufis tharof; and thus ar the twa curagis wele contrarius togidder, that neuer curage of traytour mycht ourcum ane noble curage of a trew knycht; bot gif it be throw pride or surquidy, that is callit oure presumptuouse in himself: the quhilk god tholes quhilom be punyst in bataill place. bot the curage of a lele knycht, that for a lele cause debatis, may nocht be oure cummyn, bot gif it be for sum syn agaynis the ordre of knychthede: ffor gif a knycht wald reve fra the small peple the gude that god has gevin thame, and geve it till otheris that he aw nocht to, that war agayne the office of knychthede, to tak fra laware na himself outhir moble gudis or possessiouns, and hald it as heretage till him, nocht gevand, na restorand agayn; he may be lyknyt to the wolf that the lord gave the schepe to kepe to, as till a familyar faa; or he may be lyknyt till a fule lorde that left his faire wyf in keping till a [gh]ong traytour knycht; or he that left his stark castell and his gudis till a bitter cuvatous knycht, vntrew knycht; and thus is he mekle to wyte that gevis his castell, or his wyf, or his schepe, in syk gouernaunce; or how ane othir suld traist his gouernaunce in him that gouernis nocht wele himself? ffor thir ar thingis that men suld nocht put in misgouernaunce of fule men, his faire wyf, his castell, and his moble gudis; ffor commonly syk men that begylis thair lordis may neuer be reformyt na redressit till lautee, na till honour of knychthede. item, ane othir poynt of the office of knychthede is, to hald his armouris cleine and faire, and wele at poynt, and to se wele to the gouernaunce of his horse, and nocht to play thame at playes of dice, and of tabilles, and othir licht playis, quhilkis ar nocht contenyt in the poyntis of the ordre: ffor it is forbedyn in the lawis to mak ony ath contrary to the ordre of knychthede, na to the office; and he that puttis doune the principale thingis quhare with the ordre and office is haldyn at honoure and worschip, throw lycht playes or uthir wayis, he honouris nocht wele his ordre; ffor knycht in weris, but horse and harnais, is lytill presit; and sen it is sa, that god and man acordit in the poyntis of the ordre of knychthede that na false aythis suld be tharein, na in thame that gouernis the said ordre, suld than nane be. item, lordis na knychtis suld nocht brek the ath of mariage throw misordynate lechery, ffor that is a poynt that discordis with the poyntis of the ordre; ffor thare is thre gree of chastitee, the quhilkis all honourable persouns ar behaldin till, that is, ane in mariage, ane in wedowhede, and ane in maidynhede that is callit virginitee; of quhilk the haly writt biddis thame that may nocht lyve chaste, mary thame, and syne kepe thair maryage; ffor gif thai do nocht, and thai brek mariage, that brekis thair aithe to godwart, the quhilk is agayn the ordre and office of knychthede; ffor chastitee is vertu, and misordanyt lechery is vice: and thus sen all vertu folowis the ordre, and all vice discordis with it, it syttis wele that princis, lordis, and knychtis kepe honour in that poynt, and namely, nocht to forffet to thair mariage. item, justice and knychthede acordis togeder, and justice and mariage, bresing and othir disordinate lechery discordis with justice; and thus knychthede and disordanyt lechery discordis, as apperis be the lawis of haly kirk, quhilkis efferis prelatis to correct: and thus gif a prince, or a lord, or a knycht brekis mariage, he is mare to blame na ony of lawer degree; ffor the hyar degree the gretter fault, and mare to be punyst in all excessis of vertu. item, ane othir poynt of knychthede is, that a knycht suld be meke and full of clemence, and nocht prydy, na presumptuouse, na orguillouse; ffor oft tymes of pryde and orguille and presumpcione cummys injure and discensione; ffor orguille is contrary to justice, and inymy to concord; and tharfore, thare suld na knycht be hautayn, na feir, na prydefull, na presumptuouse, bot euer with mekenes, and clemence, and humilitee, be symple as a may amang peple, and in his inymyes presence be as lyone rampand; ffor quhat ever he be, that be full of pryde and presumptuousnes, amang vertuous men is repute nocht, for thai ar contrarius to pes and concorde, and pes and concorde ar contrarius to justice. and sa is pride aganis the poyntis of the ordre. and humilitee is the rute of the stedefastnes of knychthede; ffor schortly to say, knychthede acordis till all vertu and justice, and all thingis that ar contrariouse to virtu and justice ar contrariouse to the ordere and office of knychthede: ffor knychthede suld defend all injuris and wrangis, all pilleries, wrang, weris, and tribulaciouns, and suld hald the peple in all justice, equitee, veritee, and lautee, pes and debonairetee, and outsched the wikkit fra the gude peple pesable; quhilkis, gif thai do nocht, bot dois the contrarye in thair governaunce, thai ar contrarius to thair ordere, and worthy to be punyst. bot thare is nane that all knawis, na all may punyse, bot the emperoure, the quhilk ordanyt knychthede spirituale, to kepe justice, ordinare, be reugle vertuouse, in pes and concorde, and justice rigorouse, that is, the ordre of knychthede, quhilk suld on force compell euill men, and of wikkit lyf, to desist and cesse fra thair wikkitnesse, and punyse thame tharfore: and thus is thare knychtis of pes and concorde amorouse, and be reugle of justice, to mak gud reugle and gracious concorde and gouernaunce in the peple; and alssua knychtis of the justice rigorouse, ordanyt to compelle be fors of armes all tyrannis, traytouris, and all othir mysdoaris, and cruell tormentouris of the haly labouraris, kirk men, merchandis, and traualouris, to cesse and desist fra thair wikkitnesse. the quhilkis knychtis suld be full of vertues, and gude lyf, to geue otheris ensample. [decoration] quartum capitulum. here spekis the doctoure of the examinacioun of the squyer, whilk suld enter in the order newly of knychthede. sayand, that he suld be first examynyt be ane alde knycht that knewe and lufit wele the said order atoure all thing, next to god: ffor thare is mony princis that rekkis nocht quhat maner of condicioune na of lyf his knichtis be, sa that he haue grete nomber of knychtis in his company. bot it suld nocht be sa: ffor knychthede takis na hede to multitude bot to noblesse of cheualrye, and of curage, and of gude thewis, that we haue before spokyn of; and tharefore, gif he that is examynour lufys better multitude, na noblesse of curage and of vertu, he is nocht worthy to be examynoure of squyeris, bot suld be reprovit and punyst be the prince of knychthede, of his defoulyng of the order of knychthede: and first and foremast it suld be sperit, gif he trowis, lufis, and doubtis god? but quhilk poynt is na man worthy till nane order of noblesse. item, gif he dredis the defaultis to do, that dishonouris the order? and thus squier, but lufe and but drede to do mys, is unworthy to the ordre. and gif he takis it agayne thir propereteis and condiciouns, he wenis he takis honour till him, bot he takis dishonour; ffor a squyer but noblesse is nocht worthy to sa hye honour, as to the worthy honour of knychthede; na [gh]it in the weris of his prince or otheris, but horse, armouris, and sik men, ar nocht habil to wyn honour in armes, ffor men may nocht mare cruelly destroye the noble order of knychthede, na till haue ane vnworthy examynoure of the squier that suld enter in the said ordre; ffor gif he admytt to the ordre a man of vnworthy curage, that is destructione of the ordre; and suld a squier examyne himself first, and think on the mony noble propereteis and condiciouns of the ordre, to think in him self gif he war worthy, or he put him to the examnacioune. rycht as scholaris examynit to be prestis or greid in scholis, suld nocht sett thame thar fore, bot thai fand thame worthy tharfore, ffor dout thai war repellit, or ellis defoulit thair greis; rycht sa suld bachelere squieris in the examinacioune of the order of knychthede, ffor he suld nocht alssua ask the ordre that he wald eftir deffoule be his euill thewis. and alssua lordis that ar sa informyt, that thai will mak sik men knychtis, thai do aganis the poyntis of the ordre, and chargis thair consciences; ffor men knawis nocht noblesse of curage in fair wordis, bot in worthy werkis: na nocht in faire clething, ffor oft tymes vnder a faire habyte may be a full false hert, full of barate, trechery, and traysoune; na he takis him nocht be his faire harnais, na his faire horse, na othir faire habilliamentis; ffor oft tymes vnder syk faire habilliament ar nocht the best men of armes, and worthiast in vertues. quharfore, gif thou will wale worthyast and maist noble man of curage, thou seke him be thir takenis, that is, for to say, justice, and temperance, force and prudence, ffayth, esperaunce that is gude hope, and cheritee, and leautee; and be thir takenis, thou sall knawe the nobless of curage; be the quhilkis vertues, the noble hert defendis it fra the inymyes of knychthede; quhilkis ar falsehede, trechery, traysone, thift and murder, and syk lyke thingis. item, our [gh]ong men suld nocht be maid knychtis, bot gif thai had gude tutouris and curatouris, for dout of misgouernaunce of the ordre for fault of knaulage; ffor quhen a childe is made knycht, he thinkis nocht on the poyntis of the ordre that he sueris to kepe. and gif the squiere that is ressauit be the examynouris to be knycht and admyttit, be a rekles man and a wikkit, and of vile condiciouns, he dois grete wrang to the ordre that he beris, and till himself too; ffor and he be vencust in barrier, or he be cowart or full of wikkit vicis, as fleand fra battaillis, revand or steland, he sall neuer haue honour na prouffit of his ordre: ffor rycht as it honouris the honourable, it dishonouris the dishonourable. bot of all thing, a knycht suld kepe him in all vertu to hald the mydwart, for ay the mydwart is vertu, sa is the extremitee vice; and thus a knycht suld be of resonable gude age, that he knaw the propereteis and poyntis that he aw till haue, that he nouthir excede, na be our lache in his dede. item, it suld be sperit at him, quhat is the cause that he takis the ordre for? quhethir for fairnes of corssage; or for hardinesse of curage; or for richesse, that he may be proudly cled; or for pryde, that he may take mare state na his falowis that now is; or for that he is wele horsit and enarmyt; or for to be a myrour in his lignie, that nane is sa worthy as he to be knycht. item, men may mak knychtis of pure mennis sonis, and thai haue gude, evin in frendschip of lordschip; and with that, that thai haue the vertues foresaid. bot and a knycht or a lord mak ane vnworthy creature knycht, he puttis his honour in dangere, that disprisis and dishonouris the noble ordre of knychthede, and makis his awin honour mare law na it was; for the fylth and the wrechit vnhonestee, that he has lychtlyit the said ordre. for be rycht resone of worthynesse and noblesse of the ordre, thare may nocht, na suld nocht na villaine curage cum be gude, evin to the said ordre; ffor that war be gude resone vndoyng of the said noble ordre, that is ordanyt bot for noblesse and gentillesse of curage and gude vertues, as foresaid is, and gude thewis: for hye parage and ancien honour ar the first poyntis of the rute of knychthede, that is cummyn fra alde ancestry, and syne worthy persouns with worschipfull condiciouns and propereteis, personale of the knycht him self, makis mariage betuix worschipfull vertues in hye parage and knychthede, quhilk aw nocht to lycht bot in noblesse; and tharfore, and a lord marry nocht hye parage and knychthede togeder, he is contrarius to noblesse and to knychthede, and to knychthede bathe. bot a lord may put of his powere forssably agayn the noble lordis and knychtis willis, a man in the ordre that is nocht worthy: bot he may nocht vndo that he has done, ffor suppose that he haue power to mak a knycht, he has na power to vnmak him, sa mekle is the vertue of knychthede; ffor na man but grete cause, and juge with princis powar, may tak honour away quhare it is anys gevin. than be resone, it aucht nocht to be that prince nor knycht mak na knycht of ane unworthy persone, na of villaine lignage. ffor wald men understand that alsmekle is nature honourit, as for corporale nature, in tree and beste as in man; bot as for nature spirituale, man is mare honourde. bot be the noblesse of the spiritualitee of the saule resounable, that accordis with angelis of hevin, thare is grete difference; and sen noblesse of curage suld be in all knycht, it may stand that a man of a new sprongyn lygnye, that be honourable and worthy in all gentrise, mycht be convenable and worthy to the ordre, sa that the vertues condiciouns and propereteis of noblesse of curage acord ther till. bot this opynione is vntrewe and vnworthy, ffor and that mycht be, it war mare lyke that the ordour of knychthede suld better or alswele accorde to the propereteis corporalis, and personalis, as spiritualis: the quhilk is false, ffor knycht gaynis nocht bot for hye parage and noblesse, with the seven vertues before namyt be the doctour, as force, prudence, justice, and temperance, with faith, gude hope, and charitee, with leautee that efferis to knychthede. item, the examynour suld spere of the squieris condiciounis, and maneris, and gude vertues, and thewis, amang the peple; and quhat documentis and techingis thai ar of; ffor the fault of gude documentis and techingis gerris vnworthy men be reboytit and repellit fra the examinacione of the inquisitouris, that thai cum nocht to that noble ordre: ffor worthy examynouris will admytt nane, bot worthy: ffor grete foly war to put in the ordre thame that efterwart suld be repellit for their misgouernaunce; and forthy suld the knycht, that is the inquissitour, seke wele the poyntis of noblesse and of valour, and of the vertuouse propereteis and gude thewis of the squyer that suld be knycht; and quhy, and for quhat cause, he will tak the ordre; and quhethir it be for meritable cause till implye him for the haly kirk, the cristyn faith, and for the commone prouffit, for the peace, and for all peceable persouns; or he takis the ordre for pryde or couatise, or for to be honourit, or for vane glore, or to wyn richesse thareby, quhilk, gif he may persaue that his entencione cummys of ane vnworthy cause, admytt him neuer: ffor rycht as homycide, symony, usure, and scismatyke condicioune, repellis clerkis fra benefice and honoure, and all dignitee; in lyke cas suld thir faultis before namyt repelle a squyere fra the noble ordre of knychthede, that suld haue nane affinitee bot till noblesse of corage, as said is; ffor and men wald wele knaw and consider the grete chargis and dewiteis that folowis the said ordre, with saule perile, and worschip oft in were, thay sald stand grete aw to tak that noble ordre, mare na to be outhir monk, or frere, or othir religiouse of the hardest ordre that is; ffor traistis wele, that grete honour beris ay grete charge, and gretter disese it is, to fall fra grete honoure agayne that anys a man has bene at, na euir it was joy, to be thareat: _quia non est tanti gaudii excelsa tenere, quanti est meroris de excelso cadere_. and tharfore knycht suld mare dout honour na dede, and schamefulnes suld mare chastise a worthy knycht, and geve him a hardar passione; and it suld happin him, na suld outhir hunger or thrist, or hete or calde, or ony disese that he mycht haue; and namely, grete princis and lordis sonis suld think grete schame to wyn ane euill name for lak of thair condiciouns in thair [gh]outhede, gif thai thocht euer to cum to the worthy and worschipful ordre of noblesse that knychthede is callit; ffor thai may wele traist that the name that thai wyn in thair [gh]ong age remaynis with thame for euermare: and than is it grete auenture, and euer thai be worthy to ressaue that ordre, quhen the examynouris knawis thair condiciounis; and tharfore, all syk perilis suld be schawin to the squier or he sett him to cum to the examynyng. cheualry may nocht be vp haldyn but grete costis, and als expensis on horse, harnais, mete, and men, and othir necessair thingis that till it appertenis; and tharfore, thare suld na man, supposs he war worthy, desyre to tak the ordre bot he war a lorde, or that he had lord to mynister him all his necessiteis, and hald his honour abufe in tyme of weris; ffor ellis, in default of horse, harnais, and othir necessiteis, euill sett knychtis, quhen thai wantt, assemblis syk euill men as thame selff, and gerris mony ruggaris and revaris, and othir wikkit men, destroy the commouns, and distrouble the realme, and makis mekle wrang to be done in thaire default. item, men countrefait in thair persone, na oure grete growin men, na men oure fat, or that has euill disposicione, or euill sekenes in thair body; ffor it war lak to the makare to mak men knychtis that war nocht hable till armes, and to do vailliaunce in tyme of weris; ffor the nobilnesse of the ordre is sa worschipfull, that it sufferis na man that has mahaigne, na demembrit, na othir wayis manket in corssage, visage, na membris--be he neuer sa riche--to be admyttit to the said maist noble ordre, the quhilk excludis vttraly all ignobilitee and vilitee. item, the inquisitoure examynour suld mak inquest at the squyar gif euer he did ony grete excessiue syn, as tresoune, or scisme, sorcery, or wichecraft, or grete murderis, or syk lyke thingis; the quhilk, suppose he prise thame lytill, may lett him to ressaue the noble ordre, in company to be falowe to the worthy cheualrye: na [gh]it na vane glorius squyare suld be na knycht, ffor vane glore tynis the meritis of all gude vertues. na he suld nocht be a gabusoure, na a flaitour squyare, that suld enter in the said ordre; na [gh]it hautane, na fiere in pride, na orguillouse squyere suld nocht enter in knychthede; and namely outrageus in word, and sclanderouse bakbytare, suld nocht enter in the ordre; na commone leare, na commone viciouse hurdomare hasartour, commoune tauernouris full of sleuthe, barganouris, commouns glotouns, kid and knawin for syk, dronkynsum, manesuorne, and all outrageus commoun vicius men, ar nocht to be ressauit to the ordre of knychthede, bot suld be repellit be the examynouris of the ordre: and thus sald nane be ressauit to the ordre bot nobles of parage, vertuouse, honest, and of worthy curage; and in all this suld squyer be inquerit, or he be knycht. [decoration] quintum capitulum. here declaris the doctour in quhat fassone and maner suld a squyer that wald be knycht, ressaue the ordre of knychthede. and as to that, the squyer quhen he is examynyt and admyttit, he suld schriue him clene of all synnys and defautis that he may think on, that euer he maid aganis god, and his magestee; and tak his sacrament, sayand "in the name of thee, and in entencione to serue thee, and honour thee, my souerane lord god, and thy dere moder mary, and all thy haly sanctis of paradise, i tak this day this worthy ordre." and this suld be done be prince or lord in a grete feste, as zule, pasche, or witsonday, or all halowmesse, ffor the mare honourable assemble is maid thay dayes na in otheris: and than suld the squyere fast the fest evin, and wake all that nycht in prayeris of grace asking, and otheris als suld pray for him, to geve him grace, worthily to ressaue and kepe, and worthily gouerne the said ordre, at the plesaunce of god, and the haly court of hevin: and on the day before, he suld pas to the kirk, in his best array as efferis and custum of the countree is, thair to be in prayeris, and to here a preching, or a proposicione langand the said mater; na he suld nouthir here na speke viciouse speche, na trompouris, na janglouris, for that is lak to the ordre: and on the morne eftir, quhen he is arayed in habyte of knychtis wede, thare mon be grathit a solempne messe with note, and in the tyme of the offeratore, he sal cum before the altare and offer: and syne sall he mak ane athe to the ordre till honoure it eftir his powere, in the honour of almychtj god, prince of all chevalrye; and thare in present place, suld thare be maid a faire sermone, declarand the poyntis of the christyn faith, acordand thame togeder with the poyntis of the ordre of knychthede. to the quhilkis poyntis of acordans the squyre suld take gude tent, and knaw thame all, and hald thame prentit in his hert percure, with all the vij. sacramentis, the x. commandmentis, the xij. articles of the treuth, and to kepe him fra the vij. dedely [synnis]. to all the quhilkis poyntis of the faith, to kepe and honoure and fulfill at his powere, incontynent that he haue tane the said ordre at the honoure and reuerence of god, and thareto suld mak his speciale prayeris for all, the tyme of the messe: and fra thyne furth for all his lyf dais. and quhen the preching is done, than sall cum furth the prince or lord that suld mak him knycht; the quhilk aw of dett to be knycht or he mak ony knychtis: rycht as nane may mak preste bot he be preste, sa may nane mak knycht bot first he be maid knycht, saiffand the pape: ffor how may he geve that he has nocht? ffor herbes and bestis may geve thair nature ilkane till othir, to mak thair nature perpetuall; bot sa may nocht knychtis be maid, bot first the makare be possessit of his gift, and of his ordre: ffor gif ony lord wald geve the ordre and nocht haue it, or vnworthily geve it othir wayis na the ordre requeiris, he dois grete dishonour to the ordre. and thai that takis the said ordre of thame that has na powere vnworthily, thai haue na grace in the ordre to do wele, na prouffit to thame na otheris; and thus is the squyere begylit, and dissauit of his ordre, and all cheualrye sclanderit. and than suld the squier hald vp his handis to the hevyn, and his eyne to the hicht, and his hert to god, syttand on his kneis, and thare suld the prince haue the suerd redy of honour, gylt with gold, and belt it about his sydis, in takenyng of chastitee, justice, and cheritee, and thare the knycht suld outhir geve him a strake with his hand, or with a drawin suerd, in the nek, to think on the poyntis and defend his dewiteis. and syne suld he outhir kys him in the mouth, or ellis kys the croce of the suerd, and geve it him, and ger him kis it agayne, and sa put it in the scalbourd, and bid him think on his athe, ande charge that he has vndertane, and the honour that he suld manetene. and efter that all the seruice of god be done, the new maid knycht suld ryde on ane coursere out throw the citee, or toune, and schaw him to the peple, sa that thai may knaw him for a knycht, defendour of haly kirk and commone prouffit, and halder of lawe and justice, and mayntenour of the peple, that quhasa has ado thai suld draw till him for help; and that he suld haue mare raddour and drede to do mys, or oucht that suld be agayne the lawe euer mare in tyme to cum, and to saif the honour and the worschip of his noble ordre; ffor raddour, drede, and schamefulnes is hye grace till all persouns that has honour to kepe. and in that day suld thare be grete festyng, justyng, and tournaymentis, with other actis, as lissis and behurdis, geue grete giftis, and mak grete solempnitee in the honoure of god and the grete feste, and that herauldis and kingis of armes and menstralis war rewardit. and than suld the prince rewarde the new knycht with landis, lordschippis, or othir worthy giftis and gouernementis, till eke his estate and help to manetene the honoure of the ordre. and thus suld giftis be gevin bathe till him, and be him till otheris; ffor the ordre requeris giftis to be gevin in daly placis; for honoure and worschip of lordis of estate may nocht be kepit, bot quhare giftis ar gevin, and noble actis of honour excersit: ffor quhare honoure is nocht kepit, ordere gais bakwart. [decoration] sextum capitulum. here spekis the doctoure of the significatioune of the armes of the order of knychthede. now declaris the doctour, that as the preste quhilk in the mess sayand has syndry habitis and habilliamentis, quhilkis ilkane has a syndry significacione, as is acordand to thair office and order, and that office of preste and office of knycht has sa grete affinitee and alliaunce togeder; ffor quhy? that rycht as office of preste has certane thingis that pertenis to the ordre; and ilkane has a certane significacione, sa has the ordre of knychthede: ffor ilk thing pertenand till his order has a certane significacioune, be the quhilkis is signifyit the noblesse of the order of knychthede. and first and formast, thare is to the knycht gevin a suerd with a crossit hilt, that signifyis that rycht as our lord jhesu crist vencust in the croce the inymy of mannis lygnage, to the quhilk he was dempt throu the syn of adam, oure first fader, that rycht sa suld a knycht vencuse the fais of the croce throu the suerd; ffor the suerd is ordanyt to do justice with; and tharefore is it maid with twa egeis, in takenyng that he suld manetene and defend bathe temporalitee and spiritualitee with the double scherand suerd. item, to the knycht is gevin a spere quhilk is evin, and betakenis rychtwisenesse and veritee; ffor as the spere is evin, and rycht sa suld he be bathe evynlyk and rychtwise, and manetene and defend lautee and equitee, in contrary of falshede and trecherye; and the scharp hard stelin poynt of the spere hede betakenis, that suppose falsehede be neuer sa wele armyt, [gh]it will lautee pas throu him, and vencuse him. and be the pennone on the spere end, it schawis that veritee hydis him nocht, bot schawis him to falsehede, sayand ay, quhen it movis, lo me here veritee, that has na drede of falsehede, na trecherye; and veritee is the foundement of esperaunce that is gude hope, and of all othir thingis that ar signifyit be the spere. item, chapellat of stele alssua is gevin to the knycht, in takenyng of drede of schame and repruf; ffor a knycht suld be schamefull as a maydin dredand repruf: ffor knycht or woman, but drede of schame, may nocht kepe honour langsumly, na be obedient to thair ordre: ffor rycht, as drede and schamefulnes, gerris a persone cast doune the hede, and luke to the erde, sa dois the stelin hat the knycht cast doune his eyne; and rycht as the stelyn hat kepis the knychtis hede, quhilk is the hyast membre, and maist principale of his persone, sa kepis drede of schame the knychtis honour, that is the hyast poynt of his ordre, and maist principale poynt of all. the quhilk drede of schame suld haue in it fyve wittis to kepe, that throu nane of thai suld dishonour cum, and that the noblesse of his curage suld defend thai fyve wittis, that neuer throu thame euill na wikkitnesse cum. item, haubergeone is gevin to the knycht, in takenyng of castell, to kepe him fra his inymyes, that is, euill vicis; ffor rycht as a castell is wallit all about with stanis togedir junyt, to kepe knycht fra his fais, rycht sa is the haubert to kepe him rycht sa fra his fais that ar vicis and defaultis, till his maist noble ordre of knychthede, the quhilk is maid of mony syndry pecis as of maillis. item, leg-harnais is gevin the knycht, that his leggis and fete were seker to passe in the wayes and stretis, and kepe thame, that na robbouris, na thevis, na murderaris, vmbesett the wayes to reve na strouble lele merchandis, na labouraris, men of kirk, na pilgrimys, that passis in the contree for the commone prouffit of the realme: and in sik keping he suld be garnyst in his armouris and his wapnis, that he mycht do scathe and tak nane. item, thare is gevin him maisse, that is to say pollax, in takenyng that he is officere ryale; and that gif ony man disobeyis till his wand, that he lay that maisse on thame to hald the kingis rychtis on fut. alssua, spuris ar gevin him, in signifiaunce that rycht as spuris spedis the horse to ryn fast, and besy in tyme of nede, quhen his inymyes cummys nere, rycht sa suld knycht in tyme of nede be besy quhen the king or his contree is ouresett with lourdanis and revaris or traytouris or other wikkit misdoaris, sa that he slepe nocht his time, bot be besy and diligent in the commone prouffit. of the suerd we haue spoken of before, in quhat takenyng and significacioune it is gevin. item, the quhip is gevyn to the knycht in his hand, quhen he is on horse, to that significacione, that he suld stand aw and be obedient till his lord; ffor disobeisaunce vndois the knycht and brekis his ordre, that all his ofspring will forthink: as for the inobedience of adam, all his ofspring was punyst. item, gorgelin is gevin him, in takenyng that thare suld nouthir enter na isse throu his gorge thing that suld be villanie, na lak thing to the honour of the ordre; as to be at bidding of his lord, but disobeysaunce, and but murmur do his lordis commandementis; and nouther do, na consent, to tresone or guille, barate, na trechery, vnleautee, na othir vice, that may cum throu word na thocht be the gorge outwart; na excesse of glutony, drunkynnesse, na othir mystemperaunce throu the gorge inwart. and thus the gorgelyn suld kepe the knychtis gorge. item, masse is gevin him, that betakenis strenth and force of curage, the quhilk masse is lyknyt till a false sterap, quhilk strykis on all sydis, apon all kynde of harnais; sa dois force of curage, it strykis on all sydis, and defendis the honour of knichthede agayne all vicis, and enforcis vertues. item, thare is gevin to the knycht his lytill schort suerd, that sum callis misericorde, in signifyand that quhen he has implyde his spere, his lang suerde, his polax, his false sterap, and his falow be sa nere him that he may nocht help himself with nane of thay, than it is gude at schort strakis; and it is callit outher schort suerd or misericord; ffor cause that a knycht suld nocht all traist in his armoure na wapnis, bot in his awin vertu, and in him that maid him, and in his mercj; and traist that throu his help, quhen all wapnis are faillit, that he sall saue his honour and bring him fra the perile of dede and dishonour. item, schelde or targe is gevin to the knycht in signifiaunce that as office of schelde is to be the targe betuix the knycht and the strakis, sa suld the knycht be betuix the prince or his lorde and the strakis; as the schelde ressauis the strakis before the knycht, sa suld the knycht before his lorde, kepe strakis fra him. and as schelde is couplit to the knychtis brest, thare his hert is, sa suld the knycht be till his lord bound in lautee as till his awin hert, and is a myd moyen betuix him and his peple. gloues of plate ar gevyn to the knycht in takenyng, that as thai kepe his handis fra strakis and woundis and manglyng, throu the quhilkis the body mycht be tynt, sa suld he kepe his handis, that he give na faith, na athe, na mak nane condicioune na obligacioune agayn his lord, ffor than war he vndone; and as knycht liftis his wapnis mare seurely and traistly, that his handis ar enarmyt, sa suld he list mare seurely to god almichtj, that he be enarmyt, that his handis wirk na misgouernaunce in taking of wrangwise gudis; na strykyng of vnlefull personis; na making of vnlefull condiciouns, and vnlefull touchingis; na put his handis in vnlefull placis. the sadill that he rydis in, betakenis sekernes, that he be nocht lychtly put by his purpose, sa kepis the sadill him, that he be nocht lichtly put fra his hors; ffor quhen he war doune strykyn than war his honour lawe. and rycht as he is ferme and seker in his sete, sa suld he be ferme and seker in his curage, in justice, lautee, noblesse, veritee, and charitee; ffor throw seuretee of a gude hardy knycht mony gude dedis ar done, throu gude hardy men of armes, and mony cowartis ar declarit, quhen hardy men ar approuit, vantouris and vayn glorious men, that dar nocht be sene quhare the hardy and worthy knychtis apperis in worthynes in bataill place, and thare fortune enforsis hardynesse. and as the sadill, with the grathe that langis it, haldis him ferme, that he movis nocht for na strake of spere of inymy, sa suld forse of curage kepe him, that he move neuer again gude faith na resone, and bow nocht with vice agayn vertu. and as the hors beris grete charge of the armyt knycht, and sadill and harnais, sa beris the knycht, be vertu of his ordre, grete charge, the quhilk he suld nocht lychtly be movit fra. and as he is sett apon a hie sadill, aboue a hye coursour, sa suld his curage be hye to defend the rycht, and manetene the poyntis of his maist hye and noble temporale ordre. and tharfore is courser gevin him or destrere, to betakyn noblesse and hicht of curage, that knycht suld haue aboue all othir peple, sen he has bathe maist hye and noble order, and syne maist noble habilliament of armoure, and syne maist hye and noble hors; sa sulde he haue maist hye and noble curage, with force to passe all otheris in vailliaunce of armes and honoure, and to be sene aboue all his men, and mare fere of, sa that men that had nede of his help suld se him of fere, to draw till him for help. item, his coursere or destryere has bridill gevin till him, with irne bytt in the mouth, and reynis in the knychtis hand, sa that the knycht may refreyne the hors, that he pas nocht away with him. and that iryn bitt in mouth betakenis, that he suld refren[gh]e his mouth fra bathe euill viciouse speche and euill thouchtis. and be the reynis is betakenit, that he suld hald his handis undefoulit, or fylit with oure vilaynouse dedis, or that he be oure large to geve till othir that he haue nede him self, and that he be nocht sa lycht of striking with his handis that thare be na discrecione in his dedis, and that be thai reynis he suld be led with pure folk that war nede bestad of help, quhare thane nedis war to trauaile to help thame; and that he war nocht oure narow na nedy that he had lak tharethrou, nocht to spare his gude and spend his honour; and that he be of handis hardy to defend him fra his fa; and doubte na thing, ffor oure grete doubte makkis knychtis to haue lathe curage. item, the horse-hede is bundyn with ane hede-stell of the bridill, in that kynde that he suld do na thing, but be ordynaunce of the knycht, that efferis till course of armes: and bot be resone; and the hede of the horse gais before, and is bundyn to do resoune, sa suld the resone ga before all dede of armes, and other actis honourable that he dois. and as his hede-stele byndis his hede to resone, sa dois resone the knycht, and kepis his worschip. alsua, the knychtis hors is enournyt with harnais before and behynd, on his body, sa efferis it to knychtis to be honourably enournyt with honourable clething, and alsa with vertues honourable. and because that sum horse ar enarmyt with sik harneis as efferis to defend thair corps fra harmes, sa suld knycht be enarmyt with richessis of temporale gudis, or ellis he may nocht gudely do his worschip, nouthir in pes na in were, and oft tymes gerris mony reueryes and wrang wynnyngis be: for clerkis sais, _quod propter inopiam multi deliquerunt, etc._ item, jakkis war ordanit to knychtis, thai tymes of [gh]eris that war of grete solempnitee, of sylk aboue all thair harnais, that signifyit grete trauailis that effeiris till him to do; ffor rycht as the jakkis ar aboue the hauberkis, and ordanyt nerest bathe wynd and rayn, and othir stormys, sa suld a knycht for the peple susteyne all stormes and trauailis for thame, sa that all mysterfull and peceable persones that had myster, suld, throu him, haue reconfourt and refuge at nede, for the honoure of noble that ordanyt that noble order, for that cause to be a protectour and ane aduocate of all poore, miserable, and peceable persones: the quhilkis be the noblesse and the creacione of the ordre, he is ordanyt to defend, manetene, and hald in thair richtis, quhen thai haue mister, and thai be requerit: quhilkis knychtis suld erar expone thame outhir to be dede, or presonare, or woundit sare, or he left thame but help that ar vnder thaire cure and saufgarde: be the quhilkis poyntis of the ordre, men may se that knychtis, be vertu of thair ordre, has a grete charge, quhat of justice halding, quhat of thair landis gouernyng, and of thair peple maynteyning, and of thai peceable persones defending, as ar kyrk men, and maidnis fra forse and ravisyng, wedowis, and faderles and moderles barnis fra supprising, labouraris, merchandis, and traualouris fra distroubling, and all peceable persones fra fors and wrangwise vexacione. eftir this, takyn of armes to bere is gevin the knycht in his schelde, or in his cote of armes, or othir wayis, sa that he be knawin and kend in bataill be otheris; sa that gif he dois wele he suld have honoure and worschip, and gif he dois evill he suld haue dishonoure and disworchip, and sik as efferis till ane inymy of the ordre of knychthede: for gif he be vailliaunt and hardy in bataill; or he be feigned, slak, and cowart, and flee fra his lorde in bataill. item, baneris ar gevyn, bot that is bot to kingis, and princis, erllis, dukkis, marquis, vavassouris, barones, and knychtis banneroll; and thus quhen a baroun banneroll has mony knychtis vnder him, thai aw to diffend thaire lordis landis, and his lyf, and his honoure: ffor the honoure of knychthede standis in that, that he be lufit, lovit, prisit, honourit, and doubtit, with the prince, lordis, and peple of the realme; ffor the honoure of lordis and princis standis in the pluralitee of mony worschipfull and honourable knychtis: and as knychtis of honoure ar honourde with princis, lordis, and peple, for hardynesse, noble curage, vertu, and worthynesse, that thai haue wonyn with thair princis, lordis, and maisteris honoure in thair [gh]outhede; rycht sa ar vnworthi cowartis, full of tresone and falsehede, barate and trechery, and othir viciouse lyf, suld be haldyn as dishonourit, and vnworthy to be amang thame that ar honourable in the said order, and mare to be blamyt na othir lawlyar folk, suppose thai had done mys. [decoration] septimum capitulum. here speris the doctoure of gude custumes that efferis to knychthede. and, first, he sais that noblesse of curage has chosyn knychtis of honour to be aboue the small peple, and the small peple to be at thair seruice and gouernement. than suld noblesse and gude custumes be intill all noble knychtis, be vertu of thair ordre; ffor noblesse of knychthede cummys neuer to man of gude evin rychtwisely na honourably, bot it be throu noblesse of curage; ffor but noblesse of curage it may neuer cum to that hie degree of honoure, and but electioun of vertu, and gude custumes and thewis; and thus on nede force it behufis the knycht, or he cum to that hye worschip and estate, worthily but vsurpacione, that he be knawin full of gude vertues, gude custumes, and gude thewis in gouernance. and fyrst and formast, all knycht or he tak ordre suld knaw all the seven vertues, and thair branchis; that is to say, the four vertues cardinale, and the thre vertues theological. the thre theological is faith, gude hope, and cheretee, as we have before touchit. the four cardinale vertues ar justice, temperance, fors, and prudence. and first and formast, a knycht bot he be of gude faith, all is for nocht that he dois; ffor he may neuer haue othir vertewe na gude custumes; ffor but faith all is bot syn that euer man dois: ffor be faith men has all gude knawlage and vnderstanding of god and his haly sanctis; and but faith man is wer na nocht; ffor be oure faith we haue sight spirituale of hevin and hell, and all goddis workis, visibilis and invisibilis. and be faith men has esperaunce, cheritee, and leautee, and ar servitouris to veritee, and fault of faith myssaris all thir thingis. knychtis be gude ancien custumes was wont to ga in the haly land, to defend and manetene the cristyn faith, fechtand agains the inymyes of the croce, and was marterit: but full few now dois that. alsua, be vertu of fayth and gude custumes, knychtis defendis the clerkis and kirkmen fra wikkit tyrane men, the quhilk aganis the faith, and for default of faith schapis thame to derob and ourethraw bathe clerkis and kirkmen, for thair tyranny and wikkitnes. item, esperaunce is a noble vertu, be the quhilk knychtis traistis to haue the victory in battail and in feicht. clerkis be esperaunce traistis to haue the joy of hevyn, and be thair teching gerris vs trow rycht sa: but the quhilk esperaunce, that is gude hope, we war all forlorne. thairfore esperaunce sittis well as in a knycht, ffor be esperaunce he has mare traist in god, na in his horse, harnais, and menze; throu esperaunce the curage of knychtis is reinforssit, and the curage of cowartis ouresett. gude hope gerris the knycht oursett grete trauailis, and hard fortunes, in hope of better ay. alssua esperaunce gevis knychtis curage to kepe and defend citeis, castellis, and wallit townis on small evyn, and thole bathe hungir, thrist and waking, and mony grete strakis, oft tyme. and war nocht esperaunce of gude hope knychtis had neuer honour, ffor it is the principale instrument that gouernis knychthede in honoure. item, knycht but cheritee may neuer be but crueltee and euill will, quhilkis concordis neuer with the honour of knychthede; and thus mon cheritee be chief in a knycht; ffor throu cheritee man lufis his god atoure all thing, and, as himself his nychtbour: but the quhilk poynt is na man may be perfyte cristyn man. item, a knycht suld haue in him grete pitee of all pure folk maleesy persones, and of pure prysonaris quhen he has the maistry of thame, and till haue mercy of thame for resonable finaunce; and throu cheritee men has pitee, but the quhilk charitee na knycht mycht sustene the grete charge of knychthede; ffor as horse but fete may nocht bere grete chargis, sa may nocht knychthede, but cheritee: the quhilk cheritee makis hevy birding lycht to bere, and grete charge soft, bathe for the vphald of honour of knychthede, and meryt of the saule behufe. item, justice is till all knychtis nedefull, ffor knycht but justice is but honoure; for justice and knychthede is sa wele acordaunt that knycht but justice is a body but saule, for but justice may na knychthede be; ffor knycht injurius is inymy of justice, and castis him self out of the ordre, the quhilk reuys him and dispisis him in that cas. item, prudence is a vertue als, that knychthede may nocht be but; ffor prudence is a knawlage that man has of all thing, bathe gude and euill, throu the quhilk he is maid inymy to euill, and frende till all gudenes; and alsa be prudence man has knawlage of the thing that is for to cum, and that be the notice of the present tyme, as he seis the warld gais: item, prudence can with cautelis and subtiliteis, a man can, as be the apperaunce of the thingis that he seis, eschewe perilis that ar to cum, and mend ane euill fortune apperand be vertynasse, bathe corporalis and spiritualis. and thus knaw thai all tymes that is, and wes, and sal be, and puttis gouernaunce till all as efferis. the commone proufit, and the prince, ar mekle behaldin to the worthy knychtis, for the mony perilis that thai expose thaim in for it: and thus is prudence ane of the maist nedefull poyntis that may be for knychtis; worschipfull custume is in knycht in tyme of necessitee to request of party to arme him, and defend the commone prouffit. bot mekle mare is it honourable custume to knychtis till vse resoun in all his dedis, and gude will and wele sett, that is the glore of knychthede; ffor oft tymes bataillis ar mare wonnyn be grace, na be force, and be wit and subtilitee na be multitude of armyt company, as sais macabeus to the peple of israel, quhen he sawe his inymyes cum on him sex tymes ma na he; "ha! ha! dere brethir, reconfort [gh]ow, and makis gude chere, and traistis wele that god sall help vs in this houre, ffor traist nocht that grete multitude makis grete victory, bot mekle erare, grete confusione; ffor sa grete multitude mycht nocht be gouernyt togeder, ffor thay may nocht wit in the tane end, quhat the tothir dois; and a lytill misreugle or affray makis all to flee, etc.:" and gert his peple put thame in gude estate, and prayde to god to help thame. and thus was the bataill wonnyn throu his wit and counsaile, and confourt quhilk come of grete prudence and grace. and thus suld all gude princis and lordis that wald haue thaire barnis worthy and wyse men, and hable to the ordre foresaid: thai suld ger doctryne thame, instruct thame, and teche thame first in thir virtues before namyt, and specially till vse resone and justice, and gude vnderstanding of wit, and that prudence teche thame to be a frende till all gudelynes, and inymy till all wikkitnes, ffor be thai vertues, the vertew of prudence junys him with knychthede, and dois it mekle honoure. item, force is a grete vertu in all noble actis, and specialy agayn the seven dedely synnis, quhilkis, quhen thai haue the maistry, ledis man to the paynis of hell; off the quhilk sevin synnis, glutony is ane of the werst; fforthy, that quhen a glutoun has chargit him our mekle with metis and drinkis than bringis it in suerenesse, that he mon slepe or rest; and in his rest than desyris he luxure; and quhen he seis that all this charge may nocht be uphaldyn but grete gudis and richess, than cummys couatise, that settis nocht by how that gude be wonnyn bot he haue it; off the quhilk conquest cummys ire, and inuye, and redy murther and slauchter, quhilkis cummys seldyn, bot that pryde be in thair falouschip. and thus throu glutony is gaderit and assemblyt all the foule company of the seven dedely synnis: and thus knychtis that haldis thir wayis, gais nocht in the hall of noblesse; glutony makis the corps feble, and schortis the lyf, agaynis the quhilk vicis, and namely of glutonye, the worthy curage of a noble knycht stryvis full stoutly, and wynnis the victory on him that is inymy to the noble ordre of knychthede. and thus be force he feichtis agayn his inymyes throu hye noblelesse of curage with help of abstynence and of temperance: and agayne luxure feichtis chastitie forsably, and beautee of corps, mekle etyng and drinking, quynte clething, and joly polist corps; falsate, tresoune, injure and misprising of god, and of his sanctis and of his mekle gloire, and no doubt the paynis of hell, na sik like thingis is agayne the ordre of knychthede, and all gude thewis. perfyte chastitee forsably feichtis aganis lechery throu the remembraunce of god and his commandementis. and to wele vnderstand the the hye graces and gudelynes and glore of the hyast god, quhilkis he has ordanyt for thame that lufis and honouris him, and seruis him treuly; and alssua to think on the sorow and disese that ordanyt is for thame that dois the contrair, that mysprisis his commandementis, and mystrowis him; for to lufe him, serue him, and honour him, that is sa worthie to be lufit, man has forss and grace, with chastite forsable, with stark curage vnvencusable, werrays and ourecummys the vice of mysordinate lecherye, be force of curage and noblesse, quhilk will nocht put him in subjectione of evill thouchtis; na be oure cummyn with sik wrechitness; na his hye honour lawit na defoulit, that sa mekle charge has sustenyt in grete honourable actis in weris that he suld thole his worthi curage of knychthede be ourecummyn with vicis. for suppose he be curageous and hardy, and of corps strenthy to ourecum his corporale inymyes; and nocht noblesse in him of forss of curage to vencuse and ourethrawe his inymyes spirituale, that is vicis; he has nocht all the verray noble poyntis, propereteis, na condiciouns of knychthede that he suld ficht with; ffor noble curage of knycht suld alswele feicht again the deuill that is inymy of the saule as agayne man inymy to the corps. item, auarice is a vice that gerris oft tymes the curage of mony noble knycht descend full lawe; ffor quhy, the gredynesse of gude blyndis thair hye curage for glytwisnesse of gold and of richesse, that it ourecummys the force that suld vencuss his inymy with, and makis him subject till sa lawly wretchitnesse and vnhonest thing, that is bot for defaut of forss; that suld be his pillare of worschip till hald him ferme; the quhilk pillare faillis him at nede quhen noblesse of hye corage is slokit throu cuvatise, nocht defendand thame aganis it, as the worthynesse of the ordre requeris: bot tholis him to be ourecummyn and vencust throu cowardise spirituale, and lachesse of curage souplit throu auarice; and changit thair curage again the noblesse of the ordre: and tharefore it is a grete maugre in a realme quhare lordis and knychtis ar gredy to gudis, and couatouse; ffor it is rute of all wikkitnesse; ffor of it cummys wrangwise extorsiouns, and euill wonnyn gudis, wrangwise conquestis of landis, and syne ar thay fast haldand, that na gude will part with, bot the nede peny; and be this way thai becum bondis and subjectis to thair gudis, and varyis fra the rycht way of liberalitee that manetenis noblesse of cheualrye, and is inymy to the noble ordre, to be wrechit of the gudis that god has send thame to preue thame, and assay thair vertu with; and nocht to be hid, na hurdit. and as for remede of this, thare is a vertew callit fortitude, that is stifnes in hert aganis vice, that will nocht falde no mare na rank stele, quhilk is sa ferme in itself, that it will nouthir bow to frende na faa, to help thame at nede, bot he be requerit and askit, and that is for the hie stifnes that is in him, of the vertu of fortitude of curage; that sa grete honour it is worthi to have for his worthynes, that he is euer redy to be at bidding of worthy dedis and honourable, quhen he is requerit. and the hyenes of his noble corage he thrawis him fra all appetite mysordinate of all vicis; as quhen a knycht is tempt with couatise or auarice, that his hert is sett and enclynit to that wrechit gredynesse that is moder of all wikkitnesse, and of traysounis, falsate, barate, trechery, manesuering; than suld he sauf his honour to have recourse to fortitude, and thare sall he fynd na fault of help, counsale, and confourt, to supplee him at nede; for he is nouthir lache na [gh]it cowart, na false hertit na negligent; bot with him sall be foundyn strenth and fors, hye curage in gudelynes, quhilk efferis wele to be fere to the noble ordre of knychthede; ffor throu that, a knycht may be lorde of his curage, and be maister of himself, and ourecum all vicis. and thus suld ilke noble knycht think on the noble king alexander of macedoyne, and of his liberalitee, the quhilk had sa noble a curage, that he dispisit auarice and couatise; in largesses of giftis, he had euer the hand opyn till all men, alswele frende as fa; throu the quhilk renoune of fredome the souldiouris of his inymyes that war auariciouse and couatouse, come fra thame till hym, and gert his company grow, and euermare and mare he conquest, and euermare and mare delt till his men; and thus, throu his renoune of liberalitee and dispising of the vice of auarice, with othir vertues of noblesse of fortitude, he come to the honour of conqueroure of all the warld. quhairfore, all nobil knychtis suld euer think on vertues of noblesse and of largesse, and despise auarice and couatise; that he be nocht subject till vnworthy persounis, na wyrk nane vnworthy dedis; na think to mak nane vnworthy conquestis throu auarice, the quhilk efferis nocht to noble and worthy ordre of knychthede--_accydo est male_. suerenes is a vice quhilk makis a man to hate all gudelynes and to lufe all viciousnes. be the quhilk vice, thare is ma folk condampnyt na be ony othir vice in this warlde be takenis and signis may be persauit; and be the contrair, that is wilfulnes in gudelynes to do gude werkis, men may knawe the takenis of a man that sal be savit fra dampnacioune better, and mare clerely, na be ony vertuouse condicione that man may haue; and thus, quha will ourecum and vencuse suerenesse, he mon nedely begyn at gude, and fortitude of curage, throu the quhilk he ourecummis the inclinacioune of suerenes that mannis flesch is inclynit to, be the syn of adam, our held fader, quhilk of the erde takis inclinacioune mare to sleuth na to diligence, and mare till euill na to gude; ffor sleuth and leithfulnesse drawis efter it dule and displesaunce of othir mennis gude auentures, and is blythe of thar mysfortunys: and quhare thai haue euill, thai wald it war wer, and thus has he ay disese; ffor he has disese and dule of thair gude, and syne he has disese and dule of that, that thai haue nocht sa mekle euill as he wald; the quhilk puttis thame in ire and in passione dolorouse contynualy, bathe in body and saule; and tharefore, thou knycht that wald vencuse that vice of sleuth, pray to god to graunt thé force in curage of diligence aganis that vice of sleuth, that thou may ourethrawe him, and halde him at vnder; and think how that our lord god, quhen he gevis till othir men ony grace or gudelynes for thair gude meritis, he takis nocht fra thé to give thame, na he gevis thame nocht all the gudis that he has to geve; bot that he has yneuch bathe to geve thé and otheris, that makis him gude cause; of the quhilk he gevis vs ane example in the ewangel, sayand, _amice, non facio tibi injuriam_, that is to say, quhen the vignerones labouraris had wroucht all the day, fra the morne early till nycht, and otheris began at the evyn-sang tyme, and wroucht rycht sa to the nycht; and the lord of the wynis gave thame y-lyke feis for thair day werk; and thai that had wrocht fra the morne airly murmurit the lord, sayand, he was vnrychtwise, that gave thame alsmekle that began at evyn-sang tyme as to thame that began at morne airly: and he ansuered, that he did thame na wrang, quhen he departit his awin gude at his awin will, and payde tham all that he hecht thame; quharefore thai had na cause to murmur him, na to haue nane envy at thair nychtbouris, as said is. orgueille, that is callit pryde, thinkis na man pere till him, and is a grete vice; ffor he wald na man war sa gude na sa worthy as he, and had leuer be him allane, na in ony company that him thocht na pere till him. and humilitee and fortitude are twa vertues that lufis evynlynes, and sa ar thai aganis pride; and, tharefore, gif a proud, hichty, hautane knycht may nocht stanche his awin pride, call till mekenes and fortitude; ffor mekenesse withoutyn stedefastnes may nocht gaynstand pryde; ffor quhen thai twa ar togidder, than may thai wele gaynstand pryde; na pryde may neuer be vencust, but mekenesse and stedefastnes of fortitude; ffor kyndely thing is, that quhen a [gh]ong king is sett on his hye horse, he is proud and hautane, but syne cummys fortitude of humilitee, with grete stedefast mynde, thinkand how he suld haue pryde in his hert, quhen he rememberis of all the poyntis of his ordre, and quhy he is maid knycht. bot quhat is the pryde of a proud haultane man worth, quhen he can nocht remembre of the poyntis that god may sone lawe him with? ffor thare is na man sa proud and full of orgueill, bot and he had bene disconfyte and ourecumyn in bataill place and vencust, bot he suld be full meke; and that fallis ofttymes amang knychtis of honoure: for quhy? the fors of ane othir mannis corps has strykyn doune the pryde of his curage: and thus sen fors corporale in a strange persone has lawit his pryde, it war lyke that fors of humilitee spirituale, that is fer mare vertuouse, suld in his awin persone ourecum pryde; sen the tane is spirituale noblesse, and the tothir corporale. item, envy is a vice that is not agreable to god, na justice, na charitee, na to largesse, the quhilk pertenis to the ordre of knychthede, and thus quhen ony knycht has his hert failit, and his curage lawlyit, that he may no mare folow the actis of noblesse, na dedis of were, for faulte of strenth of curage that is failit in him, na has nocht in him, justice, charitee, na largesse, syk men dois injure to thair ordre of knychthede, that gerris mony knychtis be envius of othir mennis gude fortune, and thai ar suere and lythir to trauaile thame to wyn honoure in armes, the quhilk bringis the richessis; for euer efter honour thare cummys rychesse, and thai that ar thus enviouse takis fra othir men the gude that is nocht, na may nocht be thairis, ffor thai wald pres thame to reve thame thair honoure, quhilk, quhen thai had gert thame tyne, throu murmuracioune and enviouse langage of bakbyting, that honour that thai tak fra thame, may nocht cum to thameself; and be syk enuy he dois mony thingis that ar discordant till his ordre. item, ire is a stroublance of curage, and of gude mynde, and gude will, and disturnis a mannis curage to vengeaunce; and thus, quha sa lykis to sett remede in this vice of ire, he mon haue recourse to forse of corage; that is, the lord and maister of mannis mynde and his passions, and syne seke to pacience and to charitee, the quhilkis ar cheif of counsale to knychthede, and with temperaunce, mese his mynd and bryng his hert to sobirnes; and thir vertues ay bringis allegeaunce of the grete paynis and trauailis that ire has movit in mannis hert: and in samekle as the ire is the mare, in samekle suld force of curage of noblesse of knychthede be the starkare to ourecum the vnresonable passions of ire, the quhilkis cummis ay of euill, and dois bot euill, ffor the ire of man makis nocht man to haue mare rycht anent godwart; bot man suld be armyt with gude will, sobernesse, humilitee, and pacience, charitee and abstinence, and syne cummys justice, and bringis wisedome with him, and annoblis the ordre of knychthede fere mare na it was before, and thus we haue that aganis all vicis of the seven dedely synnis: the vertu of force, with help of thir othir counsalouris that we haue here before namyt, is souerane remede aganis thame. and now is it spedefull that we se quhat is the vertu of temperaunce, and quhat it is nedefull and behovefull till: and as to that, the doctour sais, that temperaunce is a vertu quhilk haldis him euer in the mydwarde betuene twa vicis, that is to say, betuene oure lytill and oure mekle, and thus techis temperance a man to kepe the mydwarde, ffor vertu is ay in the mydwarde: ffor man that has na mesure in himself, quhen he dois outhir till the hye or to the law, thare wantis discrecione of temperaunce and mesure, (the quhilk is nedefull to be in knychthede), ffor quhen knycht knawis nocht his quantiteis of his mesure in all his dedis, his honoure is in were: ffor he suld be temperit in largesse, that he be nouthir fule large na oure wrechit; in hardinesse, that he be nocht fule hardy na oure cowart; in etyng and drinking that he be nocht glutone, na gormand, na slut, na slutheroune, na zit dronkynsum; na that he hunger nocht himself for wrechitnes; in his speche that he haue nocht our mony wordis, na that he be nocht oure bestely, na our blate, that he haue na langage, na collacione in tyme quhen it efferis; alsua in his clething that he excede nocht, na that he be nocht oure wrechit: and thus in all thing to hald mesure is temperaunce: and schortly to say, it is the reugle of all wisedome, and but it na knycht may well gouerne his ordre, na neuer sall men fynd temperance bot with wisdome and with vertu. item, gude custume and vsage is till knychtis to here every day the messe, quhare euer he be, gif it may gudely be gottyn, and gif ony preching or teching of clerkis, or wyse men be proponyt, he suld be redy euer to here the word of god, and euer be redy till honoure, anourne, and pray to god, and to lufe him, serue him, honoure him, and obeye him in all place, atour all thing; and in all his dedis, haue euer his hert on him, and euer think on the passioun of crist, and on his awin dede, that he mon anyss dee, and think on the schortnes and the wrechitnes of this warld, and of the paynis of hell, and of the grete joyis and glore celestiall of hevyn; and euer ask him of his grace that hye glore of paradise, and traistis wele that he that takis mare plesaunce in haukis and houndis, deliciouss metis, joly clethingis, fair women, gude wynis and spicis, lycht wordis with negligence of goddis seruice, and lycht lying and despising of goddis pure peple, and of the lawis of god and man, syk knychtis ar nocht worthy knychtis, bot erar dispisaris of the ordre, and inymyes to knychthede; ffor sum trowis in wichecraftis, as in meting of bestis, or in fleyng of foulis with thame or agayne thaim, or on rycht hand, or on left hand, sayand, the rycht syde gais aganis him, and the left syde gais with him: and sayand, that all sik folyis efferis nocht to wisedome, resone, na discrecioune, na to gude faith. bot it as foly of fulis that grevis god, and castis men of goddis grace, and gerris thair inymyes oft tymes be maisteris of thame, quhen thai will nocht tak documentis of gude teching, na gude thewis to reugle thair dedis, and mare has traist in thair fretis and folyis, na in the faith of god almychty. and tharfor, thai that vsis thir folyis, and levis the vertues before said of fayth, gude hope, and charitee, humilitee, largesse and lawtee, and nobilnesse of forse of curage, to gaynstand all thir vnworthy fantasyes, he is nocht worthy to bere that hye, worthy, and noble ordre of knychthede that dois thus; ffor sum knycht has syk custumes to trow, quhen euer he seis a nakit womman in the mornyng, he sall nocht do his prouffit na honoure that day, na quhen he seis a womman kemmand hir hede nakit in the mornyng, he sall nocht have honour in armes that day; and this is a false vnworthy treuth, ffor a juge that kepis the lawis that he is ordanyt to kepe, dois wele his office. sa dois a knycht quhen he vsis resone and discrecione, and kepis fayth and lawtee with all the laue of vertues of noblesse, than is he worthy knycht, and kepis wele his ordre: bot a knycht that wyrkis eftir [gh]one fretis, that we have here sum part namyt, and otheris, and levis the ordre of gude vertues and gude thewis, he is dois evin as a juge that leuis gude and suthfast witnessis led in a cause before him, and jugis agayn gude fayth, be the chirmyng of foulis, or be the berking of doggis, and syk lyke thing; and thus knycht suld be ferme in the faithe, nocht variand, na suld nocht traist in sik fretis, na wichcraft; and leue the verray faith of god, ffor all syk thingis are bot janglyng of fendis, that fleis in the ayre, that temptis cristyn folk, to ger them vary fra the rycht faith to drawe thame to thair condampnacione. item, till knychthede efferis; principaly to be amorouse of the commone prouffit, and of the commouns; ffor quhy? be the commouns, and for the commone prouffit knychthede was foundyn, stablyst, and ordanyt, than suld knychtis be curius of thair prouffit, be resone; ffor gude resone gevis, that all princis, lordis, and knychtis specialy, sulde be mare curius of the commoun prouffit, na of thair awin propre gudis; ffor quhy? it is mare nedefull and mare spedefull, and grettar and mare necessair, ffor the commoun prouffit riches bathe prince and peple, and gude propre gudis, bot a persone proprely, and mare gude, is to be bathe riche, prince and peple, na he allane, and nocht his peple. item, to knycht efferis to speke sobirly and wisely, and curtasly; and to be alssua nobly cled in diuerss clethingis, and honourable, fair horse, fair harnais, in the hanting of weris, and gouernaunce that he has: till hald alsua gude house, eftir his power and estate, till haue honest housing; and treuly curtasy and knychthede suld neuer part company; ffor foule and vilaynouse speche fylis the mouth of a noble knycht, and sa dois it of all persone of estate; hamelynes and gude specialitee of acquyntance with gude folk, worthy and honest, is wele accordant to knychthede. item, lautee, veritee, justice, humilitee, charitee, largesse, hardynesse, prowesse, with forse in curage and noblesse, pitee, honestee, drede, schame, with othir syk like vertues, and otheris that we haue before namyt, appertenis wele to be in company with the noble ordre; and rycht as we say, that in god is all vertu, all noblesse, and all gudelyness, sa suld all knychtis, lordis, and princis, folow at all thair gudely powere the futsteppis of thair ledare, lord, and techour, jhesu crist, quhilk all his werkis that he wrocht was all to geve us gude instructioun to gouerne vs in syklike maner. and all the writtis that euer was writtin for our documentis and teching, for the teching of the keping of horse and harnais and wapinis, is nocht anerly the instructione of knychthede till his barnis and otheris that he suld teche vnder him: bot the gude custumes, gude instructiones in vertues, and gude ensamples of gude godlyke gouernaunce, efter all the form and maner before said, suld be the gouernaunce of knychtis, first in thameself, and syne teche till otheris; ffor he that better techis his horse na his barnis, he gais nocht the rycht gate to teche the ordre. [decoration] octauum capitulum. here declaris the doctour the honouris that suld be done to the noble ordre of knychthede. god himself ordanyt knychthede, and honourit it, and honouris it, and alssua all the peple honouris knychthede; and as is recountit be the lawis, knychthede is honourit abufe all ordre that euer was next presthede, as maist honourable ordre and office that is or wes, and aboue all statis, sauffand the haly ordre and office that sacrifyis the body of god, the haly sacrament of the altare, with the otheris sacramentis of the haly kirk. and the said ordre of knychthede is rycht necessair to the gouernaunce of the warld, as is before said, in syndry placis; and tharefore, before all temporale ordre, knychthede suld be honourit be mony resouns, with all maner of peple; ffor and emperouris kingis and princis had nocht annext to thame the ordre of knychthede, with the vertues and propereteis, and nobiliteis, langand to the said ordre, thaj war nocht worthy to be emperouris, kingis, na princis: ffor suppose the office be gretare, the ordre is y-lyke ane in kingis and in knychtis, as presthede is y-lyke of degree, bathe in pape, cardynale, and patriarche, alsmekle is it in a symple preste: and sa is it in kingis and princis knychthede, in regarde of symple knychtis, suppose the office be mare grete; tharefore aucht thai till honoure the office and ordre of knychthede, bathe emperouris, kingis, princis, and barouns; ffor quhan thai do nocht honoure to the said ordre, thai do dishonour to thameself; ffor the knychtis gerris the grete lordis, princis, and barouns be honourit aboue the small peple, and than suld thai again do honour to the said ordre, and honour thame abufe the peple. item, all knychtis ar free be thair ordre, ffor knychthede and fredome acordis togeder rycht wele to the ryale magestee and lordschip; and, tharefore, sen knychthede is ordanyt for the manetenyng, defending, and vp halding of emperouris and kingis, princis, barouns, and all commouns and small peple, than is it grete resone that thai all suld defend, manetene, and vphalde the honour of knychthede, and all knychtis. and to the honour of knychthede it appertenis, that he be in honoure haldyn, and that he be lufit for his gudelynes; and that he be doubtit for his prowesse and hardynesse; and that he be lovit for his noble dedis of worthynes; and that he be hamely for his lawlynes, and hichty in tyme: and because he is of the self ordre that kingis ar of, he suld be haldin of counsale to kingis and of grete princis; and because that he is of the natur of all mankynde, and enclynit to vicis, he is the mare worthy and honourable that he has force of noble curage to abstene him tharefra: and, tharefore, suld a knycht dispise all vicis, and lufe all vertues; ffor the quhilkis, all knychtis ar honourit, and nocht for othir cause; and all prince, king, lord, or barone, that honouris knychthede, outhir in court or in counsale, in house or in semblee, he honouris himself: and alsua, quha honouris thame in gouernement of bataill, honouris himself; and alssua, all lord, that of a wise knycht makis him a seruand, delyueris his honour in the handis of noblesse of gude curage; and quhat lord or prince that encreseis the honoure of a wise knycht in his seruice, or multiplyis it, encressis and multiplyis his awin honour; and quhat euer lord that manetenys knycht that is in office, ordanyt till him, and enforsis him in his office, he enforsis him self and his lordschip; and lord, that is bathe prince and knycht, has grete affinitee, and lufe and frendschip to knychthede, and grete company suld haue thar with: and gif he requeris of foly and euill maner of trety, ony knychtis wyf till enclyne hir to wikkitnes, he excedis the honoure of knychthede; na [gh]it alsa a knychtis wyf that has barnis vnlaufull of villaine generacione, dois lytill honour to the ordre of knychthede, that scho is honourit throu; bot scho destroyis ande puttis to nocht the noble lignie and confraternitee of knychthede. and quhat knycht that has his barnis in matrymonye with ony villaine womman, he dois lytill honour to the noble ordre of knychthede, na to the band of gentrise: and sen it is sa that noblese and gentillesse ar of tendernesse and frendschip to knychthede, and to the honour of knychthede, and of his lady be the honourit band of mariage; and the contrair is destructione of knychthede. thus gif noblis and gentill men that ar na knychtis, and has bot honour and worschip of thair awin birth and natiuitee, ar oblist naturaly to honour of noblesse and knychthede be the vertu of gentrise that thai ar natyf till, than mekle mare ar knychtis behaldyn to the honoure and worschip of knychthede, quhilkis be thair ordre thai ar bundyn to; ffor in that that thai do honoure to thair ordre, thai do honoure to thame self: for all knycht is oblist at all powere to honour his persone; first to be wele cled in his persone, syne to be wele horssit, and syne wele enarmyt and harnest in his habilliament, and alsua aw nobily to be seruit of noble persons: that is to say, persouns vertuouse, sen all noblenesse presupponis vertu. but [gh]it mekle mare but comparisone is he behaldyn till honoure him self with noblesse of curage; ffor the quhilk noblesse of curage he beris that hye and noble ordre of knychthede, the quhilk alssua is defoulit and dishonourit quhen a knycht levis vertu of curage, and takis him false cogitaciouns of traysouns, ref and rape, murder and thift, and puttis out of his curage, and slokis all the said vertues of noblesse, as justice, temperance, fors, and prudence with faith, gude hope, and charitee, liberalitee and lautee, with otheris before namyt, appertenand to the maist noble ordre: and thus, knycht that dishonouris ane knycht his fader in knychthede, is nocht worthy to be honourit, ffor gif he war honourit sen he dishonouris his awin ordre, mekle wrang war than done to the noble ordre, to do honour till him that dishonouris him self and his ordre; ffor quha may better honoure or dishonoure the ordre na thai that are of the ordre, and berand the ordre: and thus sen knycht has in his hert a noble duelling place for the vertues and noblesse of curage, that suld gouerne and manetene knychthede, kepe well that castell place and duelling, that it be nocht oure sett na segit with vicis, than mekle honour and reuerence is worthi to be done till him for his mekle worschip and noblesse; and the mare that knychthede be assemblyt with hie princehede or hye lordschip, the mare is the knycht behaldyn till honoure his nobile ordre, and mare oblist to manetene his knychthede with worschip: at the reuerence, honour, lufe, loving, seruice, and doubting of almychty god, oure gloriouse saluioure, and of his dere and gloriouse moder and virgyne oure suete lady marye, and all the haly court of hevin. in nomine patris, et filij, et spiritus sancti, amen. explicit lordre de chevalrie. here endis the buke of the ordre of knychthede. appendix. [decoration] no. i. extracts from the buke of the law of armys. [fol. .] _gracia domini nostri jhesu christi, et caritas dei, et communicacio sancti spiritus sit semper cum omnibus nobis in christo jhesu domino nostro. amen._ here begynnys the buke callit the buke of the law of armys, the quhilk was compilit be a notable man, doctour in decreis, callit bonnet, prioure of sallon; the quhilk, quhen it was maid, callit it the fleur of bataillis, or the tree; into the quhilk buke thare salbe foure partis efter as the rubryis schawis. the first part salbe, of the tribulacioun of the kirk before the natiuitee of christe. the secund party salbe, of the tribulaciouns and destructioun of the four principale realmes grettest of the warld, &c. the thrid salbe, of bataillis in generale. the ferde, of bataillis in specialitee. here begynnys the rubryis of the first party, etc., be the quhilkis men may better knaw the processe of the said buke, and of euery chaptere specialy. in the first chapiter he speris, quhat thing is bataill? i the second chapiter is, quhare was first foundyn bataill? ii the third is, of the tribulacions of the kirk by passit, iij the ferde is, of the first angel, iiij the fyft is, of the tother angel, v the exposicioun apon the tothir party of the visioun of sanct johne, vj the thrid angel, vij the ferde angel, viij the fyft angel, ix and [gh]it spekis he mare furtherly of the visioun, x _expliciunt rubrice prime partis, etc._ _sequitur prologus in breuibus._ here folowis the proloug of the said buke, in termis, as the forenamyt doctoure bonnet, prioure of sallon, maid his first intitulacioun and prohemium: and syne efter sall folowe the principale parties of the buke forenamyt, translatit be me gilbert of the haye knycht, maister in arte, and bachilere in decreis, chaumerlayn vmquhile to the maist worthy king charles of fraunce, at the request of ane hye and mychty prince and worthy lord, williame erle of orknay and of cathnes, lord synclere, and chancelare of scotland, in his castell of rosselyn, the [gh]ere of our lord a thowsand four hundreth fyfty and sex. [fol. .] prologus. to the haly croune of fraunce, in the quhilk this day regnys charles the sext of that name, the quhilk is lufit and redoubtit oure all the warld be the ordynaunce of god; till him be gevin honoure, lose, and glore, abune all erdely lordschippis: maist hye prince i am callit, be my richt name, bonnet priour of sallon, doctoure in decreis. the quhilk i haue had mony smale thouchtis and gude will to mak sum buke; first, in the honoure of god, and of his suete moder, and of [gh]our hye lordschip. and the resouns quhy i haue vndertane to mak this buke ar gude yneuch, as semys me. and first and formast, for quhy? that the state of haly kirk is in sik tribulacioun that bot gif god oure lorde set sum gude remede, the quhilk was wont till mak gude cheuisaunce and gude end, in that mater be the brether of the faith, auentureris of the christin faith, i can se be na way that it may wele be, bot gif thare be sum gudely way of acordaunce fundyn and sone. the secund cause is and resoun, for i se all cristyndome sa grevit, and stroublit of weris, discensiouns, thiftis, and reueryis, haterentis, and envyes, that men kennys almaist na realme in cristyndome bot it is in were. thrid resone is, for quhy? that the land of provence, of quhilk i am borne and vp brocht, is sa turnyt now for the renewing of new lordschip, and for diuerse opyniouns that ar amang lordis and the communiteis, that with grete payne may ony wyse man here it be rehersit, the mekle sorowe that the commouns sustenis for sik debatis. the ferde resoun, for quhy? that mony notable clerkis, the quhilkis wenys thai vnderstand wele the glosyng of ancien prophecies, sais, that it sulde be ane of the hie lignie of fraunce, the quhilk suld sett remede in all this thingis, and put this trauailland warld in pes and rest, that now is put in grete pestilence. and for this cause my curage has gevin me to mak sum newing of thing till enfourme [gh]our [gh]outhede of mony syndry knaulagis of haly wrytt, sa that [gh]our curage suld be movit the mare to help to sett remede in the haly cristyn faith, the quhilk is in poynt of perising, and geve it socour; and to geve [gh]ow corage for to do in sik manere, that the prophecyes, the quhilkis are presumyt to be vnderstandin in [gh]our persone maist worthy, be verifyit in [gh]our maist noble and worthy princehede, throu [gh]our notable and haly werkis: and forthy, i mak [gh]our hienes hertly request and supplicacioune, that nathing that i sall put in this buke, [gh]e disprise, na lichtly, ffor all that i here say takis foundement of haly writt, and of the decreis and lawis cannon and ciuile, and philosophy naturale, that is natural resoun. the quhilk buke sal be callit the floure of bataillis, or the tree: and syne mon i pas to my werk; and tharefore is thare cummyn to me sik ane ymaginacioun, that i will ger mak a tree, the quhilk sall bere bot fruyte of sorowe; as men may se, that all the persecuciouns of the kirk and contreis beris bot fruyte of dule and diseise; departit in four partis, as is before said, on the quhilkis four partis the diuisioun of oure buke sal be foundit, etc. explicit prohemium. primum capitulum. [fol. , b.] sen it is sa that apon this mater, the quhilk may be lyknyt till a tree, that may bere na fruyte but fruyte of doloure and diseiss, we see twa partis principale, amang the quhilkis is grete discorde, discensioun, and were; first, apon the haly kirk and the fredome of it, as apon the pape, and the sege of rome, with the fredomys: and apon the tothir part, we see, how amang kingis and princis, and temporale lordis, thare is rysin sa grete discensiouns, discordis, and weris, that the brethir of the fayth, as nobles, men that wont was to be werreyouris to defend the kirk rycht, ar now rysyn agayne the commouns and comiteis agayn thame, that grete dule is to se: quharefore this buke may wele be comparit till a tree quhilk beris na fruyte, but fruyte of dule, etc. * * * * * here eftere folowes the declaracioun of the rubryis of the secund buke, etc. [fol. .] in the first, of the persecucioun and destructioun of the foure grete realmes. [ ] item, how and in quhat tyme the citie of rome was first foundit. item, in quhat tyme gouernyt the senatouris. item, of the gouernement of the king tules. item, of the king fernicle archy. item, efter of the king tarquyn. item, of the dede of king alexander. item, here he spekis of grete archile, consul of rome. item, here spekis he of grete sir sempny, consul of rome. item, of the grete worthynes of schir sypre, consul of rome. item, how grete cartage was destroyit. item, how the almaynis wan a bataill apon the romayns. item, of scilla, the grete inymy of the romayns. item, how the provincis maid julius cesar thaire lord, for his worthynes. item, how that fortune is rycht variable. item, here he spekis of sir arthoma, consul of rome. item, spekis he of a questioun, be the quhilk thar come first jurisdictioun amang men. item, here he tellis quha was first juge amang men. * * * * * [fol. , b.] here folowis the chapteris of the thrid party of this present buke, as folowis here be declaracioun. in the first, quhethir it be lefull and lawufull thing till entre in cloisit feldis to defend richtwise cause. item, of the samyn mater [gh]it spekis he mare furtherly. quhethir it be thing possible that this warld be in pes. how that force is ane of the principale foundementis of bataill. how it may be kend in a man gif he be forsy or nocht. quhethir is mare vertu till a man to assail[gh]e, or to byde in felde. be how mony thingis may men knaw the prowess of a knycht. a man suld erar chese to dee in felde, na flee fra the bataill. quhat punycioun suld he haue that passis fra the ost but leue. quhat punycioun suld he haue that fechtis wyth his lordis inymy but leve, or of the constable. * * * * * [fol. .] here begynnis the table of the ferde part of this buke. in primis off quhat rycht, or quhat evin cummys bataill. [ ] be quhat rycht or resoun may men moue were agaynis the sarra[gh]enis or othir mistrowaris. gif the emperoure suld moue were agayne thame, quha suld obey till his mandement. quhethir othir princis na the emperoure may moue were apon the sarra[gh]enis. quhethir the emperoure may ordane were agayne the pape, or agayne the haly kirk. quhethir the pape may mak were on him. quhat thingis may ger moue bataill necesse. quhat thingis pertenis till a gude knycht to do. quhat thingis pertenis to the duke of the battaill. how, and for quhat caus, a knycht suld be punyst. quhethir strenth be a vertu morale. quhethir, gif the duke of the bataill be tane, men suld haue merci of him, and saue his lyf. gif forse be a vertu cardinale or nocht. quhethir presonaris that are tane in bataill be the takaris or the lordis that payis the wagis. quhethir the vassaillis suld pas in were on thair awin cost, or on the princis costis. gif a barouns men suld [help] thair lord agayne their king, [and] serue in his weris or nocht. gif twa barouns has were ilk ane agayne othir, quhethir suld thair men help ilkane his awin lorde, or thair king, and he charge thame. quhethir i aw to defend my nychtbour in armys, and men wald sett to sla him. quhat personis ar behaldin to defend othir. how the bonde is behaldin to defend his lorde. how the sone is behaldin to defend the fader, but the leue of the justice. quhethir erar is the sone behaldin defend his fader, or his natural lord maister. quhethir a clerk suld erar help his fader or his bischop, and he haue were. quhethir to conquest gudis rychtwisely men may lefully mak defensable were. quhethir for vnrychtwise conquest men may mak were diffensable. quhethir prestis and clerkis may defend thair gudis be armes. gif armoure lent and tynt in felde suld be restorit. gif armoure or horse hyrit and tynt suld be restorit. gif a knycht be [ar]rest douand his princis charge, quhethir has the knycht or the prince actioun to the party. gif a man gais to the weris vnchargit, sall he tak wagis. gif a knycht seruis a king vnchargit in his weris, quhether may he laufully ask him his wagis. gif the king of span[gh]e sendis secours to the king of france in his weris, as he has done othir tymes till him in sik lyke cas, quhethir suld the spannollis ask wagis at the king of france. gif a man gais to were for vayn glore, quhethir he may, be law of armes, ask wagis or nocht. gif a capitane doand his lordis bidding tyne his gudis, gif his lord aw to restore him agayne. gif a man gais to the were for couatise to pele and rub gudis, quhethir he may ask wage or noucht. gif a clerk may leuefully pas to the weris or nocht. in quhat termes the wage aw to be payit to men. gif a wageour gais to play and disport him, with leue, for a tyme, gif he suld be payit of that tyme. gif a knycht has tane wagis of a king for a [gh]ere, and he wald within thre monthis pas his way till ane othir prince, quhethir gif he suld be payit for the tyme that he had seruit. gif a sowdioure be payit of a prince for a [gh]ere, gif he may put ane othir in his stede or nocht. quhethir gif a capitane may send of his folk away, that he has anys moustrit in felde. gif a man of armes hapnis seke in the weris, quhethir he may ask his wagis for all the tyme that he is seke or nocht. how gudis suld be departit in the weris, that ar wonnyn in tyme of the weris. gif a man may rychtwisely hald that he has tane fra a revare, that set to reue him be the way. gif twa citeis makis were ilkane on othir, quhethir thai may lefully mak were thai clamand to hald of na souerayne. quhethir a man may sla his prisonare efter that he be tane and [gh]eldit, at his awin will. gif a man may ask ransoun of gold and siluer at his prisonare be law or armes. quhethir for the weris that is betuix the kingis of ingland and of france, the franchmen may leuefully tak the pure mennis gudis, and mak achet of, and mak presonaris thair persouns. quhethir a king may lefully, be cautele and subtiltee, ourset or disconfyte ane othir king. quhethir bataill may lefully be on haly day. quhethir gif a man wrangis ane othir, he may lefully recouer apon him be were his thing, gif he may reclame him in jugement. gif a knycht deis in bataill in his princis querele, quhethir his saule be sauf, or nocht. quhethir rychtwise men or sinnaris ar starkar in bataill. quhy is there sa mekle were in this warld. gif a prisouner be suorne to hald prisoun, and his takar put him atour his ath in stark prisoun or festnyng, gif it be lefull to him to escape, and brek presoun. gif a man be presonare till ane othir, and he put him in a stark close toure, in sekir festeynyg, quhethir he be haldin to brek prison, and eschape. gif a man has sauf condyt to com seurely, nocht spekand of his way-passing, quhethir he may be haldyn prisonar in his passing. gyf a man that has sauf conduct may bring on his sauf conduct gretare man na himself is. gif a man be tane prisoner apon ane otheris sauf condyt, quhethir he that aw the sauf condyt suld outred him of prisoun on his awin cost. gif a man suld enter agayn in prisoun, and he war rycht dredand for to be put to dede. gif a prince may lefully refuse ane othir prince to pas his voyage throu his contre but scath. quhethir kirkmen suld pay tailles, tributis, and inposiciouns to seclere kingis or princis. gif the kirk may mak were agayne the jowis. gif a man may ficht for his wyf in armes. how the ta brothir may defend the tothir in armys. gif a baron be vassall to twa lordis that makis weris in syndry contreis, to quhilk of tham sall he mak seruice till. and gif a baron be vassall to twa lordis the quhilkis makis were ilkane apon othir, quham to sall he mak seruice. quhethir bondis suld be constreynit to the weris. quhilk folk may nocht be stren[gh]eit to mak weris, supposs thai be chargit. gif a man be hurt sarely be ane othir, and he hurt him agayne, gif he sal be punyst. gif a man bonde makis slauchter be the bidding of his lord, suld he be punyst. quhethir a bonde may defend him again his lord, and he war sett to sla him. gif a monk may defend him fra his abbot, and he wald sett to sla him. gif the sone may lefully defend him agayn his fader, and he wald sla him. gif a man may lefully defend him agayn his awin juge, or nocht. gyf a man be banyst a realm, and happin to cum in agayne be ony cas, gif men wald set on him, to tak him, quhethir he aucht to defend him. gif a preste be assailit wyth his inymyes berand goddis sacrit body on him, quhethir he aw to lay doun goddis body, and defend him, or nocht. gif a man may for mark be prisoner that maid neuer caus bot for otheris. how, and in quhat maner, mark suld be tholit or gevin be the prince. how suld mark be gevin aganis a citee that allegis to na soverayne. gif all lordis may graunt markis. how, or be quhat resoun, may it be steynd that the king of france be nocht subject to the empire. quhethir gif the king of ingland be subject ony way to the empire. gif a burgess haldand change and house at parise be tane and robbit be the way cummand to parise-wart, quhethir he is to be gevin power of merk to for the gude recouering. quhethir a scolare at the study in parise of ingland borne, aw to be prisonare. quhethir a seruand suld joyse the priuilege that his maister has lang joisit. gyf ane inglissman cummys to parise to visyte his sone at the scule, beand seke, quhethir he aw to be prisoner, or nocht. gyf ane inglissman cummys to parise to visyte his brother seke at the scule, quhethir he aw to be prisonare, or nocht. quhethir a studyand may lefully be haldin in prisoun for ony mark. quhethir a wode man may be haldyn presoner and ransound in the weris. quhethir a wode man, efter that he be cummyn again to his wit, may be haldyn presoner. quhethir a passand alde ancien man, be law of armes, may be haldin prisonere. quhethir a childe may lefully be tane and haldin presonere be the law of armes. quhethir a blynd man, be law of armes, may be tane and haldin presonere. quhethir ambassadouris or legatis cummand to the king may lede his inymyes throu his realme with thame, or nocht. quhethir a bischop may be tane presonere be a franch man, the bischop beand of ingland. quhethir a kirk man may be tane for mark. quhethir gif pilleryns may be maid presoneris be ony maner of weris of armes. quhat thingis in tyme of were has sauf condyt be priuilege unaskit at the princis. quhethir, in tyme of were, the ass and the ox suld bathe joise a maner of priuilege. quhethir gif the varlet aw to joyce the priuilege of the husbandman. quhethir, in tyme of weris, folk may ledder castellis and wallit townis lefully. how suld be punyst folk that brekis the princis sauf condyt, or his assurancis. quhethir a grete lord suld traist in a sauf condyt, or ony othir lawar person. quhethir gif a cristin king, prince, or emperour, may gif a sauf condyt till ane othir king, prince, or emperoure sarra[gh]ene. gif twa lordis has made trewis togidder suorne, quhethir gif the tane brek trewis gif the tothir suld rycht sa brek. quhether better be to fecht fastand before mete, or efter mete quhen men has dronkin. quhethir bataill may be set before ladyes. quhethir the quene jonat of naplis mycht lefully assail[gh]ie the king lowis de cicile. here previs the autour playnly how gage of bataill is reprovit be all maner of lawis. here he puttis the case, in the quhilk it is lefull to geve gage of bataill. and [gh]it he puttis ane othir case in the quhilk law of armes will thole gage of bataill. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the lawis of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir ease efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir efter the lawis of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the lawis of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the said lawis. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the law of lumbardy. and [gh]it ane othir case efter the said lawis. how oft tymes the bataill in listis is nocht done be the principale persouns bot be otheris. the form and maner of thair aithis that suld fecht in barrieris of close listis in felde. gif a man passit age, may put quham him list to campioun to ficht in barreris for him. gif ane of the campiouns brekis his suerd, quhether ane othir suld be gevin him agayne. gif the lord may nocht knaw the first day quha has the lyklyar, gif thai suld cum again on the morn, and enter in felde as before: quhilk of the twa campiouns suld first stryke. gif the vencust man suld pay the costis, thouch the kyng remytt his actioun. gif a man has bene vencust of ony crime in barreris, gif he may be accusit in jugement tharof. quhethir gif the campiouns may fecht in playne felde, but barreris, gif thai lykis. how he suld be punyst that has grantit his crime, and vencust in barreris opinly. gif a knycht appelis ane othir, quhether gif thai may leue of, and forthink the appele. here, he spekis of armes and baneris in generale. here he spekis of armes and baneris in specialitee. gif a man may [tak] otheris armes at his lyking. gif ane allemain fyndis a frenchman berand the samyn armes that he beris in felde, quhethir gif he may appele him of battaill. how suld be punyst folk that beris othir mennis armes but leue, to do tham ony lak. here spekis he of colouris in armes, quhilkis are the maist noble; and of thair diuisiouns. and first, he spekis of the colour that is rede. and syne he spekis of asure that is the blewe coloure. and syne he spekis of the quhite colouris. and syne he spekis of the colour that is blak. and syne he spekis of the condicioun and nature of the ordinance of the closing of the barreris. and [gh]it spekis he of the condicioun of the close felde, ordanyt for fechting in barreris, as said is. and [gh]it ane othir thrid reule of the condicioun and nature of close barreris. and [gh]it spekis he of the ferde condicioun and nature of the close felde, that is callit barreris. and [gh]it the fyft doctryne gevis he of the form and maner and condicioun of the close felde. and [gh]it the sext doctrine spekis he of the form, maner, and condicioun of the close barreris. here he speris quhat condicioun suld be in a gude emperoure be the nature of his hie office. quhat thingis appertenis to be in a gude prince, king, or othir. * * * * * capitulum cxxxviii, &c. here spekis the doctoure of armes that ar in blasons, and of baneris and penouns.[ ] [fol. . b.] now efter that he has determynit of bataillis bathe in generale and in speciale, than will he declare the armes that all princis and nobles and othir gentillis aw to were, and of thair colouris, and discripciouns: and fyrst, quhethir a man that is nocht of thair lygnie may bere leuefully thair armes at his plesaunce? the quhilk mater is nocht lycht to declare, bot of grete difficultee for mony caussis. and first, men suld vnderstand that sum armes was gevin of power of autoritee of emperouris, kingis, and princis, to lordis, and otheris barouns, or to thair predecessouris, the quhilkis ar of alde tyme, and of alde ancestrye, that nane suld bere, bot thai war cummyn of that lignie, that is to say, in the realme of the emperoure, king, or prince that gafe the said armes; ffor and the king of france had gevyn a lyon of gold to bere till a lord of his contree, quhat wrang dois that lord till ane othir lord of spaigne or of almane, that the emperoure or the king of spayne had gevin it till. bot thare is othir maner of armes, the quhilkis ilke man that beris thame, tuke at thair awin plesance to mak difference and knaulage amang lordis, gentilis, and noble men of armes, to knaw ilk ane be othir. and all namys and surnamys of men was foundyn ffor the samyn cause. or ellis all suld haue bene in confusioun that nane suld haue had knaulage of ane othir. and this name may ilke man tak, and geue his barne at his awin plesance, or the godfader, or godmoder, or frendes may geue namys to thair frendis; and rycht sa in the samyn wyse is it of armes, that in the begynnyng quhen the weris began, till haue sum defference amang nobles, sik armes was, sum assignit be princis and lordis; sum was tane at the plesance of partye; sum be thair frendis consent and consale, sa that men of honour and of estate suld be knawin be thair armes, the quhilkis ar callit thair takenys in armoury. and thus in were tyme, new men of armes that has nane armes of propertee, may in this wise tak armes at thair lyking syk as thame lest. bot nocht to tak nane otheris armes. here speris the doctour gif a man may tak ane otheris armes at his lyking. as thus a man has tane to bere in his armes a low of gules in a champ of siluer, ane othir of that ilke toune has tane the samyn efter that he has it wynteris and [gh]eris. than speris the questioun, quhethir the first may gaynstand this armes and plen[gh]e to the prince, and ger this be reformyt and forborne. and first he sais, nay; ffor quhy ony man may tak lefully, as before said is, ane othir mannis name, and call his barne in the samyn toun, ffor it befallis oft tymes that syndry men ar callit be a name in the samyn toun; and may do it but lak. and quhy then may thai nocht alswele tak twa ane armes, or thre, or alsmony as lykis. bot the countre party sais agayne, that it is a commoun vse and custume in mannis lawe, and approuit be othir lawis, that quha sa euer may first tak wilde foule, or fysch, or wylde beste in the wilderness, it is his be the lawe. and than, sen this noble man has first tane sik a beste, or sik a foule, or sik a fisch, to bere in his schelde and on his cote of armes, and on his banere, pannoun of armes, or in blasone apon his heraulde or perseuandis brest, or othir wayis to paynt in hall or chaumer at his lyking; quhy suld ony othir tak it efterwart to bere that war in toune or in the samyn contree, quhare it war borne? and als it war mare thair scathe na thir prouffit, ffor it wald quhilom mere men that had grete dedis ado, quhen thai wend to cum to thair awin maister in werefare, thai mycht fail[gh]e, and othir wayis in syndry wyse mycht erre in thair dedis that mycht hynder bathe the partis that nedit nocht, na is na poynt of gude gouernaunce, na gude policy in dedis of armes: and as langand this questioun the doctour makis sic a conclusioun, that gif a gentill man or lord had tane ane armes at his plesance, and borne it lang tyme opynly kend in dede of armes, and in weris, or othir wayis in tyme of pes, that it war kyd and knawin till him and his lignage; thare aw nane othir in that contree to tak the samyn to bere, na the prince na the lord of that contree, suld nocht lat tham bere it on na wise, ffor than war the principale cause of armes-taking all forletyn; ffor the principale cause of armes-taking is for to knawe the personagis of noble men in bataill, or in armes, or in tournamentis, or to knawe a lord in felde be ane othir, with his men, and his frendis and wele willaris suld draw till him and knawe him be his takin, and sa suld the diuersitee of armes mak the knaulage of the diuersitee of personnagis; and gif it be hapnyt ony lorde or othir man to be slayn in felde, and sa manglit that his visage mycht nocht be knawin, be his cote of armes he suld be knawin and brocht to cristin beriss: and alssua, that be the defference of armes euer furth quhill the warld lestis, men suld knaw be the takynnyng of thair armes, thair sepulturis quhare thai ar beryit; and quha was in thai tymes maist honourable and worthy men, as oft tyme men seis apon thair sepulturis be thair frendis maid efter thaire decesse, and sum be thame self or thai be dede; be the quhilkis, quhen all the lygnie is failit, and the surname, [gh]it will the valliance of thame be knawin be thair armes, the quhilkis in armes are callit takenis: ffor and syndry lordis or gentilis tuke all ane armes, or takenis, it was bot a confussioun. and a mare grete resoun ffor be all gude custumes of noblesse, lordis, and gentilis, makis thair selis efter thair armes, and gif ane suld bere ane otheris armes in his sele, men suld nocht wit quhais it war. item, all kingis suld kepe that na man do till othir dishonour, schame, na villany, na injure, na new novelliteis. and it is to presume, gif ony man wald newly tak ane alde armes of ane otheris that it war for dispyte or injure to despise him to prouoke noise and debatis for alde fede or enuy, the quhilk the prince suld stanch. and as to the argument, it is na thing lyke till a man to be callit lyke till ane othir or syndry in a town; for quhy? for sik cause men has gert geve ilke man his surname that makis the difference. bot and mony men bare ane armes, how suld ony man, haralde, or othir, knaw men, na geve the honoure of gude dede till him that had honourabily deseruit it, or to geve lak and dishonour till cowardis or flearis fra bataillis: and tharefore, in all sik debatis, the prince suld ger sett remede. and gif ony complaynt war, se, be harraldis and men of knawlage, quha had rycht, quha wrang, and do justice. here speris the doctoure gif a franch knycht saw a ducheman of almane berand his armes but difference, and he appellit him of were to fecht with him, or forbere the armes; quhethir aw he to be admyttit, be prince, or nocht to feicht in barrieris with him. as gif a knycht of almane wald cum to see noblesse in france, as tournamentis or othir wasselage, and that he fand a knycht in france at the tournayment, that bare the samyn armes that he beris: and thus he maid questioun bustously, sayand, he traistit he wrangit him and his lignie to bere thai armes, sperand, be quhat title of rycht he bare thame? the knycht of france ansuerd, sayand, that he traistit that he mycht bere lefully the takyn of armes that his fader, and forefader, and all his ancestris had of sa lang tyme borne, that thare was na memorye in the contrarye. the duche knycht replyis agayn, sayand, gude sir, suppose your fader and ancestris haue borne thame sik a tyme, my kyn and ancestris ar of eldare begynnyng na [gh]ouris, and als ar mare noble of lignie; quharefore, sen [gh]e and [gh]ouris has tane thame efter us, and [gh]e ar nocht of sa grete noblesse of alde ancestry, me think [gh]e suld deferr till us, and nocht we to [gh]ow: quharefore, i say [gh]e bere thame euill and wrangwisly, and that i sall preue with my persone. and with that the franchman sais, that he dois him na wrang that beris the armes that his ancestres has of sa lang tyme borne, and that he denyis his wrang, and that sall he defende. than is this the question, quhethir the king aw to geve leve to thir twa knychtis to feicht, or nocht? and as to the first visage, it semys thai suld be tholit, be the resouns that the duche knycht allegis. bot the doctouris accordis nocht to that opynion, ffor as we have before said, thai ar nocht of a realme, na of a prince haldand, quharfor the naciouns makis the defference sufficiand, sa that it war nocht done for despyte, na othir barate; ffor gif a trauailand knycht of france had tane sik armes, and he war a wikkit man, of lyf a tyran, and unhonourable, that mycht defame the armes in ferre contreis, the duche knycht mycht haue sum coloure and resoun tharefor, gif the franch knycht past in burgone, or barry, or lorane, and brynt and slewe, and reft and forsit women, and had renoun to be a wikkit man of lyf, and men wist nocht his surname, na of quhat contree he war, and the tothir knychtis armes war kend our all thai countreis, and sum men mycht traist that it war he; and in this cas, the duche knycht had resoun to ask him to be depriuit of his armes at the king of france, and the king to grant it him, gif the said duche knycht and his lignie war approuit men of honour, and thareapon grant him leue of bataill in listis, as said is, gif him lykis for the cause, efter the custumes may be tholit. here speris the doctoure how thai suld be punyst that beris otheris armes wrangwisely, in entencioun to do mys vnder scoug of thame couertly. as gif a souldiour of symple state tuke the armes of a knycht noble of france that war of gude renoune, bathe in honour of armes, and othir wayes of alde ancienetee, and that knycht of ducheland had tane thai armes newly, in entent to be mare presit and honourit, and to be hyar auansit, and tak mare wagis, in faith i traist that the king, at the persuyt and request of partye, the king aw to punyse him be law of armes. as in the lyke maner, gif a maister armoureur of parise, that had renoun to be the best of that craft, that war in france, and in his werkis had a takyn that his werkis were knawin by, and ane othir of troyes in champaigne tuke that ilke takyn, sa that for the renoun of the parisien, his werkis suld be the better sauld; and rycht sa of coultellin, or ony othir craft, or of notairis, gif ane dois falset vnder the sailign of ane othir, i say, all sik men suld be well and cruelly punyst be justice; and gif the contrary war tholit, it war grete damage to the realme. here speris the doctour quhat armes ar maist noble be the colouris, and quhat colouris ar maist noble in armes. bot be cause the princis and lordis beris armes of mare noblesse na otheris; and that the doctouris has spokyn in othir tymes, and othir placis, of princis armes, and of thair baneris, quharefore i will nocht here mak questioun, na dout the quhilk armes are the maist noblez and the maist rychez; ffor quhy, that alwayis comparisoun is odious.[ ] bot it plesis me to speke sum thing of colouris of armes, and of thair descripciouns. and as the doctour sais, that sum of thame is mare noble na otheris, for the representatioun that thai mak be thair propre nature, and be this cause, we say, that colour of gold is the maist noble colour that is in this warld here; and the resoun quhy is, ffor be the nature of gold, it is clere and schynand, rich, vertuouse, and confortand; ffor oure maisteris, doctouris, and medicinaris, and philosophouris, gevis the gold in syndry wise in medicyne to folk that ar debilitez in thair nature, that thai can get nane othir remede for souerane remede; and is lyknyt be his condicioun and nature to the sonne, the quhilk is the maist noble planet that euer god maid, and beris lycht till all the warld, and encrescement and confourt till all naturale creaturis. and the lawis sais, that of all things that god maid, the claritee and licht is the maist noble; and, tharefore, the haly wrytt sais, that the sanctis in hevyn schynis as the sonne; and alssua oure souerane lord, quhen he transfigurit him before his apostlis, his visage apperit to thame as the sonne in someris day brycht: and because the gold is comperit to the sonne, as the propre effect of the sonne, the quhilk is king and lord of all planetis, and alssua is figurit be haly wrytt be the visage of our lord; and be that cause the ancien princis, in ald lawis of armes, ordanyt that na noble man suld bere gold in his armes, bot princis, kingis, and emperouris, for the nobless of him: and thus conclude we, that the maist noble coloure is gold. and suppose sum ignorant men wald say, gold is metalle, and na coloure, that makis nocht; ffor largely to tak colouris, be all oure maisteris and philosophouris, all metallis, all low and lychtnes, that lemys and gevis sycht to the eyne, is of the nature of colouris. the secound coloure that is in armoury, is callit be thir maisteris purpre; the quhilk he callis here rede colour; the quhilk representis the lowe of fyre, the quhilk is the maist clere, and lycht efter the sonne, and the maist noble of all the elementis; the quhilk colour suld nane in armes were, bot anerly kingis or princis, be the alde custumes of princis and faderis of armes, of alde tymes. the thrid colour is asure; the quhilk, be his figure and coloure, representis the ayer, the quhilk is next the fyre, the maist noble element; ffor it is in itself lignie and sutile, and penetratys, ressauand the lycht throu it, and hable till rassaue all influences of the planetis and of the hevynly constellaciouns of nature, throw the quhilkis all this erde is gouernyt, and all nature: and sum callis the coloure a[gh]ure, hafand the colour of the firmament, sayand, that asure is a hevynly colour, it makis not: ffor thare is bot lytill betuene, nocht than the lift is nocht colourit. ane othir coloure is the quhyte coloure, the quhilk next the asure is the maist noble coloure that was countit in armoury in ancien cronikis, because that it is maist nere the nature of lycht and claritee; and for the clereness of it, it is signyfyit to the vertu of puritee, of clenesse, and innocence, and sympilness: and as to that the haly scripture sais, that the clethingis of jhesu crist apperit ay to thame of quhite colour as snaw; and this coloure of quhite representis the water, the quhilk efter the aire is the maist noble element. ane othir colour is in armoury that callit is blak; the quhilk representis the erde, and be it is signyfyit dolour, ffor it is ferrest fra lichtness and claritee that betakenis blythnes, and cummys nerest to myrknesse; and tharefore, quhen ony peple or folk will mak dule for ony of thair frendis dede, or in ony bataill tynt, or othir grete misauenture, men makis thair dule in that clething; ffor it is the lawest of degree of all the four elementis, and is signifyit be it humilitee. and for that cause, in takenyng of humilitee, the religiouse men ar cled in blak wede, commonly to schawe mekenes in hert, and put away all lust of vanitee, and vane glore warldly. prima regula belli claustralis. here schawis the doctour certane thingis and documentis touchand close bataill, that we call bataill in listis. and first, be cause that close bataill is rycht perilouse and mysty to be jugit be ignorant men, that ar nocht instruct in the lawis, myn advys is, that thare suld na prince, na lord, hald felde of bataille in listis, bot gif he had gude wise counsale of wele vnderstandand men of lawe; that is for to say, of doctouris in canoun and ciuile, to geve him gude counsale: ffor commounly the casis ar sa subtile to juge, that seclere men for couatise and auarice of warldis wyn, gevis oft tyme counsale to princis that soundis mare to the desyre of wynnyng of warldis gude, na it dois to resone or to rychtwise querele; and als thai wate quhat casis ar in the lawis condampnyt vtterly, and reprouit, and quhat casis ar tholit and permysit at the plesance of princis; and wate alssua, quhat casis ar priuilegit in the law quhilk nocht; and the lawis sais, that aduocatis ar procuratouris of mannis lignage. and ane othir resoun quhy i haue sett this reugle is, ffor commonly the clerkis ar mare sad of counsale, and mare caulde of complexion, and mare temperit in thair curage, and ferrar can se in the ground of a mater na secleris; ffor seclaris ar hate of blude, and in ire, and oft tymes thai geve thair counsale and jugement again resoun, with the wrang outhir for fede or frendschip, luferent, or haterent, or for mede, or for ire, or breth, or othir singulare appetite, for honour or richess, or lordschip or reddoure or otheris. and erar ar inclynyt to mak were, na trety and concorde; and to ger bataill in barrieris be, na to sloke it, and appese it; ffor ire lettis the mannis mynde to juge and determe veritee. secunda regula belli claustralis. here declaris the doctour ane othir reugle and doctryne apon the gouernaunce of close bataill. that nocht gaynstandand that be malice or hete, woodnes, ramage, or pride orguillouse, or be inclinacioun, auaricius appellacioun of bataill be maid, and the party ressauis the gage of bataill, the prince suld be wise in his audience geving, and of gude tholemudenes, to suetely here the cause that the appelloure chalangis the appelland of; and wele copy and vnderstand all the mater before, or he geve his consent, and gif the cause movis of dett or of fede, or of ony othir singular cause he suld call counsale, and inquere how and quhare, and in quhat place, and for quhat cause, and of quhat tyme, and all the circumstancis, and gif the prince may be ony way get knawlage of other pruf or witnes, or othir pruf be instrument or obligacioun, or to draw out of the party be inquisicioun or confessioun, and othir maner of prufis. and gif the prince may persaue be ony way that ony knaulage may be gottyn be ony way of the warld, the prince suld nocht thole passe bataill. or suppose na witnes war, bot anerly that the party allegit witnes, [gh]it suld he assigne day till produce thai prufis before the justice ordinare; ffor quhen pruf is offerit, or allegit, all wage of bataill is slokit, be all lawis of canon and of ciuile. to the thrid reugle and doctrine of battaill in listis is this: that the prince in na case suld juge bataill to be, bot quhare thare is na prufis allegit na producit, and that is law commoun and reasonnable custum; bot he sall suere, be his faith, that his cause can nocht be prufit in na way bot be his persoun. he ferde doctrine teching and reugle of bataill in barrieris is: that a prince suld haue gude counsale to ger propone before him the maner of the appellacioun, and the cause and occasiouns that the appellour allegis in his appellacioun, and gif him thinkis resonnable the cause of the appellacioun, he suld admytt thame to the bataill; and gif thai war nocht resonnable, sloke it out, and geue na consent tharetill, na tholaunce; ffor gif fulis, throu thair foly, be sa daft that thai wage bataill for lytill, evyn as to say, quhethir growis better wynnis in burgoyne or in gascoyne? or, quhethir is thare fairar ladyes in florence or in barsalongne? or, in quhat countree is thare best men of armes, in france or in lombardy? and the ta-part cast gage of bataill on the tothir, apon thir grete weris of lawe; or to say, his hors runnys fastar na his; or, that his hors is better na his, or syk lyke thing; or, that he lusis his lady better na he dois; or, that he dancis or syngis better na he dois, or for syk maner of tromperys; a prince suld nocht juge na thole bataill to be, bot he suld, before the peple, in presence of his counsall, punyse syk trompouris, that otheris tuke ensample thareby in tyme to cum, to gage bataill for sik fule causis. the fyft doctrine is: that for na wordis of hete, and sudane ire of chaude cole or of chaude mellencoly, na injuriouse langage, thare suld na prince thole na consent gage of bataill in listis to pas; for wordis may be said for hete, or for brethe, or for gude wyne, or othir wayis in lichtnes, that sone efter he may repent: bot and the wordis be injurious and dishonourable, crimynouss or defamatouris, and he perseuere in his outrageous langage, and lykis nocht till amend; bot stand in his purpos efter that the ire salbe past, ellis the prince suld nocht juge bataill to be: ffor gif he dois, he jugis again the lawis writtin opynly. the sext doctrine is: that because thare is sum men sa hichty hautayn and orguillous and full of surquedry, that thai haue na traist, na fyaunce in god na his sanctis, bot in thair awin propre pyth and vertu of corps and strenth of membris; na has na will; na thocht on god to mend thair mysdedis; na to tak counsale at gude men of lyf and deuocion; na to mak gude ordynaunce for thame self, suppose the prince suld the bataill to be tholit to be done to the vtterest: and tharfore the king suld assigne certane day of bataill and houre to the appelloure, and he suld ger schaw him the grete perile in the quhilk he puttis him in baith of body and of saule, and monyse him, and exhort him on goddis behalf, that all before that euer he schape him for horse, harnais, na othir prouision for the bataill, that first he schape him to se for a gude confessour, that be a gude wise clerke, wele letterit and wele instruct in the faith, and of gude counsale and conscience, that he may discharge his conscience to, and schrive him wele, and put his saule first in gude estate, and his gudein ordinance, as he wald mak his testament to ga to dede, and as wyse man aw to do: quhilk gif he dois nocht, the king suld say him, "that sen he traistit nocht in goddis help, he suld nocht traist that he war a gude cristyn man, and that he suld haue the lesse fauour of him;" and than suld he ordane him a term within quhilk he suld put him in gude estate of the saule to godwart, and syne spere, how thai had done at thair confessoure, and sa suld he do to the tothir: and this is a takyn that a prince is wyse, and lufis wele god, that begynnis at him to dispone all his gouernance and dedis. * * * * * [fol. . b.] here speris the doctoure quhat thingis efferis till all gude prince to do as now sen he hes sum part declarit quhat properteis suld be in ane emperoure, now will he declare quhat properteis a gude king suld haue in him: that is the maist hye dignitie efter the emperoure. and [gh]it will oure maisteris saye that the name of king is mare na the name of emperoure be excellence; ffor oure lord jhesu crist in this erde here callit him nocht emperoure, bot tholit to be callit king of kingis and lord of lordis, as our haly writt beris witness. and alssua he was callit a kingis sone: ffor he is callit in haly writt the sone of david king; and that sais clerkis that he is of kingis be the grettar excellence of lynage. and [gh]it alssua sanct peter menyt to his teching, that the name of king was mare excellent na the name of emperoure, quhen he said till his disciples, that thai suld be subgettis till all creature humayne for the honoure of god [gh]our king, and specially till all kingis for the honoure of him, as to the hiest degree and maist excellent. and this approues the pape gelasius, &c. * * * * * [fol. . b.] and trewly i say, and he kepe wele thir termes, he is a worthy prince, and worthy to be a king, and till haue superioritee and soueranitee, and victory of his fais. and tharefor the doctour settis here certane poyntis of doctrine touchand a [gh]ong prince, in ryme, quhilkis spekis thus: a king that will be ane worthy werryoure, he sulde be wiss, faire, and curageous: and that he be lord of his subjectis, asto the quaile the sperehauk; and that he be misericorde and rigorouss in justice, as case requeris; and that gif he will be wele fortunyt in armes, be ay first. * * * * * [fol. . b.] item, a prince or a king suld nocht oure lichtly trow all talis na sudayn tydingis; ffor mony learis oft tymes flechis lordis with false talis, and settis thame in wrang and euill purpose. and that is oure grete perile in princis and grete lordis, to geue sudane credence till ony mannis tale, quhill he war wele informyt of the suthfastnes: and he suld be wele and ryply avisit, or that he write to the pape ony materis, or till ony strange princis, for ony lycht mennis counsailis, or ony small wrechit mannis. and quhen he wrytis, his writtis suld be wele and statelyke deuisit, and dytit be wise clerkis, and men of counsale, and expert in the lawis and purpose lyke, and syne be notable gude wrytaris as efferis; bathe to the ryaltee of him that sendis the writtis, and of him that thai wryttis ar send to; and suld wele auise for quham he wrytis, that thai be worthy persouns, and alssua for quhat thing he wrytis; that it be nocht a wrechit thing that he wrytis for; and als that his peticioun be bathe rychtwise and honourable; ffor quhen princis prayis for vnworthy persouns, god is offendit and displesit thareat. and syne the pape or princis that he wryttis till, will hald him for ane vnwise prince that the lettres send for sik a persone, and will nocht sa gladly grant him his asking in tyme to cum. and thus sall the renoun of a prince pas oure all the cristyndome, and geue him lofe and honour that excedis all warldis richess, throu the quhilk he sal be prisit and redoubtit bathe with fais and frendis, and haldin for wise prince; and syne sall he be lufit of god, and wyn throu that the joy of paradise. and [gh]it mare, suld a king be temperit and messurit in his conuersacioun, and repair amang folk, in placis public, our oft tymes; ffor ony thing that commouns seis oure oft thai prise all the lesse. and quhen it is seldyn sene it gevis folk in mare grete desyre to se it agayne ay mare and mare; and for this cause the grete souldane of babilone cummys bot thrise in the [gh]ere in publik audience furthwart, and than quhen he cummys furthwart, on thre festuale dayes, he cummys rydand with sik a state and solempnitee that all the peple desyris and presses the mare to se him, na he rade euery day, or euery wolk or moneth; bot gif it be quhen that he rydis in werefare, and than all his peple and cheualrye may se him. and suppose i mycht [gh]it compile and gader togedir mony vertues and properteis that suld be in a prince, and als mony thingis of mysgouernaunce that he suld eschew: bot in gude faith the doctour sais, that he was sa irkit of wryting, that he mycht nocht as now na mare tak on hand as to put in this buke of bataillis; bot and god geve him lyve dayes, he sais, in his conclusioun of his buke, he sall compile a trety of propereteis of gude condiciouns bathe of temparale men and of men of kirk, that sall be gude and prouffitable for all men, that on lukis bathe langand the gouernaunce of thair office and digniteis, as may be compylit be the foundement of haly writt, and efter the lawis writtyn. bot here he prayis to god mekely that he send grace and gude gouernaunce to the prince that he has compilit this wrytt for, and maid this buke till, that is to say king philip[ ] of fraunce, and geue him grace sa to reule his realme, and his ryall magestee and estate, that god be payit of him, and bring him till his euerlestand joye of paradise at his ending, and all his frendis and wele willaris. in nomine patris, et filii, et spiritus sancti. amen. _explicit liber bellorum, sed potius dolorum, ut rescitat doctor in pluribus, etc._ [decoration] no. ii. here before endis the buke of batailles, and here efter begynnys the buke of the ordere of knychthede. [this portion of the manuscript, from fol. , to fol. , is contained in the present volume.] [decoration] no. iii. [fol. . b.] here endis the buke of the ordre of knychthede; and begynnis the buke callit the buke of the gouernaunce of princis, etc. here begynnys the table of the buke of the gouernaunce of princis. and first of the prolog of the first fyndyng, and interpretacioun of the said buke out of diuerse langagis, etc. item, of the first pistle fend fra alexander till arestotil to ask him counsale of the gouernaunce of perse new conquest; and of the form of the epistle, and of his ansuere. item, of ane othir of thé ansueris of aristotle till alexander; and the forme of the epistle send fra aristotle of his opynion. the first chapiter is, how thare is four maneris of kingis. how auarice and fule largess suld be eschewit in a king. how princis and kingis suld sett them for gude renoun here. how thai suld eschew all outrageous carnall lustis and appetitis. quhat kynde of sapience efferis to kingis, princis, and grete lordis. quhatkyn habyt anournement and clething thai suld haue. how kingis and princis suld punyse mysdoaris, and honour gude men. how thai suld haue in thame justice and equitee with merci. quhatkyn plesance, deduytis, and recreaciouns princis suld tak. how punycioun suld be maid efter the case and state of persons. how princis may be lyknyt to the dew of the hevyn. how kingis and princis are of the samyn nature with symple men. how thai suld delyte thame in bukis of stories of vertues and vicis, and of othir honourable dedis of alde ancestry, and of wisedome. how thai sulde kepe gude faith and lautee till all mankynde euer. how princis suld found scolis and studyes of sciences in thair contreis. how thai suld nocht gouerne thame be women, na trow thair counsale. how thai suld nocht traist anerly in a medicine, but ma. how princes suld gouerne thame be a wyse clerk, expert in astronomy. off the science of astronomy, and of the divisioun of it. how princis suld atoure all thing tak kepe to thair hele. how and in quhat maner thai suld gouerne thair hele keping. here declaris the philosophour certane documentis of medicyne. here declaris the philosophour certane secrete documentis of medicyne. here declaris he the four rathis of the [gh]ere, and first of ver. and first of the kynde of the sesoun of somer. and syne of the third sesoun that is callit hervist. and syne of the nature of the wynter. quhat thingis fattis or lenys men maist. here declaris the philosophour ane othir poynt of medicyne. quhat kyndis of metis ar best for man. off syndry kyndis of wateris, and thair naturis. off syndry kyndis of wynis, and thair naturis. off bathis and stuphis [stoves], and thair gouernaunce and proffittis. quhat justice efferis till a prince or a king. how a prince or a king suld ken himself. how kingis and princis suld gouerne be grete counsale. how the man is maid of the four elementis. how princis suld haue discrete secretaris. how thai suld have discrete and traist messageris. how the prince and the peple are comperit till a gardyn. explicit tabula de regimine principum. here begynnis the buke callit the buke of the gouernance of princis, that is callit the secrete of secretis, maid be aristotyll till alexander the grand: and first the proloug as it is contenyt in the franch buke. prologus. here declaris the autour of this buke that a clerk, callit fair patrix, wyse in all langagis fand in grece, kepit within a temple, callit the temple of the sonne, (the quhilk the noble philosophour esculapius had gert mak,) this buke of the secretis of aristotle in language of grew; the quhilk he translatit out of grew in the langage of caldee, the quhilk was quhilom the langage of grete babyloyne, and now is the langage of grete inde; and syne, at request of the king of araby, he translatit it off the langage of caldee in his langage of arrabyk. and syne, efter that mony a [gh]ere, ane othir grete clerk, callit philippus, translatit it out of arabyk in lang latyne, and send it till ane reuerend fader in crist, and wyse prelate, noble and honourable sir guy de valance, bischop of tryploun: and as beris witness be thair alde ancien stories, the worthy and noble philosophouris in thay tymes, that als lang as alexander le grant had with him aristotil the wyse clerk, he passit throuch and vencust all realmes, and all his inymyes, throu the mekle prudence and wisedome of that noble philosophour and throu his counsale. and quhen he mycht no mare trauaile with him, he send him ay betuene lettres and epistlis, how he suld gouerne him in all his dedis and grete materis. and at the last, quhen he saw he mycht nocht for elde langsumely be nature left, he compilit this buke to be a reugle of gouernaunce till him euer mare quhill he lyvit, and send it till him with grete regrate and lamentacioun, that he mycht no mare be with him, sa mekle he lufit him, for cause he was his maister and his techour euer fra his begynnyng of barnehede till that tyme, and with him in his conquestis. and syne was this ilke buke translatit out of latine in the langage of romaine, nocht all hallely bot alsmekle as thame thocht nedefull and spedefull to the gouernance of princis. and tharfore the noble philosophour said in his counsale geving till alexander, that it was nocht spedefull that this buke war till all men publist, bot anerly to the secrete counsale of princis, and of grete lordis, and nocht to commouns; and to rede it oft tymes before thame, to tak, as myrour schawis the faultis and the suthfastnes, ensample, and doctrine of gude lyfing, and formable as efferis to thair honour and prouffit, and of thair subjectis. for it is nocht spedefull that popularis wit the secrete of princis, na lordis gouernance, na the reuglis of thair ordre; and thairfor is the buke callit the secrete of secretis of aristotil, ordanyt for document and teching of gouernance of princis. here declaris he how aristotle ressauit a pistle sent fra alexander till him in his grete age, to ask counsale, quhen he had conquest perse, quhethir he suld destroy and sla all the folk of that land, and peple it with others? because that thay war perilouse to gouerne, and subtile, and full of mychti maliciouse engyne of conquest, for the quhilk he dred thair subtile malice. forma epistole alexandri regis magni ad aristotilem. till ane maist noble and worthy lord of justice, i signify to thy prudence, that i haue foundyn in the land of perse a kynde of folk rycht haboundand in richess, and of lytill vnderstanding, settand thair study to mak conquestis of realmes, and desyrand till haue lordschip atour othir men; ffor the quhilk cause, that we can nocht fynd to be seker of thame, we haue tane to purpose to put thame all to dede; bot bydand to haue thy counsale thareto, be wrytt in lettres; the quhilk counsale we will kepe and fulfill at the vtterast. here followis the ansuere of aristotil till alexander in epistil. alexander, gif thou may change the nature of the erde, the water, and the aire of that regioun, and the disposicioun of the citeis of the landis of perse, than counsale i that thou do thy will hardily; and gif thou may nocht do as foresaid is, sla thame nocht, bot gouerne thame in all gudelynes, with clemence, benignitee, and sueteness, put honour to thaim, and graciously demayne thame in graciouse justice and equitee; the quhilk gif thou dois, i traist, that with the grace of god, that thai sal be gude subjectis to thé, and sall gouerne thame at thy plesaunce and commandement: ffor than for the lufe that thai sall haue to thé for thy nobless, thou sall haue the dominacioun apon thame with peis and tranquilitie. the quhilkis lettres the prince ressauit with benignitee, and fulfillit his counsale vtterly; throu the quhilkis thingis the peple of perse gafe sik a luferent till alexander, that thai lufit him better, and was mare obeysand till him, na ony othir pepele of ony of his othir conquestis. here followis a pistle send fra aristotil till alexander excusand him for sore elde and waykenes he mycht na mare byde with him na hald the court; and tharfore he send him a regement in wrytt, how and in quhat maner he suld gouerne him ay furth; the quhilk begynnis in this maner as efter folowis:-- alexander, faire sone, gloriouss emperour, the souerane preciouss god almychty mot confirme thé, and send thé knaulege to fauour the wayis of vertu, and of veritee, and that he wald refreyne in thé all bestiale appetitis, and that he wald illumyn thyne engyne, and conferme thy spirit of thy gouernaunce till his honour and service, honourably to be ressauit as efferis. and i have vnderstandin, how thou desyris that i war with thé; and that thou sais thou art amaruailit that i may abstene fra thy presence; thinkand that i am not sa besy and diligent of thy gouernaunce as i was wont to be: and be this cause i haue vndertane to make litil reugles callit cannonet, that is to say, a lytil buke, the quhilk salbe as a balaunce in the quhilk thou sall payss all thy werkis in; and to be a supplee to thé in my absence, rycht as i war present: &c. * * * * * xl.--capitulum. [fol. .] here declaris the noble philosophour how that the subjectis of princis that ar the vphald of the warlde, ar comperit till a faire gardyn, or till a lordis tresoure, and that thai suld be kepit as tresoure. alexander, faire sone, [gh]it will i that thow witt, that thy subjectis suld be kepit as thy tresouris, ffor thai ar thy tresoure. for thai may be comperit till a lord that has a faire and gude gardyn quhare thare is grete quantitee of fruyte treis, herbis, and othir gresis, richess, and nedefull till mannis behufe, the quhilkis [gh]erely and contynualy beris grete plentee of fruytis for mannis sustenaunce quhen thai ar well grathit, scroubbit, and demaynit, and wele gudit, kepit, sustenit, and gouernyt at rycht, and suld be wele sene to, and socourit at thair nedis. and kepit wele in gude reugle of justice and saufit fra injuris and oppressins, and that thare be bot thou allane gardener upon thame, and nocht mony maister gardenaris; ffor quhare mony maister gardeneris ar the gardyn is nocht commounly all prouffitably gouernyt, the quhilk suld be of gude gouernaunce that stent him nocht to spill thy treis, na gader thy fruytis, that is to say, thy subjectis gudis wrangwisely; and sa may thy realme left, and be wele defendit and conseruit, sa that thou kepe thé nocht to haue mony dispensaris in thy gardyn, that is thy realme. ffor quhy, for couatise and gredynes of thy fruytis, thar may enter corrupcioun in thy gardyn, and syne apon thyself, quhen ilk ane pressis oure otheris to be masteris of thi gudis, and of thy counsaile, and thi gouernaunce. bot thare is mony that will hecht and say thai sall do wele, and quhen thai mount in gouernaunce thai do all othir wayis. and sum corrumpis be giftis and hechtis princis counsailouris, and peruertis all gude gouernaunce throu thair gredyness of gudis, gevand giftis to lordis of the counsale for to maneteine thame lang in thaire officis and in thaire malicis. and traist wele, alexander, that thy peple and thy barouns, thy bacheleris and thy commons ar the stuf and the multiplicacioun and furnyssing of thy realme, and be thame mon thou be crownyt, and thy croun vphaldyn and mayntenyt, and be thai nocht throu thé manetenyt and sustenyt in thair rychtis and richess, thai will nocht lufe thé, na honoure thé, na tho court, na help to sustene thyne estate; ffor bot gyf thou mak thaim cause to be fyablez and traist to thé, and thy worschip and prouffit, and to hald lufe and lautee betuix thé and thy peple, thou fall neuer be seker na seure a day in thy realme. and will thou vmbethink thé wele of all that i haue said, and gouerne thé efter my deuise and counsale beforesaid, thou sal be haldyn as wyse and worthy king, and doubtit and lufit of thy peple, and of all otheris: and thou sall cum aboue of all thyne vndertakingis and desyris: quhilkis gif thou faillis to do, thou sall se that thare sall cum greuouse mischeif and mysfortune, bathe upon thé and thy realme, and thy gouernaunce, and it sall nocht be in thy powar to sett remede, na thou can nocht, na may nocht estymy the paynis that suld be injunct to thé tharfore. bot here i pray hertfully to the hye and mychty god, makare of hevyn and erde, to geue thé grace, as he is gudely gouernoure of hevin and erde, and of all the warlde to gouerne thé sa in vertu and in veritee, in justice and leautee, that god and man be payit of the end: and rycht sa mote it be of oure worthy king, and graciouse prince, and all his welewillaris, i pray to god almichti, in nomine patris et filii, et spiritus sancti. amen. explicit le gouernement des princes. [decoration] * * * * * notes. [ ] dunbar's poems, by laing, vol. i. pp. , , edin. , vols. post vo. [ ] this work extends to volumes in folio. vol. i. was published at edinburgh in ; vol. ii. in ; vol. iii. in . this volume contains a list of nearly subscribers. on the title of a ms. which belonged to robert myln, the genealogist, he makes a reference to a life of dr thomas reid, among "the schedules of dr mackenzie's th volume of lives." whether such "schedules" still exist, is uncertain. [ ] dr george mackenzie, was born on the th december . he was the son of the hon. colin mackenzie, second son of george, second earl of seaforth, and of jean, daughter of dr robert laurie, bishop of brechin. he died at fortrose, on the th november .--(caledonian mercury, dec. , .) [ ] the last three leaves contain a transcript of two articles unconnected with the rest of the volume, viz.--"the ordour of the processioun and bering of the sacrament in antuarpe the first day of junij the [gh]eir of god i^m v^c lxij." and a letter or testimonial from thomas bishop of orknoy in , addressed to the king of norwege, respecting the genealogy of william of sanctclare, erle of orchadie, &c. (the ancestor of the st clairs of roslin,) "translatit out of latin into scottis, be me, deine thomas gwld, monk of newbothill," in the year . [ ] les manuscrits françois de la bibliothéque du roi: par a. paulin paris, vol. v. p. . [ ] see lewis's life of caxton, p. . [ ] catalogue des livres imprimés sur vélin, de la bibliothéque du roi, tome iii. p. . [ ] edinburgh, , p. . [ ] in maidment's analecta scotica, vol. ii. p. , is a curious indenture betwixt sir william the hay, knight, lorde of the nauchtane, and alan of kynnarde lord of that ilke, and dame mary of murray his wife, for the marriage of their children, dated th december . [ ] at a latter period, among the determinants at st andrews, in , we find "gilbertus hay, cujus bursa, viij^s. vj^d;" and again "m. gilbertus hay," as having taken his degree as a licentiate in . but this obviously could not have been sir gilbert hay. in the "compot. magist. roberti pantre receptoris facultatis arcium anni [m.cccc.]lii. datum iiii^o die decembris," at the end of a long list of contributions is this entry--"item, per magistrum gilbertum hay, xxv^s. debitor thomas hay licentiatus, frater ejusdem gilberti." the name of thomas hay stands first in the list of licentiates in - . [ ] genealogie of the sainteclaires of rosslyn, by father richard augustin hay, p. . edin. , to. [ ] lord hailes's additional case of the countess of sutherland, pp. , . [ ] genealogie of the sainteclaires of rosslyn, p. - . [ ] "extracts from the buike of king alexander the conquerour, a manuscript in the library at taymouth castle." ( ). to. privately printed by the secretary of the bannatyne club. [ ] see _supra_, page . [ ] the number of the chapters, in both the second and third parts or books, are omitted in the original manuscript. [ ] in the ms. the numbers of the chapters in this fourth part, are marked, primum capitulum, ii. ca^m., iii. ca^m. &c. [ ] although each chapter at the beginning is marked with a rubric, the number of the chapter is not given in the original manuscript. the following selection will be found to differ somewhat in the divisions, but it represents the whole portion of the manuscript which corresponds with the titles of chapters to , in the preceding table; along with the conclusion of the work. [ ] in the original, "car toutes comparaisons sont haynneuses." [ ] [it will be observed, that in the prologue or dedication, at page , this "buke" was addressed by the author to charles the sixth, king of france.] generously made available by the internet archive/canadian libraries.) the history of the knights templars, the temple church, and the temple. by charles g. addison, esq. of the inner temple. [illustration: testis svm agni.] london: longman, brown, green, and longmans, paternoster row. . london: printed by g. j. palmer, savoy street, strand. to the masters of the bench of the honourable societies of the inner and middle temple, the restorers of the antient church of the knights templars, this work is respectfully dedicated by the author. preface. the extraordinary and romantic career of the knights templars, their exploits and their misfortunes, render their history a subject of peculiar interest. born during the first fervour of the crusades, they were flattered and aggrandized as long as their great military power and religious fanaticism could be made available for the support of the eastern church and the retention of the holy land, but when the crescent had ultimately triumphed over the cross, and the religio-military enthusiasm of christendom had died away, they encountered the basest ingratitude in return for the services they had rendered to the christian faith, and were plundered, persecuted, and condemned to a cruel death, by those who ought in justice to have been their defenders and supporters. the memory of these holy warriors is embalmed in all our recollections of the wars of the cross; they were the bulwarks of the latin kingdom of jerusalem during the short period of its existence, and were the last band of europe's host that contended for the possession of palestine. to the vows of the monk and the austere life of the convent, the templars added the discipline of the camp, and the stern duties of the military life, joining "the fine vocation of the sword and lance, with the gross aims, and body-bending toil of a poor brotherhood, who walk the earth pitied." the vulgar notion that the templars were as _wicked_ as they were fearless and brave, has not yet been entirely exploded; but it is hoped that the copious account of the proceedings against the order in this country, given in the ninth and tenth chapters of the ensuing volume, will tend to dispel many unfounded prejudices still entertained against the fraternity, and excite emotions of admiration for their constancy and courage, and of pity for their unmerited and cruel fate. matthew paris, who wrote at _st. albans_, concerning events in _palestine_, tells us that the emulation between the templars and hospitallers frequently broke out into open warfare to the great scandal and prejudice of christendom, and that, in a pitched battle fought between them, the templars were slain to a man. the solitary testimony of matthew paris, who was no friend to the two orders, is invalidated by the silence of contemporary historians, who wrote on the spot; and it is quite evident from the letters of the pope, addressed to the hospitallers, the year after the date of the alleged battle, that such an occurrence never could have taken place. the accounts, even of the best of the antient writers, should not be adopted without examination, and a careful comparison with other sources of information. william of tyre, for instance, tells us that _nassr-ed-deen_, son of sultan _abbas_, was taken prisoner by the templars, and whilst in their hands became a convert to the christian religion; that he had learned the rudiments of the latin language, and earnestly sought to be baptized, but that the templars were bribed with sixty thousand pieces of gold to surrender him to his enemies in egypt, where certain death awaited him; and that they stood by to see him bound hand and foot with chains, and placed in an iron cage, to be conducted across the desert to cairo. now the arabian historians of that period tell us that _nassr-ed-deen_ and his father murdered the caliph and threw his body into a well, and then fled with their retainers and treasure into palestine; that the sister of the murdered caliph wrote immediately to the commandant at gaza, which place was garrisoned by the knights templars, offering a handsome reward for the capture of the fugitives; that they were accordingly intercepted, and _nassr-ed-deen_ was sent to cairo, where the female relations of the caliph caused his body to be cut into small pieces in the seraglio. the above act has constantly been made a matter of grave accusation against the templars; but what a different complexion does the case assume on the testimony of the arabian authorities! it must be remembered that william archbishop of tyre was hostile to the order on account of its vast powers and privileges, and carried his complaints to a general council of the church at rome. he is abandoned, in everything that he says to the prejudice of the fraternity, by james of vitry, bishop of acre, a learned and most talented prelate, who wrote in palestine subsequently to william of tyre, and has copied largely from the history of the latter. the bishop of acre speaks of the templars in the highest terms, and declares that they were universally loved by all men for their piety and humility. "_nulli molesti erant!_" says he, "_sed ab omnibus propter humilitatem et religionem amabantur._" the celebrated orientalist _von hammer_ has recently brought forward various extraordinary and unfounded charges, destitute of all authority, against the templars; and _wilcke_, who has written a german history of the order, seems to have imbibed all the vulgar prejudices against the fraternity. i might have added to the interest of the ensuing work, by making the templars horrible and atrocious villains; but i have endeavoured to write a fair and impartial account of the order, not slavishly adopting everything i find detailed in antient writers, but such matters only as i believe, after a careful examination of the best authorities, to be _true_. it is a subject of congratulation to us that we possess, in the temple church at london, the most beautiful and perfect memorial of the order of the knights templars now in existence. no one who has seen that building in its late dress of plaster and whitewash will recognize it when restored to its antient magnificence. this venerable structure was one of the chief ecclesiastical edifices of the knights templars in europe, and stood next in rank to the temple at jerusalem. as i have performed the pilgrimage to the holy city, and wandered amid the courts of the antient temple of the knights templars on mount moriah, i could not but regard with more than ordinary interest the restoration by the societies of the inner and the middle temple of their beautiful temple church. the greatest zeal and energy have been displayed by them in that praiseworthy undertaking, and no expense has been spared to repair the ravages of time, and to bring back the structure to _what it was_ in the time of the templars. in the summer i had the pleasure of accompanying one of the chief and most enthusiastic promoters of the restoration of the church (mr. burge, q.c.) over the interesting fabric, and at his suggestion the present work was commenced. i am afraid that it will hardly answer his expectations, and am sorry that the interesting task has not been undertaken by an abler hand. temple, nov. , . p.s. mr. willement, who is preparing some exquisitely stained glass windows for the temple church, has just drawn my attention to the nineteenth volume of the "mÉmoires de la sociÉtÉ royale des antiquaires de france," published last year. it contains a most curious and interesting account of the church of brelevennez, in the department des cotes-du-nord, supposed to have formerly belonged to the order of the temple, written by the chevalier du fremanville. amongst various curious devices, crosses, and symbols found upon the windows and the tombs of the church, is a copper medallion, which appears to have been suspended from the neck by a chain. this decoration consists of a small circle, within which are inscribed two equilateral triangles placed one upon the other, so as to form a six-pointed star. in the midst of the star is a second circle, containing within it the lamb of the order of the temple holding the banner in its fore-paw, similar to what we see on the antient seal of the order delineated in the title-page of this work. mr. willement has informed me that he has received an offer from a gentleman in brittany to send over casts of the decorations and devices lately discovered in that church. he has kindly referred the letter to me for consideration, but i have not thought it advisable to delay the publication of the present work for the purpose of procuring them. mr. willement has also drawn my attention to a very distinct impression of the reverse of the seal of the temple described in page , whereon i read very plainly the interesting motto, "testis svm agni." contents. chapter i. origin of the templars--the pilgrimages to jerusalem--the dangers to which pilgrims were exposed--the formation of the brotherhood of the poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ to protect them--their location in the temple--a description of the temple--origin of the name templars--hugh de payens chosen master of the temple--is sent to europe by king baldwin--is introduced to the pope--the assembling of the council of troyes--the formation of a rule for the government of the templars _page_ chapter ii. regula pauperum commilitonum christi et templi salomonis. the most curious parts of the rule displayed--the confirmation of the rule by the pope--the visit of hugh de payens, the master of the temple, to england--his cordial reception--the foundation of the order in this country--lands and money granted to the templars--their popularity in europe--the rapid increase of their fraternity--st. bernard takes up the pen in their behalf--he displays their valour and piety chapter iii. hugh de payens returns to palestine--his death--robert de craon made master--success of the infidels--the second crusade--the templars assume the red cross--their gallant actions and high discipline--lands, manors, and churches granted them in england--bernard de tremelay made master--he is slain by the infidels--bertrand de blanquefort made master--he is taken prisoner, and sent in chains to aleppo-- the pope writes letters in praise of the templars--their religious and military enthusiasm--their war banner called _beauseant_--the rise of the rival religio-military order of the hospital of st. john chapter iv. the contests between saladin and the templars--the vast privileges of the templars--the publication of the bull, _omne datum optimum_--the pope declares himself the immediate bishop of the entire order--the different classes of templars--the knights--priests--serving brethren--the hired soldiers--the great officers of the temple--punishment of cowardice--the master of the temple is taken prisoner, and dies in a dungeon--saladin's great successes--the christians purchase a truce--the master of the temple and the patriarch heraclius proceed to england for succour--the consecration of the temple church at london chapter v. the temple at london--the vast possessions of the templars in england--the territorial divisions of the order--the different preceptories in this country--the privileges conferred on the templars by the kings of england--the masters of the temple at london--their power and importance chapter vi. the patriarch heraclius quarrels with the king of england--he returns to palestine without succour--the disappointments and gloomy forebodings of the templars--they prepare to resist saladin--their defeat and slaughter--the valiant deeds of the marshal of the temple--the fatal battle of tiberias--the captivity of the grand master and the true cross--the captive templars are offered the koran or death--they choose the latter, and are beheaded--the fall of jerusalem--the moslems take possession of the temple--they purify it with rose-water, say prayers, and hear a sermon--the templars retire to antioch--their letters to the king of england and the master of the temple at london--their exploits at the siege of acre chapter vii. richard coeur de lion joins the templars before acre--the city surrenders, and the templars establish the chief house of their order within it--coeur de lion takes up his abode with them--he sells to them the island of cyprus--the templars form the van of his army--their foraging expeditions and great exploits--coeur de lion quits the holy land in the disguise of a knight templar--the templars build the pilgrim's castle in palestine--the state of the order in england--king john resides in the temple at london--the barons come to him at that place, and demand magna charta--the exploits of the templars in egypt--the letters of the grand master to the master of the temple at london--the templars reconquer jerusalem chapter viii. the conquest of jerusalem by the carizmians--the slaughter of the templars, and the death of the grand master--the exploits of the templars in egypt--king louis of france visits the templars in palestine--he assists them in putting the country into a defensible state--henry ii., king of england, visits the temple at paris--the magnificent hospitality of the templars in england and france--benocdar, sultan of egypt, invades palestine--he defeats the templars, takes their strong fortresses, and decapitates six hundred of their brethren--the grand master comes to england for succour--the renewal of the war--the fall of acre, and the final extinction of the templars in palestine chapter ix. the downfall of the templars--the cause thereof--the grand master comes to europe at the request of the pope--he is imprisoned, with all the templars in france, by command of king philip--they are put to the torture, and confessions of the guilt of heresy and idolatry are extracted from them-- edward ii. king of england stands up in defence of the templars, but afterwards persecutes them at the instance of the pope--the imprisonment of the master of the temple and all his brethren in england--their examination upon eighty-seven horrible and ridiculous articles of accusation before foreign inquisitors appointed by the pope--a council of the church assembles at london to pass sentence upon them--the curious evidence adduced as to the mode of admission into the order, and of the customs and observances of the fraternity chapter x. the templars in france revoke their rack-extorted confessions--they are tried as relapsed heretics, and burnt at the stake--the progress of the inquiry in england--the curious evidence adduced as to the mode of holding the chapters of the order--as to the penance enjoined therein, and the absolution pronounced by the master--the templars draw up a written defence, which they present to the ecclesiastical council-- they are placed in separate dungeons, and put to the torture-- two serving brethren and a chaplain of the order then make confessions--many other templars acknowledge themselves guilty of heresy in respect of their belief in the religious authority of their master--they make their recantations, and are reconciled to the church before the south door of saint paul's cathedral--the order of the temple is abolished by the pope--the last of the masters of the temple in england dies in the tower--the disposal of the property of the order-- observations on the downfall of the templars chapter xi. the temple church. the restoration of the temple church--the beauty and magnificence of the venerable building--the various styles of architecture displayed in it--the discoveries made during the recent restoration--the sacrarium--the marble piscina--the sacramental niches--the penitential cell--the ancient chapel of st. anne--historical matters connected with the temple church--the holy relics anciently preserved therein--the interesting monumental remains chapter xii. the temple church. the monuments of the crusaders--the tomb and effigy of sir geoffrey de magnaville, earl of essex, and constable of the tower--his life and death, and famous exploits--of william marshall, earl of pembroke, protector of england--of the lord de ross--of william and gilbert marshall, earls of pembroke-- of william plantagenet, fifth son of henry the third--the anxious desire manifested by king henry the third, queen eleanor, and various persons of rank, to be buried in the temple church chapter xiii. the temple. antiquities in the temple--the history of the place subsequent to the dissolution of the order of the knights templars--the establishment of a society of lawyers in the temple--the antiquity of this society--its connexion with the antient society of the knights templars--an order of knights and serving brethren established in the law--the degree of _frere serjen_, or _frater serviens_, borrowed from the antient templars--the modern templars divide themselves into the two societies of the inner and middle temple chapter xiv. the temple. the temple garden--the erection of new buildings in the temple--the dissolution of the order of the hospital of saint john--the law societies become lessees of the crown--the erection of the magnificent middle temple hall--the conversion of the old hall into chambers--the grant of the inheritance of the temple to the two law societies--their magnificent present to his majesty--their antient orders and customs, and antient hospitality--their grand entertainments--reader's feasts-- grand christmasses and revels--the fox-hunt in the hall--the dispute with the lord mayor--the quarrel with the _custos_ of the temple church errata. in note, page , _for_ infinitus, _read_ infinitis. , _for_ carrissime, _read_ carissime. , _for_ angli, _read_ anglia. , _for_ promptia, _read_ promptior. , _for_ principos, _read_ principes. , _for_ patriarcha, _read_ patriarcham. the knights templars. chapter i. origin of the templars--the pilgrimages to jerusalem--the dangers to which pilgrims were exposed--the formation of the brotherhood of the poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ to protect them--their location in the temple--a description of the temple--origin of the name templars--hugh de payens chosen master of the temple--is sent to europe by king baldwin--is introduced to the pope--the assembling of the council of troyes--the formation of a rule for the government of the templars. "yet 'midst her towering fanes in ruin laid, the pilgrim saint his murmuring vespers paid; 'twas his to mount the tufted rocks, and rove the chequer'd twilight of the olive-grove: 'twas his to bend beneath the sacred gloom, and wear with many a kiss messiah's tomb." the extraordinary and romantic institution of the knights templars, those military friars who so strangely blended the character of the monk with that of the soldier, took its origin in the following manner:-- on the miraculous discovery of the holy sepulchre by the empress helena, the mother of constantine, about years after the death of christ, and the consequent erection, by command of the first christian emperor, of the magnificent church of the resurrection, or, as it is now called, the church of the holy sepulchre, over the sacred monument, the tide of pilgrimage set in towards jerusalem, and went on increasing in strength as christianity gradually spread throughout europe. on the surrender of the holy city to the victorious arabians, (a. d. ,) the privileges and the security of the christian population were provided for in the following guarantee, given under the hand and seal of the caliph omar to sophronius the patriarch. "from omar ebno 'l alchitab to the inhabitants of Ælia." "they shall be protected and secured both in their lives and fortunes, and their churches shall neither be pulled down nor made use of by any but themselves."[ ] under the government of the arabians, the pilgrimages continued steadily to increase; the old and the young, women and children, flocked in crowds to jerusalem, and in the year the holy sepulchre was visited by an enthusiastic band of seven thousand pilgrims, headed by the archbishop of mentz and the bishops of utrecht, bamberg, and ratisbon.[ ] the year following, however, jerusalem was conquered by the wild turcomans. three thousand of the citizens were indiscriminately massacred, and the hereditary command over the holy city and territory was confided to the emir ortok, the chief of a savage pastoral tribe. under the iron yoke of these fierce northern strangers, the christians were fearfully oppressed; they were driven from their churches; divine worship was ridiculed and interrupted; and the patriarch of the holy city was dragged by the hair of his head over the sacred pavement of the church of the resurrection, and cast into a dungeon, to extort a ransom from the sympathy of his flock. the pilgrims who, through innumerable perils, had reached the gates of the holy city, were plundered, imprisoned, and frequently massacred; an _aureus_, or piece of gold, was exacted as the price of admission to the holy sepulchre, and many, unable to pay the tax, were driven by the swords of the turcomans from the very threshold of the object of all their hopes, the bourne of their long pilgrimage, and were compelled to retrace their weary steps in sorrow and anguish to their distant homes.[ ] the melancholy intelligence of the profanation of the holy places, and of the oppression and cruelty of the turcomans, aroused the religious chivalry of christendom; "a nerve was touched of exquisite feeling, and the sensation vibrated to the heart of europe." then arose the wild enthusiasm of the crusades; men of all ranks, and even monks and priests, animated by the exhortations of the pope and the preachings of peter the hermit, flew to arms, and enthusiastically undertook "the pious and glorious enterprize" of rescuing the holy sepulchre of christ from the foul abominations of the heathen. when intelligence of the capture of jerusalem by the crusaders (a. d. ) had been conveyed to europe, the zeal of pilgrimage blazed forth with increased fierceness; it had gathered intensity from the interval of its suppression by the wild turcomans, and promiscuous crowds of both sexes, old men and children, virgins and matrons, thinking the road then open and the journey practicable, successively pressed forwards towards the holy city, with the passionate desire of contemplating the original monuments of the redemption.[ ] the infidels had indeed been driven out of jerusalem, but not out of palestine. the lofty mountains bordering the sea-coast were infested by bold and warlike bands of fugitive mussulmen, who maintained themselves in various impregnable castles and strongholds, from whence they issued forth upon the high-roads, cut off the communication between jerusalem and the sea-ports, and revenged themselves for the loss of their habitations and property by the indiscriminate pillage of all travellers. the bedouin horsemen, moreover, making rapid incursions from beyond the jordan, frequently kept up a desultory and irregular warfare in the plains; and the pilgrims, consequently, whether they approached the holy city by land or by sea, were alike exposed to almost daily hostility, to plunder, and to death. to alleviate the dangers and distresses to which these pious enthusiasts were exposed, to guard the honour of the saintly virgins and matrons,[ ] and to protect the gray hairs of the venerable palmer, nine noble knights formed a holy brotherhood in arms, and entered into a solemn compact to aid one another in clearing the highways of infidels, and of robbers, and in protecting the pilgrims through the passes and defiles of the mountains to the holy city. warmed with the religious and military fervour of the day, and animated by the sacredness of the cause to which they had devoted their swords, they called themselves the _poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ_. they renounced the world and its pleasures, and in the holy church of the resurrection, in the presence of the patriarch of jerusalem, they embraced vows of perpetual chastity, obedience, and poverty, after the manner of monks.[ ] uniting in themselves the two most popular qualities of the age, devotion and valour, and exercising them in the most popular of all enterprises, the protection of the pilgrims and of the road to the holy sepulchre, they speedily acquired a vast reputation and a splendid renown. at first, we are told, they had no church and no particular place of abode, but in the year of our lord , (nineteen years after the conquest of jerusalem by the crusaders,) they had rendered such good and acceptable service to the christians, that baldwin the second, king of jerusalem, granted them a place of habitation within the sacred inclosure of the temple on mount moriah, amid those holy and magnificent structures, partly erected by the christian emperor justinian, and partly built by the caliph omar, which were then exhibited by the monks and priests of jerusalem, whose restless zeal led them to practise on the credulity of the pilgrims, and to multiply relics and all objects likely to be sacred in their eyes, as the _temple of solomon_, whence the poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ came thenceforth to be known by the name of "_the knighthood of the temple of solomon_."[ ] a few remarks in elucidation of the name templars, or knights of the temple, may not be altogether unacceptable. by the mussulmen, the site of the great jewish temple on mount moriah has always been regarded with peculiar veneration. mahomet, in the first year of the publication of the koran, directed his followers, when at prayer, to turn their faces towards it, and pilgrimages have constantly been made to the holy spot by devout moslems. on the conquest of jerusalem by the arabians, it was the first care of the caliph omar to rebuild "the temple of the lord." assisted by the principal chieftains of his army, the commander of the faithful undertook the pious office of clearing the ground with his own hands, and of tracing out the foundations of the magnificent mosque which now crowns with its dark and swelling dome the elevated summit of mount moriah.[ ] this great house of prayer, the most holy mussulman temple in the world after that of mecca, is erected over the spot where "solomon began to build the house of the lord at jerusalem on mount moriah, where the lord appeared unto david his father, in the place that david had prepared in the threshing-floor of ornan the jebusite." it remains to this day in a state of perfect preservation, and is one of the finest specimens of saracenic architecture in existence. it is entered by four spacious doorways, each door facing one of the cardinal points; the _bab el d'jannat_, or gate of the garden, on the north; the _bab el kebla_, or gate of prayer, on the south; the _bab ib'n el daoud_, or the gate of the son of david, on the east; and the _bab el garbi_, on the west. by the arabian geographers it is called _beit allah_, the house of god, also _beit almokaddas_, or _beit almacdes_, the holy house. from it jerusalem derives its arabic name, _el kods_, the holy, _el schereef_, the noble, and _el mobarek_, the blessed; while the governors of the city, instead of the customary high-sounding titles of sovereignty and dominion, take the simple title of _hami_, or protectors. on the conquest of jerusalem by the crusaders, the crescent was torn down from the summit of this famous mussulman temple, and was replaced by an immense golden cross, and the edifice was then consecrated to the services of the christian religion, but retained its simple appellation of "the temple of the lord." william, archbishop of tyre and chancellor of the kingdom of jerusalem, gives an interesting account of this famous edifice as it existed in his time, during the latin dominion. he speaks of the splendid mosaic work, of the arabic characters setting forth the name of the founder, and the cost of the undertaking, and of the famous rock under the centre of the dome, which is to this day shown by the moslems as the spot whereon the destroying angel stood, "with his drawn sword in his hand stretched out over jerusalem."[ ] this rock he informs us was left exposed and uncovered for the space of fifteen years after the conquest of the holy city by the crusaders, but was, after that period, cased with a handsome altar of white marble, upon which the priests daily said mass. to the south of this holy mussulman temple, on the extreme edge of the summit of mount moriah, and resting against the modern walls of the town of jerusalem, stands the venerable christian church of the virgin, erected by the emperor justinian, whose stupendous foundations, remaining to this day, fully justify the astonishing description given of the building by procopius. that writer informs us that in order to get a level surface for the erection of the edifice, it was necessary, on the east and south sides of the hill, to raise up a wall of masonry from the valley below, and to construct a vast foundation, partly composed of solid stone and partly of arches and pillars. the stones were of such magnitude, that each block required to be transported in a truck drawn by forty of the emperor's strongest oxen; and to admit of the passage of these trucks it was necessary to widen the roads leading to jerusalem. the forests of lebanon yielded their choicest cedars for the timbers of the roof, and a quarry of variegated marble, seasonably discovered in the adjoining mountains, furnished the edifice with superb marble columns.[ ] the interior of this interesting structure, which still remains at jerusalem, after a lapse of more than thirteen centuries, in an excellent state of preservation, is adorned with six rows of columns, from whence spring arches supporting the cedar beams and timbers of the roof; and at the end of the building is a round tower, surmounted by a dome. the vast stones, the walls of masonry, and the subterranean colonnade raised to support the south-east angle of the platform whereon the church is erected, are truly wonderful, and may still be seen by penetrating through a small door, and descending several flights of steps at the south-east corner of the inclosure. adjoining the sacred edifice, the emperor erected hospitals, or houses of refuge, for travellers, sick people, and mendicants of all nations; the foundations whereof, composed of handsome roman masonry, are still visible on either side of the southern end of the building. on the conquest of jerusalem by the moslems, this venerable church was converted into a mosque, and was called _d'jamé al acsa_; it was enclosed, together with the great mussulman temple of the lord erected by the caliph omar, within a large area by a high stone wall, which runs around the edge of the summit of mount moriah, and guards from the profane tread of the unbeliever the whole of that sacred ground whereon once stood the gorgeous temple of the wisest of kings.[ ] when the holy city was taken by the crusaders, the _d'jamé al acsa_, with the various buildings constructed around it, became the property of the kings of jerusalem; and is denominated by william of tyre "the palace," or "royal house to the south of the temple of the lord, vulgarly called _the temple of solomon_."[ ] it was this edifice or temple on mount moriah which was appropriated to the use of the poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ, as they had no _church_ and no particular place of abode, and from it they derived their name of knights templars.[ ] james of vitry, bishop of acre, who gives an interesting account of the holy places, thus speaks of the temple of the knights templars. "there is, moreover, at jerusalem another temple of immense spaciousness and extent, from which the brethren of the knighthood of the temple derive their name of templars, which is called the temple of solomon, perhaps to distinguish it from the one above described, which is specially called the temple of the lord."[ ] he moreover informs us in his oriental history, that "in the temple of the lord there is an abbot and canons regular; and be it known that the one is the temple of the _lord_, and the other the temple of the _chivalry_. these are _clerks_, the others are _knights_."[ ] the canons of the temple of the lord conceded to the poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ the large court extending between that building and the temple of solomon; the king, the patriarch, and the prelates of jerusalem, and the barons of the latin kingdom, assigned them various gifts and revenues for their maintenance and support,[ ] and the order being now settled in a regular place of abode, the knights soon began to entertain more extended views, and to seek a larger theatre for the exercise of their holy profession. their first aim and object had been, as before mentioned, simply to protect the poor pilgrims, on their journey backwards and forwards, from the sea-coast to jerusalem;[ ] but as the hostile tribes of mussulmen, which everywhere surrounded the latin kingdom, were gradually recovering from the stupifying terror into which they had been plunged by the successful and exterminating warfare of the first crusaders, and were assuming an aggressive and threatening attitude, it was determined that the holy warriors of the temple should, in addition to the protection of pilgrims, make the defence of the christian kingdom of jerusalem, of the eastern church, and of all the holy places, a part of their particular profession. the two most distinguished members of the fraternity were hugh de payens and geoffrey de st. aldemar, or st. omer, two valiant soldiers of the cross, who had fought with great credit and renown at the siege of jerusalem. hugh de payens was chosen by the knights to be the superior of the new religious and military society, by the title of "the master of the temple;" and he has, consequently, generally been called the founder of the order. the name and reputation of the knights _templars_ speedily spread throughout europe, and various illustrious pilgrims from the far west aspired to become members of the holy fraternity. among these was fulk, count of anjou, who joined the society as a married brother, (a. d. ,) and annually remitted the order thirty pounds of silver. baldwin, king of jerusalem, foreseeing that great advantages would accrue to the latin kingdom by the increase of the power and numbers of these holy warriors, exerted himself to extend the order throughout all christendom, so that he might, by means of so politic an institution, keep alive the holy enthusiasm of the west, and draw a constant succour from the bold and warlike races of europe for the support of his christian throne and kingdom. st. bernard, the holy abbot of clairvaux, had been a great admirer of the templars. he wrote a letter to the count of champagne, on his entering the order, (a. d. ,) praising the act as one of eminent merit in the sight of god; and it was determined to enlist the all-powerful influence of this great ecclesiastic in favour of the fraternity. "by a vow of poverty and penance, by closing his eyes against the visible world, by the refusal of all ecclesiastical dignities, the abbot of clairvaux became the oracle of europe, and the founder of one hundred and sixty convents. princes and pontiffs trembled at the freedom of his apostolical censures: france, england, and milan, consulted and obeyed his judgment in a schism of the church: the debt was repaid by the gratitude of innocent the second; and his successor, eugenius the third, was the friend and disciple of the holy st. bernard."[ ] to this learned and devout prelate two knights templars were despatched with the following letter: "baldwin, by the grace of the lord jesus christ, king of jerusalem, and prince of antioch, to the venerable father bernard, abbot of clairvaux, health and regard. "the brothers of the temple, whom the lord hath deigned to raise up, and whom by an especial providence he preserves for the defence of this kingdom, desiring to obtain from the holy see the confirmation of their institution, and a rule for their particular guidance, we have determined to send to you the two knights, andrew and gondemar, men as much distinguished by their military exploits as by the splendour of their birth, to obtain from the pope the approbation of their order, and to dispose his holiness to send succour and subsidies against the enemies of the faith, reunited in their design to destroy us, and to invade our christian territories. "well knowing the weight of your mediation with god and his vicar upon earth, as well as with the princes and powers of europe, we have thought fit to confide to you these two important matters, whose successful issue cannot be otherwise than most agreeable to ourselves. the statutes we ask of you should be so ordered and arranged as to be reconcilable with the tumult of the camp and the profession of arms; they must, in fact, be of such a nature as to obtain favour and popularity with the christian princes. "do you then so manage, that we may, through you, have the happiness of seeing this important affair brought to a successful issue, and address for us to heaven the incense of your prayers."[ ] soon after the above letter had been despatched to st. bernard, hugh de payens himself proceeded to rome, accompanied by geoffrey de st. aldemar, and four other brothers of the order, viz. brother payen de montdidier, brother gorall, brother geoffrey bisol, and brother archambauld de st. amand. they were received with great honour and distinction by pope honorius, who warmly approved of the objects and designs of the holy fraternity. st. bernard had, in the mean time, taken the affair greatly to heart; he negotiated with the pope, the legate, and the bishops of france, and obtained the convocation of a great ecclesiastical council at troyes, (a. d. ,) which hugh de payens and his brethren were invited to attend. this council consisted of several archbishops, bishops, and abbots, among which last was st. bernard himself. the rules to which the templars had subjected themselves were there described by the master, and to the holy abbot of clairvaux was confided the task of revising and correcting these rules, and of framing a code of statutes fit and proper for the governance of the great religious and military fraternity of the temple. chapter ii. regula pauperum commilitonum christi et templi salomonis.[ ] the most curious parts of the rule displayed--the confirmation of the rule by the pope--the visit of hugh de payens, the master of the temple, to england--his cordial reception--the foundation of the order in this country--lands and money granted to the templars--their popularity in europe--the rapid increase of their fraternity--st. bernard takes up the pen in their behalf--he displays their valour and piety. "parmi les contradictions qui entrent dans le gouvernement de ce monde ce n'en est pas un petite que cette institution de _moines armées_ qui font voeu de vivre là a fois en _anachoretes_ et en _soldats_."--_voltaire sur les moeurs et l'esprit des nations._ "the rule of the poor fellow-soldiers of jesus christ and of the temple of solomon," arranged by st. bernard, and sanctioned by the holy fathers of the council of troyes, for the government and regulation of the monastic and military society of the temple, is principally of a religious character, and of an austere and gloomy cast. it is divided into seventy-two heads or chapters, and is preceded by a short prologue, addressed "to all who disdain to follow after their own wills, and desire with purity of mind to fight for the most high and true king," exhorting them to put on the armour of obedience, and to associate themselves together with piety and humility for the defence of the holy catholic church; and to employ a pure diligence, and a steady perseverance in the exercise of their sacred profession, so that they might share in the happy destiny reserved for the holy warriors who had given up their lives for christ. the rule enjoins severe devotional exercises, self-mortification, fasting, and prayer, and a constant attendance at matins, vespers, and on all the services of the church, "that being refreshed and satisfied with heavenly food, instructed and stablished with heavenly precepts, after the consummation of the divine mysteries," none might be afraid of the _fight_, but be prepared for the _crown_. if unable to attend the regular service of god, the absent brother is for matins to say over thirteen pater-nosters, for every hour _seven_, and for vespers _nine_. when any templar draweth nigh unto death, the chaplains and clerk are to assemble and offer up a solemn mass for his soul; the surrounding brethren are to spend the night in prayer, and a hundred pater-nosters are to be repeated for the dead brother. "moreover," say the holy fathers, "we do strictly enjoin you, that with divine and most tender charity ye do daily bestow as much meat and drink as was given to that brother when alive, unto some poor man for forty days." the brethren are, on all occasions, to speak sparingly, and to wear a grave and serious deportment. they are to be constant in the exercise of charity and almsgiving, to have a watchful care over all sick brethren, and to support and sustain all old men. they are not to receive letters from their parents, relations, or friends, without the license of the master, and all gifts are immediately to be taken to the latter, or to the treasurer, to be disposed of as he may direct. they are, moreover, to receive no service or attendance from a woman, and are commanded, above all things, to shun _feminine kisses_. there is much that is highly praiseworthy in this rule, and some extracts therefrom will be read with interest. "viii. in one common hall, or refectory, we will that you take meat together, where, if your wants cannot be made known by signs, ye are softly and privately to ask for what you want. if at any time the thing you require is not to be found, you must seek it with all gentleness, and with submission and reverence to the board, in remembrance of the words of the apostle: _eat thy bread in silence_, and in emulation of the psalmist, who says, _i have set a watch upon my mouth_; that is, i have communed with myself that i may not offend, that is, with my tongue; that is, i have guarded my mouth, that i may not speak evil. "ix. at dinner and at supper, let there be always some sacred reading. if we love the lord, we ought anxiously to long for, and we ought to hear with most earnest attention, his wholesome words and precepts.... "x. let a repast of flesh three times a week suffice you, excepting at christmas, or easter, or the feast of the blessed mary, or of all saints.... on sunday we think it clearly fitting and expedient that two messes of flesh should be served up to the knights and the chaplains. but let the rest, to wit, the esquires and retainers, remain contented with one, and be thankful therefor. "xi. two and two ought in general to eat together, that one may have an eye upon another.... "xii. on the second and fourth days of the week, and upon saturday, we think two or three dishes of pulse, or other vegetables, will be sufficient for all of you, and so we enjoin it to be observed; and whosoever cannot eat of the one may feed upon the other. "xiii. but on the sixth day (friday) we recommend the lenten food, in reverence of the passion, to all of you, excepting such as be sick; and from the feast of all saints until easter, it must be eaten but once a day, unless it happen to be christmas-day, or the feast of saint mary, or of the apostles, when they may eat thereof twice; and so at other times, unless a general fast should take place. "xiv. after dinner and supper, we peremptorily command thanks to be given to christ, the great provider of all things, with a humble heart, as it becomes you, in the church, if it be near at hand, and if it be not, in the place where food has been eaten. the fragments (the whole loaves being reserved) should be given with brotherly charity to the domestics, or to poor people. and so we order it. "xv. although the reward of poverty, which is the kingdom of heaven, be doubtless due unto the poor, yet we command you to give daily unto the almoner the tenth of your bread for distribution, a thing which the christian religion assuredly recommends as regards the poor. "xvi. when the sun leaveth the eastern region, and descends into the west, at the ringing of the bell, or other customary signal, ye must all go to _compline_ (evening prayer;) but we wish you beforehand to take a general repast. but this repast we leave to the regulation and judgment of the master, that when he pleaseth you may have water, and when he commandeth you may receive it kindly tempered with wine: but this must not be done too plentifully, but sparingly, because we see even wise men fall away through wine. "xvii. the compline being ended, you must go to bed. after the brothers have once departed from the hall, it must not be permitted any one to speak in public, except it be upon urgent necessity. but whatever is spoken must be said in an under tone by the knight to his esquire. perchance, however, in the interval between prayers and sleep, it may behove you, from urgent necessity, no opportunity having occurred during the day, to speak on some military matter, or concerning the state of your house, with some portion of the brethren, or with the master, or with him to whom the government of the house has been confided: this, then, we order to be done in conformity with that which hath been written: _in many words thou shalt not avoid sin_; and in another place, _life and death are in the hands of the tongue_. in that discourse, therefore, we utterly prohibit scurrility and idle words moving unto laughter, and on going to bed, if any one amongst you hath uttered a foolish saying, we enjoin him, in all humility, and with purity of devotion, to repeat the lord's prayer. "xviii. we do not require the wearied soldiers to rise to matins, as it is plain the others must, but with the assent of the master, or of him who hath been put in authority by the master, they may take their rest; they must, nevertheless, sing thirteen appointed prayers, so that their minds be in unison with their voices, in accordance with that of the prophet: _sing wisely unto the lord_, and again, _i will sing unto thee in the sight of the angels_. this, however, should always be left to the judgment of the master.... "xx. ... to all the professed knights, both in winter and summer, we give, if they can be procured, white garments, that those who have cast behind them a dark life may know that they are to commend themselves to their creator by a pure and white life. for what is whiteness but perfect chastity, and chastity is the security of the soul and the health of the body. and unless every knight shall continue chaste, he shall not come to perpetual rest, nor see god, as the apostle paul witnesseth: _follow after peace with all men, and chastity, without which no man shall see god_.... "xxi. ... let all the esquires and retainers be clothed in black garments; but if such cannot be found, let them have what can be procured in the province where they live, so that they be of one colour, and such as is of a meaner character, viz. brown. "xxii. it is granted to none to wear white habits, or to have white mantles, excepting the above-named knights of christ. "xxiii. we have decreed in common council, that no brother shall wear skins or cloaks, or anything serving as a covering for the body in the winter, even the cassock made of skins, except they be the _skins of lambs or of rams_.... "xxv. if any brother wisheth as a matter of right, or from motives of pride, to have the fairest or best habit, for such presumption without doubt he merits the very worst.... "xxx. to each one of the knights let there be allotted three horses. the noted poverty of the house of god, and of the temple of solomon, does not at present permit an increase of the number, unless it be with the license of the master.... "xxxi. for the same reason we grant unto each knight only one esquire; but if that esquire serve any knight gratis, and for charity, it is not lawful to chide him, nor to strike him for any fault. "xxxii. we order you to purchase for all the knights desiring to serve christ in purity of spirit, horses fit for their daily occasions, and whatever is necessary for the due discharge of their profession. and we judge it fitting and expedient to have the horses valued by either party equally, and let the price be kept in writing, that it may not be forgotten. and whatsoever shall be necessary for the knight, or his horses, or his esquire, adding the furniture requisite for the horses, let it be bestowed out of the same house, according to the ability of that house. if, in the meanwhile, by some mischance it should happen that the knight has lost his horses in the service, it is the duty of the master and of the house to find him others; but, on this being done, the knight himself, through the love of god, should pay half the price, the remainder, if it so please him, he may receive from the community of the brethren. "xxxiii. ... it is to be holden, that when anything shall have been enjoined by the master, or by him to whom the master hath given authority, there must be no hesitation, but the thing must be done without delay, as though it had been enjoined from heaven: as the truth itself says, _in the hearing of the ear he hath obeyed me_. * * * * * "xxxv. ... when in the field, after they shall have been sent to their quarters, no knight, or esquire, or servant, shall go to the quarters of other knights to see them, or to speak to them, without the order of the superior before mentioned. we, moreover, in council, strictly command, that in this house, ordained of god, no man shall make war or make peace of his own free will, but shall wholly incline himself to the will of the master, so that he may follow the saying of the lord, _i came not to do mine own will, but the will of him that sent me_. * * * * * "xxxvii. we will not that gold or silver, which is the mark of private wealth, should ever be seen on your bridles, breastplates, or spurs, nor should it be permitted to any brother to buy such. if, indeed, such like furniture shall have been charitably bestowed upon you, the gold and silver must be so coloured, that its splendour and beauty may not impart to the wearer an appearance of arrogance beyond his fellows. * * * * * "xl. bags and trunks, with locks and keys, are not granted, nor can any one have them without the license of the master, or of him to whom the business of the house is intrusted after the master. in this regulation, however, the procurators (preceptors) governing in the different provinces are not understood to be included, nor the master himself. "xli. it is in nowise lawful for any of the brothers to receive letters from his parents, or from any man, or to send letters, without the license of the master, or of the procurator. after the brother shall have had leave, they must be read in the presence of the master, if it so pleaseth him. if, indeed, anything whatever shall have been directed to him from his parents, let him not presume to receive it until information has been first given to the master. but in this regulation the master and the procurators of the houses are not included. "xlii. since every idle word is known to beget sin, what can those who boast of their own faults say before the strict judge? the prophet showeth wisely, that if we ought sometimes to be silent, and to refrain from good discourse for the sake of silence, how much the rather should we refrain from evil words, on account of the punishment of sin. we forbid therefore, and we resolutely condemn, all tales related by any brother, of the follies and irregularities of which he hath been guilty in the world, or in military matters, either with his brother or with any other man. it shall not be permitted him to speak with his brother of the irregularities of other men, nor of the delights of the flesh with miserable women; and if by chance he should hear another discoursing of such things, he shall make him silent, or with the swift foot of obedience he shall depart from him as soon as he is able, and shall lend not the ear of the heart to the vender of idle tales. "xliii. if any gift shall be made to a brother, let it be taken to the master or the treasurer. if, indeed, his friend or his parent will consent to make the gift only on condition that he useth it himself, he must not receive it until permission hath been obtained from the master. and whosoever shall have received a present, let it not grieve him if it be given to another. yea, let him know assuredly, that if he be angry at it, he striveth against god. * * * * * "xlvi. we are all of opinion that none of you should dare to follow the sport of catching one bird with another: for it is not agreeable unto religion for you to be addicted unto worldly delights, but rather willingly to hear the precepts of the lord, constantly to kneel down to prayer, and daily to confess your sins before god with sighs and tears. let no brother, for the above especial reason, presume to go forth with a man following such diversions with a hawk, or with any other bird. "xlvii. forasmuch as it becometh all religion to behave decently and humbly without laughter, and to speak sparingly but sensibly, and not in a loud tone, we specially command and direct every professed brother that he venture not to shoot in the woods either with a long-bow or a cross-bow; and for the same reason, that he venture not to accompany another who shall do the like, except it be for the purpose of protecting him from the perfidious infidel; neither shall he dare to halloo, or to talk to a dog, nor shall he spur his horse with a desire of securing the game. * * * * * "li. under divine providence, as we do believe, this new kind of religion was introduced by you in the holy places, that is to say, the union of warfare with religion, so that religion, being armed, maketh her way by the sword, and smiteth the enemy without sin. therefore we do rightly adjudge, since ye are called knights of the temple, that for your renowned merit, and especial gift of godliness, ye ought to have lands and men, and possess husbandmen and justly govern them, and the customary services ought to be specially rendered unto you. "lii. above all things, a most watchful care is to be bestowed upon sick brothers, and let their wants be attended to as though christ himself was the sufferer, bearing in mind the blessed words of the gospel, _i was sick, and ye visited me_. these are indeed carefully and patiently to be fostered, for by such is acquired a heavenly reward. "liii. we direct the attendants of those who are sick, with every attention, and with the most watchful care, diligently and faithfully to administer to them whatever is necessary for their several infirmities, according to the ability of the houses, for example, flesh and fowls and other things, until they are restored to health. * * * * * "lv. we permit you to have married brothers in this manner, if such should seek to participate in the benefit of your fraternity; let both the man and his wife grant, from and after their death, their respective portions of property, and whatever more they acquire in after life, to the unity of the common chapter; and, in the interim, let them exercise an honest life, and labour to do good to the brethren: but they are not permitted to appear in the white habit and white mantle. if the husband dies first, he must leave his portion of the patrimony to the brethren, and the wife shall have her maintenance out of the residue, and let her depart forthwith; for we consider it most improper that such women should remain in one and the same house with the brethren who have promised chastity unto god. "lvi. it is moreover exceedingly dangerous to join sisters with you in your holy profession, for the ancient enemy hath drawn many away from the right path to paradise through the society of women: therefore, dear brothers, that the flower of righteousness may always flourish amongst you, let this custom from henceforth be utterly done away with. * * * * * "lviii. if any knight out of the mass of perdition, or any secular man, wisheth to renounce the world and to choose your life and communion, he shall not be immediately received, but, according to the saying of paul, _prove the spirits, whether they be of god_; and if so, let him be admitted. let the rule, therefore, be read in his presence; and if he shall have undertaken diligently to obey the precepts thereof, then, if it please the master and the brothers to receive him, let the brothers be called together, and let him make known with sincerity of mind his desire and petition unto all. then, indeed, the term of probation should altogether rest in the consideration and forethought of the master, according to the honesty of life of the petitioner. "lix. we do not order all the brothers to be called, in every instance, to the council, but those only whom the master shall know to be circumspect, and fit to give advice; when, however, important matters are to be treated of, such as the granting of the land of the fraternity, or when the thing debated immediately affects the order itself, or when a brother is to be received, then it is fit that the whole society should be called together, if it please the master, and the advice of the common chapter having been heard, the thing which the master considereth the best and the most useful, that let him do.... "lxii. although the rule of the holy fathers sanctions the dedication of children to a religious life, yet we will not suffer you to be burdened with them, but he who kindly desireth to give his own son or his kinsman to the military religion, let him bring him up until he arrives at an age when he can, with an armed hand, manfully root out the enemies of christ from the holy land. then, in accordance with our rule, let the father or the parents place him in the midst of the brothers, and lay open his petition to them all. for it is better not to vow in childhood, lest afterwards the grown man should foully fall away. "lxiii. it behoves you to support, with pious consideration, all old men, according to their feebleness and weakness, and dutifully to honour them, and let them in nowise be restricted from the enjoyment of such things as may be necessary for the body; the authority of the rule, however, being preserved. "lxiv. the brothers who are journeying through different provinces should observe the rule, so far as they are able, in their meat and drink, and let them attend to it in other matters, and live irreproachably, that they may get a good name out of doors. let them not tarnish their religious purpose either by word or deed; let them afford to all with whom they may be associated, an example of wisdom, and a perseverance in all good works. let him with whom they lodge be a man of the best repute, and, if it be possible, let not the house of the host on that night be without a light, lest the dark enemy (from whom god preserve us) should find some opportunity. but where they shall hear of knights not excommunicated meeting together, we order them to hasten thither, not considering so much their temporal profit as the eternal safety of their souls.... "lxvii. if any brother shall transgress in speaking, or fighting, or in any other light matter, let him voluntarily show his fault unto the master by way of satisfaction. if there be no customary punishment for light faults, let there be a light penance; but if, he remaining silent, the fault should come to be known through the medium of another, he must be subjected to greater and more severe discipline and correction. if indeed the offence shall be grave, let him be withdrawn from the companionship of his fellows, let him not eat with them at the same table, but take his repast alone. the whole matter is left to the judgment and discretion of the master, that his soul may be saved at the day of judgment. "lxviii. but, above all things, care must be taken that no brother, powerful or weak, strong or feeble, desirous of exalting himself, becoming proud by degrees, or defending his own fault, remain unchastened. if he showeth a disposition to amend, let a stricter system of correction be added: but if by godly admonition and earnest reasoning he will not be amended, but will go on more and more lifting himself up with pride, then let him be cast out of the holy flock in obedience to the apostle, _take away evil from among you_. it is necessary that from the society of the faithful brothers the dying sheep be removed. but let the master, who _ought to hold the staff and the rod in his hand_, that is to say, the staff that he may support the infirmities of the weak, and the rod that he may with the zeal of rectitude strike down the vices of delinquents; let him study, with the counsel of the patriarch and with spiritual circumspection, to act so that, as blessed maximus saith, the sinner be not encouraged by easy lenity, nor the sinner hardened in his iniquity by immoderate severity.... "lxxi. contentions, envyings, spite, murmurings, backbiting, slander, we command you, with godly admonition, to avoid, and do ye flee therefrom as from the plague. let every one of you, therefore, dear brothers, study with a watchful mind that he do not secretly slander his brother, nor accuse him, but let him studiously ponder upon the saying of the apostle, _be not thou an accuser or a whisperer among the people_. but when he knoweth clearly that his brother hath offended, let him gently and with brotherly kindness reprove him in private, according to the commandment of the lord; and if he will not hear him, let him take to him another brother, and if he shall take no heed of both, let him be publicly reproved in the assembly before all. for they have indeed much blindness who take little pains to guard against spite, and thence become swallowed up in the ancient wickedness of the subtle adversary. "lastly. we hold it dangerous to all religion to gaze too much on the countenance of women; and therefore no brother shall presume to kiss neither widow, nor virgin, nor mother, nor sister, nor aunt, nor any other woman. let the knighthood of christ shun _feminine kisses_, through which men have very often been drawn into danger, so that each, with a pure conscience and secure life, may be able to walk everlastingly in the sight of god."[ ] the above rule having been confirmed by a papal bull, hugh de payens proceeded to france, and from thence he came to england, and the following account is given of his arrival, in the saxon chronicle. "this same year, (a. d. ,) hugh of the temple came from jerusalem to the king in normandy, and the king received him with much honour, and gave him much treasure in gold and silver, and afterwards he sent him into england, and there he was well received by all good men, and all gave him treasure, and in scotland also, and they sent in all a great sum in gold and silver by him to jerusalem, and there went with him and after him so great a number as never before since the days of pope urban."[ ] grants of land, as well as of money, were at the same time made to hugh de payens and his brethren, some of which were shortly afterwards confirmed by king stephen on his accession to the throne, (a. d. .) among these is a grant of the manor of bistelesham made to the templars by count robert de ferrara, and a grant of the church of langeforde in bedfordshire made by simon de wahull, and sibylla his wife, and walter their son. hugh de payens, before his departure, placed a knight templar at the head of the order in this country, who was called the prior of the temple, and was the procurator and vicegerent of the master. it was his duty to manage the estates granted to the fraternity, and to transmit the revenues to jerusalem. he was also delegated with the power of admitting members into the order, subject to the control and direction of the master, and was to provide means of transport for such newly-admitted brethren to the far east, to enable them to fulfil the duties of their profession. as the houses of the temple increased in number in england, sub-priors came to be appointed, and the superior of the order in this country was then called the grand prior, and afterwards master of the temple. many illustrious knights of the best families in europe aspired to the habit and the vows, but however exalted their rank, they were not received within the bosom of the fraternity until they had proved themselves by their conduct worthy of such a fellowship. thus, when hugh d'amboise, who had harassed and oppressed the people of marmontier by unjust exactions, and had refused to submit to the judicial decision of the count of anjou, desired to enter the order, hugh de payens refused to admit him to the vows, until he had humbled himself, renounced his pretensions, and given perfect satisfaction to those whom he had injured.[ ] the candidates, moreover, previous to their admission, were required to make reparation and satisfaction for all damage done by them at any time to churches, and to public or private property. an astonishing enthusiasm was excited throughout christendom in behalf of the templars; princes and nobles, sovereigns and their subjects, vied with each other in heaping gifts and benefits upon them, and scarce a will of importance was made without an article in it in their favour. many illustrious persons on their deathbeds took the vows, that they might be buried in the habit of the order; and sovereigns, quitting the government of their kingdoms, enrolled themselves amongst the holy fraternity, and bequeathed even their dominions to the master and the brethren of the temple. thus, raymond berenger, count of barcelona and provence, at a very advanced age, abdicating his throne, and shaking off the ensigns of royal authority, retired to the house of the templars at barcelona, and pronounced his vows (a. d. ) before brother hugh de rigauld, the prior. his infirmities not allowing him to proceed in person to the chief house of the order at jerusalem, he sent vast sums of money thither, and immuring himself in a small cell in the temple at barcelona, he there remained in the constant exercise of the religious duties of his profession until the day of his death.[ ] at the same period, the emperor lothaire bestowed on the order a large portion of his patrimony of supplinburg; and the year following, (a. d. ,) alphonso the first, king of navarre and arragon, also styled emperor of spain, one of the greatest warriors of the age, by his will declared the knights of the temple his heirs and successors in the crowns of navarre and arragon, and a few hours before his death he caused this will to be ratified and signed by most of the barons of both kingdoms. the validity of this document, however, was disputed, and the claims of the templars were successfully resisted by the nobles of navarre; but in arragon they obtained, by way of compromise, lands, and castles, and considerable dependencies, a portion of the customs and duties levied throughout the kingdom, and of the contributions raised from the moors.[ ] to increase the enthusiasm in favour of the templars, and still further to swell their ranks with the best and bravest of the european chivalry, st. bernard, at the request of hugh de payens,[ ] took up his powerful pen in their behalf. in a famous discourse "in praise of the new chivalry," the holy abbot sets forth, in eloquent and enthusiastic terms, the spiritual advantages and blessings enjoyed by the military friars of the temple over all other warriors. he draws a curious picture of the relative situations and circumstances of the _secular_ soldiery and the soldiery of _christ_, and shows how different in the sight of god are the bloodshed and slaughter perpetrated by the one, from that committed by the other. this extraordinary discourse is written with great spirit; it is addressed "to hugh, knight of christ, and master of the knighthood of christ," is divided into fourteen parts or chapters, and commences with a short prologue. it is curiously illustrative of the spirit of the times, and some of its most striking passages will be read with interest. the holy abbot thus pursues his comparison between the soldier of the world and the soldier of christ--the _secular_ and the _religious_ warrior. "as often as thou who wagest a secular warfare marchest forth to battle, it is greatly to be feared lest when thou slayest thine enemy in the body, he should destroy thee in the spirit, or lest peradventure thou shouldst be at once slain by him both in body and soul. from the disposition of the heart, indeed, not by the event of the fight, is to be estimated either the jeopardy or the victory of the christian. if, fighting with the desire of killing another, thou shouldest chance to get killed thyself, thou diest a man-slayer; if, on the other hand, thou prevailest, and through a desire of conquest or revenge killest a man, thou livest a man-slayer.... o unfortunate victory, when in overcoming thine adversary thou fallest into sin, and anger or pride having the mastery over thee, in vain thou gloriest over the vanquished.... "what, therefore, is the fruit of this secular, i will not say '_militia_,' but '_malitia_,' if the slayer committeth a deadly sin, and the slain perisheth eternally? verily, to use the words of the apostle, he that ploweth should plow in hope, and he that thresheth should be partaker of his hope. whence, therefore, o soldiers, cometh this so stupendous error? what insufferable madness is this--to wage war with so great cost and labour, but with no pay except either death or crime? ye cover your horses with silken trappings, and i know not how much fine cloth hangs pendent from your coats of mail. ye paint your spears, shields, and saddles; your bridles and spurs are adorned on all sides with gold, and silver, and gems, and with all this pomp, with a shameful fury and a reckless insensibility, ye rush on to death. are these military ensigns, or are they not rather the garnishments of women? can it happen that the sharp-pointed sword of the enemy will respect gold, will it spare gems, will it be unable to penetrate the silken garment? lastly, as ye yourselves have often experienced, three things are indispensably necessary to the success of the soldier; he must, for example, be bold, active, and circumspect; quick in running, prompt in striking; ye, however, to the disgust of the eye, nourish your hair after the manner of women, ye gather around your footsteps long and flowing vestures, ye bury up your delicate and tender hands in ample and wide-spreading sleeves. among you indeed, nought provoketh war or awakeneth strife, but either an irrational impulse of anger, or an insane lust of glory, or the covetous desire of possessing another man's lands and possessions. in such causes it is neither safe to slay nor to be slain.... iii. "but the soldiers of christ indeed securely fight the battles of their lord, in no wise fearing sin either from the slaughter of the enemy, or danger from their own death. when indeed death is to be given or received for christ, it has nought of crime in it, but much of glory.... "and now for an example, or to the confusion of our soldiers fighting not manifestly for god but for the devil, we will briefly display the mode of life of the knights of christ, such as it is in the field and in the convent, by which means it will be made plainly manifest to what extent the soldiery of god and the soldiery of the world differ from one another.... the soldiers of christ live together in common in an agreeable but frugal manner, without wives and without children; and that nothing may be wanting to evangelical perfection, they dwell together without property of any kind,[ ] in one house, under one rule, careful to preserve the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. you may say, that to the whole multitude there is but one heart and one soul, as each one in no respect followeth after his own will or desire, but is diligent to do the will of the master. they are never idle nor rambling abroad, but when they are not in the field, that they may not eat their bread in idleness, they are fitting and repairing their armour and their clothing, or employing themselves in such occupations as the will of the master requireth, or their common necessities render expedient. among them there is no distinction of persons; respect is paid to the best and most virtuous, not the most noble. they participate in each other's honour, they bear one another's burthens, that they may fulfil the law of christ. an insolent expression, a useless undertaking, immoderate laughter, the least murmur or whispering, if found out, passeth not without severe rebuke. they detest cards and dice, they shun the sports of the field, and take no delight in that ludicrous catching of birds, (hawking,) which men are wont to indulge in. jesters, and soothsayers, and storytellers, scurrilous songs, shows and games, they contemptuously despise and abominate as vanities and mad follies. they cut their hair, knowing that, according to the apostle, it is not seemly in a man to have long hair. they are never combed, seldom washed, but appear rather with rough neglected hair, foul with dust, and with skins browned by the sun and their coats of mail. "moreover, on the approach of battle they fortify themselves with faith within, and with steel without, and not with gold, so that, armed and not adorned, they may strike terror into the enemy, rather than awaken his lust of plunder. they strive earnestly to possess strong and swift horses, but not garnished with ornaments or decked with trappings, thinking of battle and of victory, and not of pomp and show, and studying to inspire fear rather than admiration.... "such hath god chosen for his own, and hath collected together as his ministers from the ends of the earth, from among the bravest of israel, who indeed vigilantly and faithfully guard the holy sepulchre, all armed with the sword, and most learned in the art of war...." "concerning the temple." "there is indeed a temple at jerusalem in which they dwell together, unequal, it is true, as a building, to that ancient and most famous one of solomon, but not inferior in glory. for truly, the entire magnificence of that consisted in corrupt things, in gold and silver, in carved stone, and in a variety of woods; but the whole beauty of this resteth in the adornment of an agreeable conversation, in the godly devotion of its inmates, and their beautifully-ordered mode of life. that was admired for its various external beauties, this is venerated for its different virtues and sacred actions, as becomes the sanctity of the house of god, who delighteth not so much in polished marbles as in well-ordered behaviour, and regardeth pure minds more than gilded walls. the face likewise of this temple is adorned with arms, not with gems, and the wall, instead of the ancient golden chapiters, is covered around with pendent shields. instead of the ancient candelabra, censers, and lavers, the house is on all sides furnished with bridles, saddles, and lances, all which plainly demonstrate that the soldiers burn with the same zeal for the house of god, as that which formerly animated their great leader, when, vehemently enraged, he entered into the temple, and with that most sacred hand, armed not with steel, but with a scourge which he had made of small thongs, drove out the merchants, poured out the changers' money, and overthrew the tables of them that sold doves; most indignantly condemning the pollution of the house of prayer, by the making of it a place of merchandize." "the devout army of christ, therefore, earnestly incited by the example of its king, thinking indeed that the holy places are much more impiously and insufferably polluted by the infidels than when defiled by merchants, abide in the holy house with horses and with arms, so that from that, as well as all the other sacred places, all filthy and diabolical madness of infidelity being driven out, they may occupy themselves by day and by night in honourable and useful offices. they emulously honour the temple of god with sedulous and sincere oblations, offering sacrifices therein with constant devotion, not indeed of the flesh of cattle after the manner of the ancients, but peaceful sacrifices, brotherly love, devout obedience, voluntary poverty." "these things are done perpetually at jerusalem, and the world is aroused, the islands hear, and the nations take heed from afar...." st. bernard then congratulates jerusalem on the advent of the soldiers of christ, and declares that the holy city will rejoice with a double joy in being rid of all her oppressors, the ungodly, the robbers, the blasphemers, murderers, perjurers, and adulterers; and in receiving her faithful defenders and sweet consolers, under the shadow of whose protection "mount zion shall rejoice, and the daughters of judah sing for joy." "be joyful, o jerusalem," says he, in the words of the prophet isaiah, "and know that the time of thy visitation hath arrived. arise now, shake thyself from the dust, o virgin captive, daughter of zion; arise, i say, and stand forth amongst the mighty, and see the pleasantness that cometh unto thee from thy god. thou shalt no more be termed _forsaken_, neither shall thy land any more be termed _desolate_.... lift up thine eyes round about, and behold; all these gather themselves together, and come to thee. this is the assistance sent unto thee from on high. now, now, indeed, through these is that ancient promise made to thee thoroughly to be performed. 'i will make thee an eternal joy, a glory from generation to generation.' * * * * * "hail, therefore, o holy city, hallowed by the tabernacle of the most high! hail, city of the great king, wherein so many wonderful and welcome miracles have been perpetually displayed. hail, mistress of the nations, princess of provinces, possession of patriarchs, mother of the prophets and apostles, initiatress of the faith, glory of the christian people, whom god hath on that account always from the beginning permitted to be visited with affliction, that thou mightest thus be the occasion of virtue as well as of salvation to brave men. hail, land of promise, which, formerly flowing only with milk and honey for thy possessors, now stretchest forth the food of life, and the means of salvation to the entire world. most excellent and happy land, i say, which receiving the celestial grain from the recess of the paternal heart in that most fruitful bosom of thine, hast produced such rich harvests of martyrs from the heavenly seed, and whose fertile soil hast no less manifoldly engendered fruit a thirtieth, sixtieth, and a hundredfold in the remaining race of all the faithful throughout the entire world. whence most agreeably satiated, and most abundantly crammed with the great store of thy pleasantness, those who have seen thee diffuse around them (_eructant_) in every place the remembrance of thy abundant sweetness, and tell of the magnificence of thy glory to the very end of the earth to those who have not seen thee, and relate the wonderful things that are done in thee." "glorious things are spoken concerning thee, city of god!" chapter iii. hugh de payens returns to palestine--his death--robert de craon made master--success of the infidels--the second crusade--the templars assume the red cross--their gallant actions and high discipline--lands, manors, and churches granted them in england--bernard de tremelay made master--he is slain by the infidels--bertrand de blanquefort made master--he is taken prisoner, and sent in chains to aleppo--the pope writes letters in praise of the templars--their religious and military enthusiasm--their war banner called _beauseant_--the rise of the rival religio-military order of the hospital of st. john. "we heard the _tecbir_, so the arabs call their shouts of onset, when with loud appeal they challenge _heaven_, as if demanding conquest." [sidenote: hugh de payens. a. d. .] hugh de payens, having now laid in europe the foundations of the great monastic and military institution of the temple, which was destined shortly to spread its ramifications to the remotest quarters of christendom, returned to palestine at the head of a valiant band of newly-elected templars, drawn principally from england and france. on their arrival at jerusalem they were received with great distinction by the king, the clergy, and the barons of the latin kingdom, a grand council was called together, at which hugh de payens assisted, and various warlike measures were undertaken for the extension and protection of the christian territories. [sidenote: robert de craon. a. d. .] hugh de payens died, however, shortly after his return, and was succeeded (a. d. ) by the lord robert, surnamed the burgundian, (son-in-law of anselm, archbishop of canterbury,) who, after the death of his wife, had taken the vows and the habit of the templars.[ ] he was a valiant and skilful general,[ ] but the utmost exertions of himself and his military monks were found insufficient to sustain the tottering empire of the latin christians. the fierce religious and military enthusiasm of the mussulmen had been again aroused by the warlike zinghis and his son noureddin, two of the most famous chieftains of the age, who were regarded by the disciples of mahomet as champions that could avenge the cause of the prophet, and recover to the civil and religious authority of the caliph the lost city of jerusalem, and all the holy places so deeply venerated by the moslems. the one was named _emod-ed-deen_, "pillar of religion;" and the other _nour-ed-deen_, "light of religion," vulgarly, noureddin. the templars were worsted by overpowering numbers in several battles; and in one of these the valiant templar, brother odo de montfaucon, was slain.[ ] emodeddeen took tænza, estarel, hizam, hesn-arruk, hesn-collis, &c. &c., and closed his victorious career by the capture of the important city of edessa. noureddin followed in the footsteps of the father: he obtained possession of the fortresses of arlene, mamoula, basarfont, kafarlatha; and overthrew with terrific slaughter the young jocelyn de courtenay, in a rash attempt to recover possession of his principality of edessa.[ ] the latin kingdom of jerusalem was shaken to its foundations, and the oriental clergy in trepidation and alarm sent urgent letters to the pope for assistance. the holy pontiff accordingly commissioned st. bernard to preach the second crusade. [sidenote: everard des barres. a. d. .] the lord robert, master of the temple, was at this period (a. d. ) succeeded by everard des barres, prior of france, who convened a general chapter of the order at paris, which was attended by pope eugenius the third, louis the seventh, king of france, and many prelates, princes, and nobles, from all parts of christendom. the second crusade was there arranged, and the templars, with the sanction of the pope, assumed the blood-red cross, the symbol of martyrdom, as the distinguishing badge of the order, which was appointed to be worn on their habits and mantles on the left side of the breast over the heart, whence they came afterwards to be known by the name of the _red friars_ and the _red cross knights_.[ ] at this famous assembly various donations were made to the templars, to enable them to provide more effectually for the defence of the holy land. bernard baliol, through love of god and for the good of his soul, granted them his estate of wedelee, in hertfordshire, which afterwards formed part of the preceptory of temple dynnesley. this grant is expressed to be made at the chapter held at easter, in paris, in the presence of the pope, the king of france, several archbishops, and one hundred and thirty knights templars clad in white mantles.[ ] shortly before this, the dukes of brittany and lorraine, and the counts of brabant and fourcalquier, had given to the order various lands and estates; and the possessions and power of the fraternity continued rapidly to increase in every part of europe.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] brother everard des barres, the newly-elected master of the temple, having collected together all the brethren from the western provinces, joined the standard of louis, the french king, and accompanied the crusaders to palestine. during the march through asia minor, the rear of the christian army was protected by the templars, who greatly signalized themselves on every occasion. odo of deuil or diagolum, the chaplain of king louis, and his constant attendant upon this expedition, informs us that the king loved to see the frugality and simplicity of the templars, and to imitate it; he praised their union and disinterestedness, admired above all things the attention they paid to their accoutrements, and their care in husbanding and preserving their equipage and munitions of war: he proposed them as a model to the rest of the army, and in a council of war it was solemnly ordered that all the soldiers and officers should bind themselves in confraternity with the templars, and should march under their orders.[ ] conrad, emperor of germany, had preceded king louis at the head of a powerful army, which was cut to pieces by the infidels in the north of asia; he fled to constantinople, embarked on board some merchant vessels, and arrived with only a few attendants at jerusalem, where he was received and entertained by the templars, and was lodged in the temple in the holy city.[ ] shortly afterwards king louis arrived, accompanied by the new master of the temple, everard des barres; and the templars now unfolded for the first time the red-cross banner in the field of battle. this was a white standard made of woollen stuff, having in the centre of it the blood-red cross granted by pope eugenius. the two monarchs, louis and conrad, took the field, supported by the templars, and laid siege to the magnificent city of damascus, "the queen of syria," which was defended by the great noureddin, "light of religion," and his brother _saif-eddin_, "sword of the faith." [sidenote: a. d. .] the services rendered by the templars are thus gratefully recorded in the following letter sent by louis, the french king, to his minister and vicegerent, the famous suger, abbot of st. denis. "louis, by the grace of god king of france and aquitaine, to his beloved and most faithful friend suger, the very reverend abbot of st. denis, health and good wishes. "... i cannot imagine how we could have subsisted for even the smallest space of time in these parts, had it not been for their (the templars') support and assistance, which have never failed me from the first day i set foot in these lands up to the time of my despatching this letter--a succour ably afforded and generously persevered in. i therefore earnestly beseech you, that as these brothers of the temple have hitherto been blessed with the love of god, so now they may be gladdened and sustained by our love and favour. "i have to inform you that they have lent me a considerable sum of money, which must be repaid to them quickly, that their house may not suffer, and that i may keep my word...."[ ] among the english nobility who enlisted in the second crusade were the two renowned warriors, roger de mowbray and william de warrenne.[ ] roger de mowbray was one of the most powerful and warlike of the barons of england, and was one of the victorious leaders at the famous battle of the standard: he marched with king louis to palestine; fought under the banners of the temple against the infidels, and, smitten with admiration of the piety and valour of the holy warriors of the order, he gave them, on his return to england, many valuable estates and possessions. among these were the manors of kileby and witheley, divers lands in the isle of axholme, the town of balshall in the county of warwick, and various places in yorkshire; and so munificent were his donations, that the templars conceded to him and to his heirs this special privilege, that as often as the said roger or his heirs should find any brother of the order of the temple exposed to public penance, according to the rule and custom of the religion of the templars, it should be lawful for the said roger and his heirs to release such brother from the punishment of his public penance, without the interference or contradiction of any brother of the order.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] about the same period, stephen, king of england, for the health of his own soul and that of queen matilda his wife, and for the good of the souls of king henry, his grandfather, and eustace, his son, and all his other children, granted and confirmed to god and the blessed virgin mary, and to the brethren of the knighthood of the temple of solomon at jerusalem, all the manor of cressynge, with the advowson of the church of the same manor, and also the manors of egle and witham.[ ] queen matilda, likewise, for the good of the souls of earl eustace, her father, the lord stephen, king of england, her husband, and of all her other children, granted "to the brethren of the temple at jerusalem" the manor of covele or cowley in oxfordshire, two mills in the same county, common of pasture in shotover forest, and the church of stretton in rutland.[ ] ralph de hastings and william de hastings also gave to the templars, in the same reign, (a. d. ,) lands at hurst and wyxham in yorkshire, afterwards formed into the preceptory of temple hurst. william asheby granted them the estate whereon the house and church of temple bruere were afterwards erected;[ ] and the order continued rapidly to increase in power and wealth in england and in all parts of europe, through the charitable donations of pious christians. after the miserable failure of the second crusade,[ ] brother everard des barres, the master of the temple, returned to paris, with his friend and patron louis, the french king; and the templars, deprived of their chief, were now left alone and unaided to withstand the victorious career of the fanatical mussulmen. their miserable situation is thus portrayed in a melancholy letter from the treasurer of the order, written to the master, everard des barres, during his sojourn at the court of the king of france. "since we have been deprived of your beloved presence, we have had the misfortune to lose in battle the prince of antioch[ ] and all his nobility. to this catastrophe has succeeded another. the infidels invaded the territory of antioch; they drove all before them, and threw garrisons into several strong places. on the first intelligence of this disaster, our brethren assembled in arms, and in concert with the king of jerusalem went to the succour of the desolated province. we could only get together for this expedition one hundred and twenty knights and one thousand serving brothers and hired soldiers, for whose equipment we expended seven thousand crowns at acre, and one thousand at jerusalem. your paternity knows on what condition we assented to your departure, and our extreme want of money, of cavalry, and of infantry. we earnestly implore you to rejoin us as soon as possible, with all the necessary succours for the eastern church, our common mother. "... scarce had we arrived in the neighbourhood of antioch, ere we were hemmed in by the turcomans on the one side, and the sultan of aleppo (noureddin) on the other, who blockade us in the environs of the town, whilst our vineyards are destroyed, and our harvests laid waste. overwhelmed with grief at the pitiable condition to which we are reduced, we conjure you to abandon everything, and embark without delay. never was your presence more necessary to your brethren;--at no conjuncture could your return be more agreeable to god.... the greater part of those whom we led to the succour of antioch are dead.... "we conjure you to bring with you from beyond sea all our knights and serving brothers capable of bearing arms. perchance, alas! with all your diligence, you may not find one of us alive. use, therefore, all imaginable celerity; pray forget not the necessities of our house: they are such that no tongue can express them. it is also of the last importance to announce to the pope, to the king of france, and to all the princes and prelates of europe, the approaching desolation of the holy land, to the intent that they succour us in person, or send us subsidies. whatever obstacles may be opposed to your departure, we trust to your zeal to surmount them, for now hath arrived the time for perfectly accomplishing our vows in sacrificing ourselves for our brethren, for the defence of the eastern church, and the holy sepulchre.... "for you, our dear brothers in europe, whom the same engagements and the same vows ought to make keenly alive to our misfortunes, join yourselves to our chief, enter into his views, second his designs, fail not to sell everything; come to the rescue; it is from you we await liberty and life!"[ ] on the receipt of this letter, the master of the temple, instead of proceeding to palestine, abdicated his authority, and entered into the monastery of clairvaux, where he devoted the remainder of his days to the most rigorous penance and mortification. [sidenote: bernard de tremelay. a. d. . a. d. .] he was succeeded (a. d. ) by bernard de tremelay, a nobleman of an illustrious family in burgundy, in france, and a valiant and experienced soldier.[ ] the infidels made continual incursions into the christian territories, and shortly after his accession to power they crossed the jordan, and advanced within sight of jerusalem. their yellow and green banners waved on the summit of the mount of olives, and the warlike sound of their kettle-drums and trumpets was heard within the sacred precincts of the holy city. they encamped on the mount over against the temple; and had the satisfaction of regarding from a distance the _beit allah_, or temple of the lord, their holy house of prayer. in a night attack, however, they were defeated with terrible slaughter, and were pursued all the way to the jordan, five thousand of their number being left dead on the plain.[ ] shortly after this affair the templars lost their great patron, saint bernard, who died on the th of april, a. d. , in the sixty-third year of his age. on his deathbed he wrote three letters in behalf of the order. the first was addressed to the patriarch of antioch, exhorting him to protect and encourage the templars, a thing which the holy abbot assures him will prove most acceptable to god and man. the second was written to melesinda, queen of jerusalem, praising her majesty for the favour shown by her to the brethren of the order; and the third, addressed to brother andré de montbard, a knight templar, conveys the affectionate salutations of st. bernard to the master and brethren, to whose prayers he recommends himself.[ ] the same year, at the siege of ascalon, the master of the temple and his knights attempted alone and unaided to take that important city by storm. at the dawn of day they rushed through a breach made in the walls, and penetrated to the centre of the town. there they were surrounded by the infidels and overpowered, and, according to the testimony of an eye-witness, who was in the campaign from its commencement to its close, not a single templar escaped: they were slain to a man, and the dead bodies of the master and his ill-fated knights were exposed in triumph from the walls.[ ] [sidenote: bertrand de blanquefort. a. d. .] de tremelay was succeeded (a. d. ) by brother bertrand de blanquefort, a knight of a noble family of guienne, called by william of tyre a pious and god-fearing man. [sidenote: a. d. .] the templars continued to be the foremost in every encounter with the mussulmen, and the monkish writers exult in the number of infidels they sent to _hell_. a proportionate number of the fraternity must at the same time have ascended to _heaven_, for the slaughter amongst them was terrific. on tuesday, june , a. d. , they were drawn into an ambuscade whilst marching with baldwin, king of jerusalem, near tiberias, three hundred of the brethren were slain on the field of battle, and eighty-seven fell into the hands of the enemy, among whom was bertrand de blanquefort himself, and brother odo, marshal of the kingdom.[ ] shortly afterwards, thirty knights templars put to flight, slaughtered, and captured, two hundred infidels;[ ] and in a night attack on the camp of noureddin, they compelled that famous chieftain to fly, without arms and half-naked, from the field of battle. in this last affair the names of robert mansel, an englishman, and gilbert de lacy, preceptor of the temple of tripoli, are honourably mentioned.[ ] the services of the templars were gratefully acknowledged in europe, and the pope, in a letter written in their behalf to the archbishop of rheims, his legate in france, characterizes them as "new maccabees, far famed and most valiant champions of the lord." "the assistance," says the pope, "rendered by those holy warriors to all christendom, their zeal and valour, and untiring exertions in defending from the persecution and subtilty of the filthy pagans, those sacred places which have been enlightened by the corporal presence of our saviour, we doubt not have been spread abroad throughout the world, and are known, not only to the neighbouring nations, but to all those who dwell at the remotest corners of the earth." the holy pontiff exhorts the archbishop to procure for them all the succour possible, both in men and horses, and to exert himself in their favour among all his suffragan bishops.[ ] the fiery zeal and warlike enthusiasm of the templars were equalled, if not surpassed, by the stern fanaticism and religious ardour of the followers of mahomet. "noureddin fought," says his oriental biographer, "like the meanest of his soldiers, saying, 'alas! it is now a long time that i have been seeking martyrdom without being able to obtain it.' the imaum koteb-ed-din, hearing him on one occasion utter these words, exclaimed, 'in the name of god do not put your life in danger, do not thus expose islam and the moslems. thou art their stay and support, and if (but god preserve us therefrom) thou shouldest be slain, it will be all up with us.' 'ah! koteb-ed-deen,' said he, 'what hast thou said, who can save _islam_[ ] and our country, but that great god who has no equal?' 'what,' said he, on another occasion, 'do we not look to the security of our houses against robbers and plunderers, and shall we not defend religion?'"[ ] like the templars, noureddin fought constantly with spiritual and with carnal weapons. he resisted the world and its temptations by fasting and prayer, and by the daily exercise of the moral and religious duties and virtues inculcated by the koran. he fought with the sword against the foes of islam, and employed his whole energies, to the last hour of his life, in the enthusiastic and fanatic struggle for the recovery of jerusalem.[ ] the close points of resemblance, indeed, between the religious fanaticism of the templars and that of the moslems are strikingly remarkable. in the moslem camp, we are told by the arabian writers, all profane and frivolous conversation was severely prohibited; the exercises of religion were assiduously practised, and the intervals of action were employed in prayer, meditation, and the study of the koran. the templars style themselves "the avengers of jesus christ," and the "instruments and ministers of god for the punishment of infidels," and the pope and the holy fathers of the church proclaim that it is specially entrusted to them "to blot out from the earth all unbelievers," and they hold out the joys of paradise as the glorious reward for the dangers and difficulties of the task.[ ] "in fighting for christ," declares st. bernard, in his address to the templars, "the kingdom of christ is acquired.... go forth, therefore, o soldiers, in nowise mistrusting, and with a fearless spirit cast down the enemies of the cross of christ, in the certain assurance that neither in life nor in death can ye be separated from the love of god which is in christ jesus, repeating to yourselves in every danger, whether we live or whether we die we are the lord's. how gloriously do the victors return from the fight, how happy do the martyrs die in battle! rejoice, valiant champion, if thou livest and conquerest in the lord, but rejoice rather and glory if thou shouldest die and be joined unto the lord.... if those are happy who die _in_ the lord, how much more so are those who die _for_ the lord!... precious in the sight of god will be the death of his holy soldiers." "the _sword_," says the prophet mahomet, on the other hand, "is the key of heaven and of hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of god, a night spent in arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting and of prayer. whosoever falls in battle, his sins are forgiven him at the day of judgment. his wounds will be resplendent as vermilion, and odoriferous as musk, and the loss of limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and of cherubims." thus writes the famous caliph abubeker, the successor of mahomet, to the arabian tribes: "in the name of the most merciful god, _abdollah athich ib'n abi kohapha_, to the rest of the true believers."... "this is to acquaint you, that i intend to send the true believers into syria, to take it out of the hands of the infidels, and i would have you to know, that _the fighting for religion is an act of obedience to_ god." "remember," said the same successor of the prophet and commander of the faithful, to the holy warriors who had assembled in obedience to his mandate, "that you are always in the presence of god, on the verge of death, in the assurance of judgment, and the hope of paradise.... when you fight _the battles of the lord_, acquit yourselves like men, and turn not your backs." the prowess and warlike daring of the templars in the field are thus described by st. bernard. "when the conflict has begun, then at length they throw aside their former meekness and gentleness, exclaiming, _do not i hate them, o lord, that hate thee, and am i not grieved with those who rise up against thee?_ they rush in upon their adversaries, they scatter them like sheep, in nowise fearing, though few in number, the fierce barbarism or the immense multitude of the enemy. they have learned indeed to rely, not on their own strength, but to count on victory through the aid of the lord god sabaoth, to whom they believe it easy enough, according to the words of maccabees, to make an end of many by the hands of a few, for victory in battle dependeth not on the multitude of the army, but on the strength given from on high, which, indeed, they have very frequently experienced, since one of them will pursue a thousand, and two will put to flight ten thousand. yea, and lastly, in a wonderful and remarkable manner, they are observed to be both more gentle than _lambs_, and more fierce than _lions_, so that i almost doubt which i had better determine to call them, monks forsooth, or soldiers, unless perhaps, as more fitting, i should name them both the one and the other." at a later period, cardinal de vitry, bishop of acre, the frequent companion of the knights templars on their military expeditions, thus describes the religious and military enthusiasm of the templars: "when summoned to arms they never demand the number of the enemy, but where are they? lions they are in war, gentle lambs in the convent; fierce soldiers in the field, hermits and monks in religion; to the enemies of christ ferocious and inexorable, but to christians kind and gracious. they carry before them," says he, "to battle, a banner, half black and white, which they call _beau-seant_, that is to say, in the gallic tongue, _bien-seant_, because they are fair and favourable to the friends of christ, but black and terrible to his enemies."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] among the many instances of the fanatical ardour of the moslem warriors, are the following, extracted from the history of _abu abdollah alwakidi_, cadi of bagdad. "methinks," said a valiant saracen youth, in the heat of battle against the christians under the walls of emesa--"methinks i see the black-eyed girls looking upon me, one of whom, should she appear in this world, all mankind would die for love of her; and i see in the hand of one of them a handkerchief of green silk, and a cap made of precious stones, and she beckons me, and calls out, come hither quickly, for i love thee." with these words, charging the infidels, he made havoc wherever he went, until he was at last struck down by a javelin. "it is not," said a dying arabian warrior, when he embraced for the last time his sister and mother--"it is not the fading pleasure of this world that has prompted me to devote my life in the cause of religion, i seek the favour of god and his apostle, and i have heard from one of the companions of the prophet, that the spirits of the martyrs will be lodged in the crops of green birds who taste the fruits and drink of the waters of paradise. farewell; we shall meet again among the groves and the fountains which god has prepared for his elect."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the master of the temple, brother bertrand de blanquefort, was liberated from captivity at the instance of manuel comnenus, emperor of constantinople.[ ] after his release he wrote several letters to louis vii., king of france, describing the condition and prospects of the holy land; the increasing power and boldness of the infidels; and the ruin and desolation caused by a dreadful earthquake, which had overthrown numerous castles, prostrated the walls and defences of several towns, and swallowed up the dwellings of the inhabitants. "the persecutors of the church," says he, "hasten to avail themselves of our misfortunes; they gather themselves together from the ends of the earth, and come forth as one man against the sanctuary of god."[ ] it was during his mastership, that geoffrey, the knight templar, and hugh of cæsarea, were sent on an embassy into egypt, and had an interview with the caliph. they were introduced into the palace of the fatimites through a series of gloomy passages and glittering porticos, amid the warbling of birds and the murmur of fountains; the scene was enriched by a display of costly furniture and rare animals; and the long order of unfolding doors was guarded by black soldiers and domestic eunuchs. the sanctuary of the presence chamber was veiled with a curtain, and the vizier who conducted the ambassadors laid aside his scimetar, and prostrated himself three times on the ground; the veil was then removed, and they saw the commander of the faithful.[ ] brother bertrand de blanquefort, in his letters to the king of france, gives an account of the military operations undertaken by the order of temple in egypt, and of the capture of the populous and important city of belbeis, the ancient pelusium.[ ] during the absence of the master with the greater part of the fraternity on that expedition, the sultan noureddin invaded palestine; he defeated with terrible slaughter the serving brethren and turcopoles, or light horse of the order, who remained to defend the country, and sixty of the knights who commanded them were left dead on the plain.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the zeal and devotion of the templars in the service of christ continued to be the theme of praise and of admiration both in the east and in the west. pope alexander iii., in his letters, characterizes them as the stout champions of jesus christ, who warred a divine warfare, and daily laid down their lives for their brethren. "we implore and we admonish your fraternity," says he, addressing the archbishops and bishops, "that out of love to god, and of reverence to the blessed peter and ourselves, and also out of regard for the salvation of your own souls, ye do favour, and support, and honour them, and preserve all their rights entire and intact, and afford them the benefit of your patronage and protection."[ ] amalric, king of jerusalem, the successor of baldwin the third, in a letter "to his dear friend and father," louis the seventh, king of france, beseeches the good offices of that monarch in behalf of all the devout christians of the holy land; "but above all," says he, "we earnestly entreat your majesty constantly to extend to the utmost your favour and regard to the brothers of the temple, who continually render up their lives for god and the faith, and through whom we do the little that we are able to effect, for in them indeed, after god, is placed the entire reliance of all those in the eastern regions who tread in the right path."...[ ] [sidenote: philip of naplous. a. d. .] the master, brother bertrand de blanquefort, was succeeded (a. d. ,) by philip of naplous, the first master of the temple who had been born in palestine. he had been lord of the fortresses of krak and montreal in arabia petræa, and took the vows and the habit of the order of the temple after the death of his wife.[ ] we must now pause to take a glance at the rise of another great religio-military institution which, from henceforth, takes a leading part in the defence of the latin kingdom. in the eleventh century, when pilgrimages to jerusalem had greatly increased, some italian merchants of amalfi, who carried on a lucrative trade with palestine, purchased of the caliph _monstasser-billah_, a piece of ground in the christian quarter of the holy city, near the church of the resurrection, whereon two hospitals were constructed, the one being appropriated for the reception of male pilgrims, and the other for females. several pious and charitable christians, chiefly from europe, devoted themselves in these hospitals to constant attendance upon the sick and destitute. two chapels were erected, the one annexed to the female establishment being dedicated to st. mary magdalene, and the other to st. john the eleemosynary, a canonized patriarch of alexandria, remarkable for his exceeding charity. the pious and kind-hearted people who here attended upon the sick pilgrims, clothed the naked and fed the hungry, were called "the hospitallers of saint john." on the conquest of jerusalem by the crusaders, these charitable persons were naturally regarded with the greatest esteem and reverence by their fellow-christians from the west; many of the soldiers of the cross, smitten with their piety and zeal, desired to participate in their good offices, and the hospitallers, animated by the religious enthusiasm of the day, determined to renounce the world, and devote the remainder of their lives to pious duties and constant attendance upon the sick. they took the customary monastic vows of obedience, chastity, and poverty, and assumed as their distinguishing habit a _black_ mantle with a _white_ cross on the breast. various lands and possessions were granted them by the lords and princes of the crusade, both in palestine and in europe, and the order of the hospital of st. john speedily became a great and powerful institution.[ ] gerard, a native of provence, was at this period at the head of the society, with the title of "guardian of the poor." he was succeeded (a. d. ) by raymond dupuy, a knight of dauphiné, who drew up a series of rules for the direction and government of his brethren. in these rules no traces are discoverable of the military spirit which afterwards animated the order of the hospital of st. john. the abbé de vertot, from a desire perhaps to pay court to the order of malta, carries back the assumption of arms by the hospitallers to the year , and describes them as fiercely engaged under the command of raymond dupuy, in the battle fought between the christians and dol de kuvin, sultan of damascus; but none of the historians of the period make any mention whatever of the hospitallers in that action. de vertot quotes no authority in support of his statement, and it appears to be a mere fiction. the first authentic notice of an intention on the part of the hospitallers to occupy themselves with military matters, occurs in the bull of pope innocent the second, dated a. d. . this bull is addressed to the archbishops, bishops, and clergy of the church universal, and informs them that the hospitallers then retained, at their own expense, a body of horsemen and foot soldiers, to defend the pilgrims in going to and in returning from the holy places; the pope observes that the funds of the hospital were insufficient to enable them effectually to fulfil the pious and holy task, and he exhorts the archbishops, bishops, and clergy, to minister to the necessities of the order out of their abundant property.[ ] the hospitallers consequently at this period had resolved to add the task of _protecting_ to that of tending and relieving pilgrims. after the accession (a. d. ) of gilbert d'assalit to the guardianship of the hospital--a man described by de vertot as "bold and enterprising, and of an extravagant genius"--a military spirit was infused into the hospitallers, which speedily predominated over their pious and charitable zeal in attending upon the poor and the sick. gilbert d'assalit was the friend and confidant of amalric, king of jerusalem, and planned with that monarch a wicked invasion of egypt in defiance of treaties. the master of the temple being consulted concerning the expedition, flatly refused to have anything to do with it, or to allow a single brother of the order of the temple to accompany the king in arms; "for it appeared a hard matter to the templars," says william of tyre, "to wage war without cause, in defiance of treaties, and against all honour and conscience, upon a friendly nation, preserving faith with us, and relying on our own faith."[ ] gilbert d'assalit consequently determined to obtain for the king from his own brethren that aid which the templars denied; and to tempt the hospitallers to arm themselves generally as a great military society, in imitation of the templars,[ ] and join the expedition to egypt, gilbert d'assalit was authorised to promise them, in the name of the king, the possession of the wealthy and important city of belbeis, the ancient pelusium, in perpetual sovereignty.[ ] according to de vertot, the senior hospitallers were greatly averse to the military projects of their chief: "they urged," says he, "that they were a religious order, and that the church had not put arms into their hands to make conquests;"[ ] but the younger and more ardent of the brethren, burning to exchange the monotonous life of the cloister for the enterprize and activity of the camp, received the proposals of their superior with enthusiasm, and a majority of the chapter decided in favour of the plans and projects of their guardian. they authorized him to borrow money of the florentine and genoese merchants, to take hired soldiers into the pay of the order, and to organize the hospitallers as a great military society. gilbert d'assalit bestirred himself with great energy in the execution of these schemes; he wrote letters to the king of france for aid and assistance,[ ] and borrowed money of the emperor of constantinople. "assalit," says de vertot, "with this money levied a great body of troops, which he took into the pay of the order; and as his fancy was entirely taken up with flattering hopes of conquest, he drew by his indiscreet liberalities a great number of volunteers into his service, who like him shared already in imagination all the riches of egypt." [sidenote: a.d. .] it was in the first year of the government of philip of naplous (a. d. ) that the king of jerusalem and the hospitallers marched forth upon their memorable and unfortunate expedition. the egyptians were taken completely by surprise; the city of belbeis was carried by assault, and the defenceless inhabitants were barbarously massacred; "they spared," says de vertot, "neither old men nor women, nor children at the breast," after which the desolated city was delivered up to the brethren of the hospital of st. john. they held it, however, for a very brief period; the immorality, the cruelty, and the injustice of the christians, speedily met with condign punishment. the king of jerusalem was driven back into palestine; belbeis was abandoned with precipitation; and the hospitallers fled before the infidels in sorrow and disappointment to jerusalem. there they vented their indignation and chagrin upon the unfortunate gilbert d'assalit, their superior, who had got the order into debt to the extent of , pieces of gold; they compelled him to resign his authority, and the unfortunate guardian of the hospital fled from palestine to england, and was drowned in the channel.[ ] from this period, however, the character of the order of the hospital of st. john was entirely changed; the hospitallers appear henceforth as a great military body; their superior styles himself master, and leads in person the brethren into the field of battle. attendance upon the poor and the sick still continued, indeed, one of the duties of the fraternity, but it must have been feebly exercised amid the clash of arms and the excitement of war. chapter iv. the contests between saladin and the templars--the vast privileges of the templars--the publication of the bull, _omne datum optimum_--the pope declares himself the immediate bishop of the entire order--the different classes of templars--the knights--priests--serving brethren--the hired soldiers--the great officers of the temple--punishment of cowardice--the master of the temple is taken prisoner, and dies in a dungeon--saladin's great successes--the christians purchase a truce--the master of the temple and the patriarch heraclius proceed to england for succour--the consecration of the temple church at london. "the firmest bulwark of jerusalem was founded on the knights of the hospital of st. john and of the temple of solomon; on the strange association of a monastic and military life, which fanaticism might suggest, but of which policy must approve. the flower of the nobility of europe aspired to wear the cross and profess the vows of these respectable orders; their spirit and discipline were immortal; and the speedy donation of twenty-eight thousand farms or manors enabled them to support a regular force of cavalry and infantry for the defence of palestine."--_gibbon._ [sidenote: odo de st. amand. a. d. .] the master, philip of naplous, resigned his authority after a short government of three years, and was succeeded by brother odo de st. amand, a proud and fiery warrior, of undaunted courage and resolution; having, according to william, archbishop of tyre, the fear neither of god nor of man before his eyes.[ ] the templars were now destined to meet with a more formidable opponent than any they had hitherto encountered in the field, one who was again to cause the crescent to triumph over the cross, and to plant the standard of the prophet upon the walls of the holy city. when the fatimite caliph had received intelligence of amalric's invasion of egypt, he sent the hair of his women, one of the greatest tokens of distress known in the east, to the pious noureddin, who immediately despatched a body of troops to his assistance, headed by sheerkoh, and his nephew, _youseef-ben-acoub-ben-schadi_, the famous saladin. sheerkoh died immediately after his arrival, and youseef succeeded to his command, and was appointed vizier of the caliph. youseef had passed his youth in pleasure and debauchery, sloth and indolence: he had quitted with regret the delights of damascus for the dusty plains of egypt; and but for the unjustifiable expedition of king amalric and the hospitallers against the infidels, the powerful talents and the latent energies of the young courdish chieftain, which altogether changed the face of affairs in the east, would in all probability never have been developed. as soon as saladin grasped the power of the sword, and obtained the command of armies, he threw off the follies of his youth, and led a new life. he renounced the pleasures of the world, and assumed the character of a saint. his dress was a coarse woollen garment; water was his only drink; and he carefully abstained from everything disapproved of by the mussulman religion. five times each day he prostrated himself in public prayer, surrounded by his friends and followers, and his demeanour became grave, serious, and thoughtful. he fought vigorously with spiritual weapons against the temptations of the world; his nights were often spent in watching and meditation, and he was always diligent in fasting and in the study of the koran. with the same zeal he combated with carnal weapons the foes of islam, and his admiring brethren gave him the name of _salah-ed-deen_, "integrity of religion," vulgarly called saladin. at the head of forty thousand horse and foot, he crossed the desert and ravaged the borders of palestine; the wild bedouins and the enthusiastic arabians of the far south were gathered together under his standard, and hastened with holy zeal to obtain the crown of martyrdom in defence of the faith. the long remembered and greatly dreaded arab shout of onset, _allah acbar_, god _is victorious_, again resounded through the plains and the mountains of palestine, and the grand religious struggle for the possession of the holy city of jerusalem, equally reverenced by mussulmen and by christians, was once more vigorously commenced. saladin besieged the fortified city of gaza, which belonged to the knights templars, and was considered to be the key of palestine towards egypt. the luxuriant gardens, the palm and olive groves of this city of the wilderness, were destroyed by the wild cavalry of the desert, and the innumerable tents of the arab host were thickly clustered on the neighbouring sand-hills. the warlike monks of the temple fasted and prayed, and invoked the aid of the god of battles; the gates of the city were thrown open, and in an unexpected sally upon the enemy's camp they performed such prodigies of valour, that saladin, despairing of being able to take the place, abandoned the siege, and retired into egypt.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the year following, pope alexander's famous bull, _omne datum optimum_, confirming the previous privileges of the templars, and conferring upon them additional powers and immunities, was published in england. it commences in the following terms: "alexander, bishop, servant of the servants of god, to his beloved sons, odo, master of the religious chivalry of the temple, which is situated at jerusalem, and to his successors, and to all the regularly professed brethren. "every good gift and every perfect reward[ ] cometh from above, descending from the father of light, with whom there is no change nor shadow of variety. therefore, o beloved children in the lord, we praise the almighty god, in respect of your holy fraternity, since your religion and venerated institution are celebrated throughout the entire world. for although by nature ye are children of wrath, and slaves to the pleasures of this life, yet by a favouring grace ye have not remained deaf hearers of the gospel, but, throwing aside all earthly pomps and enjoyments, and rejecting the broad road which leadeth unto death, ye have humbly chosen the arduous path to everlasting life. faithfully fulfilling the character of soldiery of the lord, ye constantly carry upon your breasts the sign of the life-giving cross. moreover, like true israelites, and most instructed fighters of the divine battle, inflamed with true charity, ye fulfil by your works the word of the gospel which saith, 'greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends;' so that, in obedience to the voice of the great shepherd, ye in nowise fear to lay down your lives for your brethren, and to defend them from the inroad of the pagans; and ye may well be termed holy warriors, since ye have been appointed by the lord defenders of the catholic church and combatants of the enemies of christ." after this preamble, the pope earnestly exhorts the templars to pursue with unceasing diligence their high vocation; to defend the eastern church with their whole hearts and souls, and to strike down the enemies of the cross of christ. "by the authority of god, and the blessed peter prince of apostles," says the holy pontiff, "we have ordained and do determine, that the temple in which ye are gathered together to the praise and glory of god, for the defence of the faithful, and the deliverance of the church, shall remain for evermore under the safeguard and protection of the holy apostolic see, together with all the goods and possessions which ye now lawfully enjoy, and all that ye may hereafter rightfully obtain, through the liberality of christian kings and princes, and the alms and oblations of the faithful. "we moreover by these presents decree, that the regular discipline, which, by divine favour, hath been instituted in your house, shall be inviolably observed, and that the brethren who have there dedicated themselves to the service of the omnipotent god, shall live together in chastity and without property; and making good their profession both in word and deed, they shall remain subject and obedient in all things to the master, or to him whom the master shall have set in authority over them. "moreover, as the chief house at jerusalem hath been the source and fountain of your sacred institution and order, the master thereof shall always be considered the head and chief of all the houses and places appertaining thereunto. and we further decree, that at the decease of odo, our beloved son in the lord, and of each one of his successors, no man shall be set in authority over the brethren of the same house, except he be of the religious and military order; and has regularly professed your habit and fellowship; and has been chosen by all the brethren unanimously, or, at all events, by the greater part of them. "and from henceforth it shall not be permitted to any ecclesiastical or secular person to infringe or diminish the customs and observances of your religion and profession, as instituted by the master and brethren in common; and those rules which have been put into writing and observed by you for some time past, shall not be changed or altered except by the authority of the master, with the consent of the majority of the chapter. "... no ecclesiastic or secular person shall dare to exact from the master and brethren of the temple, oaths, guarantees, or any such securities as are ordinarily required from the laity. "since your sacred institution and religious chivalry have been established by divine providence, it is not fit that you should enter into any other order with the view of leading a more religious life, for god, who is immutable and eternal, approveth not the inconstant heart; but wisheth rather the good purpose, when once begun, to be persevered in to the end of life. "how many and great persons have pleased the lord of an earthly empire, under the military girdle and habit! how many and distinguished men, gathered together in arms, have bravely fought, in these our times, in the cause of the gospel of god, and in defence of the laws of our father; and, consecrating their hands in the blood of the unbelievers in the lord, have, after their pains and toil in this world's warfare, obtained the reward of everlasting life! do ye therefore, both knights and serving brethren, assiduously pay attention to your profession, and in accordance with the saying of the apostle, 'let each one of you stedfastly remain in the vocation to which you have been called.' we therefore ordain, that when your brethren have once taken the vows, and have been received in your sacred college, and have taken upon themselves your warfare, and the habit of your religion, they shall no longer have the power of returning again to the world; nor can any, after they have once made profession, abjure the cross and habit of your religion, with the view of entering another convent or monastery of stricter or more lax discipline, without the consent of the brethren, or master, or of him whom the master hath set in authority over them; nor shall any ecclesiastic or secular person be permitted to receive or retain them. "and since those who are defenders of the church ought to be supported and maintained out of the good things of the church, we prohibit all manner of men from exacting tithes from you in respect of your moveables or immoveables, or any of the goods and possessions appertaining unto your venerable house. "and that nothing may be wanting to the plenitude of your salvation, and the care of your souls; and that ye may more commodiously hear divine service, and receive the sacraments in your sacred college; we in like manner ordain, that it shall be lawful for you to admit within your fraternity, honest and godly clergymen and priests, as many as ye may conscientiously require; and to receive them from whatever parts they may come, as well in your chief house at jerusalem, as in all the other houses and places depending upon it, so that they do not belong to any other religious profession or order, and so that ye ask them of the bishop, if they come from the neighbourhood; but if peradventure the bishop should refuse, yet nevertheless ye have permission to receive and retain them by the authority of the holy apostolic see. "if any of these, after they have been professed, should turn out to be useless, or should become disturbers of your house and religion, it shall be lawful for you, with the consent of the major part of the chapter, to remove them, and give them leave to enter any other order where they may wish to live in the service of god, and to substitute others in their places who shall undergo a probation of one year in your society; which term being completed, if their morals render them worthy of your fellowship, and they shall be found fit and proper for your service, then let them make the regular profession of life according to your rule, and of obedience to their master, so that they have their food and clothing, and also their lodging, with the fraternity. "but it shall not be lawful for them presumptuously to take part in the consultations of your chapter, or in the government of your house; they are permitted to do so, so far only as they are enjoined by yourselves. and as regards the cure of souls, they are to occupy themselves with that business so far only as they are required. moreover, they shall be subject to no person, power, or authority, excepting that of your own chapter, but let them pay perfect obedience, in all matters and upon all occasions, to thee our beloved son in the lord, odo, and to thy successors, as their _master_ and _bishop_. "we moreover decree, that it shall be lawful for you to send your clerks, when they are to be admitted to holy orders, for ordination to whatever catholic bishop you may please, who, clothed with our apostolical power, will grant them what they require; but we forbid them to preach with a view of obtaining money, or for any temporal purpose whatever, unless perchance the master of the temple for the time being should cause it to be done for some special purpose. and whosoever of these are received into your college, they must make the promise of stedfastness of purpose, of reformation of morals, and that they will fight for the lord all the days of their lives, and render strict obedience to the master of the temple; the book in which these things are contained being placed upon the altar. "we moreover, without detracting from the rights of the bishops in respect of tithes, oblations, and buryings, concede to you the power of constructing oratories in the places bestowed upon the sacred house of the temple, where you and your retainers and servants may dwell; so that both ye and they may be able to assist at the divine offices, and receive there the rite of sepulture; for it would be unbecoming and very dangerous to the souls of the religious brethren, if they were to be mixed up with a crowd of secular persons, and be brought into the company of women on the occasion of their going to church. but as to the tithes, which, by the advice and with the consent of the bishops, ye may be able by your zeal to draw out of the hands of the clergy or laity, and those which with the consent of the bishops ye may acquire from their own clergy, we confirm to you by our apostolical authority." the above bull further provides, in various ways, for the temporal and spiritual advantage of the templars, and expressly extends the favours and indulgences, and the apostolical blessings, to all the serving brethren, as well as to the knights. it also confers upon the fraternity the important privilege of causing the churches of towns and villages lying under sentence of interdict to be opened once a year, and divine service to be celebrated within them.[ ] a bull exactly similar to the above appears to have been issued by pope alexander, on the seventh id. jan. a. d. , addressed to the master bertrand de blanquefort.[ ] both the above instruments are to a great extent merely confirmatory of the privileges previously conceded to the templars. the exercise or the abuse of these powers and immunities speedily brought the templars into collision with the ecclesiastics. at the general council of the church, held at rome, (a. d. ,) called the third of lateran, a grave reprimand was addressed to them by the holy fathers. "we find," say they, "by the frequent complaints of the bishops our colleagues, that the templars and hospitallers abuse the privileges granted them by the holy see; that the chaplains and priests of their rule have caused parochial churches to be conveyed over to themselves without the ordinaries' consent; that they administer the sacraments to excommunicated persons, and bury them with all the usual ceremonies of the church; that they likewise abuse the permission granted the brethren of having divine service said once a year in places under interdict, and that they admit seculars into their fraternity, pretending thereby to give them the same right to their privileges as if they were really professed." to provide a remedy for these irregularities, the council forbad the military orders to receive for the future any conveyances of churches and tithes without the ordinaries' consent; that with regard to churches not founded by themselves, nor served by the chaplains of the order, they should present the priests they designed for the cure of them to the bishop of the diocese, and reserve nothing to themselves but the cognizance of the temporals which belonged to them; that they should not cause service to be said, in churches under interdict, above once a year, nor give burial there to any person whatever; and that none of their fraternity or _associates_ should be allowed to partake of their privileges, if not actually professed.[ ] several bishops from palestine were present at this council, together with the archbishop of cæsarea, and william archbishop of tyre, the great historian of the latin kingdom. the order of the temple was at this period divided into the three great classes of knights, priests, and serving brethren, all bound together by their vow of obedience to the master of the temple at jerusalem, the chief of the entire fraternity. every candidate for admission into the first class must have received the honour of knighthood in due form, according to the laws of chivalry, before he could be admitted to the vows; and as no person of low degree could be advanced to the honours of knighthood, the brethren of the first class, i. e. the _knights_ templars, were all men of noble birth and of high courage. previous to the council of troyes, the order consisted of knights only, but the rule framed by the holy fathers enjoins the admission of esquires and retainers to the vows, in the following terms. "lxi. we have known many out of divers provinces, as well retainers as esquires, fervently desiring for the salvation of their souls to be admitted for life into our house. it is expedient, therefore, that you admit them to the vows, lest perchance the old enemy should suggest something to them whilst in god's service by stealth or unbecomingly, and should suddenly drive them from the right path." hence arose the great class of serving brethren, (_fratres servientes_,) who attended the knights into the field both on foot and on horseback, and added vastly to the power and military reputation of the order. the serving brethren were armed with bows, bills, and swords; it was their duty to be always near the person of the knight, to supply him with fresh weapons or a fresh horse in case of need, and to render him every succour in the affray. the esquires of the knights were generally serving brethren of the order, but the services of secular persons might be accepted. the order of the temple always had in its pay a large number of retainers, and of mercenary troops, both cavalry and infantry, which were officered by the knights. these were clothed in black or brown garments, that they might, in obedience to the rule,[ ] be plainly distinguished from the professed soldiers of christ, who were habited in white. the black or brown garment was directed to be worn by all connected with the templars who had not been admitted to the vows, that the holy soldiers might not suffer, in character or reputation, from the irregularities of secular men their dependents.[ ] the white mantle of the templars was a regular monastic habit, having the red cross on the left breast; it was worn over armour of chain mail, and could be looped up so as to leave the sword-arm at full liberty. on his head the templar wore a white linen coif, and over that a small round cap made of red cloth. when in the field, an iron scull-cap was probably added. we must now take a glance at the military organization of the order of the temple, and of the chief officers of the society. next in power and authority to the master stood the marshal, who was charged with the execution of the military arrangements on the field of battle. he was second in command, and in case of the death of the master, the government of the order devolved upon him until the new superior was elected. it was his duty to provide arms, tents, horses, and mules, and all the necessary appendages of war. the prior or preceptor of the kingdom of jerusalem, also styled "grand preceptor of the temple," had the immediate superintendence over the chief house of the order in the holy city. he was the treasurer general of the society, and had charge of all the receipts and expenditure. during the absence of the master from jerusalem, the entire government of the temple devolved upon him. the draper was charged with the clothing department, and had to distribute garments "free from the suspicion of arrogance and superfluity" to all the brethren. he is directed to take especial care that the habits be "neither too long nor too short, but properly measured for the wearer, with equal measure, and with brotherly regard, that the eye of the whisperer or the accuser may not presume to notice anything."[ ] the standard bearer (_balcanifer_) bore the glorious _beauseant_, or war-banner, to the field; he was supported by a certain number of knights and esquires, who were sworn to protect the colours of the order, and never to let them fall into the hands of the enemy. the turcopilar was the commander of a body of light horse called turcopoles (_turcopuli_.) these were natives of syria and palestine, the offspring frequently of turkish mothers and christian fathers, brought up in the religion of christ, and retained in the pay of the order of the temple. they were lightly armed, were clothed in the asiatic style, and being inured to the climate, and well acquainted with the country, and with the mussulman mode of warfare, they were found extremely serviceable as light cavalry and skirmishers, and were always attached to the war-battalions of the templars. the guardian of the chapel (_custos capellæ_) had charge of the portable chapel and the ornaments of the altar, which were always carried by the templars into the field. this portable chapel was a round tent, which was pitched in the centre of the camp; the quarters of the brethren were disposed around it, so that they might, in the readiest and most convenient manner, participate in the divine offices, and fulfil the religious duties of their profession. besides the grand preceptor of the kingdom of jerusalem, there were the grand preceptors of antioch and tripoli, and the priors or preceptors of the different houses of the temple in syria and in palestine, all of whom commanded in the field, and had various military duties to perform under the eye of the master. the templars and the hospitallers were the constituted guardians of the true cross when it was brought forth from its sacred repository in the church of the resurrection to be placed at the head of the christian army. the templars marched on the right of the sacred emblem, and the hospitallers on the left; and the same position was taken up by the two orders in the line of battle.[ ] an eye-witness of the conduct of the templars in the field tells us that they were always foremost in the fight and the last in the retreat; that they proceeded to battle with the greatest order, silence, and circumspection, and carefully attended to the commands of their master. when the signal to engage had been given by their chief, and the trumpets of the order sounded to the charge, "then," says he, "they humbly sing the psalm of david, _non nobis, non nobis, domine, sed nomini tuo da gloriam_, 'not unto us, not unto us, o lord, but unto thy name give the praise;' and placing their lances in rest, they either break the enemy's line or die. if any one of them should by chance turn back, or bear himself less manfully than he ought, the white mantle, the emblem of their order, is ignominiously stripped off his shoulders, the cross worn by the fraternity is taken away from him, and he is cast out from the fellowship of the brethren; he is compelled to eat on the ground without a napkin or a table-cloth for the space of one year; and the dogs who gather around him and torment him he is not permitted to drive away. at the expiration of the year, if he be truly penitent, the master and the brethren restore to him the military girdle and his pristine habit and cross, and receive him again into the fellowship and community of the brethren. the templars do indeed practise the observance of a stern religion, living in humble obedience to their master, without property, and spending nearly all the days of their lives under tents in the open fields."[ ] such is the picture of the templars drawn by one of the leading dignitaries of the latin kingdom. we must now resume our narrative of the principal events connected with the order. in the year , the knight templar walter du mesnil was guilty of a foul murder, which created a great sensation in the east. an odious religious sect, supposed to be descended from the ismaelians of persia, were settled in the fastnesses of the mountains above tripoli. they devoted their souls and bodies in blind obedience to a chief who is called by the writers of the crusades "the old man of the mountain," and were employed by him in the most extensive system of murder and assassination known in the history of the world. both christian and moslem writers enumerate with horror the many illustrious victims that fell beneath their daggers. they assumed all shapes and disguises for the furtherance of their deadly designs, and carried, in general, no arms except a small poniard concealed in the folds of their dress, called in the persian tongue _hassissin_, whence these wretches were called _assassins_, their chief the prince of the assassins; and the word itself, in all its odious import, has passed into most european languages.[ ] raimond, son of the count of tripoli, was slain by these fanatics whilst kneeling at the foot of the altar in the church of the blessed virgin at carchusa or tortosa; the templars flew to arms to avenge his death; they penetrated into the fastnesses and strongholds of "the mountain chief," and at last compelled him to purchase peace by the payment of an annual tribute of two thousand crowns into the treasury of the order. in the ninth year of amalric's reign, _sinan ben suleiman_, imaun of the assassins, sent a trusty counsellor to jerusalem, offering, in the name of himself and his people, to embrace the christian religion, provided the templars would release them from the tribute money. the proposition was favourably received; the envoy was honourably entertained for some days, and on his departure he was furnished by the king with a guide and an escort to conduct him in safety to the frontier. the ismaelite had reached the borders of the latin kingdom, and was almost in sight of the castles of his brethren, when he was cruelly murdered by the knight templar walter du mesnil, who attacked the escort with a body of armed followers.[ ] the king of jerusalem, justly incensed at this perfidious action, assembled the barons of the kingdom at sidon to determine on the best means of obtaining satisfaction for the injury; and it was determined that two of their number should proceed to odo de st. amand to demand the surrender of the criminal. the haughty master of the temple bade them inform his majesty the king, that the members of the order of the temple were not subject to his jurisdiction, nor to that of his officers; that the templars acknowledged no earthly superior except the pope; and that to the holy pontiff alone belonged the cognizance of the offence. he declared, however, that the crime should meet with due punishment; that he had caused the criminal to be arrested and put in irons, and would forthwith send him to rome, but till judgment was given in his case, he forbade all persons of whatsoever degree to meddle with him.[ ] shortly afterwards, however, the master found it expedient to alter his determination, and insist less strongly upon the privileges of his fraternity. brother walter du mesnil was delivered up to the king, and confined in one of the royal prisons, but his ultimate fate has not been recorded. on the death of noureddin, sultan of damascus, (a. d. ,) saladin raised himself to the sovereignty both of egypt and of syria. he levied an immense army, and crossing the desert from cairo, he again planted the standard of mahomet upon the sacred territory of palestine. his forces were composed of twenty-six thousand light infantry, eight thousand horsemen, a host of archers and spearmen mounted on dromedaries, and eighteen thousand common soldiers. the person of saladin was surrounded by a body-guard of a thousand mamlook emirs, clothed in yellow cloaks worn over their shirts of mail. [sidenote: a. d. .] in the great battle fought near ascalon, (nov. , a. d. ,) odo de st. amand, the master of the temple, at the head of eighty of his knights, broke through the guard of mamlooks, slew their commander, and penetrated to the imperial tent, from whence the sultan escaped with great difficulty, almost naked, upon a fleet dromedary; the infidels, thrown into confusion, were slaughtered or driven into the desert, where they perished from hunger, fatigue, or the inclemency of the weather.[ ] the year following, saladin collected a vast army at damascus; and the templars, in order to protect and cover the road leading from that city to jerusalem, commenced the erection of a strong fortress on the northern frontier of the latin kingdom, close to jacob's ford on the river jordan, at the spot where now stands _djiss'r beni yakoob_, "the bridge of the sons of jacob." saladin advanced at the head of his forces to oppose the progress of the work, and the king of jerusalem and all the chivalry of the latin kingdom were gathered together in the plain to protect the templars and their workmen. the fortress was erected notwithstanding all the exertions of the infidels, and the templars threw into it a strong garrison. redoubled efforts were then made by saladin to destroy the place. [sidenote: a. d. .] at a given signal from the mussulman trumpets, "the defenders of islam" fled before "the avengers of christ;" the christian forces became disordered in the pursuit, and the swift cavalry of the desert, wheeling upon both wings, defeated with immense slaughter the entire army of the cross. the templars and the hospitallers, with the count of tripoli, stood firm on the summit of a small hillock, and for a long time presented a bold and undaunted front to the victorious enemy. the count of tripoli at last cut his way through the infidels, and fled to tyre; the master of the hospital, after seeing most of his brethren slain, swam across the jordan, and fled, covered with wounds, to the castle of beaufort; and the templars, after fighting with their customary zeal and fanaticism around the red-cross banner, which waved to the last over the field of blood, were all killed or taken prisoners, and the master, odo de st. amand, fell alive into the hands of the enemy.[ ] saladin then laid siege to the newly-erected fortress, which was of some strength, being defended by thick walls, flanked with large towers furnished with military engines. after a gallant resistance on the part of the garrison, it was set on fire, and then stormed. "the templars," says abulpharadge, "flung themselves some into the fire, where they were burned, some cast themselves into the jordan, some jumped down from the walls on to the rocks, and were dashed to pieces: thus were slain the enemy." the fortress was reduced to a heap of ruins, and the enraged sultan, it is said, ordered all the templars taken in the place to be sawn in two, excepting the most distinguished of the knights, who were reserved for a ransom, and were sent in chains to aleppo.[ ] [sidenote: arnold de torroge. a. d. .] saladin offered odo de st. amand his liberty in exchange for the freedom of his own nephew, who was a prisoner in the hands of the templars; but the master of the temple haughtily replied, that he would never, by his example, encourage any of his knights to be mean enough to surrender, that a templar ought either to vanquish or die, and that he had nothing to give for his ransom but his girdle and his knife.[ ] the proud spirit of odo de st. amand could but ill brook confinement; he languished and died in the dungeons of damascus, and was succeeded by brother arnold de torroge, who had filled some of the chief situations of the order in europe.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the affairs of the latin christians were at this period in a deplorable situation. saladin encamped near tiberias, and extended his ravages into almost every part of palestine. his light cavalry swept the valley of the jordan to within a day's march of jerusalem, and the whole country as far as panias on the one side, and beisan, d'jenneen, and sebaste, on the other, was destroyed by fire and the sword. the houses of the templars were pillaged and burnt; various castles belonging to the order were taken by assault;[ ] but the immediate destruction of the latin power was arrested by some partial successes obtained by the christian warriors, and by the skilful generalship of their leaders. saladin was compelled to retreat to damascus, after he had burnt naplous, and depopulated the whole country around tiberias. a truce was proposed, (a. d. ,) and as the attention of the sultan was then distracted by the intrigues of the turcoman chieftains in the north of syria, and he was again engaged in hostilities in mesopotamia, he agreed to a suspension of the war for four years, in consideration of the payment by the christians of a large sum of money. immediate advantage was taken of this truce to secure the safety of the latin kingdom. a grand council was called together at jerusalem, and it was determined that heraclius, the patriarch of the holy city, and the masters of the temple and hospital, should forthwith proceed to europe, to obtain succour from the western princes. the sovereign mostly depended upon for assistance was henry the second, king of england,[ ] grandson of fulk, the late king of jerusalem, and cousin-german to baldwin, the then reigning sovereign. henry had received absolution for the murder of saint thomas à becket, on condition that he should proceed in person at the head of a powerful army to the succour of palestine, and should, at his own expense, maintain two hundred templars for the defence of the holy territory.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the patriarch and the two masters landed in italy, and after furnishing themselves with the letters of the pope, threatening the english monarch with the judgments of heaven if he did not forthwith perform the penance prescribed him, they set out for england. at verona, the master of the temple fell sick and died,[ ] but his companions proceeding on their journey, landed in safety in england at the commencement of the year . they were received by the king at reading, and throwing themselves at the feet of the english monarch, they with much weeping and sobbing saluted him in behalf of the king, the princes, and the people of the kingdom of jerusalem. they explained the object of their visit, and presented him with the pope's letters, with the keys of the holy sepulchre, of the tower of david, and of the city of jerusalem, together with the royal banner of the latin kingdom.[ ] their eloquent and pathetic narrative of the fierce inroads of saladin, and of the miserable condition of palestine, drew tears from king henry and all his court.[ ] the english sovereign gave encouraging assurances to the patriarch and his companions, and promised to bring the whole matter before the parliament, which was to meet the first sunday in lent. the patriarch, in the mean time, proceeded to london, and was received by the knights templars at the temple in that city, the chief house of the order in britain, where, in the month of february, he consecrated the beautiful temple church, dedicated to the blessed virgin mary, which had just then been erected.[ ] chapter v. the temple at london--the vast possessions of the templars in england--the territorial divisions of the order--the different preceptories in this country--the privileges conferred on the templars by the kings of england--the masters of the temple at london--their power and importance. li fiere, li mestre du temple qu'estoient rempli et ample d'or et d'argent et de richesse, et qui menoient tel noblesse, ou sont-il? que sont devenu? que tant ont de plait maintenu, que nul a elz ne s'ozoit prendre tozjors achetoient sans vendre nul riche a elz n'estoit de prise; tant va pot a eue qu'il brise. _chron._ à la suite du roman de favel. the knights templars first established the chief house of their order in england, without holborn bars, on the south side of the street, where southampton house formerly stood, adjoining to which southampton buildings were afterwards erected;[ ] and it is stated, that about a century and a half ago, part of the ancient chapel annexed to this establishment, of a circular form, and built of caen stone, was discovered on pulling down some old houses near southampton buildings in chancery lane.[ ] this first house of the temple, established by hugh de payens himself, before his departure from england, on his return to palestine, was adapted to the wants and necessities of the order in its infant state, when the knights, instead of lingering in the preceptories of europe, proceeded at once to palestine, and when all the resources of the society were strictly and faithfully forwarded to jerusalem, to be expended in defence of the faith; but when the order had greatly increased in numbers, power, and wealth, and had somewhat departed from its original purity and simplicity, we find that the superior and the knights resident in london began to look abroad for a more extensive and commodious place of habitation. they purchased a large space of ground, extending from the white friars westward to essex house without temple bar,[ ] and commenced the erection of a convent on a scale of grandeur commensurate with the dignity and importance of the chief house of the great religio-military society of the temple in britain. it was called the _new_ temple, to distinguish it from the original establishment at holborn, which came thenceforth to be known by the name of the _old_ temple.[ ] this new temple was adapted for the residence of numerous military monks and novices, serving brothers, retainers, and domestics. it contained the residence of the superior and of the knights, the cells and apartments of the chaplains and serving brethren, the council chamber where the chapters were held, and the refectory or dining-hall, which was connected, by a range of handsome cloisters, with the magnificent church, consecrated by the patriarch. alongside the river extended a spacious pleasure ground for the recreation of the brethren, who were not permitted to go into the town without the leave of the master. it was used also for military exercises and the training of the horses. the year of the consecration of the temple church, geoffrey, the superior of the order in england, caused an inquisition to be made of the lands of the templars in this country, and the names of the donors thereof,[ ] from which it appears, that the larger territorial divisions of the order were then called bailiwicks, the principal of which were london, warwic, couele, meritune, gutinge, westune, lincolnscire, lindeseie, widine, and eboracisire, (yorkshire.) the number of manors, farms, churches, advowsons, demesne lands, villages, hamlets, windmills, and watermills, rents of assize, rights of common and free warren, and the amount of all kinds of property, possessed by the templars in england at the period of the taking of this inquisition, are astonishing. upon the great estates belonging to the order, prioral houses had been erected, wherein dwelt the procurators or stewards charged with the management of the manors and farms in their neighbourhood, and with the collection of the rents. these prioral houses became regular monastic establishments, inhabited chiefly by sick and aged templars, who retired to them to spend the remainder of their days, after a long period of honourable service against the infidels in palestine. they were cells to the principal house at london. there were also under them certain smaller administrations established for the management of the farms, consisting of a knight templar, to whom were associated some serving brothers of the order, and a priest who acted as almoner. the commissions or mandates directed by the masters of the temple to the officers at the head of these establishments, were called precepts, from the commencement of them, "_præcipimus tibi_," we enjoin or direct you, &c. &c. the knights to whom they were addressed were styled _præceptores templi_, or preceptors of the temple, and the districts administered by them _præceptoria_, or preceptories. it will now be as well to take a general survey of the possessions and organization of the order both in europe and asia, "whose circumstances," saith william archbishop of tyre, writing from jerusalem about the period of the consecration at london of the temple church, "are in so flourishing a state, that at this day they have in their convent (the temple on mount moriah) more than three hundred knights robed in the white habit, besides serving brothers innumerable. their possessions indeed beyond sea, as well as in these parts, are said to be so vast, that there cannot now be a province in christendom which does not contribute to the support of the aforesaid brethren, whose wealth is said to equal that of sovereign princes."[ ] the eastern provinces of the order were, . palestine, the ruling province. . the principality of antioch. . the principality of tripoli. . palestine.--some account has already been given of the temple at jerusalem, the chief house of the order, and the residence of the master. in addition to the strong garrison there maintained, the templars possessed numerous forces, distributed in various fortresses and strongholds, for the preservation and protection of the holy territory. the following castles and cities of palestine are enumerated by the historians of the latin kingdom, as having belonged to the order of the temple. the fortified city of gaza, the key of the kingdom of jerusalem on the side next egypt, anciently one of the five satrapies of the lords of the philistines, and the stronghold of cambyses when he invaded egypt. "placed where judea's utmost bounds extend, towards fair pelusium, gaza's towers ascend. fast by the breezy shore the city stands amid unbounded plains of barren sands, which high in air the furious whirlwinds sweep, like mountain billows on the stormy deep, that scarce the affrighted traveller, spent with toil, escapes the tempest of the unstable soil." it was granted to the templars, in perpetual sovereignty, by baldwin king of jerusalem.[ ] the castle of saphet, in the territory of the ancient tribe of naphtali; the great bulwark of the northern frontier of the latin kingdom on the side next damascus. the castle of the pilgrims, in the neighbourhood of mount carmel. the castle of assur near jaffa, and the house of the temple at jaffa. the fortress of faba, or la feue, the ancient aphek, not far from tyre, in the territory of the ancient tribe of asher. the hill-fort dok, between bethel and jericho. the castles of la cave, marle, citern rouge, castel blanc, trapesach, sommelleria of the temple, in the neighbourhood of acca, now st. john d'acre. castrum planorum, and a place called gerinum parvum.[ ] the templars purchased the castle of beaufort and the city of sidon;[ ] they also got into their hands a great part of the town of st. jean d'acre, where they erected their famous temple, and almost all palestine was in the end divided between them and the hospitallers of saint john. . the principality of antioch.--the principal houses of the temple in this province were at antioch itself, at aleppo, haram, &c. . the principality of tripoli.--the chief establishments herein were at tripoli, at tortosa, the ancient antaradus; castel-blanc in the same neighbourhood; laodicea and beyrout,--all under the immediate superintendence of the preceptor of tripoli. besides these castles, houses, and fortresses, the templars possessed farms and large tracts of land, both in syria and palestine. the western nations or provinces, on the other hand, from whence the order derived its chief power and wealth, were, . apulia and sicily, the principal houses whereof were at palermo, syracuse, lentini, butera, and trapani. the house of the temple at this last place has been appropriated to the use of some monks of the order of st. augustin. in a church of the city is still to be seen the celebrated statue of the virgin, which brother guerrege and three other knights templars brought from the east, with a view of placing it in the temple church on the aventine hill in rome, but which they were obliged to deposit in the island of sicily. this celebrated statue is of the most beautiful white marble, and represents the virgin with the infant jesus reclining on her left arm; it is of about the natural height, and, from an inscription on the foot of the figure, it appears to have been executed by a native of the island of cyprus, a. d. .[ ] the templars possessed valuable estates in sicily, around the base of mount etna, and large tracts of land between piazza and calatagirone, in the suburbs of which last place there was a temple house, the church whereof, dedicated to the virgin mary, still remains. they possessed also many churches in the island, windmills, rights of fishery, of pasturage, of cutting wood in the forests, and many important privileges and immunities. the chief house was at messina, where the grand prior resided.[ ] . upper and central italy.--the houses or preceptories of the order of the temple in this province were very numerous, and were all under the immediate superintendence of the grand prior or preceptor of rome. there were large establishments at lucca, milan, and perugia, at which last place the arms of the temple are still to be seen on the tower of the holy cross. at placentia there was a magnificent and extensive convent, called santa maria del tempio, ornamented with a very lofty tower. at bologna there was also a large temple house, and on a clock in the city is the following inscription, "_magister tosseolus de miolâ me fecit ... fr. petrus de bon, procur. militiæ templi in curiâ romanâ_, mccciii." in the church of st. mary in the same place, which formerly belonged to the knights templars, is the interesting marble monument of peter de rotis, a priest of the order. he is represented on his tomb, holding a chalice in his hands with the host elevated above it, and beneath the monumental effigy is the following epitaph:-- "stirpe rotis, petrus, virtutis munere clarus, strenuus ecce pugil christi, jacet ordine charus; veste ferens, menteque crucem, nunc sidera scandit, exemplum nobis spectandi cælica pandit: annis ter trinis viginti mille trecentis sexta quarte maii fregit lux organa mentis."[ ] portugal.--in the province or nation of portugal, the military power and resources of the order of the temple were exercised in almost constant warfare against the moors, and europe derived essential advantage from the enthusiastic exertions of the warlike monks in that quarter against the infidels. in every battle, indeed, fought in the south of europe, after the year , against the enemies of the cross, the knights templars are to be found taking an active and distinguished part, and in all the conflicts against the infidels, both in the west and in the east, they were ever in the foremost rank, battling nobly in defence of the christian faith. with all the princes and sovereigns of the great spanish peninsula they were extremely popular, and they were endowed with cities, villages, lordships, and splendid domains. many of the most important fortresses and castles in the land were entrusted to their safe keeping, and some were yielded to them in perpetual sovereignty. they possessed, in portugal, the castles of monsento, idanha, and tomar; the citadel of langrovia in the province of beira, on the banks of the riopisco; and the fortress of miravel in estremadura, taken from the moors, a strong place perched on the summit of a lofty eminence. they had large estates at castromarin, almural, and tavira in algarve, and houses, rents, revenues, and possessions, in all parts of the country. the grand prior or preceptor of portugal resided at the castle of tomar. it is seated on the river narboan in estremadura, and is still to be seen towering in gloomy magnificence on the hill above the town. the castle at present belongs to the order of christ, and was lately one of the grandest and richest establishments in portugal. it possessed a splendid library, and a handsome cloister, the architecture of which was much admired.[ ] castile and leon.--the houses or preceptories of the temple most known in this province or nation of the order were those of cuenca and guadalfagiara, tine and aviles in the diocese of oviedo, and pontevreda in galicia. in castile alone the order is said to have possessed twenty-four bailiwicks.[ ] aragon.--the sovereigns of aragon, who had suffered grievously from the incursions of the moors, were the first of the european princes to recognize the utility of the order of the temple. they endowed the fraternity with vast revenues, and ceded to them some of the strongest fortresses in the kingdom. the knights templars possessed in aragon the castles of dumbel, cabanos, azuda, granena, chalonere, remolins, corbins, lo mas de barbaran, moncon, and montgausi, with their territories and dependencies. they were lords of the cities of borgia and tortosa; they had a tenth part of the revenues of the kingdom, the taxes of the towns of huesca and saragossa, and houses, possessions, privileges, and immunities in all parts.[ ] the templars likewise possessed lands and estates in the balearic isles, which were under the management of the prior or preceptor of the island of majorca, who was subject to the grand preceptor of aragon. germany and hungary.--the houses most known in this territorial division of the order are those in the electorate of mayence, at homburg, assenheim, rotgen in the rhingau, mongberg in the marché of brandenbourg, nuitz on the rhine, tissia altmunmunster near ratisbon in bavaria, bamberg, middlebourg, hall, brunswick, &c. &c. the templars possessed the fiefs of rorich, pausin and wildenheuh in _pomerania_, an establishment at bach in _hungary_, several lordships in _bohemia_ and _moravia_, and lands, tithes, and large revenues, the gifts of pious german crusaders.[ ] greece.--the templars were possessed of lands and had establishments in the morea, and in several parts of the greek empire. their chief house was at constantinople, in the quarter called [greek: omonoia], where they had an oratory dedicated to the holy martyrs marin and pentaleon.[ ] france.--the principal preceptories and houses of the temple, in the present kingdom of france, were at besancon, dole, salins, à la romagne, à la ville dieu, arbois in _franche comté_.[ ] bomgarten, temple savigné near corbeil, dorlesheim near molsheim, where there still remains a chapel called templehoff, ribauvillier, and a temple house in the plain near bercheim in _alsace_. bures, voulaine les templiers, ville-sous-gevrey, otherwise st. philibert, dijon, fauverney, where a chapel dedicated to the virgin still preserves the name of the temple, des feuilles, situate in the parish of villett, near the chateau de vernay, st. martin, le chastel, espesses, tessones near bourges, and la musse, situate between baujé and macon in _burgundy_.[ ] montpelier, sertelage, nogarade near pamiers, falgairas, narbonne, st. eulalie de bezieres, prugnanas, and the parish church of st. martin d'ubertas in _languedoc_.[ ] temple cahor, temple marigny, arras, le parc, st. vaubourg, and rouen, in _normandy_. there were two houses of the temple at rouen; one of them occupied the site of the present _maison consulaire_, and the other stood in the street now called _la rue des hermites_.[ ] the preceptories and houses of the temple in france, indeed, were so numerous, that it would be a wearisome and endless task to repeat the names of them. hundreds of places in the different provinces are mentioned by french writers as having belonged to the templars. between joinville and st. dizier may still be seen the remains of temple ruet, an old chateau surrounded by a moat; and in the diocese of meaux are the ruins of the great manorial house of choisy le temple. many interesting tombs are there visible, together with the refectory of the knights, which has been converted into a sheepfold. the chief house of the order for france, and also for holland and the netherlands, was the temple at paris, an extensive and magnificent structure, surrounded by a wall and a ditch. it extended over all that large space of ground, now covered with streets and buildings, which lies between the rue du temple, the rue st. croix, and the environs de la verrerie, as far as the walls and the fossés of the port du temple. it was ornamented with a great tower, flanked by four smaller towers, erected by the knight templar brother herbert, almoner to the king of france, and was one of the strongest edifices in the kingdom.[ ] many of the modern streets of paris which now traverse the site of this interesting structure, preserve in the names given to them some memorial of the ancient temple. for instance, _la rue du temple_, _la rue des fossés du temple_, _boulevard du temple_, _faubourg du temple_, _rue de faubourg du temple_, _vieille rue du temple_, &c. &c. all the houses of the temple in holland and the netherlands were under the immediate jurisdiction of the master of the temple at paris. the preceptories in these kingdoms were very numerous, and the property dependent upon them was of great value. those most known are the preceptories of treves and dietrich on the soure, the ruins of which last still remain; coberne, on the left bank of the moselle, a few miles from coblentz; belisch, temple spelé, temple rodt near vianden, and the temple at luxembourg, where in the time of broverus there existed considerable remains of the refectory, of the church, and of some stone walls covered with paintings; templehuis near ghent, the preceptory of alphen, braëckel, la maison de slipes near ostend, founded by the counts of flanders; temple caestre near mount cassel; villiers le temple en condros, between liege and huy; vaillenpont, walsberge, haut avenes near arras; temploux near fleuru in the department of namur; vernoi in hainault; temple dieu at douai; marles near valenciennes; st. symphonier near mons, &c. &c.[ ] in these countries, as well as in all parts of europe wherever they were settled, the templars possessed vast privileges and immunities, which were conceded to them by popes, kings, and princes. england.--there were in bygone times the following preceptories of knight templars in the present kingdom of england. aslakeby, temple bruere, egle, malteby, mere, wilketon, and witham, in _lincolnshire_. north feriby, temple hurst, temple newsom, pafflete, flaxflete, and ribstane, in _yorkshire_. temple cumbe in _somersetshire_. ewell, strode and swingfield, near dover, in _kent_. hadescoe, in _norfolk_. balsall and warwick, in _warwickshire_. temple rothley, in _leicestershire_. wilburgham magna, daney, and dokesworth, in _cambridgeshire_. halston, in _shropshire_. temple dynnesley, in _hertfordshire_. temple cressing and sutton, in _essex_. saddlescomb and chapelay, in _sussex_. schepeley, in _surrey_. temple cowley, sandford, bistelesham, and chalesey, in _oxfordshire_. temple rockley, in _wiltshire_. upleden and garwy, in _herefordshire_. south badeisley, in _hampshire_. getinges, in _worcestershire_. giselingham and dunwich, in _suffolk_.[ ] there were also several smaller administrations established, as before mentioned, for the management of the farms and lands, and the collection of rent and tithes. among these were liddele and quiely in the diocese of chichester; eken in the diocese of lincoln; adingdon, wesdall, aupledina, cotona, &c. the different preceptors of the temple in england had under their management lands and property in every county of the realm.[ ] in _leicestershire_ the templars possessed the town and the soke of rotheley; the manors of rolle, babbegrave, gaddesby, stonesby, and melton; rothely wood, near leicester; the villages of beaumont, baresby, dalby, north and south mardefeld, saxby, stonesby, and waldon, with land in above _eighty_ others! they had also the churches of rotheley, babbegrave, and rolle; and the chapels of gaddesby, grimston, wartnaby, cawdwell, and wykeham.[ ] in _hertfordshire_ they possessed the town and forest of broxbourne, the manor of chelsin templars, (_chelsin templariorum_,) and the manors of laugenok, broxbourne, letchworth, and temple dynnesley; demesne lands at stanho, preston, charlton, walden, hiche, chelles, levecamp, and benigho; the church of broxbourne, two watermills, and a lock on the river lea: also property at hichen, pyrton, ickilford, offeley magna, offeley parva, walden regis, furnivale, ipolitz, wandsmyll, watton, therleton, weston, gravele, wilien, leccheworth, baldock, datheworth, russenden, codpeth, sumershale, buntynford, &c. &c., and the church of weston.[ ] in the county of _essex_ they had the manors of temple cressynge, temple roydon, temple sutton, odewell, chingelford, lideleye, quarsing, berwick, and witham; the church of roydon, and houses, lands, and farms, both at roydon, at rivenhall, and in the parishes of prittlewall and great and little sutton; an old mansion-house and chapel at sutton, and an estate called finchinfelde in the hundred of hinckford.[ ] in _lincolnshire_ the templars possessed the manors of la bruere, roston, kirkeby, brauncewell, carleton, akele, with the soke of lynderby, aslakeby, and the churches of bruere, asheby, akele, aslakeby, donington, ele, swinderby, skarle, &c. there were upwards of thirty churches in the county which made annual payments to the order of the temple, and about forty windmills. the order likewise received rents in respect of lands at bracebrig, brancetone, scapwic, timberland, weleburne, diringhton, and a hundred other places; and some of the land in the county was charged with the annual payment of sums of money towards the keeping of the lights eternally burning on the altars of the temple church.[ ] william lord of asheby gave to the templars the perpetual advowson of the church of asheby in lincolnshire, and they in return agreed to find him a priest to sing for ever twice a week in his chapel of st. margaret.[ ] in _yorkshire_ the templars possessed the manors of temple werreby, flaxflete, etton, south cave, &c.; the churches of whitcherche, kelintune, &c.; numerous windmills and lands and rents at nehus, skelture, pennel, and more than sixty other places besides.[ ] in _warwickshire_ they possessed the manors of barston, shirburne, balshale, wolfhey, cherlecote, herbebure, stodleye, fechehampstead, cobington, tysho and warwick; lands at chelverscoton, herdwicke, morton, warwick, hetherburn, chesterton, aven, derset, stodley, napton, and more than thirty other places, the several donors whereof are specified in dugdale's history of warwickshire (p. ;) also the churches of sireburne, cardinton, &c., and more than thirteen windmills. in hen. ii., william earl of warwick built a new church for them at warwick.[ ] in _kent_ they had the manors of lilleston, hechewayton, saunford, sutton, dartford, halgel, ewell, cocklescomb, strode, swinkfield mennes, west greenwich, and the manor of lydden, which now belongs to the archbishop of canterbury; the advowsons of the churches of west greenwich and kingeswode juxta waltham; extensive tracts of land in romney marsh, and farms and assize rents in all parts of the county.[ ] in _sussex_ they had the manors of saddlescomb and shipley; lands and tenements at compton and other places; and the advowsons of the churches of shipley, wodmancote, and luschwyke.[ ] in _surrey_ they had the manor farm of temple elfand or elfante, and an estate at merrow in the hundred of woking. in _gloucestershire_, the manors of lower dowdeswell, pegsworth, amford, nishange, and five others which belonged to them wholly or in part, the church of down ammey, and lands in framton, temple guting, and little rissington. in _worcestershire_, the manor of templars lawern, and lands in flavel, temple broughton, and hanbury.[ ] in _northamptonshire_, the manors of asheby, thorp, watervill, &c. &c.; they had the advowson of the church of the manor of hardwicke in orlington hundred, and we find that "robert saunford, master of the soldiery of the temple in england," presented to it in the year .[ ] in _nottinghamshire_, the templars possessed the church of marnham, lands and rents at gretton and north carleton; in _westmoreland_, the manor of temple sowerby; in the isle of wight, the manor of uggeton, and lands in kerne.[ ] but it would be tedious further to continue with a dry detail of ancient names and places; sufficient has been said to give an idea of the enormous wealth of the order in this country, where it is known to have possessed some hundreds of manors, the advowson or right of presentation to churches innumerable, and thousands of acres of arable land, pasture, and woodland, besides villages, farm-houses, mills, and tithes, rights of common, of fishing, of cutting wood in forests, &c. &c. there were also several preceptories in scotland and ireland, which were dependent on the temple at london. the annual income of the order in europe has been roughly estimated at six millions sterling! according to matthew paris, the templars possessed _nine thousand_ manors or lordships in christendom, besides a large revenue and immense riches arising from the constant charitable bequests and donations of sums of money from pious persons.[ ] "they were also endowed," says james of vitry, bishop of acre, "with farms, towns, and villages, to an immense extent both in the east and in the west, out of the revenues of which they send yearly a certain sum of money for the defence of the holy land to their head master at the chief house of their order in jerusalem."[ ] the templars, in imitation of the other monastic establishments, obtained from pious and charitable people all the advowsons within their reach, and frequently retained the tithe and the glebe in their own hands, deputing a priest of the order to perform divine service and administer the sacraments. the manors of the templars produced them rent either in money, corn, or cattle, and the usual produce of the soil. by the custom in some of these manors, the tenants were annually to mow three days in harvest, one at the charge of the house; and to plough three days, whereof one at the like charge; to reap one day, at which time they should have a ram from the house, eightpence, twenty-four loaves, and a cheese of the best in the house, together with a pailful of drink. the tenants were not to sell their horse-colts, if they were foaled upon the land belonging to the templars, without the consent of the fraternity, nor marry their daughters without their license. there were also various regulations concerning the cocks and hens and young chickens.[ ] we have previously given an account of the royal donations of king henry the first, of king stephen and his queen, to the order of the temple. these were far surpassed by the pious benefactions of king henry the second. that monarch, for the good of his soul and the welfare of his kingdom, granted the templars a place situate on the river fleet, near bainard's castle, with the whole current of that river at london, for erecting a mill;[ ] also a messuage near fleet-street; the church of st. clement, "quæ dicitur dacorum extra civitatem londoniæ;" the churches of elle, swinderby and skarle in lincolnshire, kingeswode juxta waltham in kent, the manor of stroder in the hundred of skamele, the vill of kele in staffordshire, the hermitage of flikeamstede, and all his lands at lange cureway, a house in brosal, and the market of witham; lands at berghotte, a mill at the bridge of pembroke castle, the vill of finchingfelde, the manor of rotheley with its appurtenances, and the advowson of the church and its several chapels, the manor of blalcolvesley, the park of haleshall, and three _fat bucks_ annually, either from essex or windsor forest. he likewise granted them an annual fair at temple bruere, and superadded many rich benefactions in ireland.[ ] the principal benefactors to the templars amongst the nobility were william marshall, earl of pembroke, and his sons william and gilbert; robert, lord de ros; the earl of hereford; william, earl of devon; the king of scotland; william, archbishop of york; philip harcourt, dean of lincoln; the earl of cornwall; philip, bishop of bayeux; simon de senlis, earl of northampton; leticia and william, count and countess of ferrara; margaret, countess of warwick; simon de montfort, earl of leicester; robert de harecourt, lord of rosewarden; william de vernon, earl of devon, &c. &c.[ ] the templars, in addition to their amazing wealth, enjoyed vast privileges and immunities within this realm. in the reign of king john they were freed from all amerciaments in the exchequer, and obtained the privilege of not being compelled to plead except before the king or his chief justice. king henry the third granted them free warren in all their demesne lands; and by his famous charter, dated the th of february, in the eleventh year of his reign, he confirmed to them all the donations of his predecessors and of their other benefactors; with soc[ ] and sac,[ ] tol[ ] and theam,[ ] infangenethef,[ ] and unfangenethef,[ ] and hamsoca, and grithbrich, and blodwite, and flictwite, and hengewite, and learwite, and flemenefrith, murder, robbery, forestal, ordel, and oreste; and he acquitted them from the royal and sheriff's aids, and from hidage, carucage, danegeld and hornegeld, and from military and wapentake services, scutages, tallages, lastages, stallages, from shires and hundreds, pleas and quarrels, from ward and wardpeny, and averpeni, and hundredespeni, and borethalpeni, and thethingepeni, and from the works of parks, castles, bridges, the building of royal houses and all other works; and also from waste regard and view of foresters, and from toll in all markets and fairs, and at all bridges, and upon all highways throughout the kingdom. and he also gave them the chattels of felons and fugitives, and all waifs within their fee.[ ] in addition to these particular privileges, the templars enjoyed, under the authority of the papal bulls, various immunities and advantages, which gave great umbrage to the clergy. they were freed, as before mentioned, from the obligation of paying tithes, and might, with the consent of the bishop, receive them. no brother of the temple could be excommunicated by any bishop or priest, nor could any of the churches of the order be laid under interdict except by virtue of a special mandate from the holy see. when any brother of the temple, appointed to make charitable collections for the succour of the holy land, should arrive at a city, castle, or village, which had been laid under interdict, the churches, on their welcome coming, were to be thrown open, (once within the year,) and divine service was to be performed in honour of the temple, and in reverence for the holy soldiers thereof. the privilege of sanctuary was thrown around their dwellings; and by various papal bulls it is solemnly enjoined that no person shall lay violent hands either upon the persons or the property of those flying for refuge to the temple houses.[ ] sir edward coke, in the second part of the institute of the laws of england, observes, that "the templars did so overspread throughout christendome, and so exceedingly increased in possessions, revenues, and wealth, and specially in england, as you will wonder to reade in approved histories, and withall obtained so great and large priviledges, liberties, and immunities for themselves, their tenants, and farmers, &c., as no other order had the like."[ ] he further observes, that the knights templars were _cruce signati_, and as the cross was the ensign of their profession, and their tenants enjoyed great privileges, they did erect crosses upon their houses, to the end that those inhabiting them might be known to be the tenants of the order, and thereby be freed from many duties and services which other tenants were subject unto; "and many tenants of other lords, perceiving the state and greatnesse of the knights of the said order, and withall seeing the great priviledges their tenants enjoyed, did set up crosses upon their houses, as their very tenants used to doe, to the prejudice of their lords." this abuse led to the passing of the statute of westminster, the second, _chap._ ,[ ] which recites, that many tenants did set up crosses or cause them to be set up on their lands in prejudice of their lords, that the tenants might defend themselves against the chief lord of the fee by the privileges of templars and hospitallers, and enacts that such lands should be forfeited to the chief lords or to the king. sir edward coke observes, that the templars were freed from tenths and fifteenths to be paid to the king; that they were discharged of purveyance; that they could not be sued for any ecclesiastical cause before the ordinary, _sed coram conservatoribus suorum privilegiorum_; and that of ancient time they claimed that a felon might take to their houses, having their crosses for his safety, as well as to any church.[ ] and concerning these conservers or keepers of their privileges, he remarks, that the templars and hospitallers "held an ecclesiasticall court before a canonist, whom they termed _conservator privilegiorum suorum_, which judge had indeed more authority than was convenient, and did dayly, in respect of the height of these two orders, and at their instance and direction, incroach upon and hold plea of matters determinable by the common law, for _cui plus licet quam par est, plus vult quam licet_; and this was one great mischiefe. another mischiefe was, that this judge, likewise at their instance, in cases wherein he had jurisdiction, would make general citations as _pro salute animæ_, and the like, without expressing the matter whereupon the citation was made, which also was against law, and tended to the grievous vexation of the subject."[ ] to remedy these evils, another act of parliament was passed, prohibiting hospitallers and templars from bringing any man in plea before the keepers of their privileges, for any matter the knowledge whereof belonged to the king's court, and commanding such keepers of their privileges thenceforth to grant no citations at the instance of hospitallers and templars, before it be expressed upon what matter the citation ought to be made.[ ] having given an outline of the great territorial possessions of the order of the temple in europe, it now remains for us to present a sketch of its organisation and government. the master of the temple, the chief of the entire fraternity, ranked as a sovereign prince, and had precedence of all ambassadors and peers in the general councils of the church. he was elected to his high office by the chapter of the kingdom of jerusalem, which was composed of all the knights of the east and of the west who could manage to attend. the master had his general and particular chapters. the first were composed of the grand priors of the eastern and western provinces, and of all the knights present in the holy territory. the assembling of these general chapters, however, in the distant land of palestine, was a useless and almost impracticable undertaking, and it is only on the journeys of the master to europe, that we hear of the convocation of the grand priors of the west to attend upon their chief. the general chapters called together by the master in europe were held at paris, and the grand prior of england always received a summons to attend. the ordinary business and the government of the fraternity in secular matters were conducted by the master with the assistance of his particular chapter of the latin kingdom, which was composed of such of the grand priors and chief dignitaries of the temple as happened to be present in the east, and such of the knights as were deemed the wisest and most fit to give counsel. in these last chapters visitors-general were appointed to examine into the administration of the western provinces. the western nations or provinces of the order were presided over by the provincial masters,[ ] otherwise grand priors or grand preceptors, who were originally appointed by the chief master at jerusalem, and were in theory mere trustees or bare administrators of the revenues of the fraternity, accountable to the treasurer general at jerusalem, and removeable at the pleasure of the chief master. as the numbers, possessions, and wealth of the templars, however, increased, various abuses sprang up. the members of the order, after their admittance to the vows, very frequently, instead of proceeding direct to palestine to war against the infidels, settled down upon their property in europe, and consumed at home a large proportion of those revenues which ought to have been faithfully and strictly forwarded to the general treasury at the holy city. they erected numerous convents or preceptories, with churches and chapels, and raised up in each western province a framework of government similar to that of the ruling province of palestine. the chief house of the temple in england, for example, after its removal from holborn bars to the banks of the thames, was regulated and organised after the model of the house of the temple at jerusalem. the superior is always styled "master of the temple," and holds his chapters and has his officers corresponding to those of the chief master in palestine. the latter, consequently, came to be denominated _magnus magister_, or grand master,[ ] by our english writers, to distinguish him from the master at london, and henceforth he will be described by that title to prevent confusion. the titles given indeed to the superiors of the different nations or provinces into which the order of the temple was divided, are numerous and somewhat perplexing. in the east, these officers were known only, in the first instance, by the title of prior, as prior of england, prior of france, prior of portugal, &c., and afterwards preceptor of england, preceptor of france, &c.; but in europe they were called grand priors and grand preceptors, to distinguish them from the sub-priors and sub-preceptors, and also masters of the temple. the prior and preceptor _of_ england, therefore, and the grand prior, grand preceptor, and master of the temple _in_ england, were one and the same person. there were also at the new temple at london, in imitation of the establishment at the chief house in palestine, in addition to the master, the preceptor of the temple, the prior of london, the treasurer, and the guardian of the church, who had three chaplains under him, called readers.[ ] the master at london had his general and particular, or his ordinary and extraordinary chapters. the first were composed of the grand preceptors of scotland and ireland, and all the provincial priors and preceptors of the three kingdoms, who were summoned once a year to deliberate on the state of the holy land, to forward succour, to give an account of their stewardship, and to frame new rules and regulations for the management of the temporalities.[ ] the ordinary chapters were held at the different preceptories, which the master of the temple visited in succession. in these chapters new members were admitted into the order; lands were bought, sold, and exchanged; and presentations were made by the master to vacant benefices. many of the grants and other deeds of these chapters, with the seal of the order of the temple annexed to them, are to be met with in the public and private collections of manuscripts in this country. one of the most interesting and best preserved, is the harleian charter ( , c. ,) in the british museum, which is a grant of land made by brother william de la more, the martyr, the last master of the temple in england, to the lord milo de stapleton. it is expressed to be made by him, with the common consent and advice of his chapter, held at the preceptory of dynneslee, on the feast of saint barnabas the apostle, and concludes, "in witness whereof, we have to this present indenture placed the seal of our chapter."[ ] a fac-simile of this seal is given above. on the reverse of it is a man's head, decorated with a long beard, and surmounted by a small cap, and around it are the letters testisvmagi. the same seal is to be met with on various other indentures made by the master and chapter of the temple.[ ] the more early seals are surrounded with the words, sigillum _militis_ templi, "seal of the _knight_ of the temple;" as in the case of the deed of exchange of lands at normanton in the parish of botisford, in leicestershire, entered into between brother amadeus de morestello, master of the chivalry of the temple in england, and his chapter, of the one part, and the lord henry de colevile, knight, of the other part. the seal annexed to this deed has the addition of the word _militis_, but in other respects it is similar to the one above delineated.[ ] the master of the temple was controlled by the visitors-general of the order,[ ] who were knights specially deputed by the grand master and convent of jerusalem to visit the different provinces, to reform abuses, make new regulations, and terminate such disputes as were usually reserved for the decision of the grand master. these visitors-general sometimes removed knights from their preceptories, and even suspended the masters themselves, and it was their duty to expedite to the east all such knights as were young and vigorous, and capable of fighting. two regular voyages were undertaken from europe to palestine in the course of the year, under the conduct of the templars and hospitallers, called the _passagium martis_, and the _passagium sancti johannis_, which took place respectively in the spring and summer, when the newly-admitted knights left the preceptories of the west, taking with them hired foot soldiers, armed pilgrims, and large sums of money, the produce of the european possessions of the fraternity, by which means a continual succour was afforded to the christian kingdom of jerusalem. one of the grand priors or grand preceptors generally took the command of these expeditions, and was frequently accompanied by many valiant secular knights, who craved permission to join his standard, and paid large sums of money for a passage to the far east. in the interval between these different voyages, the young knights were diligently employed at the different preceptories in the religious and military exercises necessary to fit them for their high vocation. on any sudden emergency, or when the ranks of the order had been greatly thinned by the casualties of war, the grand master sent circular letters to the grand preceptors or masters of the western provinces, requiring instant aid and assistance, on the receipt of which collections were made in the churches, and all the knights that could be spared forthwith embarked for the holy land. the master of the temple in england sat in parliament as first baron of the realm, (_primus baro angliæ_,) but that is to be understood among priors only. to the parliament holden in the twenty-ninth year of king henry the third, there were summoned sixty-five abbots, thirty-five priors, and the master of the temple.[ ] the oath taken by the grand priors, grand preceptors, or provincial masters in europe, on their assumption of the duties of their high administrative office, was drawn up in the following terms:-- "i, _a. b._, knight of the order of the temple, just now appointed master of the knights who are in ----, promise to jesus christ my saviour, and to his vicar the sovereign pontiff and his successors, perpetual obedience and fidelity. i swear that i will defend, not only with my lips, but by force of arms and with all my strength, the mysteries of the faith; the seven sacraments, the fourteen articles of the faith, the creed of the apostles, and that of saint athanasius; the books of the old and the new testament, with the commentaries of the holy fathers, as received by the church; the unity of god, the plurality of the persons of the holy trinity; that mary, the daughter of joachim and anna, of the tribe of judah, and of the race of david, remained always a virgin before her delivery, during and after her delivery. i promise likewise to be submissive and obedient to the master-general of the order, in conformity with the statutes prescribed by our father saint bernard; that i will at all times in case of need pass the seas to go and fight; that i will always afford succour against the infidel kings and princes; that in the presence of three enemies i will fly not, but cope with them, if they are infidels; that i will not sell the property of the order, nor consent that it be sold or alienated; that i will always preserve chastity; that i will be faithful to the king of ----; that i will never surrender to the enemy the towns and places belonging to the order; and that i will never refuse to the religious any succour that i am able to afford them; that i will aid and defend them by words, by arms, and by all sorts of good offices; and in sincerity and of my own free will i swear that i will observe all these things."[ ] among the earliest of the masters, or grand priors, or grand preceptors of england, whose names figure in history, is richard de hastings, who was at the head of the order in this country on the accession of king henry the second to the throne,[ ] (a. d. ,) and was employed by that monarch in various important negotiations. in the year he greatly offended the king of france. the princess margaret, the daughter of that monarch, had been betrothed to prince henry, son of henry the second, king of england; and in the treaty of peace entered into between the two sovereigns, it was stipulated that gizors and two other places, part of the dowry of the princess, should be consigned to the custody of the templars, to be delivered into king henry's hands after the celebration of the nuptials. the king of england (a. d. ) caused the prince and princess, both of whom were infants, to be married in the presence of richard de hastings, the grand prior or master of the temple in england, and two other knights templars, who, immediately after the conclusion of the ceremony, placed the fortresses in king henry's hands.[ ] the king of france was highly indignant at this proceeding, and some writers accuse the templars of treachery, but from the copy of the treaty published by lord littleton[ ] it does not appear that they acted with bad faith. the above richard de hastings was the friend and confidant of thomas à becket. during the disputes between that haughty prelate and the king, the archbishop, we are told, withdrew from the council chamber, where all his brethren were assembled, and went to consult with richard de hastings, the prior of the temple at london, who threw himself on his knees before him, and with many tears besought him to give in his adherence to the famous councils of clarendon.[ ] richard de hastings was succeeded by richard mallebeench, who confirmed a treaty of peace and concord which had been entered into between his predecessor and the abbot of kirkested;[ ] and the next master of the temple appears to have been geoffrey son of stephen, who received the patriarch heraclius as his guest at the new temple on the occasion of the consecration of the temple church. he styles himself "_minister_ of the soldiery of the temple in england."[ ] in consequence of the high estimation in which the templars were held, and the privilege of sanctuary enjoyed by them, the temple at london came to be made "a storehouse of treasure." the wealth of the king, the nobles, the bishops, and of the rich burghers of london, was generally deposited therein, under the safeguard and protection of the military friars.[ ] the money collected in the churches and chapels for the succour of the holy land was also paid into the treasury of the temple, to be forwarded to its destination: and the treasurer was at different times authorised to receive the taxes imposed upon the moveables of the ecclesiastics, also the large sums of money extorted by the rapacious popes from the english clergy, and the annuities granted by the king to the nobles of the kingdom.[ ] the money and jewels of hubert de burgh, earl of kent, the chief justiciary, and at one time governor of the king and kingdom of england, were deposited in the temple, and when that nobleman was disgraced and committed to the tower, the king attempted to lay hold of the treasure. matthew paris gives the following curious account of the affair: "it was suggested," says he, "to the king, that hubert had no small amount of treasure deposited in the new temple, under the custody of the templars. the king, accordingly, summoning to his presence the master of the temple, briefly demanded of him if it was so. he indeed, not daring to deny the truth to the king, confessed that he had money of the said hubert, which had been confidentially committed to the keeping of himself and his brethren, but of the quantity and amount thereof he was altogether ignorant. then the king endeavoured with threats to obtain from the brethren the surrender to him of the aforesaid money, asserting that it had been fraudulently subtracted from his treasury. but they answered to the king, that _money confided to them in trust they would deliver to no man without the permission of him who had intrusted it to be kept in the temple_. and the king, since the above-mentioned money had been placed under their protection, ventured not to take it by force. he sent, therefore, the treasurer of his court, with his justices of the exchequer, to hubert, who had already been placed in fetters in the tower of london, that they might exact from him an assignment of the entire sum to the king. but when these messengers had explained to hubert the object of their coming, he immediately answered that he would submit himself and all belonging to him to the good pleasure of his sovereign. he therefore petitioned the brethren of the chivalry of the temple that they would, in his behalf, present all his keys to his lord the king, that he might do what he pleased with the things deposited in the temple. this being done, the king ordered all that money, faithfully counted, to be placed in his treasury, and the amount of all the things found to be reduced into writing and exhibited before him. the king's clerks, indeed, and the treasurer acting with them, found deposited in the temple gold and silver vases of inestimable price, and money and many precious gems, an enumeration whereof would in truth astonish the hearers."[ ] the kings of england frequently resided in the temple, and so also did the haughty legates of the roman pontiffs, who there made contributions in the name of the pope upon the english bishoprics. matthew paris gives a lively account of the exactions of the nuncio martin, who resided for many years at the temple, and came there armed by the pope with powers such as no legate had ever before possessed. "he made," says he, "whilst residing at london in the new temple, unheard of extortions of money and valuables. he imperiously intimated to the abbots and priors that they must send him rich presents, desirable palfreys, sumptuous services for the table, and rich clothing; which being done, that same martin sent back word that the things sent were insufficient, and he commanded the givers thereof to forward him better things, on pain of suspension and excommunication."[ ] the convocations of the clergy and the great ecclesiastical councils were frequently held at the temple, and laws were there made by the bishops and abbots for the government of the church and monasteries in england.[ ] chapter vi. the patriarch heraclius quarrels with the king of england--he returns to palestine without succour--the disappointments and gloomy forebodings of the templars--they prepare to resist saladin--their defeat and slaughter--the valiant deeds of the marshal of the temple--the fatal battle of tiberias--the captivity of the grand master and the true cross--the captive templars are offered the koran or death--they choose the latter, and are beheaded--the fall of jerusalem--the moslems take possession of the temple--they purify it with rose-water, say prayers, and hear a sermon--the templars retire to antioch--their letters to the king of england and the master of the temple at london--their exploits at the siege of acre. "gloriosa civitas dei jerusalem, ubi dominus passus, ubi sepultus, ubi gloriam resurrectionis ostendit, hosti spurio subjicitur polluenda, nec est dolor sicut dolor iste, cum sepulchrum possideant qui sepulchrum persequuntur, crucem teneant qui crucifixum contemnunt."--_the lamentation of geoffrey de vinisauf over the fall of jerusalem._ "the earth quakes and trembles because the king of heaven hath lost his land, the land on which his feet once stood. the foes of the lord break into his holy city, even into that glorious tomb where the virgin blossom of mary was wrapt up in linen and spices, and where the first and greatest flower on earth rose up again."--_st. bernard_, epist. cccxxii. [sidenote: gerard de riderfort. a. d. .] the grand master, arnold de torroge, who died on his journey to england, as before mentioned, was succeeded by brother gerard de riderfort.[ ] on the tenth of the calends of april, a month after the consecration by the patriarch heraclius of the temple church, the grand council or parliament of the kingdom, composed of the bishops, earls, and barons, assembled in the house of the hospitallers at clerkenwell in london. it was attended by william king of scotland and david his brother, and many of the counts and barons of that distant land.[ ] the august assembly was acquainted, in the king's name, with the object of the solemn embassy just sent to him from jerusalem, and with the desire of the royal penitent to fulfil his vow and perform his penance; but the barons were at the same time reminded of the old age of their sovereign, of the bad state of his health, and of the necessity of his presence in england. they accordingly represented to king henry that the solemn oath taken by him on his coronation was an obligation antecedent to the penance imposed on him by the pope; that by that oath he was bound to stay at home and govern his dominions, and that, in their opinion, it was more wholesome for the king's soul to defend his own country against the barbarous french, than to desert it for the purpose of protecting the distant kingdom of jerusalem. they, however, offered to raise the sum of fifty thousand marks for the levying of troops to be sent into asia, and recommended that all such prelates and nobles as desired to take the cross should be permitted freely to leave the kingdom on so pious an enterprise.[ ] fabian gives the following quaint account of the king's answer to the patriarch, from the chron. joan bromton: "lasteley, the kynge gaue answere, and sayde that he myghte not leue hys lande wythoute kepynge, nor yet leue yt to the praye and robbery of frenchemen. but he wolde gyue largely of hys owne to such as wolde take upon theym that vyage. wyth thys answere the patryarke was dyscontente, and sayde, 'we seke a man, and not money; welnere euery crysten regyon sendyth unto us money, but no lande sendyth to us a prince. therefore we aske a prynce that nedeth money, and not money that nedeth a prynce.' but the kynge layde for hym suche excuses, that the patryarke departed from hym dyscontentyd and comforteless, whereof the kynge beynge aduertysed, entendynge somwhat to recomforte hym wyth pleasaunte wordes, folowed hym unto the see syde. but the more the kynge thought to satysfye hym wyth hys fayre speche, the more the patryarke was discontented, in so myche that at the laste he sayde unto hym, 'hytherto thou haste reygned gloryously, but here after thou shalt be forsaken of him whom thou at thys tyme forsakeste. thynke on hym what he hath gyuen to thee, and what thou haste yelden to him agayne: howe fyrste thou were false unto the kynge of fraunce, and after slewe that holy man thomas of caunterburye, and lastely thou forsakeste the proteccyon of crystes faith.' the kynge was amoued wyth these wordes, and sayde unto the patryarke, 'though all the men of my lande were one bodye, and spake with one mouth, they durste not speke to me such wordys.' 'no wonder,' sayde the patriarke, 'for they loue thyne and not the; that ys to meane, they loue thy goodes temporall, and fere the for losse of promocyon, but they loue not thy soule.' and when he hadde so sayde, he offeryd hys hedde to the kynge, sayenge, 'do by me ryghte as thou dyddest by that blessed man thomas of caunterburye, for i had leur to be slayne of the, then of the sarasyns, for thou art worse than any sarasyn.' but the kynge kepte hys pacyence, and sayde, 'i may not wende oute of my lande, for myne own sonnes wyll aryse agayne me whan i were absente.' 'no wonder,' sayde the patryarke, 'for of the deuyll they come, and to the deuyll they shall go,' and so departyd from the kynge in great ire."[ ] according to roger de hoveden, however, the patriarch, on the th of the calends of may, accompanied king henry into normandy, where a conference was held between the sovereigns of france and england concerning the proposed succour to the holy land. both monarchs were liberal in promises and fair speeches; but as nothing short of the presence of the king of england, or of one of his sons, in palestine, would satisfy the patriarch, that haughty ecclesiastic failed in his negotiations, and returned in disgust and disappointment to the holy land.[ ] on his arrival at jerusalem with intelligence of his ill success, the greatest consternation prevailed amongst the latin christians; and it was generally observed that the true cross, which had been recovered from the persians by the emperor heraclius, was about to be lost under the pontificate, and by the fault of a patriarch of the same name. a resident in palestine has given us some curious biographical notices of this worthy consecrator of our temple church at london. he says that he was a very handsome parson, and, in consequence of his beauty, the mother of the king of jerusalem fell in love with him, and made him archbishop of cæsarea, (biau clerc estoit, et par sa beauté l'ama la mere de roi, et le fist arcevesque de cesaire.) he then describes how he came to be made patriarch, and how he was suspected to have poisoned the archbishop of tyre. after his return from rome he fell in love with the wife of a haberdasher who lived at naplous, twelve miles from jerusalem. he went to see her very often, and, not long after the acquaintanceship commenced, the husband died. then the patriarch brought the lady to jerusalem, and bought for her a very fine stone house. "le patriarche la fist venir en jerusalem, et li acheta bonne maison de pierre. si la tenoit voiant le siecle ausi com li hons fait sa fame, fors tant que ele n'estoit mie avec lui. quant ele aloit au mostier, ele estoit ausi atornée de riches dras, com ce fust un emperris, et si serjant devant lui. quant aucunes gens la veoient qui ne la connoissoient pas, il demandoient qui cele dame estoit. cil qui la connoissoient, disoient que cestoit la fame du patriarche. ele avoit nom pasque de riveri. enfans avoit du patriarche, et les barons estoient, que là où il se conseilloient, vint un fol ou patriarche, si li dist; 'sire patriarche, dones moi bon don, car je vous aport bones novelles _pasque de riveri, vostre fame, a une bele fille_!'"[ ] "when jesus christ," says the learned author, "saw the iniquity and wickedness which they committed in the very place where he was crucified, he could no longer suffer it." [sidenote: a. d. .] the order of the temple was at this period all-powerful in palestine, and the grand master, gerard de riderfort, coerced with the heavy hand of authority the nobles of the kingdom, and even the king himself. shortly after the return of heraclius to palestine, king baldwin iv. died, and was succeeded by his infant nephew, baldwin v., who was crowned in the church of the resurrection, and was afterwards royally entertained by the templars in the temple of solomon, according to ancient custom.[ ] the young king died at acre after a short reign of only seven months, and the templars brought the body to jerusalem, and buried it in the tombs of the christian kings. the grand master of the temple then raised sibylla, the mother of the deceased monarch, and her second husband, guy of lusignan, to the throne. gerard de riderfort surrounded the palace with troops; he closed the gates of jerusalem, and delivered the regalia to the patriarch. he then conducted sibylla and her husband to the church of the resurrection, where they were both crowned by heraclius, and were afterwards entertained at dinner in the temple. guy de lusignan was a prince of handsome person, but of such base renown, that his own brother geoffrey was heard to exclaim, "since they have made _him_ a king, surely they would have made _me_ a god!" these proceedings led to endless discord and dissension; raymond, count of tripoli, withdrew from court; many of the barons refused to do homage, and the state was torn by faction and dissension at a time when all the energies of the population were required to defend the country from the moslems.[ ] saladin, on the other hand, had been carefully consolidating and strengthening his power, and was vigorously preparing for the reconquest of the holy city, the long-cherished enterprise of the mussulmen. the arabian writers enthusiastically recount his pious exhortations to the true believers, and describe with vast enthusiasm his glorious preparations for the holy war. bohadin f. sjeddadi, his friend and secretary, and great biographer, before venturing upon the sublime task of describing his famous and sacred actions, makes a solemn confession of faith, and offers up praises to the one true god. "praise be to god," says he, "who hath blessed us with _islam_, and hath led us to the understanding of the true faith beautifully put together, and hath befriended us; and, through the intercession of our prophet, hath loaded us with every blessing.... i bear witness that there is no god but that one great god who hath no partner, (a testimony that will deliver our souls from the smoky fire of hell,) that mohammed is his servant and apostle, who hath opened unto us the gates of the right road to salvation...." "these solemn duties being performed, i will begin to write concerning the victorious defender of the faith, the tamer of the followers of the cross, the lifter up of the standard of justice and equity, the saviour of the world and of religion, saladin aboolmodaffer joseph, the son of job, the son of schadi, sultan of the moslems, ay, and of islam itself; the deliverer of the holy house of god (the temple) from the hands of the idolaters, the servant of two holy cities, whose tomb may the lord moisten with the dew of his favour, affording to him the sweetness of the fruits of the faith."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of may, a. d. , malek-el-afdal, "most excellent prince," one of saladin's sons, crossed the jordan at the head of seven thousand mussulmen. the grand master of the temple immediately despatched messengers to the nearest convents and castles of the order, commanding all such knights as could be spared to mount and come to him with speed. at midnight, ninety knights of the garrison of la feue or faba, forty knights from the garrison of nazareth, with many others from the convent of caco, were assembled around their chief, and began their march at the head of the serving brothers and the light cavalry of the order. they joined themselves to the hospitallers, rashly engaged the seven thousand moslems, and were cut to pieces in a bloody battle fought near the brook kishon. the grand master of the temple and two knights broke through the dense ranks of the moslems, and made their escape. roger de molines, the grand master of the hospital, was left dead upon the field, together with all the other brothers of the hospital and of the temple. jacqueline de mailly, the marshal of the temple, performed prodigies of valour. he was mounted on a white horse, and clothed in the white habit of his order, with the blood-red cross, the symbol of martyrdom, on his breast; he became, through his gallant bearing and demeanour, an object of respect and of admiration even to the moslems. he fought, say the writers of the crusades, like a wild boar, sending on that day an amazing number of infidels to _hell_! the mussulmen severed the heads of the slaughtered templars from their bodies, and attaching them with cords to the points of their lances, they placed them in front of their array, and marched off in the direction of tiberias.[ ] the following interesting account is given of the march of another band of holy warriors, who, in obedience to the summons of the grand master of the temple, were hastening to rally around the sacred ensigns of their faith. "when they had travelled two miles, they came to the city of saphet. it was a lovely morning, and they determined to march no further until they had heard mass. they accordingly turned towards the house of the bishop and awoke him up, and informed him that the day was breaking. the bishop accordingly ordered an old chaplain to put on his clothes and say mass, after which they hastened forwards. then they came to the castle of la feue, (a fortress of the templars,) and there they found, outside the castle, the tents of the convent of caco pitched, and there was no one to explain what it meant. a varlet was sent into the castle to inquire, but he found no one within but two sick people who were unable to speak. then they marched towards nazareth, and after they had proceeded a short distance from the castle of la feue, they met a brother of the temple on horseback, who galloped up to them at a furious rate, calling out, bad news, bad news; and he informed them how that the master of the hospital had had his head cut off, and how of all the brothers of the temple there had escaped but three, the master of the temple and two others, and that the knights whom the king had placed in garrison at nazareth, were all taken and killed."[ ] in the great battle of tiberias or of hittin, fought on the th of july, which decided the fate of the holy city of jerusalem, the templars were in the van of the christian army, and led the attack against the infidels. the march of saladin's host, which amounted to eighty thousand horse and foot, over the hilly country, is compared by an arabian writer, an eye-witness, to mountains in movement, or to the vast waves of an agitated sea. the same author speaks of the advance of the templars against them at early dawn in battle array, "horrible in arms, having their whole bodies cased with triple mail." he compares the noise made by their advancing squadrons to the _loud humming of bees_! and describes them as animated with "a flaming desire of vengeance."[ ] saladin had behind him the lake of tiberias, his infantry was in the centre, and the swift cavalry of the desert was stationed on either wing, under the command of _faki-ed-deen_ (teacher of religion.) the templars rushed, we are told, like lions upon the moslem infidels, and nothing could withstand their heavy and impetuous charge. "never," says an arabian doctor of the law, "have i seen a bolder or more powerful army, nor one more to be feared by the believers in the true faith." saladin set fire to the dry grass and dwarf shrubs which lay between both armies, and the wind blew the smoke and the flames directly into the faces of the military friars and their horses. the fire, the noise, the gleaming weapons, and all the accompaniments of the horrid scene, have given full scope to the descriptive powers of the oriental writers. they compare it to the last judgment; the dust and the smoke obscured the face of the sun, and the day was turned into night. sometimes gleams of light darted like the rapid lightning amid the throng of combatants; then you might see the dense columns of armed warriors, now immovable as mountains, and now sweeping swiftly across the landscape like the rainy clouds over the face of heaven. "the sons of paradise and the children of fire," say they, "then decided their terrible quarrel; the arrows rustled through the air like the wings of innumerable sparrows, the sparks flew from the coats of mail and the glancing sabres, and the blood spurting forth from the bosom of the throng deluged the earth like the rains of heaven."... "the avenging sword of the true believers was drawn forth against the infidels; the faith of the unity was opposed to the faith of the trinity, and speedy ruin, desolation, and destruction, overtook the miserable sons of baptism!" the cowardly patriarch heraclius, whose duty it was to bear the holy cross in front of the christian array, confided his sacred charge to the bishops of ptolemais and lydda,[ ]--a circumstance which gave rise to many gloomy forebodings amongst the superstitious soldiers of christ. in consequence of the treachery, as it is alleged, of the count of tripoli, who fled from the field with his retainers, both the templars and hospitallers were surrounded, and were to a man killed or taken prisoners. the bishop of ptolemais was slain, the bishop of lydda was made captive, and the holy cross, together with the king of jerusalem, and the grand master of the temple, fell into the hands of the saracens. "quid plura?" says radulph, abbot of the monastery of coggleshale in essex, who was then on a pilgrimage to the holy land, and was wounded in the nose by an arrow. "capta est crux, et rex, et magister militiæ templi, et episcopus liddensis, et frater regis, et templarii, et hospitalarii, et marchio de montferrat, atque omnes vel mortui vel capti sunt. plangite super hoc omnes adoratores crucis, et plorate; sublatum est lignum nostræ salutis, dignum ab indignis indigne heu! heu! asportatum. væ mihi misero, quod in diebus miseræ vitæ meæ talia cogor videre.... o dulce lignum, et suave, sanguine filii dei roratum atque lavatum! o crux alma, in qua salus nostra pependit! &c.[ ] "i saw," says the secretary and companion of saladin, who was present at this terrible fight, and is unable to restrain himself from pitying the disasters of the vanquished--"i saw the mountains and the plains, the hills and the valleys, covered with their dead. i saw their fallen and deserted banners sullied with dust and with blood. i saw their heads broken and battered, their limbs scattered abroad, and the blackened corses piled one upon another like the stones of the builders. i called to mind the words of the koran, 'the infidel shall say, what am i but _dust_?'... i saw thirty or forty tied together by one cord. i saw in one place, guarded by one mussulman, two hundred of these famous warriors gifted with amazing strength, who had but just now walked forth amongst the mighty; their proud bearing was gone; they stood naked with downcast eyes, wretched and miserable.... the lying infidels were now in the power of the true believers. their king and their cross were captured, that cross before which they bow the head and bend the knee; which they bear aloft and worship with their eyes; they say that it is the identical wood to which the god whom they adore was fastened. they had adorned it with fine gold and brilliant stones; they carried it before their armies; they all bowed towards it with respect. it was their first duty to defend it; and he who should desert it would never enjoy peace of mind. the capture of this cross was more grievous to them than the captivity of their king. nothing can compensate them for the loss of it. it was their god; they prostrated themselves in the dust before it, and sang hymns when it was raised aloft!"[ ] among the few christian warriors who escaped from this terrible encounter, was the grand master of the hospital; he clove his way from the field of battle, and reached ascalon in safety, but died of his wounds the day after his arrival. the multitude of captives was enormous, cords could not be found to bind them, the tent-ropes were all used for the purpose, but were insufficient, and the arabian writers tell us that, on seeing the dead, one would have thought that there could be no prisoners, and on seeing the prisoners, that there could be no dead. as soon as the battle was over, saladin proceeded to a tent, whither, in obedience to his commands, the king of jerusalem, the grand master of the temple, and reginald de chatillon, had been conducted. this last nobleman had greatly distinguished himself in various daring expeditions against the caravans of pilgrims travelling to mecca, and had become on that account particularly obnoxious to the pious saladin. the sultan, on entering the tent, ordered a bowl of sherbet, the sacred pledge amongst the arabs of hospitality and security, to be presented to the fallen monarch of jerusalem, and to the grand master of the temple; but when reginald de chatillon would have drunk thereof, saladin prevented him, and reproaching the christian nobleman with perfidy and impiety, he commanded him instantly to acknowledge the prophet whom he had blasphemed, or be prepared to meet the death he had so often deserved. on reginald's refusal, saladin struck him with his scimitar, and he was immediately despatched by the guards.[ ] bohadin, saladin's friend and secretary, an eye-witness of the scene, gives the following account of it: "then saladin told the interpreter to say thus to the king, 'it is thou, not i, who givest drink to this man!' then the sultan sat down at the entrance of the tent, and they brought prince reginald before him, and after refreshing the man's memory, saladin said to him, 'now then, i myself will act the part of the defender of mohammed!' he then offered the man the mohammedan faith, but he refused it; then the king struck him on the shoulder with a drawn scimitar, which was a hint to those that were present to do for him; so they sent his soul to _hell_, and cast out his body before the tent-door!"[ ] two days afterwards saladin proceeded in cold blood to enact the grand concluding tragedy. the warlike monks of the temple and of the hospital, the bravest and most zealous defenders of the christian faith, were, of all the warriors of the cross, the most obnoxious to zealous mussulmen, and it was determined that death or conversion to mahometanism should be the portion of every captive of either order, excepting the grand master of the temple, for whom it was expected a heavy ransom would be given. accordingly, on the christian sabbath, at the hour of sunset, the appointed time of prayer, the moslems were drawn up in battle array under their respective leaders. the mamlook emirs stood in two ranks clothed in yellow, and, at the sound of the holy trumpet, all the captive knights of the temple and of the hospital were led on to the eminence above tiberias, in full view of the beautiful lake of gennesareth, whose bold and mountainous shores had been the scene of so many of their saviour's miracles. there, as the last rays of the sun were fading away from the mountain tops, they were called upon to deny him who had been crucified, to choose god for their lord, islam for their faith, mecca for their temple, the moslems for their brethren, and mahomet for their prophet. to a man they refused, and were all decapitated in the presence of saladin by the devout zealots of his army, and the doctors and expounders of the law. an oriental historian, who was present, says that saladin sat with a smiling countenance viewing the execution, and that some of the executioners cut off the heads with a degree of dexterity that excited great applause.[ ] "oh," says omad'eddin muhammed, "how beautiful an ornament is the blood of the infidels sprinkled over the followers of the faith and the true religion!" if the mussulmen displayed a becoming zeal in the decapitation and annihilation of the infidel templars, these last manifested a no less praiseworthy eagerness for martyrdom by the swords of the unbelieving moslems. the knight templar, brother nicolas, strove vigorously, we are told, with his companions to be the first to suffer, and with great difficulty accomplished his purpose.[ ] it was believed by the christians, in accordance with the superstitious ideas of those times, that heaven testified its approbation by a visible sign, and that for three nights, during which the bodies of the templars remained unburied on the field, celestial rays of light played around the corpses of those holy martyrs.[ ] the government of the order of the temple, in consequence of the captivity of the grand master, devolved upon the grand preceptor of the kingdom of jerusalem, who addressed letters to all the brethren in the west, imploring instant aid and assistance. one of these letters was duly received by brother geoffrey, master of the temple at london, as follows:-- "brother terric, grand preceptor of the poor house of the temple, and every poor brother, and the whole convent, now, alas! almost annihilated, to all the preceptors and brothers of the temple to whom these letters may come, salvation through him to whom our fervent aspirations are addressed, through him who causeth the sun and the moon to reign marvellous." "the many and great calamities wherewith the anger of god, excited by our manifold sins, hath just now permitted us to be afflicted, we cannot for grief unfold to you, neither by letters nor by our sobbing speech. the infidel chiefs having collected together a vast number of their people, fiercely invaded our christian territories, and we, assembling our battalions, hastened to tiberias to arrest their march. the enemy having hemmed us in among barren rocks, fiercely attacked us; the holy cross and the king himself fell into the hands of the infidels, the whole army was cut to pieces, two hundred and thirty of our knights were beheaded, without reckoning the sixty who were killed on the st of may. the lord reginald of sidon, the lord ballovius, and we ourselves, escaped with vast difficulty from that miserable field. the pagans, drunk with the blood of our christians, then marched with their whole army against the city of acre, and took it by storm. the city of tyre is at present fiercely besieged, and neither by night nor by day do the infidels discontinue their furious assaults. so great is the multitude of them, that they cover like ants the whole face of the country from tyre to jerusalem, and even unto gaza. the holy city of jerusalem, ascalon, and tyre, and beyrout, are alone left to us and to the christian cause, and the garrisons and the chief inhabitants of these places, having perished in the battle of tiberias, we have no hope of retaining them without succour from heaven and instant assistance from yourselves."[ ] saladin, on the other hand, sent triumphant letters to the caliph. "god and his angels," says he, "have mercifully succoured islam. the infidels have been sent to feed the fires of hell! the cross is fallen into our hands, around which they fluttered like the moth round a light; under whose shadow they assembled, in which they boldly trusted as in a wall; the cross, the centre and leader of their pride, their superstition, and their tyranny."...[ ] after the conquest of between thirty and forty cities and castles, many of which belonged to the order of the temple, saladin laid siege to the holy city. on the th of september the mussulman army encamped on the west of the town, and extended itself from the tower of david to the gate of st. stephen. the temple could no longer furnish its brave warriors for the defence of the holy sanctuary of the christians; two miserable knights, with a few serving brethren, alone remained in its now silent halls and deserted courts. after a siege of fourteen days, a breach was effected in the walls, and ten banners of the prophet waved in triumph on the ramparts. in the morning a barefoot procession of the queen, the women, and the monks and priests, was made to the holy sepulchre, to implore the son of god to save his tomb and his inheritance from impious violation. the females, as a mark of humility and distress, cut off their hair and cast it to the winds; and the ladies of jerusalem made their daughters do penance by standing up to their necks in tubs of cold water placed upon mount calvary. but it availed nought; "for our lord jesus christ," says a syrian frank, "would not listen to any prayer that they made; for the filth, the luxury, and the adultery which prevailed in the city, did not suffer prayer or supplication to ascend before god."[ ] on the surrender of the city (october , a. d. ) the moslems rushed to the temple in thousands. "the imauns and the doctors and expounders of the wicked errors of mahomet," says abbot coggleshale, who was then in jerusalem suffering from a wound which he had received during the siege, "first ascended to the temple of the lord, called by the infidels _beit allah_, (the house of god,) in which, as a place of prayer and religion, they place their great hope of salvation. with horrible bellowings they proclaimed the law of mahomet, and vociferated, with polluted lips, allah _acbar_--allah _acbar_, (god is victorious.) they defiled all the places that are contained within the temple; i. e. the place of the presentation, where the mother and glorious virgin mary delivered the son of god into the hands of the just simeon; and the place of the confession, looking towards the porch of solomon, where the lord judged the woman taken in adultery. they placed guards that no christian might enter within the seven atria of the temple; and as a disgrace to the christians, with vast clamour, with laughter and mockery, they hurled down the golden cross from the pinnacle of the building, and dragged it with ropes throughout the city, amid the exulting shouts of the infidels and the tears and lamentations of the followers of christ."[ ] when every christian had been removed from the precincts of the temple, saladin proceeded with vast pomp to say his prayers in the _beit allah_, the holy house of god, or "temple of the lord," erected by the caliph omar.[ ] he was preceded by five camels laden with rose-water, which he had procured from damascus,[ ] and he entered the sacred courts to the sound of martial music, and with his banners streaming in the wind. the _beit allah_, "the temple of the lord," was then again consecrated to the service of one god and his prophet mahomet; the walls and pavements were washed and purified with rose-water; and a pulpit, the labour of noureddin, was erected in the sanctuary.[ ] the following account of these transactions was forwarded to henry the second, king of england. "to the beloved lord henry, by the grace of god, the illustrious king of the english, duke of normandy and guienne, and count of anjou, brother terric, _formerly_ grand preceptor of the house of the temple at jerusalem, sendeth greeting,--salvation through him who saveth kings. "know that jerusalem, with the citadel of david, hath been surrendered to saladin. the syrian christians, however, have the custody of the holy sepulchre up to the fourth day after michaelmas, and saladin himself hath permitted ten of the brethren of the hospital to remain in the house of the hospital for the space of one year, to take care of the sick.... jerusalem, alas, hath fallen; saladin hath caused the cross to be thrown down from the summit of the temple of the lord, and for two days to be publicly kicked and dragged in the dirt through the city. he then caused the temple of the lord to be washed within and without, upwards and downwards, with rose-water, and the law of mahomet to be proclaimed throughout the four quarters of the temple with wonderful clamour...."[ ] bohadin, saladin's secretary, mentions as a remarkable and happy circumstance, that the holy city was surrendered to the sultan of most pious memory, and that god restored to the faithful their sanctuary on the twenty-seventh of the month regeb, on the night of which very day their most glorious prophet mahomet performed his wonderful nocturnal journey from the temple, through the seven heavens, to the throne of god. he also describes the sacred congregation of the mussulmen gathered together in the temple and the solemn prayer offered up to god; the shouting and the sounds of applause, and the voices lifted up to heaven, causing the holy buildings to resound with thanks and praises to the most bountiful lord god. he glories in the casting down of the golden cross, and exults in the very splendid triumph of islam.[ ] saladin restored the sacred area of the temple to its original condition under the first mussulman conquerors of jerusalem. the ancient christian church of the virgin (otherwise the mosque _al acsa_, otherwise the temple of solomon) was washed with rose-water, and was once again dedicated to the religious services of the moslems. on the western side of this venerable edifice the templars had erected, according to the arabian writers, an immense building in which they lodged, together with granaries of corn and various offices, which enclosed and concealed a great portion of the edifice. most of these were pulled down by the sultan to make a clear and open area for the resort of the mussulmen to prayer. some new erections placed between the columns in the interior of the structure were taken away, and the floor was covered with the richest carpets. "lamps innumerable," says ibn alatsyr, "were suspended from the ceiling; verses of the koran were again inscribed on the walls; the call to prayer was again heard; the bells were silenced; the exiled faith returned to its ancient sanctuary; the devout mussulmen again bent the knee in adoration of the one only god, and the voice of the imaun was again heard from the pulpit, reminding the true believers of the resurrection and the last judgment."[ ] the friday after the surrender of the city, the army of saladin and crowds of true believers, who had flocked to jerusalem from all parts of the east, assembled in the temple of the lord to assist in the religious services of the mussulman sabbath. omad, saladin's secretary, who was present, gives the following interesting account of the ceremony, and of the sermon that was preached. "on friday morning at daybreak," says he, "every body was asking whom the sultan had appointed _to preach_. the temple was full; the congregation was impatient; all eyes were fixed on the pulpit; the ears were on the stretch; our hearts beat fast, and tears trickled down our faces. on all sides were to be heard rapturous exclamations of 'what a glorious sight! what a congregation! happy are those who have lived to see _the resurrection of islam_.' at length the sultan ordered the judge (doctor of the law) _mohieddin aboulmehali-mohammed_ to fulfil the sacred function of imaun. i immediately lent him the black vestment which i had received as a present from the caliph. he then mounted into the pulpit and spoke. all were hushed. his expressions were graceful and easy; and his discourse eloquent and much admired. he spake of the virtue and the sanctity of jerusalem, of the purification of the temple; he alluded to the silence of the bells, and to the flight of the infidel priests. in his prayer he named the caliph and the sultan, and terminated his discourse with that chapter of the koran in which god orders justice and good works. he then descended from the pulpit, and prayed in the mihrah. immediately afterwards a sermon was preached before the congregation."[ ] this sermon was delivered by _mohammed ben zeky_. "praise be to god," saith the preacher, "who by the power of his might hath raised up islamism on the ruins of polytheism; who governs all things according to his will; who overthroweth the devices of the infidels, and causeth the truth to triumph.... i praise god, who hath succoured his elect; who hath rendered them victorious and crowned them with glory, who hath purified his holy house from the filthiness of idolatry.... i bear witness that there is no god but that one great god who standeth alone and hath no partner; sole, supreme, eternal; who begetteth not and is not begotten, and hath no equal. i bear witness that mahomet is his servant, his envoy, and his prophet, who hath dissipated doubts, confounded polytheism, and put down lies, &c. ... "o men, declare ye the blessings of god, who hath restored to you this holy city, after it has been left in the power of the infidels for a hundred years.... this holy house of the lord hath been built, and its foundations have been established, for the glory of god.... this sacred spot is the dwelling place of the prophets, the _kebla_, (place of prayer,) towards which you turn at the commencement of your religious duties, the birth-place of the saints, the scene of the revelation. it is thrice holy, for the angels of god spread their wings over it. this is that blessed land of which god hath spoken in his sacred book. in this house of prayer, mahomet prayed with the angels who approach god. it is to this spot that all fingers are turned after the two holy places.... this conquest, o men, hath opened unto you the gates of heaven; the angels rejoice, and the eyes of the prophets glisten with joy...."[ ] omad informs us that the marble altar and chapel which had been erected over the sacred rock in the temple of the lord, or mosque of omar, was removed by saladin, together with the stalls for the priests, the marble statues, and all the abominations which had been placed in the venerated building by the christians. the mussulmen discovered with horror that some pieces of the holy stone or rock had been cut off by the franks, and sent to europe. saladin caused it to be immediately surrounded by a grate of iron. he washed it with rose-water and malek-afdal covered it with magnificent carpets.[ ] after the conquest of the holy city, and the loss of the temple at jerusalem, the knights templars established the chief house of their order at antioch, to which place they retired with queen sibylla, the barons of the kingdom, and the patriarch heraclius.[ ] the following account of the condition of the few remaining christian possessions immediately after the conquest of jerusalem, was conveyed by the before-mentioned brother terric, grand preceptor of the temple, and treasurer general of the order, to henry the second, king of england. "the brothers of the hospital of belvoir as yet bravely resist the saracens; they have captured two convoys, and have valiantly possessed themselves of the munitions of war and provisions which were being conveyed by the saracens from the fortress of la feue. as yet, also, carach, in the neighbourhood of mount royal, mount royal itself, the temple of saphet, the hospital of carach, margat, and castellum blancum, and the territory of tripoli, and the territory of antioch, resist saladin.... from the feast of saint martin up to that of the circumcision of the lord, saladin hath besieged tyre incessantly, by night and by day, throwing into it immense stones from thirteen military engines. on the vigils of st. silvester, the lord conrad, the marquis of montferrat, distributed knights and foot soldiers along the wall of the city, and having armed seventeen galleys and ten small vessels, with the assistance of the house of the hospital and the brethren of the temple, he engaged the galleys of saladin, and vanquishing them he captured eleven, and took prisoners the great admiral of alexandria and eight other admirals, a multitude of the infidels being slain. the rest of the mussulman galleys, escaping the hands of the christians, fled to the army of saladin, and being run aground by his command, were set on fire and burnt to ashes. saladin himself, overwhelmed with grief, having _cut off the ears and the tail of his horse_, rode that same horse through his whole army in the sight of all. farewell!"[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] tyre was valiantly defended against all the efforts of saladin until the winter had set in, and then the disappointed sultan, despairing of taking the place, burnt his military engines and retired to damascus. in the mean time, negotiations had been set on foot for the release from captivity of guy king of jerusalem, and gerard de riderfort, the grand master of the temple. no less than eleven of the most important of the cities and castles remaining to the christians in palestine, including ascalon, gaza, jaffa, and naplous, were yielded up to saladin by way of ransom for these illustrious personages; and at the commencement of the year , the grand master of the temple again appeared in arms at the head of the remaining forces of the order.[ ] the torpid sensibility of christendom had at this time been aroused by the intelligence of the fall of jerusalem, and of the profanation of the holy places by the conquering infidels. three hundred knights and a considerable naval force were immediately despatched from sicily, and all the templars of the west capable of bearing arms hurried from their preceptories to the sea-ports of the mediterranean, and embarked for palestine in the ships of genoa, pisa, and venice. the king of england forwarded a large sum of money to the order for the defence of the city of tyre; but as the siege had been raised before its arrival, and as conrad, the valiant defender of the place, claimed a title to the throne of jerusalem in opposition to guy de lusignan, the grand master of the temple refused to deliver the money into conrad's hands, in consequence whereof the latter wrote letters filled with bitter complaints to king henry and the archbishop of canterbury.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] in the spring of the year , the grand master of the temple marched out of tyre at the head of the newly-arrived brethren of the order, and, in conjunction with a large army of crusaders, laid siege to acre. the "victorious defender of the faith, tamer of the followers of the cross," hastened to its relief, and pitched his tents on the mountains of carouba. on the th of october, the newly-arrived warriors from europe, eager to signalize their prowess against the infidels, marched out to attack saladin's camp. the grand master of the temple, at the head of his knights and the forces of the order, and a large body of european chivalry who had ranged themselves under the banner of the templars, formed a reserve. the moslem array was broken by the impetuous charge of the soldiers of the cross, who penetrated to the imperial tent, and then abandoned themselves to pillage. the infidels rallied, they were led on by saladin in person; and the christian army would have been annihilated but for the templars. firm and immovable, they presented, for the space of an hour, an unbroken front to the advancing moslems, and gave time for the discomfited and panic-stricken crusaders to recover from their terror and confusion; but ere they had been rallied, and had returned to the charge, the grand master of the temple was slain; he fell pierced with arrows at the head of his knights; the seneschal of the order shared the same fate, and more than half the templars were numbered with the dead.[ ] [sidenote: walter. a. d. .] to gerard de riderfort succeeded the knight templar, brother walter.[ ] never did the flame of enthusiasm burn with fiercer or more destructive power than at this famous siege of acre. nine pitched battles were fought, with various fortune, in the neighbourhood of mount carmel, and during the first year of the siege a hundred thousand christians are computed to have perished. the tents of the dead, however, were replenished by new comers from europe; the fleets of saladin succoured the town, the christian ships brought continual aid to the besiegers, and the contest seemed interminable.[ ] saladin's exertions in the cause of the prophet were incessant. the arab authors compare him to a mother wandering with desperation in search of her lost child, to a lioness who has lost its young. "i saw him," says his secretary bohadin, "in the fields of acre afflicted with a most cruel disease, with boils from the middle of his body to his knees, so that he could not sit down, but only recline on his side when he entered into his tent, yet he went about to the stations nearest to the enemy, arranged his troops for battle, and rode about from dawn till eve, now to the right wing, then to the left, and then to the centre, patiently enduring the severity of his pain."... "o god," says his enthusiastic biographer, "thou knowest that he put forth and lavishly expended all his energies and strength towards the protection and the triumph of thy religion; do thou therefore, o lord, have mercy upon him."[ ] at this famous siege died the patriarch heraclius.[ ] chapter vii. richard coeur de lion joins the templars before acre--the city surrenders, and the templars establish the chief house of their order within it--coeur de lion takes up his abode with them--he sells to them the island of cyprus--the templars form the van of his army--their foraging expeditions and great exploits--coeur de lion quits the holy land in the disguise of a knight templar--the templars build the pilgrim's castle in palestine--the state of the order in england--king john resides in the temple at london--the barons come to him at that place, and demand magna charta--the exploits of the templars in egypt--the letters of the grand master to the master of the temple at london--the templars reconquer jerusalem. "therefore, friends, as far as to the sepulchre of christ (whose soldier now under whose blessed cross we are impressed and engag'd to fight,) forthwith a power of english shall we levy, whose arms were moulded in their mother's womb, to chase these pagans, in those holy fields, over whose acres walked those blessed feet, which, fourteen hundred years ago, were nail'd, for our advantage, on the bitter cross." [sidenote: walter. a. d. .] [sidenote: robert de sablÉ. a. d. .] in the mean time a third crusade had been preached in europe. william, archbishop of tyre, had proceeded to the courts of france and england, and had represented in glowing colours the miserable condition of palestine, and the horrors and abominations which had been committed by the infidels in the holy city of jerusalem. the english and french monarchs laid aside their private animosities, and agreed to fight under the same banner against the infidels, and towards the close of the month of may, in the second year of the siege of acre, the royal fleets of philip augustus and richard coeur de lion floated in triumph in the bay of acre. at the period of the arrival of king richard the templars had again lost their grand master, and brother robert de sablé, or sabloil, a valiant knight of the order, who had commanded a division of the english fleet on the voyage out, was placed at the head of the fraternity.[ ] the proudest of the nobility, and the most valiant of the chivalry of europe, on their arrival in palestine, manifested an eager desire to fight under the banner of the temple. many secular knights were permitted by the grand master to take their station by the side of the military friars, and even to wear the red cross on their breasts whilst fighting in the ranks. the templars performed prodigies of valour; "the name of their reputation, and the fame of their sanctity," says james of vitry, bishop of acre, "like a chamber of perfume sending forth a sweet odour, was diffused throughout the entire world, and all the congregation of the saints will recount their battles and glorious triumph over the enemies of christ, knights indeed from all parts of the earth, dukes, and princes, after their example, casting off the shackles of the world, and renouncing the pomps and vanities of this life and all the lusts of the flesh for christ's sake, hastened to join them, and to participate in their holy profession and religion."[ ] on the morning of the twelfth of july, six weeks after the arrival of the british fleet, the kings of england and france, the christian chieftains, and the turkish emirs with their green banners, assembled in the tent of the grand master of the temple, to treat of the surrender of acre, and on the following day the gates were thrown open to the exulting warriors of the cross. the templars took possession of three localities within the city by the side of the sea, where they established their famous temple, which became from thenceforth the chief house of the order. richard coeur de lion, we are told, took up his abode with the templars, whilst philip resided in the citadel.[ ] when the fiery monarch of england tore down the banner of the duke of austria from its staff and threw it into the ditch, it was the templars who, interposing between the indignant germans and the haughty britons, preserved the peace of the christian army.[ ] during his voyage from messina to acre, king richard had revenged himself on isaac comnenus, the ruler of the island of cyprus, for the insult offered to the beautiful berengaria, princess of navarre, his betrothed bride. the sovereign of england had disembarked his troops, stormed the town of limisso, and conquered the whole island; and shortly after his arrival at acre, he sold it to the templars for three hundred thousand livres d'or.[ ] during the famous march of richard coeur de lion from acre to ascalon, the templars generally led the van of the christian army, and the hospitallers brought up the rear.[ ] saladin, at the head of an immense force, exerted all his energies to oppose their progress, and the march to jaffa formed a perpetual battle of eleven days. on some occasions coeur de lion himself, at the head of a chosen body of knights, led the van, and the templars were formed into a rear-guard.[ ] they sustained immense loss, particularly in horses, which last calamity, we are told, rendered them nearly desperate.[ ] the moslem as well as the christian writers speak with admiration of the feats of heroism performed. "on the sixth day," says bohadin, "the sultan rose at dawn as usual, and heard from his brother that the enemy were in motion. they had slept that night in suitable places about cæsarea, and were now dressing and taking their food. a second messenger announced that they had begun their march; our brazen drum was sounded, all were alert, the sultan came out, and i accompanied him: he surrounded them with chosen troops, and gave the signal for attack."... "their foot soldiers were covered with thick-strung pieces of cloth, fastened together with rings so as to resemble coats of mail. i saw with my own eyes several who had not one nor two but _ten darts sticking in their backs_! and yet marched on with a calm and cheerful step, without any trepidation!"[ ] every exertion was made to sustain the courage and enthusiasm of the christian warriors. when the army halted for the night, and the soldiers were about to take their rest, a loud voice was heard from the midst of the camp, exclaiming, "assist the holy sepulchre," which words were repeated by the leaders of the host, and were echoed and re-echoed along their extended lines.[ ] the templars and the hospitallers, who were well acquainted with the country, employed themselves by night in marauding and foraging expeditions. they frequently started off at midnight, swept the country with their turcopoles or light cavalry, and returned to the camp at morning's dawn with rich prizes of oxen, sheep, and provisions.[ ] in the great plain near ramleh, when the templars led the van of the christian army, saladin made a last grand effort to arrest their progress, which was followed by one of the greatest battles of the age. geoffrey de vinisauf, the companion of king richard on this expedition, gives a lively and enthusiastic description of the appearance of the moslem array in the great plain around jaffa and ramleh. on all sides, far as the eye could reach, from the sea-shore to the mountains, nought was to be seen but a forest of spears, above which waved banners and standards innumerable. the wild bedouins,[ ] the children of the desert, mounted on their fleet arab mares, coursed with the rapidity of the lightning over the vast plain, and darkened the air with clouds of missiles. furious and unrelenting, of a horrible aspect, with skins blacker than soot, they strove by rapid movement and continuous assaults to penetrate the well-ordered array of the christian warriors. they advanced to the attack with horrible screams and bellowings, which, with the deafening noise of the trumpets, horns, cymbals, and brazen kettle-drums, produced a clamour that resounded through the plain, and would have drowned even the thunder of heaven. the engagement commenced with the left wing of the hospitallers, and the victory of the christians was mainly owing to the personal prowess of king richard. amid the disorder of his troops, saladin remained on the plain without lowering his standard or suspending the sound of his brazen kettle-drums, he rallied his forces, retired upon ramleh, and prepared to defend the road leading to jerusalem. the templars and hospitallers, when the battle was over, went in search of jacques d'asvesnes, one of the most valiant of king richard's knights, whose dead body, placed on their spears, they brought into the camp amid the tears and lamentations of their brethren.[ ] the templars, on one of their foraging expeditions, were surrounded by a superior force of four thousand moslem cavalry; the earl of leicester, with a chosen body of english, was sent by coeur de lion to their assistance, but the whole party was overpowered and in danger of being cut to pieces, when richard himself hurried to the scene of action with his famous battle-axe, and rescued the templars from their perilous situation.[ ] by the valour and exertions of the lion-hearted king, the city of gaza, the ancient fortress of the order, which had been taken by saladin soon after the battle of tiberias, was recovered to the christian arms, the fortifications were repaired, and the place was restored to the knights templars, who again garrisoned it with their soldiers. as the army advanced, saladin fell back towards jerusalem, and the vanguard of the templars was pushed on to the small town of ramleh. at midnight of the festival of the holy innocents, a party of them sallied out of the camp in company with some hospitallers on a foraging expedition; they scoured the mountains in the direction of jerusalem, and at morning's dawn returned to ramleh with more than two hundred oxen.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] when the christian army went into winter quarters, the templars established themselves at gaza, and king richard and his army were stationed in the neighbouring town of ascalon, the walls and houses of which were rebuilt by the english monarch during the winter. whilst the christian forces were reposing in winter quarters, an arrangement was made between the templars, king richard, and guy de lusignan, "the king without a kingdom," for the cession to the latter of the island of cyprus, previously sold by richard to the order of the temple, by virtue of which arrangement, guy de lusignan took possession of the island and ruled the country by the magnificent title of emperor.[ ] when the winter rains had subsided, the christian forces were again put in motion, but both the templars and hospitallers strongly advised coeur de lion not to march upon jerusalem, and the latter appears to have had no strong inclination to undertake the siege of the holy city, having manifestly no chance of success. the english monarch declared that he would be guided by the advice of the templars and hospitallers, who were acquainted with the country, and were desirous of recovering their ancient inheritances. the army, however, advanced within a day's journey of the holy city, and then a council was called together, consisting of five knights templars, five hospitallers, five eastern christians, and five western crusaders, and the expedition was abandoned.[ ] the templars took part in the attack upon the great egyptian convoy, wherein four thousand and seventy camels, five hundred horses, provisions, tents, arms, and clothing, and a great quantity of gold and silver, were captured, and then fell back upon acre; they were followed by saladin, who immediately commenced offensive operations, and laid siege to jaffa. the templars marched by land to the relief of the place, and coeur de lion hurried by sea. many valiant exploits were performed, the town was relieved, and the campaign was concluded by the ratification of a treaty whereby the christians were to enjoy the privilege of visiting jerusalem as pilgrims. tyre, acre, and jaffa, with all the sea-coast between them, were yielded to the latins, but it was stipulated that the fortifications of ascalon should be demolished.[ ] after the conclusion of this treaty, king richard being anxious to take the shortest and speediest route to his dominions by traversing the continent of europe, and to travel in disguise to avoid the malice of his enemies, made an arrangement with his friend robert de sablé, the grand master of the temple, whereby the latter undertook to place a galley of the order at the disposal of the king, and it was determined that whilst the royal fleet pursued its course with queen berengaria through the straits of gibraltar to britain, coeur de lion himself, disguised in the habit of a knight templar, should secretly embark and make for one of the ports of the adriatic. the plan was carried into effect on the night of the th of october, and king richard set sail, accompanied by some attendants, and four trusty templars.[ ] the habit he had assumed, however, protected him not, as is well known, from the cowardly vengeance of the base duke of austria. the lion-hearted monarch was one of the many benefactors to the order of the temple. he granted to the fraternity his manor of calow, with various powers and privileges.[ ] [sidenote: gilbert horal. a. d. .] shortly after his departure from palestine, the grand master, robert de sablé, was succeeded by brother gilbert horal or erail, who had previously filled the high office of grand preceptor of france.[ ] the templars, to retain and strengthen their dominion in palestine, commenced the erection of various strong fortresses, the stupendous ruins of many of which remain to this day. the most famous of these was the pilgrim's castle,[ ] which commanded the coast-road from acre to jerusalem. it derived its name from a solitary tower erected by the early templars to protect the passage of the pilgrims through a dangerous pass in the mountains bordering the sea-coast, and was commenced shortly after the removal of the chief house of the order from jerusalem to acre. a small promontory which juts out into the sea a few miles below mount carmel, was converted into a fortified camp. two gigantic towers, a hundred feet in height and seventy-four feet in width, were erected, together with enormous bastions connected together by strong walls furnished with all kinds of military engines. the vast inclosure contained a palace for the use of the grand master and knights, a magnificent church, houses and offices for the serving brethren and hired soldiers, together with pasturages, vineyards, gardens, orchards, and fishponds. on one side of the walls was the salt sea, and on the other, within the camp, delicious springs of fresh water. the garrison amounted to four thousand men in time of war.[ ] considerable remains of this famous fortress are still visible on the coast, a few miles to the south of acre. it is still called by the levantines, _castel pellegrino_. pococke describes it as "very magnificent, and so finely built, that it may be reckoned one of the things that are best worth seeing in these parts." "it is encompassed," says he, "with two walls fifteen feet thick, the inner wall on the east side cannot be less than forty feet high, and within it there appear to have been some very grand apartments. the offices of the fortress seem to have been at the west end, where i saw an oven fifteen feet in diameter. in the castle there are remains of a fine lofty church of ten sides, built in a light gothic taste: three chapels are built to the three eastern sides, each of which consists of five sides, excepting the opening to the church; in these it is probable the three chief altars stood."[ ] irby and mangles referring at a subsequent period to the ruins of the church, describe it as a double hexagon, and state that the half then standing had six sides. below the cornice are human heads and heads of animals in alto relievo, and the walls are adorned with a double line of arches in the gothic style, the architecture light and elegant. to narrate all the exploits of the templars, and all the incidents and events connected with the order, would be to write the history of the latin kingdom of palestine, which was preserved and maintained for the period of ninety-nine years after the departure of richard coeur de lion, solely by the exertions of the templars and the hospitallers. no action of importance was ever fought with the infidels, in which the templars did not take an active and distinguished part, nor was the atabal of the mussulmen ever sounded in defiance on the frontier, without the trumpets of the templars receiving and answering the challenge. [sidenote: philip duplessies. a. d. .] the grand master, gilbert horal, was succeeded by philip duplessies or de plesseis.[ ] we must now refer to a few events connected with the order of the temple in england. brother geoffrey, who was master of the temple at london at the period of the consecration of the temple church by the patriarch of jerusalem, died shortly after the capture of the holy city by saladin, and was succeeded by brother amaric de st. maur, who is an attesting witness to the deed executed by king john, a. d. , granting a dowry to his young queen, the beautiful isabella of angouleme.[ ] philip augustus, king of france, placed a vast sum of gold and silver in the temple at paris, and the treasure of john, king of england, was deposited in the temple at london.[ ] king john, indeed, frequently resided, for weeks together, at the temple in london, and many of his writs and precepts to his lieutenants, sheriffs, and bailiffs, are dated therefrom.[ ] the orders for the concentration of the english fleet at portsmouth, to resist the formidable french invasion instigated by the pope, are dated from the temple, and the convention between the king and the count of holland, whereby the latter agreed to assist king john with a body of knights and men-at-arms, in case of the landing of the french, was published at the same place.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] in all the conferences and negotiations between the mean-spirited king and the imperious and overbearing roman pontiff, the knights templars took an active and distinguished part. two brethren of the order were sent by pandulph, the papal legate, to king john, to arrange that famous conference between them which ended in the complete submission of the latter to all the demands of the holy see. by the advice and persuasion of the templars, king john repaired to the preceptory of temple ewell, near dover, where he was met by the legate pandulph, who crossed over from france to confer with him, and the mean-hearted king was there frightened into that celebrated resignation of the kingdoms of england and ireland, "to god, to the holy apostles peter and paul, to the holy roman church his mother, and to his lord, pope innocent the third, and his catholic successors, for the remission of all his sins and the sins of all his people, as well the living as the dead."[ ] the following year the commands of king john for the extirpation of the heretics in gascony, addressed to the seneschal of that province, were issued from the temple at london,[ ] and about the same period the templars were made the depositaries of various private and confidential matters pending between king john and his illustrious sister-in-law, "the royal, eloquent, and beauteous" berengaria of navarre, the youthful widowed queen of richard _coeur de lion_.[ ] the templars in england managed the money transactions of that fair princess. she directed her dower to be paid in the house of the new temple at london, together with the arrears due to her from the king, amounting to several thousand pounds.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] john was resident at the temple when he was compelled by the barons of england to sign magna charta. matthew paris tells us that the barons came to him, whilst he was residing in the new temple at london, "in a very resolute manner, clothed in their military dresses, and demanded the liberties and laws of king edward, with others for themselves, the kingdom, and the church of england."[ ] king john was a considerable benefactor to the order. he granted to the fraternity the isle of lundy, at the mouth of the river severn; all his land at radenach and at harewood, in the county of hereford; and he conferred on the templars numerous privileges.[ ] [sidenote: william de chartres. a. d. .] the grand master philip duplessies was succeeded by brother william de chartres, as appears from the following letter to the pope: "to the very reverend father in christ, the lord honorius, by the providence of god chief pontiff of the holy roman church, william de chartres, humble master of the poor chivalry of the temple, proffereth all due obedience and reverence, with the kiss of the foot. "by these our letters we hasten to inform your paternity of the state of that holy land which the lord hath consecrated with his own blood. know that, at the period of the departure of these letters, an immense number of pilgrims, both knights and foot soldiers, marked with the emblem of the life-giving cross, arrived at acre from germany and other parts of europe. saphadin, the great sultan of egypt, hath remained closely within the confines of his own dominions, not daring in any way to molest us. the arrival of the king of hungary, and of the dukes of austria and moravia, together with the intelligence just received of the near approach of the fleet of the friths, has not a little alarmed him. never do we recollect the power of the pagans so low as at the present time; and may the omnipotent god, o holy father, make it grow weaker and weaker day by day. but we must inform you that in these parts corn and barley, and all the necessaries of life, have become extraordinarily dear. this year the harvest has utterly disappointed the expectations of our husbandmen, and has almost totally failed. the natives, indeed, now depend for support altogether upon the corn imported from the west, but as yet very little foreign grain has been received; and to increase our uneasiness, nearly all our knights are dismounted, and we cannot procure horses to supply the places of those that have perished. it is therefore of the utmost importance, o holy father, to advertise all who design to assume the cross of the above scarcity, that they may furnish themselves with plentiful supplies of grain and horses. "before the arrival of the king of hungary and the duke of austria, we had come to the determination of marching against the city of naplous, and of bringing the saracen chief coradin to an engagement if he would have awaited our attack, but we have all now determined to undertake an expedition into egypt to destroy the city of damietta, and we shall then march upon jerusalem...."[ ] [sidenote: peter de montaigu. a. d. .] it was in the month of may, a. d. , that the galleys of the templars set sail from acre on the above-mentioned memorable expedition into egypt. they cast anchor in the mouth of the nile, and, in conjunction with a powerful army of crusaders, laid siege to damietta. a pestilence broke out shortly after their arrival, and hurried the grand master, william de chartres, to his grave.[ ] he was succeeded by the veteran warrior, brother peter de montaigu, grand preceptor of spain.[ ] james of vitry, bishop of acre, who accompanied the templars on this expedition, gives an enthusiastic account of their famous exploits, and of the tremendous battles fought upon the nile, in one of which a large vessel of the templars was sunk, and every soul on board perished. he describes the great assault on their camp towards the middle of the year , when the trenches were forced, and all the infantry put to flight. "the insulting shouts of the conquering saracens," says he, "were heard on all sides, and a panic was rapidly spreading through the disordered ranks of the whole army of the cross, when the grand master and brethren of the temple made a desperate charge, and bravely routed the first ranks of the infidels. the spirit of gideon animated the templars, and the rest of the army, stimulated by their example, bravely advanced to their support.... thus did the lord on that day, through the valour of the templars, save those who trusted in him."[ ] immediately after the surrender of damietta, the grand master of the temple returned to acre to repel the forces of the sultan of damascus, who had invaded the holy land, as appears from the following letter to the bishop of ely. [sidenote: a. d. .] "brother peter de montaigu, master of the knights of the temple, to the reverend brother in christ, n., by the grace of god bishop of ely, health. we proceed by these letters to inform your paternity how we have managed the affairs of our lord jesus christ since the capture of damietta and of the castle of taphneos." the grand master describes various military operations, the great number of galleys fitted out by the saracens to intercept the supplies and succour from europe, and the arming of the galleys, galliots, and other vessels of the order of the temple to oppose them, and clear the seas of the infidel flag. he states that the sultan of damascus had invaded palestine, had ravaged the country around acre and tyre, and had ventured to pitch his tents before the castle of the pilgrims, and had taken possession of cæsarea. "if we are disappointed," says he, "of the succour we expect in the ensuing summer, all our newly-acquired conquests, as well as the places that we have held for ages past, will be left in a very doubtful condition. we ourselves, and others in these parts, are so impoverished by the heavy expenses we have incurred in prosecuting the affairs of jesus christ, that we shall be unable to contribute the necessary funds, unless we speedily receive succour and subsidies from the faithful. given at acre, xii. kal. october, a. d. ."[ ] the troops of the sultan of damascus were repulsed and driven beyond the frontier, and the grand master then returned to damietta, to superintend the preparations for a march upon cairo. the results of that disastrous campaign are detailed in the following letter to brother alan marcel, preceptor of england, and master of the temple at london. "brother peter de montaigu, humble master of the soldiers of christ, to our vicegerent and beloved brother in christ, alan marcel, preceptor of england. "hitherto we have had favourable information to communicate unto you touching our exertions in the cause of jesus christ; now, alas! such have been the reverses and disasters which our sins have brought upon us in the land of egypt, that we have nothing but ill news to announce. after the capture of damietta, our army remained for some time in a state of inaction, which brought upon us frequent complaints and reproaches from the eastern and the western christians. at length, after the feast of the holy apostles, the legate of the holy pontiff, and all our soldiers of the cross, put themselves in march by land and by the nile, and arrived in good order at the spot where the sultan was encamped, at the head of an immense number of the enemies of the cross. the river taphneos, an arm of the great nile, flowed between the camp of the sultan and our forces, and being unable to ford this river, we pitched our tents on its banks, and prepared bridges to enable us to force the passage. in the mean time, the annual inundation rapidly increased, and the sultan, passing his galleys and armed boats through an ancient canal, floated them into the nile below our positions, and cut off our communications with damietta."... "nothing now was to be done but to retrace our steps. the sultans of aleppo and damascus, the two brothers of the sultan, and many chieftains and kings of the pagans, with an immense multitude of infidels who had come to their assistance, attempted to cut off our retreat. at night we commenced our march, but the infidels cut through the embankments of the nile, the water rushed along several unknown passages and ancient canals, and encompassed us on all sides. we lost all our provisions, many of our men were swept into the stream, and the further progress of our christian warriors was forthwith arrested. the waters continued to increase upon us, and in this terrible inundation we lost all our horses and saddles, our carriages, baggage, furniture, and moveables, and everything that we had. we ourselves could neither advance nor retreat, and knew not whither to turn. we could not attack the egyptians on account of the great lake which extended itself between them and us; we were without food, and being caught and pent up like fish in a net, there was nothing left for us but to treat with the sultan. "we agreed to surrender damietta, with all the prisoners which we had in tyre and at acre, on condition that the sultan restored to us the wood of the true cross and the prisoners that he detained at cairo and damascus. we, with some others, were deputed by the whole army to announce to the people of damietta the terms that had been imposed upon us. these were very displeasing to the bishop of acre,[ ] to the chancellor, and some others, who wished to defend the town, a measure which we should indeed have greatly approved of, had there been any reasonable chance of success; for we would rather have been thrust into perpetual imprisonment than have surrendered, to the shame of christendom, this conquest to the infidels. but after having made a strict investigation into the means of defence, and finding neither men nor money wherewith to protect the place, we were obliged to submit to the conditions of the sultan, who, after having exacted from us an oath and hostages, accorded to us a truce of eight years. during the negotiations the sultan faithfully kept his word, and for the space of fifteen days furnished our soldiers with the bread and corn necessary for their subsistence. "do you, therefore, pitying our misfortunes, hasten to relieve them to the utmost of your ability. farewell."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] brother alan marcell, to whom the above letter is addressed, succeeded amaric de st. maur, and was at the head of the order in england for the space of sixteen years. he was employed by king henry the third in various important negotiations; and was master of the temple at london, when reginald, king of the island of man, by the advice and persuasion of the legate pandulph, made a solemn surrender at that place of his island to the pope and his catholic successors, and consented to hold the same from thenceforth as the feudatory of the church of rome.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] at the commencement of the reign of henry the third, the templars in england appear to have been on bad terms with the king. the latter made heavy complaints against them to the pope, and the holy pontiff issued (a. d. ) the bull "de insolentia templariorum reprimenda," in which he states that his very dear son in christ, henry, the illustrious king of the english, had complained to him of the usurpations of the templars on the royal domains; that they had placed their crosses upon houses that did not belong to them, and prevented the customary dues and services from being rendered to the crown; that they undutifully set at nought the customs of the king's manors, and involved the bailiffs and royal officers in lawsuits before certain judges of their own appointment. the pope directs two abbots to inquire into these matters, preparatory to further proceedings against the guilty parties;[ ] but the templars soon became reconciled to their sovereign, and on the th of april of the year following, the master, brother alan marcell, was employed by king henry to negotiate a truce between himself and the king of france. the king of england appears at that time to have been resident at the temple, the letters of credence being made out at that place, in the presence of the archbishop of canterbury, several bishops, and hubert, the chief justiciary.[ ] the year after, the same alan marcell was sent into germany, to negotiate a treaty of marriage between king henry and the daughter of the duke of austria.[ ] at this period, brother hugh de stocton and richard ranger, knights of the convent of the new temple at london, were the guardians of the royal treasure in the tower, and the former was made the depositary, of the money paid annually by the king to the count of flanders. he was also intrusted by henry the third with large sums of money, out of which he was commanded to pay ten thousand marks to the emperor of constantinople.[ ] among the many illustrious benefactors to the order of the temple at this period was philip the second, king of france, who bequeathed the sum of one hundred thousand pounds to the grand master of the temple.[ ] [sidenote: hermann de perigord. a. d. .] the grand master, peter de montaigu, was succeeded by brother hermann de perigord.[ ] shortly after his accession to power, william de montserrat, preceptor of antioch, being "desirous of extending the christian territories, to the honour and glory of jesus christ," besieged a fortress of the infidels in the neighbourhood of antioch. he refused to retreat before a superior force, and was surrounded and overwhelmed; a hundred knights of the temple and three hundred cross-bowmen were slain, together with many secular warriors, and a large number of foot soldiers. the _balcanifer_, or standard-bearer, on this occasion, was an english knight templar, named reginald d'argenton, who performed prodigies of valour. he was disabled and covered with wounds, yet he unflinchingly bore the beauseant, or war-banner, aloft with his bleeding arms into the thickest of the fight, until he at last fell dead upon a heap of his slaughtered comrades. the preceptor of antioch, before he was slain, "_sent sixteen infidels to hell_."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] as soon as the templars in england heard of this disaster, they sent, in conjunction with the hospitallers, instant succour to their brethren. "the templars and the hospitallers," says matthew paris, "eagerly prepared to avenge the blood of their brethren so gallantly poured forth in the cause of christ. the hospitallers appointed brother theodore, their prior, a most valiant soldier, to lead a band of knights and of stipendiary troops, with an immense treasure, to the succour of the holy land. having made their arrangements, they all started from the house of the hospitallers at clerkenwell in london, and passed through the city with spears held aloft, shields displayed, and banners advanced. they marched in splendid pomp to the bridge, and sought a blessing from all who crowded to see them pass. the brothers indeed uncovered, bowed their heads from side to side, and recommended themselves to the prayers of all."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] whilst the knights templars were thus valiantly sustaining the cause of the cross against the infidels in the east, one of the holy brethren of the order, the king's special counsellor, named geoffrey, was signalising his zeal against infidels at home in england, (a. d. ,) by a fierce destruction and extermination of the jews. according to matthew paris, he seized and incarcerated the unhappy israelites, and extorted from them immense sums of money.[ ] shortly afterwards, brother geoffrey fell into disgrace and was banished from court, and brother roger, another templar, the king's almoner, shared the same fate, and was forbidden to approach the royal presence.[ ] some of the brethren of the order were always about the court, and when the english monarch crossed the seas, he generally wrote letters to the master of the temple at london, informing him of the state of the royal health.[ ] it was at this period, (a. d. ,) that the oblong portion of the temple church was completed and consecrated in the presence of king henry the third.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the grand mastership of brother hermann de perigord is celebrated for the treaty entered into with the infidels, whereby the holy city was again surrendered to the christians. the patriarch returned thither with all his clergy, the churches were reconsecrated, and the templars and hospitallers emptied their treasuries in rebuilding the walls. the following account of these gratifying events was transmitted by the grand master of the temple to robert de sanford, preceptor of england, and master of the temple at london. "brother hermann de perigord, humble _minister_ of the knights of the poor temple, to his beloved brother in christ, robert de sanford, preceptor in england, salvation in the lord. "since it is our duty, whenever an opportunity offers, to make known to the brotherhood, by letters or by messengers, the state and prospects of the holy land, we hasten to inform you, that after our great successes against the sultan of egypt, and nassr his supporter and abettor, the great persecutor of the christians, they were reluctantly compelled to negotiate a truce, promising us to restore to the followers of jesus christ all the territory on this side jordan. we despatched certain of our brethren, noble and discreet personages, to cairo, to have an interview with the sultan upon these matters...." the grand master proceeds to relate the progress of the negotiations, and the surrender of the holy city and the greater part of palestine to the soldiers of christ ... "whence, to the joy of angels and of men," says he, "jerusalem is now inhabited by christians alone, all the saracens being driven out. the holy places have been reconsecrated and purified by the prelates of the churches, and in those spots where the name of the lord has not been invoked for fifty-six years, now, blessed be god, the divine mysteries are daily celebrated. to all the sacred places there is again free access to the faithful in christ, nor is it to be doubted but that in this happy and prosperous condition we might long remain, if our eastern christians would from henceforth live in greater concord and unanimity. but, alas! opposition and contradiction arising from envy and hatred have impeded our efforts in the promotion of these and other advantages for the land. with the exception of the prelates of the churches, and a few of the barons, who afford us all the assistance in their power, the entire burthen of its defence rests upon our house alone.... "for the safeguard and preservation of the holy territory, we propose to erect a fortified castle near jerusalem, which will enable us the more easily to retain possession of the country, and to protect it against all enemies. but indeed we can in nowise defend for any great length of time the places that we hold, against the sultan of egypt, who is a most powerful and talented man, unless christ and his faithful followers extend to us an efficacious support."[ ] chapter viii. the conquest of jerusalem by the carizmians--the slaughter of the templars, and the death of the grand master--the exploits of the templars in egypt--king louis of france visits the templars in palestine--he assists them in putting the country into a defensible state--henry ii., king of england, visits the temple at paris--the magnificent hospitality of the templars in england and france--benocdar, sultan of egypt, invades palestine--he defeats the templars, takes their strong fortresses, and decapitates six hundred of their brethren--the grand master comes to england for succour--the renewal of the war--the fall of acre, and the final extinction of the templars in palestine. "the knights of the temple ever maintained their fearless and fanatic character; if they neglected to _live_ they were prepared to _die_ in the service of christ."--_gibbon._ [sidenote: hermann de perigord. a. d. .] shortly after the recovery of the holy city, djemal'eddeen, the mussulman, paid a visit to jerusalem. "i saw," says he, "the monks and the priests masters of the temple of the lord. i saw the vials of wine prepared for the sacrifice. i entered into the mosque al acsa, (the temple of solomon,) and i saw a bell suspended from the dome. the rites and ceremonies of the mussulmen were abolished; the call to prayer was no longer heard. the infidels publicly exercised their idolatrous practices in the sanctuaries of the mussulmen."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] by the advice of benedict, bishop of marseilles, who came to the holy city on a pilgrimage, the templars rebuilt their ancient and formidable castle of saphet. eight hundred and fifty workmen, and four hundred slaves were employed in the task. the walls were sixty _french_ feet in width, one hundred and seventy in height, and the circuit of them was two thousand two hundred and fifty feet. they were flanked by seven large round towers, sixty feet in diameter, and seventy-two feet higher than the walls. the fosse surrounding the fortress was thirty-six feet wide, and was pierced in the solid rock to a depth of forty-three feet. the garrison, in time of peace, amounted to one thousand seven hundred men, and to two thousand two hundred in time of war.[ ] the ruins of this famous castle crowning the summit of a lofty mountain, torn and shattered by earthquakes, still present a stupendous appearance. in pococke's time "two particularly fine large round towers" were entire, and van egmont and heyman describe the remains of two moats lined with freestone, several fragments of walls, bulwarks, and turrets, together with corridors, winding staircases, and internal apartments. ere this fortress was completed, the templars again lost the holy city, and were well-nigh exterminated in a bloody battle fought with the carizmians. these were a fierce, pastoral tribe of tartars, who, descending from the north of asia, and quitting their abodes in the neighbourhood of the caspian, rushed headlong upon the nations of the south. they overthrew with frightful rapidity, and the most terrific slaughter, all who had ventured to oppose their progress; and, at the instigation of saleh ayoub, sultan of egypt, with whom they had formed an alliance, they turned their arms against the holy land. in a great battle fought near gaza, which lasted two days, the grand masters of the temple and the hospital were both slain, together with three hundred and twelve knights templars, and three hundred and twenty-four serving brethren, besides hired soldiers in the pay of the order.[ ] the following account of these disasters was forwarded to europe by the vice-master of the temple, and the bishops and abbots of palestine. [sidenote: a. d. .] "to the reverend fathers in christ, and to all our friends, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of the church in the kingdoms of france and england, to whom these letters shall come;--robert, by the grace of god, patriarch of the holy church of jerusalem; henry, archbishop of nazareth; j. elect of cæsarea; r. bishop of acre; _william de rochefort, vice-master of the house of the soldiery of the_ temple, _and of the convent of the same house_; h. prior of the sepulchre of the lord; b. of the mount of olives, &c. &c. health and prosperity." "the cruel barbarian, issuing forth from the confines of the east, hath turned his footsteps towards the kingdom of jerusalem, that holy land, which, though it hath at different periods been grievously harassed by the saracen tribes, hath yet in these latter days enjoyed ease and tranquillity, and been at peace with the neighbouring nations. but, alas! the sins of our christian people have just now raised up for its destruction an unknown people, and an avenging sword from afar...." they proceed to describe the destructive progress of the carizmians from tartary, the devastation of persia, the fierce extermination by those savage hordes of all races and nations, without distinction of religion, and their sudden entry into the holy land by the side of saphet and tiberias, "when," say they, "_by the common advice, and at the unanimous desire of the masters of the religious houses of the chivalry of the temple and the hospital_, we called in the assistance of the sultans of damascus and carac, who were bound to us by treaty, and who bore especial hatred to the carizmians; they promised and solemnly swore to give us their entire aid, but the succour came slow and tardy; the christian forces were few in number, and were obliged to abandon the defence of jerusalem...." after detailing the barbarous and horrible slaughter of five thousand three hundred christians, of both sexes--men, women, children, monks, priests, and nuns,--they thus continue their simple and affecting narrative: "at length, the before-mentioned perfidious savages having penetrated within the gates of the holy city of israel, the small remnant of the faithful left therein, consisting of children, women, and old men, took refuge in the church of the sepulchre of our lord. the carizmians rushed to that holy sanctuary; they butchered them all before the very sepulchre itself, and cutting off the heads of the priests who were kneeling with uplifted hands before the altars, they said one to another, 'let us here shed the blood of the christians _on the very place where they offer up wine to their god, who they say was hanged here_.' moreover, in sorrow be it spoken, and with sighs we inform you, that laying their sacrilegious hands on the very sepulchre itself, they sadly disturbed it, utterly battering to pieces the marble shrine which was built around that holy sanctuary. they have defiled, with every abomination of which they were capable, mount calvary, where christ was crucified, and the whole church of the resurrection. they have taken away, indeed, the sculptured columns which were placed as a decoration before the sepulchre of the lord, and as a mark of victory, and as a taunt to the christians, they have sent them to the sepulchre of the wicked mahomet. they have violated the tombs of the happy kings of jerusalem in the same church, and they have scattered, to the hurt of christendom, the ashes of those holy men to the winds, irreverently profaning the revered mount sion. the temple of the lord, the church of the valley of jehoshaphat, where the virgin lies buried, the church of bethlehem, and the place of the nativity of our lord, they have polluted with enormities too horrible to be related, far exceeding the iniquity of all the saracens, who, though they frequently occupied the land of the christians, yet always reverenced and preserved the holy places...." they then describe the subsequent military operations, the march of the templars and hospitallers, on the th of october, a. d. , from acre to cæsarea; the junction of their forces with those of the moslem sultans; the retreat of the carizmians to gaza, where they received succour from the sultan of egypt; and the preparation of the hospitallers and templars for the attack before that place. "those holy warriors," say they, "boldly rushed in upon the enemy, but the saracens who had joined us, having lost many of their men, fled, and the warriors of the cross were left alone to withstand the united attack of the egyptians and carizmians. like stout champions of the lord, and true defenders of catholicity, whom the same faith and the same cross and passion make true brothers, they bravely resisted; but as they were few in number in comparison with the enemy, they at last succumbed, so that of the convents of the house of the chivalry of the temple, and of the house of the hospital of saint john at jerusalem, only thirty-three templars and twenty-six hospitallers escaped; the archbishop of tyre, the bishop of saint george, the abbot of saint mary of jehoshaphat, and the master of the temple, with many other clerks and holy men, being slain in that sanguinary fight. we ourselves, having by our sins provoked this dire calamity, fled half dead to ascalon; from thence we proceeded by sea to acre, and found that city and the adjoining province filled with sorrow and mourning, misery and death. there was not a house or a family that had not lost an inmate or a relation...." "the carizmians have now pitched their tents in the plain of acre, about two miles from the city. the whole country, as far as nazareth and saphet, is overrun by them, so that the churches of jerusalem and the christian kingdom have now no territory, except a few fortifications, which are defended with great difficulty and labour by the templars and hospitallers.... "to you, dearest fathers, upon whom the burthen of the defence of the cause of christ justly resteth, we have caused these sad tidings to be communicated, earnestly beseeching you to address your prayers to the throne of grace, imploring mercy from the most high; that he who consecrated the holy land with his own blood in redemption of all mankind, may compassionately turn towards it and defend it, and send it succour. do ye yourselves, dearest fathers, as far as ye are able, take sage counsel and speedily assist us, that ye may receive a heavenly reward. but know, assuredly, that unless, through the interposition of the most high, or by the aid of the faithful, the holy land is succoured in the next spring passage from europe, its doom is sealed, and utter ruin is inevitable. "since it would be tedious to explain by letter all our necessities, we have sent to you the venerable father bishop of beirout, and the holy man arnulph, of the order of friars preachers, who will faithfully and truly unfold the particulars to your venerable fraternity. we humbly entreat you liberally to receive and patiently to hear the aforesaid messengers, who have exposed themselves to great dangers for the church of god, by navigating the seas in the depth of winter. given at acre, this fifth day of november, in the year of our lord one thousand twelve hundred and forty-four."[ ] the above letter was read before a general council of the church, which had been assembled at lyons by pope innocent iv., and it was resolved that a new crusade should be preached. it was provided that those who assumed the cross should assemble at particular places to receive the pope's blessing; that there should be a truce for four years between all christian princes; that during all that time there should be no tournaments, feasts, nor public rejoicings; that all the faithful in christ should be exhorted to contribute, out of their fortunes and estates, to the defence of the holy land; and that ecclesiastics should pay towards it the tenth, and cardinals the twentieth, of all their revenues, for the term of three years successively. the ancient enthusiasm, however, in favour of distant expeditions to the east had died away; the addresses and exhortations of the clergy now fell on unwilling ears, and the templars and hospitallers received only some small assistance in men and money. [sidenote: william de sonnac. a. d. .] the temporary alliance between the templars and the mussulman sultans of syria, for the purpose of insuring their common safety, did not escape animadversion. the emperor frederick the second, the nominal king of jerusalem, in a letter to richard earl of cornwall, the brother of henry the third, king of england, accuses the templars of making war upon the sultan of egypt, in defiance of a treaty entered into with that monarch, of compelling him to call in the carizmians to his assistance; and he compares the union of the templars with the infidel sultans, for purposes of defence, to an attempt to extinguish a fire by pouring upon it a quantity of oil. "the proud religion of the temple," says he, in continuation, "nurtured amid the luxuries of the barons of the land, waxeth wanton. it hath been made manifest to us, by certain religious persons lately arrived from parts beyond sea, that the aforesaid sultans and their trains were received with pompous alacrity within the gates of the houses of the temple, and that the templars suffered them to perform within them their superstitious rites and ceremonies, with invocation of mahomet, and to indulge in secular delights."[ ] the templars, notwithstanding their disasters, successfully defended all their strong fortresses in palestine against the efforts of the carizmians, and gradually recovered their footing in the holy land. the galleys of the order kept the command of the sea, and succour speedily arrived to them from their western brethren. a general chapter of knights was assembled in the pilgrim's castle, and the veteran warrior, brother william de sonnac, was chosen grand master of the order.[ ] circular mandates were, at the same time, sent to the western preceptories, summoning all the brethren to palestine, and directing the immediate transmission of all the money in the different treasuries to the head-quarters of the order at acre. these calls appear to have been promptly attended to, and the pope praises both the templars and hospitallers for the zeal and energy displayed by them in sending out the newly-admitted knights and novices with armed bands and a large amount of treasure to the succour of the holy territory.[ ] the aged knights, and those whose duties rendered them unable to leave the western preceptories, implored the blessings of heaven upon the exertions of their brethren; they observed extraordinary fasts and mortification, and directed continual prayers to be offered up throughout the order.[ ] whilst the proposed crusade was slowly progressing, the holy pontiff wrote to the sultan of egypt, the ally of the carizmians, proposing a peace or a truce, and received the following grand and magnificent reply to his communication: [sidenote: a. d. .] "to the pope, the noble, the great, the spiritual, the affectionate, the holy, the thirteenth of the apostles, the leader of the sons of baptism, the high priest of the christians, (may god strengthen him, and establish him, and give him happiness!) from the most powerful sultan ruling over the necks of nations; wielding the two great weapons, the sword and the pen; possessing two pre-eminent excellencies--that is to say, learning and judgment; king of two seas; ruler of the south and north; king of the region of egypt and syria, mesopotamia, media, idumea, and ophir; king saloph beelpheth, jacob, son of sultan camel, hemevafar mehameth, son of sultan hadel, robethre, son of jacob, whose kingdom may the lord god make happy. "in the name of god the most merciful and compassionate. "the letters of the pope, the noble, the great, &c. &c. ... have been presented to us. may god favour him who earnestly seeketh after righteousness and doeth good, and wisheth peace and walketh in the ways of the lord. may god assist him who worshippeth him in truth. we have considered the aforesaid letters, and have understood the matters treated of therein, which have pleased and delighted us; and the messenger sent by the holy pope came to us, and we caused him to be brought before us with honour, and love, and reverence; and we brought him to see us face to face, and inclining our ears towards him, we listened to his speech, and we have put faith in the words he hath spoken unto us concerning christ, upon whom be salvation and praise. but we know more concerning that same christ than ye know, and we magnify him more than ye magnify him. and as to what you say concerning your desire for peace, tranquillity, and quiet, and that you wish to put down war, so also do we; we desire and wish nothing to the contrary. but let the pope know, that between ourselves and the emperor (frederick) there hath been mutual love, and alliance, and perfect concord, from the time of the sultan, my father, (whom may god preserve and place in the glory of his brightness;) and between you and the emperor there is, as ye know, strife and warfare; whence it is not fit that we should enter into any treaty with the christians until we have previously had his advice and assent. we have therefore written to our envoy at the imperial court upon the propositions made to us by the pope's messenger, &c. ... "this letter was written on the seventh of the month _maharan_. praise be to the one only god, and may his blessing rest upon our master mahomet."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the year following, (a. d. ,) the carizmians were annihilated; they were cut up in detail by the templars and hospitallers, and were at last slain to a man. their very name perished from the face of the earth, but the traces of their existence were long preserved in the ruin and desolation they had spread around them.[ ] the holy land, although happily freed from the destructive presence of these barbarians, had yet everything to fear from the powerful sultan of egypt, with whom hostilities still continued; and brother william de sonnac, the grand master of the temple, for the purpose of stimulating the languid energies of the english nation, and reviving their holy zeal and enthusiasm in the cause of the cross, despatched a distinguished knight templar to england, charged with the duty of presenting to king henry the third a magnificent crystal vase, containing a portion of the blood of our lord jesus christ, which had been poured forth upon the sacred soil of palestine for the remission of the sins of all the faithful. a solemn attestation of the genuineness of this precious relic, signed by the patriarch of jerusalem, and the bishops, the abbots, and the barons of the holy land, was forwarded to london for the satisfaction of the king and his subjects, and was deposited, together with the vase and its inestimable contents, in the cathedral church of saint paul.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] in the month of june, a. d. , the galleys of the templars left acre with a strong body of forces on board, and joined the expedition undertaken by the french king, louis ix., against egypt. the following account of the capture of damietta was forwarded to the master of the temple at london. "brother william de sonnac, by the grace of god master of the poor chivalry of the temple, to his beloved brother in christ, robert de sanford, preceptor of england, salvation in the lord. "we hasten to unfold to you by these presents agreeable and happy intelligence.... (he details the landing of the french, the defeat of the infidels with the loss of one christian soldier, and the subsequent capture of the city.) damietta, therefore, has been taken, not by our deserts, nor by the might of our armed bands, but through the divine power and assistance. moreover, be it known to you that king louis, with god's favour, proposes to march upon alexandria or cairo for the purpose of delivering our brethren there detained in captivity, and of reducing, with god's help, the whole land to the christian worship. farewell."[ ] the lord de joinville, the friend of king louis, and one of the bravest of the french captains, gives a lively and most interesting account of the campaign, and of the famous exploits of the templars. during the march towards cairo, they led the van of the christian army, and on one occasion, when the king of france had given strict orders that no attack should be made upon the infidels, and that an engagement should be avoided, a body of turkish cavalry advanced against them. "one of these turks," says joinville, "gave a knight templar in the first rank so heavy a blow with his battle-axe, that it felled him under the feet of the lord reginald de vichier's horse, who was marshall of the temple; the marshall, seeing his man fall, cried out to his brethren, 'at them in the name of god, for i cannot longer stand this.' he instantly stuck spurs into his horse, followed by all his brethren, and as their horses were fresh, not a saracen escaped." on another occasion, the templars marched forth at the head of the christian army, to make trial of a ford across the tanitic branch of the nile. "before we set out," says joinville, "the king had ordered that the templars should form the van, and the count d'artois, his brother, should command the second division after the templars; but the moment the compte d'artois had passed the ford, he and all his people fell on the saracens, and putting them to flight, galloped after them. the templars sent to call the compte d'artois back, and to tell him that it was his duty to march behind and not before them; but it happened that the count d'artois could not make any answer by reason of my lord foucquault du melle, who held the bridle of his horse, and my lord foucquault, who was a right good knight, being deaf, heard nothing the templars were saying to the count d'artois, but kept bawling out, '_forward! forward!_' ("or a eulz! or a eulz!") when the templars perceived this, they thought they should be dishonoured if they allowed the count d'artois thus to take the lead; so they spurred their horses more and more, and faster and faster, and chased the turks, who fled before them, through the town of massoura, as far as the plains towards babylon; but on their return, the turks shot at them plenty of arrows, and attacked them in the narrow streets of the town. the count d'artois and the earl of leicester were there slain, and as many as three hundred other knights. the templars lost, as their chief informed me, full fourteen score men-at-arms, and all his horsemen."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the grand master of the temple also lost an eye, and cut his way through the infidels to the main body of the christian army, accompanied only by two knights templars.[ ] there he again mixed in the affray, took the command of a vanguard, and is to be found fighting by the side of the lord de joinville at sunset. in his account of the great battle fought on the first friday in lent, joinville thus commemorates the gallant bearing of the templars:-- "the next battalion was under the command of brother william de sonnac, master of the temple, who had with him the small remnant of the brethren of the order who survived the battle of shrove tuesday. the master of the temple made of the engines which we had taken from the saracens a sort of rampart in his front, but when the saracens marched up to the assault, they threw greek fire upon it, and as the templars had piled up many planks of fir-wood amongst these engines, they caught fire immediately; and the saracens, perceiving that the brethren of the temple were few in number, dashed through the burning timbers, and vigorously attacked them. in the preceding battle of shrove tuesday, brother william, the master of the temple, lost one of his eyes, and in this battle the said lord lost his other eye, and was slain. god have mercy on his soul! and know that immediately behind the place where the battalion of the templars stood, there was a good acre of ground, so covered with darts, arrows, and missiles, that you could not see the earth beneath them, such showers of these had been discharged against the templars by the saracens!"[ ] [sidenote: reginald de vichier. a. d. .] the grand master, william de sonnac, was succeeded by the marshall of the temple, brother reginald de vichier.[ ] king louis, after his release from captivity, proceeded to palestine, where he remained two years. he repaired the fortifications of jaffa and cæsarea, and assisted the templars in putting the country into a defensible state. the lord de joinville remained with him the whole time, and relates some curious events that took place during his stay. it appears that the scheik of the assassins still continued to pay tribute to the templars; and during the king's residence at acre, the chief sent ambassadors to him to obtain a remission of the tribute. he gave them an audience, and declared that he would consider of their proposal. "when they came again before the king," says joinville, "it was about vespers, and they found the master of the temple on one side of him, and the master of the hospital on the other. the ambassadors refused to repeat what they had said in the morning, but the masters of the temple and the hospital commanded them so to do. then the masters of the temple and hospital told them that their lord had very foolishly and impudently sent such a message to the king of france, and had they not been invested with the character of ambassadors, they would have thrown them into the filthy sea of acre, and have drowned them in despite of their master. 'and we command you,' continued the masters, 'to return to your lord, and to come back within fifteen days with such letters from your prince, that the king shall be contented with him and with you.'" the ambassadors accordingly did as they were bid, and brought back from their scheik a shirt, the symbol of friendship, and a great variety of rich presents, "crystal elephants, pieces of amber, with borders of pure gold," &c. &c.[ ] "you must know that when the ambassadors opened the case containing all these fine things, the whole apartment was instantly embalmed with the odour of their sweet perfumes." the lord de joinville accompanied the templars in several marches and expeditions against the infidel tribes on the frontiers of palestine, and was present at the storming of the famous castle of panias, situate near the source of the jordan. [sidenote: a. d. .] [sidenote: a. d. .] at the period of the return of the king of france to europe, (a. d. ,) henry the third, king of england, was in gascony with brother robert de sanford, master of the temple at london, who had been previously sent by the english monarch into that province to appease the troubles which had there broken out.[ ] king henry proceeded to the french capital, and was magnificently entertained by the knights templars at the temple in paris, which matthew paris tells us was of such immense extent that it could contain within its precincts a numerous army. the day after his arrival, king henry ordered an innumerable quantity of poor people to be regaled at the temple with meat, fish, bread, and wine; and at a later hour the king of france and all his nobles came to dine with the english monarch. "never," says matthew paris, "was there at any period in bygone times so noble and so celebrated an entertainment. they feasted in the great hall of the temple, where hang the shields on every side, as many as they can place along the four walls, according to the custom of the order beyond sea...."[ ] the knights templars in this country likewise exercised a magnificent hospitality, and constantly entertained kings, princes, nobles, prelates, and foreign ambassadors, at the temple. immediately after the return of king henry to england, some illustrious ambassadors from castile came on a visit to the temple at london; and as the king "greatly delighted to honour them," he commanded three pipes of wine to be placed in the cellars of the temple for their use,[ ] and ten fat bucks to be brought them at the same place from the royal forest in essex.[ ] he, moreover, commanded the mayor and sheriffs of london, and the commonalty of the same city, to take with them a respectable assemblage of the citizens, and to go forth and meet the said ambassadors without the city, and courteously receive them, and honour them, and conduct them to the temple.[ ] [sidenote: thomas berard. a. d. .] the grand master, reginald de vichier, was succeeded by brother thomas berard,[ ] who wrote several letters to the king of england, displaying the miserable condition of the holy land, and earnestly imploring succour and assistance.[ ] the english monarch, however, was too poor to assist him, being obliged to borrow money upon his crown jewels, which he sent to the temple at paris. the queen of france, in a letter "to her very dear brother henry, the illustrious king of england," gives a long list of golden wands, golden combs, diamond buckles, chaplets, and circlets, golden crowns, imperial beavers, rich girdles, golden peacocks, and rings innumerable, adorned with sapphires, rubies, emeralds, topazes, and carbuncles, which she says she had inspected in the presence of the treasurer of the temple at paris, and that the same were safely deposited in the coffers of the templars.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] the military power of the orders of the temple and the hospital in palestine was at last completely broken by bibars, or benocdar, the fourth mamlook sultan of egypt, who, from the humble station of a tartar slave, had raised himself to the sovereignty of that country, and through his valour and military talents had acquired the title of "the conqueror." he invaded palestine (a. d. ) at the head of thirty thousand cavalry, and defeated the templars and hospitallers with immense slaughter.[ ] after several years of continuous warfare, during which the most horrible excesses were committed by both parties, all the strongholds of the christians, with the solitary exception of the pilgrim's castle and the city of acre, fell into the hands of the infidels. [sidenote: a. d. .] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the last day of april, (a. d. ,) benocdar stormed arsuf, one of the strongest of the castles of the hospitallers; he slew ninety of the garrison, and led away a thousand into captivity. the year following he stormed castel blanco, a fortress of the knights templars, and immediately after laid siege to their famous and important castle of saphet. after an obstinate defence, the preceptor, finding himself destitute of provisions, agreed to capitulate, on condition that the surviving brethren and their retainers, amounting to six hundred men, should be conducted in safety to the nearest fortress of the christians. the terms were acceded to, but as soon as benocdar had obtained possession of the castle, he imposed upon the whole garrison the severe alternative of the koran or death. they chose the latter, and, according to the christian writers, were all slain.[ ] the arabian historian schafi ib'n ali abbas, however, in his life of bibars, or benocdar, states that one of the garrison named _effreez lyoub_, embraced the mahommetan faith, and was circumcised, and that another was sent to acre to announce the fall of the place to his brethren. this writer attempts to excuse the slaughter of the remainder, on the ground that they had themselves first broken the terms of the capitulation, by attempting to carry away arms and treasure.[ ] "by the death of so many knights of both orders," says pope clement iv., in one of his epistles, "the noble college of the hospitallers, and the illustrious chivalry of the temple, are almost destroyed, and i know not how we shall be able, after this, to find gentlemen and persons of quality sufficient to supply the places of such as have perished."[ ] the year after the fall of saphet, (a. d. ,) benocdar captured the cities of homs, belfort, bagras, and sidon, which belonged to the order of the temple; the maritime towns of laodicea, gabala, tripoli, beirout, and jaffa, successively fell into his hands, and the fall of the princely city of antioch was signalized by the slaughter of seventeen and the captivity of one hundred thousand of her inhabitants.[ ] the utter ruin of the latin kingdom, however, was averted by the timely assistance brought by edward prince of wales, son of henry the second, king of england, who appeared at acre with a fleet and an army. the infidels were once more defeated and driven back into egypt, and a truce for ten years between the sultan and the christians was agreed upon.[ ] prince edward then prepared for his departure, but, before encountering the perils of the sea on his return home, he made his will; it is dated at acre, june th, a. d. , and brother thomas berard, grand master of the temple, appears as an attesting witness.[ ] whilst the prince was pursuing his voyage to england, his father, the king of england, died, and the council of the realm, composed of the archbishops of canterbury and york, and the bishops and barons of the kingdom, assembled in the temple at london, and swore allegiance to the prince. they there caused him to be proclaimed king of england, and, with the consent of the queen-mother, they appointed walter giffard, archbishop of york, and the earls of cornwall and gloucester, guardians of the realm. letters were written from the temple to acquaint the young sovereign with the death of his father, and many of the acts of the new government emanated from the same place.[ ] king henry the third was a great benefactor to the templars. he granted them the manors of lilleston, hechewayton, saunford, sutton, dartfeld, and halgel, in kent; several lands, and churches and annual fairs at baldok, walnesford, wetherby, and other places, and various weekly markets.[ ] [sidenote: william de beaujeu. a.d. .] the grand master, thomas berard, was succeeded by brother william de beaujeu,[ ] who came to england for the purpose of obtaining succour, and called together a general chapter of the order at london. whilst resident at the temple in that city, he received payment of a large sum of money which edward, the young king, had borrowed of the templars during his residence in palestine.[ ] the grand master of the hospital also came to europe, and every exertion was made to stimulate the languid energies of the western christians, and revive their holy zeal in the cause of the cross. a general council of the church was opened at lyons by the pope in person; the two grand masters were present, and took precedence of all the ambassadors and peers at that famous assembly. it was determined that a new crusade should be preached, that all ecclesiastical dignities and benefices should be taxed to support an armament, and that the sovereigns of europe should be compelled by ecclesiastical censures to suspend their private quarrels, and afford succour to the desolate city of jerusalem. the pope, who had been himself resident in palestine, took a strong personal interest in the promotion of the crusade, and induced many nobles, princes, and knights to assume the cross; but the holy pontiff died in the midst of his exertions, and with him expired all hope of effectual assistance from europe. a vast change had come over the spirit of the age; the fiery enthusiasm of the holy war had expended itself, and the grand masters of the temple and hospital returned without succour, in sorrow and disappointment, to the east. [sidenote: a. d. .] [sidenote: a. d. .] william de beaujeu arrived at the temple of acre on saint michael's day, a. d. , and immediately assumed the government of palestine.[ ] as there was now no hope of recovering the lost city of jerusalem, he bent all his energies to the preservation of the few remaining possessions of the christians in the holy land. at the expiration of the ten years' truce he entered into a further treaty with the infidels, called "the peace of tortosa." it is expressed to be made between sultan malek-mansour and his son malek-saleh ali, "honour of the world and of religion," of the one part, and afryz dybadjouk (william de beaujeu) grand master of the order of the templars, of the other part. the truce is further prolonged for ten years and ten months from the date of the execution of the treaty, (a. d. ;) and the contracting parties strictly bind themselves to make no irruptions into each other's territories during the period. to prevent mistakes, the towns, villages, and territory belonging to the christians in palestine are specified and defined, together with the contiguous possessions of the moslems.[ ] this treaty, however, was speedily broken, the war was renewed with various success, and another treaty was concluded, which was again violated by an unpardonable outrage. some european adventurers, who had arrived at acre, plundered and hung nineteen egyptian merchants, and the sultan of egypt immediately resumed hostilities, with the avowed determination of crushing for ever the christian power in the east. the fortress of margat was besieged and taken; the city of tripoli shared the same fate; and in the third year from the re-commencement of the war, the christian dominions in palestine were reduced within the narrow confines of the strong city of acre and the pilgrim's castle. in the spring of the year , the sultan khalil marched against acre at the head of sixty thousand horse and a hundred and forty thousand foot. "an innumerable people of all nations and every tongue," says a chronicle of the times, "thirsting for christian blood, were assembled together from the deserts of the east and the south; the earth trembled beneath their footsteps, and the air was rent with the sound of their trumpets and cymbals. the sun's rays, reflected from their shields, gleamed on the distant mountains, and the points of their spears shone like the innumerable stars of heaven. when on the march, their lances presented the appearance of a vast forest rising from the earth, and covering all the landscape."... "they wandered round about the walls, spying out their weaknesses and defects; some barked like dogs, some roared like lions, some lowed and bellowed like oxen, some struck drums with twisted sticks after their fashion, some threw darts, some cast stones, some shot arrows and bolts from cross-bows."[ ] on the th of april, the place was regularly invested. no rational hope of saving it could be entertained; the sea was open; the harbour was filled with christian vessels, and with the galleys of the temple and the hospital; yet the two great monastic and military orders scorned to retire to the neighbouring and friendly island of cyprus; they refused to desert, even in its last extremity, that cause which they had sworn to maintain with the last drop of their blood. for a hundred and seventy years their swords had been constantly employed in defending the holy land from the profane tread of the unbelieving moslem; the sacred territory of palestine had been everywhere moistened with the blood of the best and bravest of their knights, and, faithful to their vows and their chivalrous engagements, they now prepared to bury themselves in the ruins of the last stronghold of the christian faith. william de beaujeu, the grand master of the temple, a veteran warrior of a hundred fights, took the command of the garrison, which amounted to about twelve thousand men, exclusive of the forces of the temple and the hospital, and a body of five hundred foot and two hundred horse, under the command of the king of cyprus. these forces were distributed along the walls in four divisions, the first of which was commanded by hugh de grandison, an english knight. the old and the feeble, women and children, were sent away by sea to the christian island of cyprus, and none remained in the devoted city but those who were prepared to fight in its defence, or to suffer martyrdom at the hands of the infidels. the siege lasted six weeks, during the whole of which period the sallies and the attacks were incessant. neither by night nor by day did the shouts of the assailants and the noise of the military engines cease; the walls were battered from without, and the foundations were sapped by miners, who were incessantly labouring to advance their works. more than six hundred catapults, balistæ, and other instruments of destruction, were directed against the fortifications; and the battering machines were of such immense size and weight, that a hundred wagons were required to transport the separate timbers of one of them.[ ] moveable towers were erected by the moslems, so as to overtop the walls; their workmen and advanced parties were protected by hurdles covered with raw hides, and all the military contrivances which the art and the skill of the age could produce, were used to facilitate the assault. for a long time their utmost efforts were foiled by the valour of the besieged, who made constant sallies upon their works, burnt their towers and machines, and destroyed their miners. day by day, however, the numbers of the garrison were thinned by the sword, whilst in the enemy's camp the places of the dead were constantly supplied by fresh warriors from the deserts of arabia, animated with the same wild fanaticism in the cause of _their_ religion as that which so eminently distinguished the military monks of the temple. on the fourth of may, after thirty-three days of constant fighting, the great tower, considered the key of the fortifications, and called by the moslems _the cursed tower_, was thrown down by the military engines. to increase the terror and distraction of the besieged, sultan khalil mounted three hundred drummers, with their drums, upon as many dromedaries, and commanded them to make as much noise as possible whenever a general assault was ordered. from the th to the th of may, the attacks were incessant. on the th, the double wall was forced, and the king of cyprus, panic-stricken, fled in the night to his ships, and made sail for the island of cyprus, with all his followers, and with near three thousand of the best men of the garrison. on the morrow the saracens attacked the post he had deserted; they filled up the ditch with the bodies of dead men and horses, piles of wood, stones, and earth, and their trumpets then sounded to the assault. ranged under the yellow banner of mahomet, the mamlooks forced the breach, and penetrated sword in hand to the very centre of the city; but their victorious career and insulting shouts were there stopped by the mail-clad knights of the temple and the hospital, who charged on horseback through the narrow streets, drove them back with immense carnage, and precipitated them headlong from the walls. at sunrise the following morning the air resounded with the deafening noise of drums and trumpets, and the breach was carried and recovered several times, the military friars at last closing up the passage with their bodies, and presenting a wall of steel to the advance of the enemy. loud appeals to god and to mahomet, to heaven and the saints, were to be heard on all sides; and after an obstinate engagement from sunrise to sunset, darkness put an end to the slaughter. on the third day, (the th,) the infidels made the final assault on the side next the gate of st. anthony. the grand masters of the temple and the hospital fought side by side at the head of their knights, and for a time successfully resisted all the efforts of the enemy. they engaged hand to hand with the mamlooks, and pressed like the meanest of the soldiers into the thick of the battle. but as each knight fell beneath the keen scimitars of the moslems, there were none in reserve to supply his place, whilst the vast hordes of the infidels pressed on with untiring energy and perseverance. the marshall of the hospital fell covered with wounds, and william de beaujeu, as a last resort, requested the grand master of that order to sally out of an adjoining gateway at the head of five hundred horse, and attack the enemy's rear. immediately after the grand master of the temple had given these orders, he was himself struck down by the darts and the arrows of the enemy; the panic-stricken garrison fled to the port, and the infidels rushed on with tremendous shouts of _allah acbar! allah acbar!_ "god is victorious." three hundred templars, the sole survivors of their illustrious order in acre, were now left alone to withstand the shock of the victorious mamlooks. in a close and compact column they fought their way, accompanied by several hundred christian fugitives, to the temple, and shutting their gates, they again bade defiance to the advancing foe. [sidenote: gaudini. a. d. .] the surviving knights now assembled together in solemn chapter, and appointed the knight templar brother gaudini grand master.[ ] the temple at acre was a place of great strength, and surrounded by walls and towers of immense extent. it was divided into three quarters, the first and principal of which contained the palace of the grand master, the church, and the habitation of the knights; the second, called the bourg of the temple, contained the cells of the serving brethren; and the third, called the cattle market, was devoted to the officers charged with the duty of procuring the necessary supplies for the order and its forces. the following morning very favourable terms were offered to the templars by the victorious sultan, and they agreed to evacuate the temple on condition that a galley should be placed at their disposal, and that they should be allowed to retire in safety with the christian fugitives under their protection, and to carry away as much of their effects as each person could load himself with. the mussulman conqueror pledged himself to the fulfilment of these conditions, and sent a standard to the templars, which was mounted on one of the towers of the temple. a guard of three hundred moslem soldiers, charged to see the articles of capitulation properly carried into effect, was afterwards admitted within the walls of the convent. some christian women of acre, who had refused to quit their fathers, brothers, and husbands, the brave defenders of the place, were amongst the fugitives, and the moslem soldiers, attracted by their beauty, broke through all restraint, and violated the terms of the surrender. the enraged templars closed and barricadoed the gates of the temple; they set upon the treacherous infidels, and put every one of them, "from the greatest to the smallest," to death.[ ] immediately after this massacre the moslem trumpets sounded to the assault, but the templars successfully defended themselves until the next day (the th.) the marshall of the order and several of the brethren were then deputed by gaudini with a flag of truce to the sultan, to explain the cause of the massacre of his guard. the enraged monarch, however, had no sooner got them into his power than he ordered every one of them to be decapitated, and pressed the siege with renewed vigour. in the night, gaudini, with a chosen band of his companions, collected together the treasure of the order and the ornaments of the church, and sallying out of a secret postern of the temple which communicated with the harbour, they got on board a small vessel, and escaped in safety to the island of cyprus.[ ] the residue of the templars retired into the large tower of the temple, called "the tower of the master," which they defended with desperate energy. the bravest of the mamlooks were driven back in repeated assaults, and the little fortress was everywhere surrounded with heaps of the slain. the sultan, at last, despairing of taking the place by assault, ordered it to be undermined. as the workmen advanced, they propped the foundations with beams of wood, and when the excavation was completed, these wooden supports were consumed by fire; the huge tower then fell with a tremendous crash, and buried the brave templars in its ruins. the sultan set fire to the town in four places, and the last stronghold of the christian power in palestine was speedily reduced to a smoking solitude.[ ] a few years back the ruins of the christian city of acre were well worthy of the attention of the curious. you might still trace the remains of several churches; and the quarter occupied by the knights templars continued to present many interesting memorials of that proud and powerful order. chapter ix. the downfall of the templars--the cause thereof--the grand master comes to europe at the request of the pope--he is imprisoned, with all the templars in france, by command of king philip--they are put to the torture, and confessions of the guilt of heresy and idolatry are extracted from them--edward ii. king of england stands up in defence of the templars, but afterwards persecutes them at the instance of the pope--the imprisonment of the master of the temple and all his brethren in england--their examination upon eighty-seven horrible and ridiculous articles of accusation before foreign inquisitors appointed by the pope--a council of the church assembles at london to pass sentence upon them--the curious evidence adduced as to the mode of admission into the order, and of the customs and observances of the fraternity. en cel an qu'ai dist or endroit, et ne sait a tort ou a droit, furent li templiers, sans doutance, tous pris par le royaume de france. au mois d'octobre, au point du jor, et un vendredi fu le jor. _chron. ms._ [sidenote: james de molay. a. d. .] [sidenote: a. d. .] it now only remains for us to describe the miserable fate of the surviving brethren of the order of the temple, and to tell of the ingratitude they encountered from their fellow christians in the west. shortly after the fall of acre, a general chapter of the fraternity was called together, and james de molay, the preceptor of england, was chosen grand master.[ ] he attempted once more (a. d. ) to plant the banners of the temple upon the sacred soil of palestine, but was defeated by the sultan of egypt with the loss of a hundred and twenty of his brethren.[ ] this disastrous expedition was speedily followed by the downfall of the fraternity. many circumstances contributed to this memorable event. with the loss of all the christian territory in palestine had expired in christendom every serious hope and expectation of recovering and retaining the holy city. the services of the templars were consequently no longer required, and men began to regard with an eye of envy and of covetousness their vast wealth and immense possessions. the privileges conceded to the fraternity by the popes made the church their enemy. the great body of the clergy regarded with jealousy and indignation their exemption from the ordinary ecclesiastical jurisdiction. the bull _omne datum optimum_ was considered a great inroad upon the rights of the church, and broke the union which had originally subsisted between the templars and the ecclesiastics. their exemption from tithe was a source of considerable loss to the parsons, and the privilege they possessed of celebrating divine service during interdict brought abundance of offerings and alms to the priests and chaplains of the order, which the clergy looked upon as so many robberies committed upon themselves. disputes arose between the fraternity and the bishops and priests, and the hostility of the latter to the order was manifested in repeated acts of injustice, which drew forth many severe bulls and indignant animadversions from the roman pontiffs. pope alexander, in a bull fulminated against the clergy, tells them that if they would carefully reflect upon the contests which his beloved sons, the brethren of the chivalry of the temple, continually maintained in palestine for the defence of christianity, and their kindness to the poor, they would not only cease from annoying and injuring them, but would strictly restrain others from so doing. he expresses himself to be grieved and astonished to hear that many ecclesiastics had vexed them with grievous injuries, had treated his apostolic letters with contempt, and had refused to read them in their churches; that they had subtracted the customary alms and oblations from the fraternity, and had admitted aggressors against the property of the brethren to their familiar friendship, insufferably endeavouring to press down and discourage those whom they ought assiduously to uphold. from other bulls it appears that the clergy interfered with the right enjoyed by the fraternity of collecting alms; that they refused to bury the brethren of the order when deceased without being paid for it, and arrogantly claimed a right to be entertained with sumptuous hospitality in the houses of the temple. for these delinquencies, the bishops, archdeacons, priests, and the whole body of the clergy, are threatened with severe measures by the roman pontiff.[ ] the templars, moreover, towards the close of their career, became unpopular with the european sovereigns and their nobles. the revenues of the former were somewhat diminished through the immunities conceded to the templars by their predecessors, and the paternal estates of the latter had been diminished by the grant of many thousand manors, lordships, and fair estates to the order by their pious and enthusiastic ancestors. considerable dislike also began to be manifested to the annual transmission of large sums of money, the revenues of the order, from the european states to be expended in a distant warfare in which christendom now took comparatively no interest. shortly after the fall of acre, and the total loss of palestine, edward the first, king of england, seized and sequestered to his own use the monies which had been accumulated by the templars, to forward to their brethren in cyprus, alleging that the property of the order of the temple had been granted to it by the kings of england, his predecessors, and their subjects, for the defence of the holy land, and that since the loss thereof, no better use could be made of the money than by appropriating it to the maintenance of the poor. at the earnest request of the pope, however, the king afterwards permitted their revenues to be transmitted to them in the island of cyprus in the usual manner.[ ] king edward had previously manifested a strong desire to lay hands on the property of the templars. on his return from his victorious campaign in wales, finding himself unable to disburse the arrears of pay due to his soldiers, he went with sir robert waleran and some armed followers to the temple, and calling for the treasurer, he pretended that he wanted to see his mother's jewels, which were there kept. having been admitted into the house, he deliberately broke open the coffers of the templars, and carried away ten thousand pounds with him to windsor castle.[ ] his son, edward the second, on his accession to the throne, committed a similar act of injustice. he went with his favourite, piers gavaston, to the temple, and took away with him fifty thousand pounds of silver, with a quantity of gold, jewels, and precious stones, belonging to the bishop of chester.[ ] the impunity with which these acts of violence were committed, manifests that the templars then no longer enjoyed the power and respect which they possessed in ancient times. as the enthusiasm, too, in favour of the holy war diminished, large numbers of the templars remained at home in their western preceptories, and took an active part in the politics of europe. they interfered in the quarrels of christian princes, and even drew their swords against their fellow-christians. thus we find the members of the order taking part in the war between the houses of anjou and aragon, and aiding the king of england in his warfare against the king of scotland. in the battle of falkirk, fought on the nd of july, a. d. , seven years after the fall of acre, perished both the master of the temple at london, and his vicegerent the preceptor of scotland.[ ] all these circumstances, together with the loss of the holy land, and the extinction of the enthusiasm of the crusades, diminished the popularity of the templars in europe. at the period of the fall of acre, philip the fair, son of st. louis, occupied the throne of france. he was a needy and avaricious monarch,[ ] and had at different periods resorted to the most violent expedients to replenish his exhausted exchequer. on the death of pope benedict xi., (a. d. ,) he succeeded, through the intrigues of the french cardinal dupré, in raising the archbishop of bourdeaux, a creature of his own, to the pontifical chair. the new pope removed the holy see from rome to france; he summoned all the cardinals to lyons, and was there consecrated, (a. d. ,) by the name of clement v., in the presence of king philip and his nobles. of the ten new cardinals then created _nine_ were frenchmen, and in all his acts the new pope manifested himself the obedient slave of the french monarch. the character of this pontiff has been painted by the romish ecclesiastical historians in the darkest colours: they represent him as wedded to pleasure, eaten up with ambition, and greedy for money; they accuse him of indulging in a criminal intrigue with the beautiful countess of perigord, and of trafficking in holy things.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of june, a. d. , a few months after his coronation, this new french pontiff addressed letters from bourdeaux to the grand masters of the temple and hospital, expressing his earnest desire to consult them with regard to the measures necessary to be taken for the recovery of the holy land. he tells them that they are the persons best qualified to give advice upon the subject, and to conduct and manage the enterprize, both from their great military experience and the interest they had in the success of the expedition. "we order you," says he, "to come hither without delay, with as much secrecy as possible, and with a _very little retinue_, since you will find on this side the sea a sufficient number of your knights to attend upon you."[ ] the grand master of the hospital declined obeying this summons; but the grand master of the temple forthwith accepted it, and unhesitatingly placed himself in the power of the pope and the king of france. he landed in france, attended by sixty of his knights, at the commencement of the year , and deposited the treasure of the order which he had brought with him from cyprus, in the temple at paris. he was received with distinction by the king, and then took his departure for poictiers to have an interview with the pope. he was there detained with various conferences and negotiations relative to a pretended expedition for the recovery of the holy land. among other things, the pope proposed an union between the templars and hospitallers, and the grand master handed in his objections to the proposition. he says, that after the fall of acre, the people of italy and of other christian nations clamoured loudly against pope nicholas, for having afforded no succour to the besieged, and that he, by way of screening himself, had laid all the blame of the loss of the place on pretended dissensions between the templars and hospitallers, and projected an union between them. the grand master declares that there had been no dissensions between the orders prejudicial to the christian cause; that there was nothing more than a spirit of rivalry and emulation, the destruction of which would be highly injurious to the christians, and advantageous to the saracens; for if the hospitallers at any time performed a brilliant feat of arms against the infidels, the templars would never rest quiet until they had done the same or better, and _e converso_. so also if the templars made a great shipment of brethren, horses, and other beasts across sea to palestine, the hospitallers would always do the like or more. he at the same time positively declares, that a member of one order had never been known to raise his hand against a member of the other.[ ] the grand master complains that the reverence and respect of the christian nations for both orders had undeservedly diminished, that everything was changed, and that most persons were then more ready to take from them than to give to them, and that many powerful men, both clergy and laity, brought continual mischiefs upon the fraternities. in the mean time, the secret agents of the french king industriously circulated various dark rumours and odious reports concerning the templars, and it was said that they would never have lost the holy land if they had been good christians. these rumours and accusations were soon put into a tangible shape. according to some writers, squin de florian, a citizen of bezieres, who had been condemned to death or perpetual imprisonment in one of the royal castles for his iniquities, was brought before philip, and received a free pardon, and was well rewarded in return, for an accusation on oath, charging the templars with heresy, and with the commission of the most horrible crimes. according to others, nosso de florentin, an apostate templar, who had been condemned by the grand preceptor and chapter of france to perpetual imprisonment for impiety and crime, made in his dungeon a voluntary confession of the sins and abominations charged against the order.[ ] be this as it may, upon the strength of an information sworn to by a condemned criminal, king philip, on the th of september, despatched secret orders to all the baillis of the different provinces in france, couched in the following extravagant and absurd terms: "philip, by the grace of god king of the french, to his beloved and faithful knights ... &c. &c. "a deplorable and most lamentable matter, full of bitterness and grief, a monstrous business, a thing that one cannot think on without affright, cannot hear without horror, transgressions unheard of, enormities and atrocities contrary to every sentiment of humanity, &c. &c., have reached our ears." after a long and most extraordinary tirade of this kind, philip accuses the templars of insulting jesus christ, and making him suffer more in those days than he had suffered formerly upon the cross; of renouncing the christian religion; of mocking the sacred image of the saviour; of sacrificing to idols; and of abandoning themselves to impure practices and unnatural crimes. he characterises them as ravishing wolves in sheep's clothing; a perfidious, ungrateful, idolatrous society, whose words and deeds were enough to pollute the earth and infect the air; to dry up the sources of the celestial dews, and to put the whole church of christ into confusion. "we being charged," says he, "with the maintenance of the faith; after having conferred with the pope, the prelates, and the barons of the kingdom, at the instance of the inquisitor, from the informations already laid, from violent suspicions, from probable conjectures, from legitimate presumptions, conceived against the enemies of heaven and earth; and because the matter is important, and it is expedient to prove the just like gold in the furnace by a rigorous examination, have decreed that the members of the order who are our subjects shall be arrested and detained to be judged by the church, and that all their real and personal property shall be seized into our hands, and be faithfully preserved," &c. to these orders are attached instructions requiring the baillis and seneschals accurately to inform themselves, with great secrecy, and without exciting suspicion, of the number of the houses of the temple within their respective jurisdictions; they are then to provide an armed force sufficient to overcome all resistance, and on the th of october are to surprise the templars in their preceptories, and make them prisoners. the inquisition is then directed to assemble to examine the guilty, and to employ _torture_ if it be necessary. "before proceeding with the inquiry," says philip, "you are to inform them (the templars) that the pope and ourselves have been convinced, by irreproachable testimony, of the errors and abominations which accompany their vows and profession; you are to promise them pardon and favour if they _confess_ the truth, but if not, you are to acquaint them that they will be condemned to death."[ ] as soon as philip had issued these orders, he wrote to the principal sovereigns of europe, urging them to follow his example,[ ] and sent a confidential agent, named bernard peletin, with a letter to the young king, edward the second, who had just then ascended the throne of england, representing in frightful colours the pretended sins of the templars. on the nd of september, king edward replied to this letter, observing that he had considered of the matters mentioned therein, and had listened to the statements of that discreet man, master bernard peletin; that he had caused the latter to unfold the charges before himself, and many prelates, earls, and barons of his kingdom, and others of his council; but that they appeared so astonishing as to be beyond belief; that such abominable and execrable deeds had never before been heard of by the king and the aforesaid prelates, earls, and barons, and it was therefore hardly to be expected that an easy credence could be given to them. the english monarch, however, informs king philip that by the advice of his council he had ordered the seneschal of agen, from whose lips the rumours were said to have proceeded, to be summoned to his presence, that through him he might be further informed concerning the premises; and he states that at the fitting time, after due inquiry, he will take such steps as will redound to the praise of god, and the honour and preservation of the catholic faith.[ ] on the night of the th of october, all the templars in the french dominions were simultaneously arrested. monks were appointed to preach against them in the public places of paris, and in the gardens of the palais royale; and advantage was taken of the folly, the superstition, and the credulity of the age, to propagate the most horrible and extravagant charges against the order. they were accused of worshipping an idol covered with an old skin, embalmed, having the appearance of a piece of polished oil-cloth. "in this idol," we are assured, "there were two carbuncles for eyes, bright as the brightness of heaven, and it is certain that all the hope of the templars was placed in it; it was their sovereign god, and they trusted in it with all their heart." they are accused of burning the bodies of the deceased brethren, and making the ashes into a powder, which they administered to the younger brethren in their food and drink, to make them hold fast their faith and idolatry; of cooking and roasting infants, and anointing their idols with the fat; of celebrating hidden rites and mysteries, to which young and tender virgins were introduced, and of a variety of abominations too absurd and horrible to be named.[ ] guillaume paradin, in his history of savoy, seriously repeats these monstrous accusations, and declares that the templars had "un lieu creux ou cave en terre, fort obscur, en laquelle ils avoient un image en forme d'un homme, sur lequel ils avoient appliqué la peau d'un corps humain, et mis deux clairs et luisans escarboucles au lieu des deux yeux. a cette horrible statue etoient contraints de sacrifier ceux qui vouloient etre de leur damnable religion, lesquels avant toutes ceremonies ils contragnoient de renier jesus christ, et fouler la croix avec les pieds, et apres ce maudit sacre auquel assistoient femmes et filles (seduites pour etre de ce secte) ils estegnoient les lampes et lumieres qu'ils avoient en cett cave.... et s'il advenoit que d'un templier et d'un pucelle nasquit, un fils, ils se rangoit tous en un rond, et se jettoient cet enfant de main en main, et ne cessoient de le jetter jusqu'a ce qu'il fu mort entre leurs mains: etant mort ils se rotissoient (chose execrable) et de la graisse ils en ognoient leur grand statue!"[ ] the character of the charges preferred against the templars proves that their enemies had no serious crimes to allege against the order. their very virtues indeed were turned against them, for we are told that "_to conceal the iniquity of their lives_ they made much almsgiving, constantly frequented church, comported themselves with edification, frequently partook of the holy sacrament, and manifested always much modesty and gentleness of deportment in the house, as well as in public."[ ] during twelve days of severe imprisonment, the templars remained constant in the denial of the horrible crimes imputed to the fraternity. the king's promises of pardon extracted from them no confession of guilt, and they were therefore handed over to the tender mercies of the brethren of st. dominic, who were the most refined and expert torturers of the day. on the th of october, the grand inquisitor proceeded with his myrmidons to the temple at paris, and a hundred and forty templars were one after another put to the torture. days and weeks were consumed in the examination, and thirty-six templars perished in the hands of their tormentors, maintaining with unshaken constancy to the very last the entire innocence of their order. many of them lost the use of their feet from the application of the torture of fire, which was inflicted in the following manner: their legs were fastened in an iron frame, and the soles of their feet were greased over with fat or butter; they were then placed before the fire, and a screen was drawn backwards and forwards, so as to moderate and regulate the heat. such was the agony produced by this roasting operation, that the victims often went raving mad. brother bernarde de vado, on subsequently revoking a confession of guilt, wrung from him by this description of torment, says to the commissary of police, before whom he was brought to be examined, "they held me so long before a fierce fire that the flesh was burnt off my heels, two pieces of bone came away, which i present to you."[ ] another templar, on publicly revoking his confession, declared that four of his teeth were drawn out, and that he confessed himself guilty to save the remainder.[ ] others of the fraternity deposed to the infliction on them of the most revolting and indecent torments;[ ] and, in addition to all this, it appears that forged letters from the grand master were shown to the prisoners, exhorting them to confess themselves guilty. many of the templars were accordingly compelled to acknowledge whatever was required of them, and to plead guilty to the commission of crimes which in the previous interrogatories they had positively denied.[ ] these violent proceedings excited the astonishment and amazement of europe. on the th of november, the king of england summoned the seneschal of agen to his presence, and examined him concerning the truth of the horrible charges preferred against the templars; and on the th of december the english monarch wrote letters to the kings of portugal, castile, aragon, and sicily, to the following effect: "to the magnificent prince the lord dionysius, by the grace of god the illustrious king of portugal, his very dear friend edward, by the same grace king of england, &c. health and prosperity. "it is fit and proper, inasmuch as it conduceth to the honour of god and the exaltation of the faith, that we should prosecute with benevolence those who come recommended to us by strenuous labours and incessant exertions in defence of the catholic faith, and for the destruction of the enemies of the cross of christ. verily, a certain clerk, (bernard peletin,) drawing nigh unto our presence, applied himself, with all his might, to the destruction of the order of the brethren of the temple of jerusalem. he dared to publish before us and our council certain horrible and detestable enormities repugnant to the catholic faith, to the prejudice of the aforesaid brothers, endeavouring to persuade us, through his own allegations, as well as through certain letters which he had caused to be addressed to us for that purpose, that by reason of the premises, and without a due examination of the matter, we ought to imprison all the brethren of the aforesaid order abiding in our dominions. but, considering that the order, which hath been renowned for its religion and its honour, and in times long since passed away was instituted, as we have learned, by the catholic fathers, exhibits, and hath from the period of its first foundation exhibited, a becoming devotion to god and his holy church, and also, up to this time, hath afforded succour and protection to the catholic faith in parts beyond sea, it appeared to us that a ready belief in an accusation of this kind, hitherto altogether unheard of against the fraternity, was scarcely to be expected. we affectionately ask, and require of your royal majesty, that ye, with due diligence, consider of the premises, and turn a deaf ear to the slanders of ill-natured men, who are animated, as we believe, not with the zeal of rectitude, but with a spirit of _cupidity_ and envy, permitting no injury unadvisedly to be done to the persons or property of the brethren of the aforesaid order, dwelling within your kingdom, until they have been legally convicted of the crimes laid to their charge, or it shall happen to be otherwise ordered concerning them in these parts."[ ] a few days after the transmission of this letter, king edward wrote to the pope, expressing his disbelief of the horrible and detestable rumours spread abroad concerning the templars. he represents them to his holiness as universally respected by all men in his dominions for the purity of their faith and morals. he expresses great sympathy for the affliction and distress suffered by the master and brethren, by reason of the scandal circulated concerning them; and he strongly urges the holy pontiff to clear, by some fair course of inquiry, the character of the order from the unjust and infamous aspersions cast against it.[ ] on the nd of november, however, a fortnight previously, the pope had issued the following bull to king edward. "clement, bishop, servant of the servants of god, to his very dear son in christ, edward, the illustrious king of england, health and apostolical blessing. "presiding, though unworthy, on the throne of pastoral pre-eminence, by the disposition of him who disposeth all things, we fervently seek after this one thing above all others; we with ardent wishes aspire to this, that shaking off the sleep of negligence, whilst watching over the lord's flock, by removing that which is hurtful, and taking care of such things as are profitable, we may be able, by the divine assistance, to bring souls to god. "in truth, a long time ago, about the period of our first promotion to the summit of the apostolical dignity, there came to our ears a light rumour, to the effect that the templars, though fighting ostensibly under the guise of religion, have hitherto been secretly living in perfidious apostasy, and in detestable heretical depravity. but, considering that their order, in times long since passed away, shone forth with the grace of much nobility and honour, and that they were for a length of time held in vast reverence by the faithful, and that we had then heard of no suspicion concerning the premises, or of evil report against them; and also, that from the beginning of their religion, they have publicly borne the cross of christ, exposing their bodies and goods against the enemies of the faith, for the acquisition, retention, and defence of the holy land, consecrated by the precious blood of our lord and saviour jesus christ, we were unwilling to yield a ready belief to the accusation...." the holy pontiff then states, that afterwards, however, the same dreadful intelligence was conveyed to the king of france, who, animated by a lively zeal in the cause of religion, took immediate steps to ascertain its truth. he describes the various confessions of the guilt of idolatry and heresy made by the templars in france, and requires the king forthwith to cause all the templars in his dominions to be taken into custody on the same day. he directs him to hold them, in the name of the pope, at the disposition of the holy see, and to commit all their real and personal property to the hands of certain trustworthy persons, to be faithfully preserved until the holy pontiff shall give further directions concerning it.[ ] king edward received this bull immediately after he had despatched his letter to the pope, exhorting his holiness not to give ear to the accusation against the order. the young king was now either convinced of the guilt of the templars, on the high authority of the sovereign pontiff, or hoped to turn the proceedings against them to a profitable account, as he yielded a ready and prompt compliance with the pontifical commands. an order in council was made for the arrest of the templars, and the seizure of their property. inventories were directed to be taken of their goods and chattels, and provision was made for the sowing and tilling of their lands during the period of their imprisonment.[ ] this order in council was carried into effect in the following manner: on the th of december, the king's writs were directed to each of the sheriffs throughout england, commanding them to make sure of certain trustworthy men of their bailiwicks, to the number of ten or twelve in each county, such as the king could best confide in, and have them at a certain place in the county, on pain of forfeiture of everything that could be forfeited to the king; and commanding the sheriffs, on pain of the like forfeiture, to be in person at the same place, on the sunday before the feast of epiphany, to do certain things touching the king's peace, which the sheriff would find contained in the king's writ about to be directed to him. and afterwards the king sent sworn clergymen with his writs, containing the said order in council to the sheriffs, who, before they opened them, were to take an oath that they would not disclose the contents of such writs until they proceeded to execute them.[ ] the same orders, to be acted upon in a similar manner in ireland, were sent to the justiciary of that country, and to the treasurer of the exchequer at dublin; also, to john de richemund, guardian of scotland; and to walter de pederton, justiciary of west wales; hugh de aldithelegh, justiciary of north wales; and to robert de holland, justiciary of chester, who were strictly commanded to carry the orders into execution before the king's proceedings against the templars in england were noised abroad. all the king's faithful subjects were commanded to aid and assist the officers in the fulfilment of their duty.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of december the king wrote to the pope, informing his holiness that he would carry his commands into execution in the best and speediest way that he could; and on the th of january, a. d. , the templars were suddenly arrested in all parts of england, and their property was seized into the king's hands.[ ] brother william de la more was at this period master of the temple, or preceptor of england. he succeeded the master brian le jay, who was slain, as before mentioned, in the battle of falkirk, and was taken prisoner, together with all his brethren of the temple at london, and committed to close custody in canterbury castle. he was afterwards liberated on bail at the instance of the bishop of durham.[ ] on the th of august, the pope addressed the bull _faciens misericordiam_ to the english bishops as follows:--"clement, bishop, servant of the servants of god, to the venerable brethren the archbishop of canterbury and his suffragans, health and apostolical benediction. the son of god, the lord jesus christ, _using mercy_ with his servant, would have us taken up into the eminent mirror of the apostleship, to this end, that being, though unworthy, his vicar upon earth, we may, as far as human frailty will permit in all our actions and proceedings, follow his footsteps." he describes the rumours which had been spread abroad in france against the templars, and his unwillingness to believe them, "because it was not likely, nor did seem credible, that such religious men, who particularly often shed their blood for the name of christ, and were thought very frequently to expose their persons to danger of death for his sake; and who often showed many and great signs of devotion, as well in the divine offices as in fasting and other observances, should be so unmindful of their salvation as to perpetrate such things; we were unwilling to give ear to the insinuations and impeachments against them, being taught so to do by the example of the same lord of ours, and the writings of canonical doctrine. but afterwards, our most dear son in christ, philip, the illustrious king of the french, to whom the same crimes had been made known, _not from motives of avarice_, (since he does not design to apply or to appropriate to himself any portion of the estates of the templars, nay, has washed his hands of them!) but inflamed with zeal for the orthodox faith, following the renowned footsteps of his ancestors, getting what information he properly could upon the premises, gave us much instruction in the matter by his messengers and letters." the holy pontiff then gives a long account of the various confessions made in france, and of the absolution granted to such of the templars as were truly contrite and penitent; he expresses his conviction of the guilt of the order, and makes provision for the trial of the fraternity in england.[ ] king edward, in the mean time, had begun to make free with their property, and the pope, on the th of october, wrote to him to the following effect: "your conduct begins again to afford us no slight cause of affliction, inasmuch as it hath been brought to our knowledge from the report of several barons, that in contempt of the holy see, and without fear of offending the divine majesty, you have, of your own sole authority, distributed to different persons the property which belonged formerly to the order of the temple in your dominions, which you had got into your hands at our command, and which ought to have remained at our disposition.... we have therefore ordained that certain fit and proper persons shall be sent into your kingdom, and to all parts of the world where the templars are known to have had property, to take possession of the same conjointly with certain prelates specially deputed to that end, and to make an inquisition concerning the execrable excesses which the members of the order are said to have committed."[ ] to this letter of the supreme pontiff, king edward sent the following short and pithy reply: "as to the goods of the templars, we have done nothing with them up to the present time, nor do we intend to do with them aught but what we have a right to do, and what we know will be acceptable to the most high."[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of september, a. d. , the king granted letters of safe conduct "to those discreet men, the abbot of lagny, in the diocese of paris, and master sicard de vaur, canon of narbonne," the inquisitors appointed by the pope to examine the grand preceptor and brethren of the temple in england;[ ] and the same day he wrote to the archbishop of canterbury, and the bishops of london and lincoln, enjoining them to be personally present with the papal inquisitors, at their respective sees, as often as such inquisitors, or any one of them, should proceed with their inquiries against the templars.[ ] on the th of september writs were sent, in pursuance of an order in council, to the sheriffs of kent and seventeen other counties, commanding them to bring all their prisoners of the order of the temple to london, and deliver them to the constable of the tower; also to the sheriffs of northumberland and eight other counties, enjoining them to convey their prisoners to york castle; and to the sheriffs of warwick and seven other counties, requiring them, in like manner, to conduct their prisoners to the castle of lincoln.[ ] writs were also sent to john de cumberland, constable of the tower, and to the constables of the castles of york and lincoln, commanding them to receive the templars, to keep them in safe custody, and hold them at the disposition of the inquisitors.[ ] the total number of templars in custody was two hundred and twenty-nine. many, however, were still at large, having successfully evaded capture by obliterating all marks of their previous profession, and some had escaped in disguise to the wild and mountainous parts of wales, scotland, and ireland. among the prisoners confined in the tower were brother william de la more, knight, grand preceptor of england, otherwise master of the temple; brother himbert blanke, knight, grand preceptor of auvergne, one of the veteran warriors who had fought to the last in defence of palestine, had escaped the slaughter at acre, and had accompanied the grand master from cyprus to france, from whence he crossed over to england, and was rewarded for his meritorious and memorable services, in defence of the christian faith, with a dungeon in the tower.[ ] brother _radulph de barton_, priest of the order of the temple, custos or guardian of the temple church, and prior of london; brother _michael de baskeville_, knight, preceptor of london; brother _john de stoke_, knight, treasurer of the temple at london; together with many other knights and serving brethren of the same house. there were also in custody in the tower the knights preceptors of the preceptories of ewell in kent, of daney and dokesworth in cambridgeshire, of getinges in gloucestershire, of cumbe in somersetshire, of schepeley in surrey, of samford and bistelesham in oxfordshire, of garwy in herefordshire, of cressing in essex, of pafflet, hippleden, and other preceptories, together with several priests and chaplains of the order.[ ] a general scramble appears to have taken place for possession of the goods and chattels of the imprisoned templars; and the king, to check the robberies that were committed, appointed alan de goldyngham and john de medefeld to inquire into the value of the property that had been carried off, and to inform him of the names of the parties who had obtained possession of it. the sheriffs of the different counties were also directed to summon juries, through whom the truth might be better obtained.[ ] on the nd of september, the archbishop of canterbury transmitted letters apostolic to all his suffragans, enclosing copies of the bull _faciens misericordiam_, and also the articles of accusation to be exhibited against the templars, which they are directed to copy and deliver again, under their seals, to the bearer, taking especial care not to reveal the contents thereof.[ ] at the same time the archbishop, acting in obedience to the papal commands, before a single witness had been examined in england, caused to be published in all churches and chapels a papal bull, wherein the pope declares himself perfectly convinced of the guilt of the order, and solemnly denounces the penalty of excommunication against all persons, of whatever rank, station, or condition in life, whether clergy or laity, who should knowingly afford, either publicly or privately, assistance, counsel, or kindness to the templars, or should dare to shelter them, or give them countenance or protection, and also laying under interdict all cities, castles, lands, and places, which should harbour any of the members of the proscribed order.[ ] at the commencement of the month of october, the inquisitors arrived in england, and immediately published the bull appointing the commission, enjoining the citation of the criminals, and of witnesses, and denouncing the heaviest ecclesiastical censures against the disobedient, and against every person who should dare to impede the inquisitors in the exercise of their functions. citations were made in st. paul's cathedral, and in all the churches of the ecclesiastical province of canterbury, at the end of high mass, requiring the templars to appear before the inquisitors at a certain time and place, and the articles of accusation were transmitted to the constable of the tower, in latin, french, and english, to be read to all the templars imprisoned in that fortress. on monday, the th of october, after the templars had been languishing in the english prisons for more than a year and eight months, the tribunal constituted by the pope to take the inquisition in the province of canterbury assembled in the episcopal hall of london. it was composed of the bishop of london, dieudonné, abbot of the monastery of lagny, in the diocese of paris, and sicard de vaur, canon of narbonne, the pope's chaplain, and hearer of causes in the pontifical palace. they were assisted by several foreign notaries. after the reading of the papal bulls, and some preliminary proceedings, the monstrous and ridiculous articles of accusation, a monument of human folly, superstition, and credulity, were solemnly exhibited as follows: "_item._ at the place, day, and hour aforesaid, in the presence of the aforesaid lords, and before us the above-mentioned notaries, the articles inclosed in the apostolic bull were exhibited and opened before us, the contents whereof are as underwritten. "these are the articles upon which inquisition shall be made against the brethren of the military order of the temple, &c. " . that at their first reception into the order, or at some time afterwards, or as soon as an opportunity occurred, they were induced or admonished by those who had received them within the bosom of the fraternity, to deny christ or jesus, or the crucifixion, or at one time god, and at another time the blessed virgin, and sometimes all the saints. " . that the brothers jointly did this. " . that the greater part of them did it. " . that they did it sometimes after their reception. " . that the receivers told and instructed those that were received, that christ was not the true god, or sometimes jesus, or sometimes the person crucified. " . that they told those they received that he was a false prophet. " . that they said he had not suffered for the redemption of mankind, nor been crucified but for his own sins. " . that neither the receiver nor the person received had any hope of obtaining salvation through him, and this they said to those they received, or something equivalent, or like it. " . that they made those they received into the order spit upon the cross, or upon the sign or figure of the cross, or the image of christ, though they that were received did sometimes spit aside. " . that they caused the cross itself to be trampled under foot. " . that the brethren themselves did sometimes trample on the same cross. " . item quod mingebant interdum, et alios mingere faciebant, super ipsam crucem, et hoc fecerunt aliquotiens in die veneris sanctâ!! " . item quod nonnulli eorum ipsâ die, vel alia septimanæ sanctæ pro conculcatione et minctione prædictis consueverunt convenire! " . that they worshipped a cat which was placed in the midst of the congregation. " . that they did these things in contempt of christ and the orthodox faith. " . that they did not believe the sacrament of the altar. " . that some of them did not. " . that the greater part did not. " . that they believed not the other sacraments of the church. " . that the priests of the order did not utter the words by which the body of christ is consecrated in the canon of the mass. " . that some of them did not. " . that the greater part did not. " . that those who received them enjoined the same. " . that they believed, and so it was told them, that the grand master of the order could absolve them from their sins. " . that the visitor could do so. " . that the preceptors, of whom many were laymen, could do it. " . that they in fact did do so. " . that some of them did. " . that the grand master confessed these things of himself, even before he was taken, in the presence of great persons. " . that in receiving brothers into the order, or when about to receive them, or some time after having received them, the receivers and the persons received kissed one another on the mouth, the navel...!! * * * * * " . that the receptions of the brethren were made clandestinely. " . that none were present but the brothers of the said order. " . that for this reason there has for a long time been a vehement suspicion against them." the succeeding articles proceed to charge the templars with crimes and abominations too horrible and disgusting to be named. " . that the brothers themselves had idols in every province, viz. heads; some of which had three faces, and some one, and some a man's skull. " . that they adored that idol, or those idols, especially in their great chapters and assemblies. " . that they worshipped it. " . as their god. " . as their saviour. " . that some of them did so. " . that the greater part did. " . that they said that that head could save them. " . that it could produce riches. " . that it had given to the order all its wealth. " . that it caused the earth to bring forth seed. " . that it made the trees to flourish. " . that they bound or touched the head of the said idols with cords, wherewith they bound themselves about their shirts, or next their skins. " . that at their reception the aforesaid little cords, or others of the same length, were delivered to each of the brothers. " . that they did this in worship of their idol. " . that it was enjoined them to gird themselves with the said little cords, as before mentioned, and continually to wear them. " . that the brethren of the order were generally received in that manner. " . that they did these things out of devotion. " . that they did them everywhere. " . that the greater part did. " . that those who refused the things above mentioned at their reception, or to observe them afterwards, were killed or cast into prison."[ ] * * * * * the remaining articles, twenty-one in number, are directed principally to the mode of confession practised amongst the fraternity, and to matters of heretical depravity. such an accusation as this, justly remarks voltaire, _destroys itself_. brother william de la more, and thirty more of his brethren, being interrogated before the inquisitors, positively denied the guilt of the order, and affirmed that the templars who had made the confessions alluded to in france _had lied_. they were ordered to be brought up separately to be examined. on the rd of october, brother william raven, being interrogated as to the mode of his reception into the order, states that he was admitted by brother william de la more, the master of the temple at temple coumbe, in the diocese of bath; that he petitioned the brethren of the temple that they would be pleased to receive him into the order to serve god and the blessed virgin mary, and to end his life in their service; that he was asked if he had a firm wish so to do; and replied that he had; that two brothers then expounded to him the strictness and severity of the order, and told him that he would not be allowed to act after his own will, but must follow the will of the preceptor; that if he wished to do one thing, he would be ordered to do another; and that if he wished to be at one place, he would be sent to another; that having promised so to act, he swore upon the holy gospels of god to obey the master, to hold no property, to preserve chastity, never to consent that any man should be unjustly despoiled of his heritage, and never to lay violent hands on any man, except in self-defence, or upon the saracens. he states that the oath was administered to him in the chapel of the preceptory of temple coumbe, in the presence only of the brethren of the order; that the rule was read over to him by one of the brothers, and that a learned serving brother, named john de walpole, instructed him, for the space of one month, upon the matters contained in it. the prisoner was then taken back to the tower, and was directed to be strictly separated from his brethren, and not to be suffered to speak to any one of them. the two next days (oct. and ) were taken up with a similar examination of brothers hugh de tadecastre and thomas le chamberleyn, who gave precisely the same account of their reception as the previous witness. brother hugh de tadecastre added, that he swore to succour the holy land with all his might, and defend it against the enemies of the christian faith; and that after he had taken the customary oaths and the three vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, the mantle of the order and the cross with the coif on the head were delivered to him in the church, in the presence of the master, the knights, and the brothers, all seculars being excluded. brother thomas le chamberleyn added, that there was the same mode of reception in england as beyond sea, and the same mode of taking the vows; that all seculars are excluded, and that when he himself entered the temple church to be professed, the door by which he entered was closed after him; that there was another door looking into the cemetery, but that no stranger could enter that way. on being asked why none but the brethren of the order were permitted to be present at the reception and profession of brothers, he said he knew of no reason, but that it was so written in their book of rules. between the th of october and the th of november, thirty-three knights, chaplains, and serving brothers, were examined, all of whom positively denied every article imputing crime or infidelity to their order. when brother himbert blanke was asked why they had made the reception and profession of brethren _secret_, he replied, _through their own unaccountable folly_. they avowed that they wore little cords round their shirts, but for no bad end; they declared that they never touched idols with them, but that they were worn by way of penance, or according to a knight of forty-three years' standing, by the instruction of the holy father st. bernard. brother richard de goldyngham says that he knows nothing further about them than that they were called _girdles of chastity_. they state that the receivers and the party received kissed one another on the face, but everything else regarding the kissing was false, abominable, and had never been done. brother radulph de barton, priest of the order of the temple, and custos or guardian of the temple church at london, stated, with regard to article , that the grand master in chapter could absolve the brothers from offences committed against the rules and observances of the order, but not from private sin, as he was not a priest; that it was perfectly true that those who were received into the order swore not to reveal the secrets of the chapter, and that when any one was punished in the chapter, those who were present at it durst not reveal it to such as were absent; but if any brother revealed the mode of his reception, he would be deprived of his chamber, or else stripped of his habit. he declares that the brethren were not prohibited from confessing to priests not belonging to the order of the temple; and that he had never heard of the crimes and iniquities mentioned in the articles of inquiry previous to his arrest, except as regarded the charges made against the order by bernard peletin, when he came to england from king philip of france. he states that he had been guardian of the temple church for ten years, and for the last two years had enjoyed the dignity of preceptor at the same place. he was asked about the death of brother walter le bachelor, knight, formerly preceptor of ireland, who died at the temple at london, but he declares that he knows nothing about it, except that the said walter was fettered and placed in prison, and there died; that he certainly had heard that great severity had been practised towards him, but that he had not meddled with the affair on account of the danger of so doing; he admitted also that the aforesaid walter was not buried in the cemetery of the temple, as he was considered excommunicated on account of his disobedience of his superior, and of the rule of the order. many of the brethren thus examined had been from twenty to thirty, forty, forty-two, and forty-three years in the order, and some were old veteran warriors who had fought for many a long year in the east, and richly merited a better fate. brother himbert blanke, knight, preceptor of auvergne, had been in the order thirty-eight years. he was received at the city of tyre in palestine, had been engaged in constant warfare against the infidels, and had fought to the last in defence of acre. he makes in substance the same statements as the other witnesses; declares that no religious order believes the sacrament of the altar better than the templars; that they truly believed all that the church taught, and had always done so, and that if the grand master had confessed the contrary, _he had lied_. brother robert le scott, knight, a brother of twenty-six years' standing, had been received at the pilgrim's castle, the famous fortress of the knights templars in palestine, by the grand master, brother william de beaujeu, the hero who died so gloriously at the head of his knights at the last siege and storming of acre. he states that from levity of disposition he quitted the order after it had been driven out of palestine, and absented himself for two years, during which period he came to rome, and confessed to the pope's penitentiary, who imposed on him a heavy penance, and enjoined him to return to his brethren in the east, and that he went back and resumed his habit at nicosia in the island of cyprus, and was re-admitted to the order by command of the grand master, james de molay, who was then at the head of the convent. he adds, also, that brother himbert blanke (the previous witness) was present at his first reception at the pilgrim's castle. he fully corroborates all the foregoing testimony. brother richard de peitevyn, a member of forty-two years' standing, deposes that, in addition to the previous oaths, he swore that he would never bear arms against christians except in his own defence, or in defence of the rights of the order; he declares that the enormities mentioned in the articles were never heard of before bernard peletin brought letters to his lord, the king of england, against the templars. on the nd day of the inquiry, the following entry was made on the record of the proceedings:-- "memorandum. brothers philip de mewes, thomas de burton, and thomas de staundon, were advised and earnestly exhorted to abandon their religious profession, who severally replied that _they would rather die_ than do so."[ ] on the th and th of november, seven lay witnesses, unconnected with the order, were examined before the inquisitors in the chapel of the monastery of the holy trinity, but could prove nothing against the templars that was criminal or tainted with heresy. master william le dorturer, notary public, declared that the templars rose at midnight, and held their chapters before dawn, and he _thought_ that the mystery and secrecy of the receptions were owing to a bad rather than a good motive, but declared that he had never observed that they had acquired, or had attempted to acquire, anything unjustly. master gilbert de bruere, clerk, said that he had never suspected them of anything worse than an _excessive correction_ of the brethren. william lambert, formerly a "messenger of the temple," (nuntius templi,) knew nothing bad of the templars, and thought them perfectly innocent of all the matters alluded to. and richard de barton, priest, and radulph de rayndon, an old man, both declared that they knew nothing of the order, or of the members of it, but what was good and honourable. on the th of november, a provincial council of the church, summoned by the archbishop of canterbury, in obedience to a papal bull, assembled in the cathedral church of st. paul. it was composed of the bishops, abbots, priors, heads of colleges, and all the principal clergy, who were called together to treat of the reformation of the english church, of the recovery and preservation of the holy land, and to pronounce sentence of absolution or of condemnation against singular persons of the order of the chivalry of the temple in the province of canterbury, according to the tenor of the apostolical mandate. the council was opened by the archbishop of canterbury, who rode to st. paul's on horseback. the bishop of norwich celebrated the mass of the holy ghost at the great altar, and the archbishop preached a sermon in latin upon the th chapter of the acts of the apostles; after which a papal bull was read, in which the holy pontiff dwells most pathetically upon the awful sins of the templars, and their great and tremendous fall from their previous high estate. hitherto, says he, they have been renowned throughout the world as the special champions of the faith, and the chief defenders of the holy land, whose affairs have been mainly regulated by those brothers. the church, following them and their order with the plenitude of its especial favour and regard, armed them with the emblem of the cross against the enemies of christ, exalted them with much honour, enriched them with wealth, and fortified them with various liberties and privileges. the holy pontiff displays the sad report of their sins and iniquities which reached his ears, filled him with bitterness and grief, disturbed his repose, smote him with horror, injured his health, and caused his body to waste away! he gives a long account of the crimes imputed to the order, of the confessions and depositions that had been made in france, and then bursts out into a paroxysm of grief, declares that the melancholy affair deeply moved all the faithful, that all christianity was shedding bitter tears, was overwhelmed with grief, and clothed with mourning. he concludes by decreeing the assembly of a general council of the church at vienne to pronounce the abolition of the order, and to determine on the disposal of its property, to which council the english clergy are required to send representatives.[ ] after the reading of the bulls and the closing of the preliminary proceedings, the council occupied themselves for six days with ecclesiastical matters; and on the seventh day, being tuesday, dec. nd, all the bishops and members assembled in the chamber of the archbishop of canterbury in lambeth palace, in company with the papal inquisitors, who displayed before them the depositions and replies of the forty-three templars, and of the seven witnesses previously examined. it was decreed that a copy of these depositions and replies should be furnished to each of the bishops, and that the council should stand adjourned until the next day, to give time for deliberation upon the premises. on the following day, accordingly, (wednesday, december the rd,) the council met, and decided that the inquisitors and three bishops should seek an audience of the king, and beseech him to permit them to proceed against the templars in the way that should seem to them the best and most expedient for the purpose of eliciting the truth. on sunday, the th, the bishops petitioned his majesty in writing, and on the following tuesday they went before him with the inquisitors, and besought him that they might proceed against the templars according to the ecclesiastical constitutions, and that he would instruct his sheriffs and officers to that effect. the king gave a written answer complying with their request, which was read before the council,[ ] and, on the th of december, orders were sent to the gaolers, commanding them to permit the prelates and inquisitors to do with the bodies of the templars that which should seem expedient to them according to ecclesiastical law. many templars were at this period wandering about the country disguised as secular persons, successfully evading pursuit, and the sheriffs were strictly commanded to use every exertion to capture them.[ ] on wednesday, the ecclesiastical council again met, and adjourned for the purpose of enabling the inquisitors to examine the prisoners confined in the castles of lincoln and of york. in scotland, in the mean time, similar proceedings had been instituted against the order.[ ] on the th of november, brother walter de clifton being examined in the parish church of the holy cross at edinburgh, before the bishop of st. andrews and john de solerio, the pope's chaplain, states that the brethren of the order of the temple in the kingdom of scotland received their orders, rules, and observances from the master of the temple in england, and that the master in england received the rules and observances of the order from the grand master and the chief convent in the east; that the grand master or his deputy was in the habit of visiting the order in england and elsewhere; of summoning chapters, and making regulations for the conduct of the brethren and the administration of their property. being asked as to the mode of his reception, he states that when william de la more, the master, held his chapter at the preceptory of temple bruere in the county of lincoln, he sought of the assembled brethren the habit and the fellowship of the order; that they told him that he little knew what it was he asked, in seeking to be admitted to their fellowship; that it would be a very hard matter for him, who was then his own master, to become the servant of another, and to have no will of his own; but notwithstanding their representations of the rigour of their rules and observances, he still continued earnestly to seek their habit and fellowship. he states that they then led him to the chamber of the master, where they held their chapter, and that there, on his bended knees, and with his hands clasped, he again prayed for the habit and the fellowship of the temple; that the master and the brethren then required him to answer questions to the following effect:--whether he had a dispute with any man, or owed any debts? whether he was betrothed to any woman? and whether he had any secret infirmity of body? or knew of anything to prevent him from remaining within the bosom of the fraternity? and having answered all those questions satisfactorily, the master then asked of the surrounding brethren, "do ye give your consent to the reception of brother walter?" who unanimously answered that they did; and the master and the brethren then standing up, received him the said walter in this manner. on his bended knees, and with his hands joined, he solemnly promised that he would be the perpetual servant of the master, and of the order, and of the brethren, for the purpose of defending the holy land. having done this, the master took out of the hands of a brother chaplain of the order the book of the holy gospels, upon which was depicted a cross, and laying his hands upon the book and upon the cross, he swore to god and the blessed virgin mary to be for ever thereafter chaste, obedient, and to live without property. and then the master gave to him the white mantle, and placed the coif on his head, and admitted him to the kiss on the mouth, after which he made him sit down on the ground, and admonished him to the following effect: that from thenceforth he was to sleep in his shirt, drawers, and stockings, girded with a small cord over his shirt; that he was never to tarry in a house where there was a woman in the family way; never to be present at a marriage, nor at the purification of women; and likewise instructed and informed him upon several other particulars. being asked where he had passed his time since his reception, he replied that he had dwelt three years at the preceptory of blancradok in scotland; three years at temple newsom in england; one year at the temple at london, and three years at aslakeby. being asked concerning the other brothers in scotland, he stated that john de hueflete was preceptor of blancradok, the chief house of the order in that country, and that he and the other brethren, having heard of the arrest of the templars, threw off their habits and fled, and that he had not since heard aught concerning them. _brother william de middleton_, being examined, gave the same account of his reception, and added that he remembered that brother william de la more, the master in england, went, in obedience to a summons, to the grand master beyond sea, as the superior of the whole order, and that in his absence brother hugh de peraut, the visitor, removed several preceptors from their preceptories in england, and put others in their places. he further states, that he swore he would never receive any service at the hands of a woman, not even water to wash his hands with. after the examination of the above two templars, forty-one witnesses, chiefly abbots, priors, monks, priests, and serving men, and retainers of the order in scotland, were examined upon various interrogatories, but nothing of a criminatory nature was elicited. the monks observed that the receptions of other orders were public, and were celebrated as great religious solemnities, and the friends, parents, and neighbours of the party about to take the vows were invited to attend; that the templars, on the other hand, shrouded their proceedings in mystery and secrecy, and therefore they _suspected_ the worst. the priests thought them guilty, because they were always _against the church_! others condemned them because (as they say) the templars closed their doors against the poor and the humble, and extended hospitality only to the rich and the powerful. the abbot of the monastery of the holy cross at edinburgh declared that they appropriated to themselves the property of their neighbours, right or wrong. the abbot of dumferlyn knew nothing of his own knowledge against them, but had _heard_ much, and _suspected_ more. the serving men and the tillers of the lands of the order stated that the chapters were held sometimes by night and sometimes by day, with extraordinary secrecy; and some of the witnesses had heard old men say that the templars would _never have lost the holy land, if they had been good christians_![ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of january, a. d. , the examination of witnesses was resumed at london, in the parish church of st. dunstan's west, near the temple. the rector of the church of st. mary de la strode declared that he had strong _suspicions_ of the guilt of the templars; he had, however, often been at the temple church, and had observed that the priests performed divine service there just the same as elsewhere. william de cumbrook, of st. clement's church, near the temple, the vicar of st. martin's-in-the-fields, and many other priests and clergymen of different churches in london, all declared that they had nothing to allege against the order.[ ] on the th of january, brother john de stoke, a serving brother of the order of the temple, of seventeen years' standing, being examined by the inquisitors in the chapel of the blessed mary of berkyngecherche at london, states, amongst other things, that secular persons were allowed to be present at the burial of templars; that the brethren of the order all received the sacraments of the church at their last hour, and were attended to the grave by a chaplain of the temple. being interrogated concerning the death and burial of the knight templar brother walter le bachelor, he deposes that the said knight was buried like any other christian, except that he was not buried in the burying-ground, but in the court, of the house of the temple at london; that he confessed to brother richard de grafton, a priest of the order, then in the island of cyprus, and partook, as he believed, of the sacrament. he states that he himself and brother radulph de barton carried him to his grave at the dawn of day, and that the deceased knight was in prison, as he believes, for the space of eight weeks; that he was not buried in the habit of his order, and was interred without the cemetery of the brethren, because he was considered to be excommunicated, in pursuance, as he believed, of a rule or statute among the templars, to the effect that every one who privily made away with the property of the order, and did not acknowledge his fault, was deemed excommunicated. being asked in what respect he considered that his order required reformation, he replied, "by the establishment of a probation of one year, and by making the receptions public." two other templars were examined on the same th day of january, from whose depositions it appears that there were at that time many brethren of the order, natives of england, in the island of cyprus. on the th of january, the inquisitors exhibited twenty-four fresh articles against the prisoners, drawn up in an artful manner. they were asked if they knew anything of the crimes mentioned in the papal bulls, and _confessed_ by the grand master, the heads of the order, and many knights in france; and whether they knew of anything sinful or dishonourable against the master of the temple in england, or the preceptors, or any of the brethren. they were then required to say whether the same rules, customs, and observances did not prevail throughout the entire order; whether the grand preceptors, and especially the grand preceptor of england, did not receive all the observances and regulations from the grand master; and whether the grand preceptors and all the brethren of the order in england did not observe them in the same mode as the grand master, and visitors, and the brethren in cyprus and in italy, and in the other kingdoms, provinces, and preceptories of the order; whether the observances and regulations were not commonly delivered by the visitors to the grand preceptor of england; and whether the brothers received in england or elsewhere had not of their own free will confessed what these observances were. they were, moreover, required to state whether a bell was rung, or other signal given, to notify the time of the assembling of the chapter; whether all the brethren, without exception, were summoned and in the habit of attending; whether the grand master could relax penances imposed by the regular clergy; whether they believed that the grand preceptor or visitor could absolve a layman who had been excommunicated for laying hands on a brother or lay servant of the order; and whether they believed that any brother of the order could absolve from the sin of perjury a lay servant, when he came to receive the discipline in the temple-hall, and the serving brother scourged him in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost, &c. &c. between the th of january and the th of february, thirty-four templars, many of whom appeared for the first time before the inquisitors, were examined upon these articles in the churches of st. botolph without aldgate, st. alphage near cripplegate, and st. martin de ludgate, london. they deny everything of a criminatory nature, and declare that the abominations mentioned in the confessions and depositions made in france were not observances of the order; that the grand master, preceptors, visitors, and brethren in france had never observed such things, and if they said they had, _they lied_. they declare that the grand preceptor and brethren in england were all good men, worthy of faith, and would not deviate from the truth by reason of hatred of any man, for favour, reward, or any other cause; that there had been no suspicion in england against them, and no evil reports current against the order before the publication of the papal bull, and they did not think that any _good man_ would believe the contents of the articles to be true. from the statements of the prisoners, it appears that the bell of the temple was rung to notify the assembling of the chapter, that the discipline was administered in the hall, in the presence of the assembled brethren, by the master, who punished the delinquent on the bare back with a scourge made of leathern thongs, after which he himself absolved the offender from the guilt of a transgression against the rule of the order; but if he had been guilty of immoral conduct, he was sent to the priest for absolution. it appears also, that brother james de molay, before his elevation to the office of grand master, was visitor of the order in england, and had held chapters or assemblies of the brethren, at which he had enforced certain rules and regulations; that all the orders came from the grand master and chief convent in the east to the grand preceptor of england, who caused them to be published at the different preceptories.[ ] on the st of march, the king sent orders to the constable of the tower, and to the sheriffs of lincoln and of york, to obey the directions of the inquisitors, or of one bishop and of one inquisitor, with regard to the confinement of the templars in separate cells, and he assigns william de diene to assist the inquisitors in their arrangements. similar orders were shortly afterwards sent to all the gaolers of the templars in the english dominions.[ ] on the rd of march five fresh interrogatories were exhibited by the inquisitors, upon which thirty-one templars were examined at the palace of the bishop of london, the chapel of st. alphage, and the chapter-house of the holy trinity. they were chiefly concerning the reception and profession of the brethren, the number that each examinant had seen received, their names, and as to whether the burials of the order were conducted in a clandestine manner. from the replies it appears that many templars had died during their imprisonment in the tower. the twenty-sixth prisoner examined was the master of the temple, brother william de la more, who gives an account of the number of persons he had admitted into the order during the period of his mastership, specifying their names. it is stated that many of the parishioners of the parish adjoining the new temple had been present at the interment of the brethren of the fraternity, and that the burials were not conducted in a clandestine manner. in ireland, in the mean time, similar proceedings against the order had been carried on. between the th of february and the rd of may, thirty templars were examined in saint patrick's church, dublin, by master john de mareshall, the pope's commissary, but no evidence of their guilt was obtained. forty-one witnesses were then heard, nearly all of whom were monks. they spoke merely from hearsay and suspicion, and the gravest charges brought by them against the fraternity appear to be, that the templars had been observed to be inattentive to the reading of the holy gospels at church, and to have cast their eyes on the ground at the period of the elevation of the host.[ ] on the th of march the papal inquisitors opened their commission at lincoln, and between that day and the th of april twenty templars were examined in the chapter-house of the cathedral, amongst whom were some of the veteran warriors of palestine, men who had moistened with their blood the distant plains of the far east in defence of that faith which they were now so infamously accused of having repudiated. brother william de winchester, a member of twenty-six years' standing, had been received into the order at the castle _de la roca guille_ in the province of armenia, bordering on palestine, by the valiant grand master william de beaujeu. he states that the same mode of reception existed there as in england, and everywhere throughout the order. brother robert de hamilton declares that the girdles were worn from an honourable motive, that they were called the girdles of nazareth, because they had been pressed against the column of the virgin at that place, and were worn in remembrance of the blessed mary; but he says that the brethren were not compelled to wear them, but might make use of any girdle that they liked. with regard to the confessions made in france, they all say that if their brethren in that country confessed such things, _they lied_![ ] at york the examination commenced on the th of april, and lasted until the th of may, during which period twenty-three templars, prisoners in york castle, were examined in the chapter-house of the cathedral, and followed the example of their brethren in maintaining their innocence. brother thomas de stanford, a member of thirty years' standing, had been received in the east by the grand master william de beaujeu, and brother radulph de rostona, a priest of the order, of twenty-three years' standing, had been received at the preceptory of lentini in sicily by brother william de canello, the grand preceptor of sicily. brother stephen de radenhall refused to reveal the mode of reception, because it formed part of the secrets of the chapter, and if he discovered them he would lose his chamber, be stripped of his mantle, or be committed to prison.[ ] on the th of may, in obedience to the mandate of the archbishop of york, an ecclesiastical council of the bishops and clergy assembled in the cathedral. the mass of the holy ghost was solemnly celebrated, after which the archbishop preached a sermon, and then caused to be read to the assembled clergy the papal bulls fulminated against the order of the temple.[ ] he exhibited to them the articles upon which the templars had been directed to be examined; but as the inquiry was still pending, the council was adjourned until the rd of june of the following year, when they were to meet to pass sentence of condemnation, or of absolution, against all the members of the order in the province of york, in conformity with ecclesiastical law.[ ] on the st of june the examination was resumed before the papal inquisitors at lincoln. sixteen templars were examined upon points connected with the secret proceedings in the general and particular chapters of the order, the imposition of penances therein, and the nature of the absolution granted by the master. from the replies it appears that the penitents were scourged three times with leathern thongs, in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost, after which they were absolved either by the master or by a priest of the order, according to the particular circumstances of each case. it appears, also, that none but preceptors were present at the general chapters of the order, which were called together principally for the purpose of obtaining money to send to the grand master and the chief convent in palestine.[ ] after closing the examinations at lincoln, the abbot of lagny and the canon of narbonne returned to london, and immediately resumed the inquiry in that city. on the th and th days of june, brother william de la more, the master of the temple, and thirty-eight of his knights, chaplains, and sergeants, were examined by the inquisitors in the presence of the bishops of london and chichester, and the before-mentioned public notaries, in the priory of the holy trinity. they were interrogated for the most part concerning the penances imposed, and the absolution pronounced in the chapters. the master of the temple was required to state what were the precise words uttered by him, as the president of the chapter, when a penitent brother, having bared his back and acknowledged his fault, came into his presence and received the discipline of the leathern thongs. he states that he was in the habit of saying, "brother, pray to god that he may forgive you;" and to the bystanders he said, "and do ye, brothers, beseech the lord to forgive him his sins, and say a _pater-noster_;" and that he said nothing further, except to warn the offender against sinning again. he declares that he did not pronounce absolution in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost! and relates, that in a general chapter, and as often as he held a particular chapter, he was accustomed to say, after prayers had been offered up, that all those who did not acknowledge their sins, or who appropriated to their own use the alms of the house, could not be partakers in the spiritual blessings of the order; but that which through shamefacedness, or through fear of the justice of the order, they dared not confess, he, out of the power conceded to him by god and the pope, forgave him as far as he was able. brother william de sautre, however, declares that the president of the chapter, after he had finished the flagellation of a penitent brother, said, "i forgive you, in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost," and then sent him to a priest of the order for absolution; and the other witnesses vary in their account of the exact words uttered, either because they were determined, in obedience to their oaths, not to reveal what actually did take place, or else (which is very probable) because the same form of proceeding was not always rigidly adhered to. when the examination was closed, the inquisitors drew up a memorandum, showing that, from the apostolical letters, and the depositions and attestations of the witnesses, it was to be collected that certain practices had crept into the order of the temple, which were not consistent with the orthodox faith.[ ] chapter x. the templars in france revoke their rack-extorted confessions--they are tried as relapsed heretics, and burnt at the stake--the progress of the inquiry in england--the curious evidence adduced as to the mode of holding the chapters of the order--as to the penance enjoined therein, and the absolution pronounced by the master--the templars draw up a written defence, which they present to the ecclesiastical council--they are placed in separate dungeons, and put to the torture--two serving brethren and a chaplain of the order then make confessions--many other templars acknowledge themselves guilty of heresy in respect of their belief in the religious authority of their master--they make their recantations, and are reconciled to the church before the south door of saint paul's cathedral--the order of the temple is abolished by the pope--the last of the masters of the temple in england dies in the tower--the disposal of the property of the order--observations on the downfall of the templars. veggio 'l nuovo pilato sì crudele, che cio nol sazia, ma, senza decreto porta nel tempio le cupide vele. _dante._ del purgatorio. canto xx. . [sidenote: james de molay. a. d. .] in france, on the other hand, the proceedings against the order had assumed a most sanguinary character. many templars, both in the capital and the provinces, had made confessions of guilt whilst suffering upon the rack, but they had no sooner been released from the hands of their tormentors, and had recovered their health, than they disavowed their confessions, maintained the innocence of their order, and appealed to all their gallant actions, in ancient and modern times, in refutation of the calumnies of their enemies. the enraged philip caused these templars to be brought before an ecclesiastical tribunal convoked at paris, and sentence of death was passed upon them by the archbishop of sens, in the following terms:-- "you have avowed," said he, "that the brethren who are received into the order of the temple are compelled to renounce christ and spit upon the cross, and that you yourselves have participated in that crime: you have thus acknowledged that you have fallen into the sin of _heresy_. by your confession and repentance you had merited absolution, and had once more become reconciled to the church. as you have revoked your confession, the church no longer regards you as reconciled, but as having fallen back to your first errors. you are, therefore, _relapsed heretics(!)_ and as such, we condemn you to the fire."[ ] the following morning, (tuesday, may ,) in pursuance of this absurd and atrocious sentence, fifty-four templars were handed over to the secular arm, and were led out to execution by the king's officers. they were conducted into the open country, in the environs of the porte st. antoine des champs at paris, and were burnt to death in a most cruel manner before a slow fire. all historians speak with admiration of the heroism and intrepidity with which they met their fate.[ ] many hundred other templars were dragged from the dungeons of paris before the archbishop of sens and his council. those whom neither the agony of the torture nor the fear of death could overcome, but who remained stedfast amid all their trials in the maintenance of the innocence of their order, were condemned to perpetual imprisonment as _unreconciled heretics_; whilst those who, having made the required confessions of guilt, continued to persevere in them, received absolution, were declared reconciled to the church, and were set at liberty. notwithstanding the terror inspired by these executions, many of the templars still persisted in the revocation of their confessions, which they stigmatized as the result of insufferable torture, and boldly maintained the innocence of their order. on the th of august, four other templars were condemned as relapsed heretics by the council of sens, and were likewise burned by the porte st. antoine; and it is stated that a hundred and thirteen templars were from first to last burnt at the stake in paris. many others were burned in lorraine; in normandy; at carcassone, and nine, or, according to some writers, twenty-nine, were burnt by the archbishop of rheims at senlis! king philip's officers, indeed, not content with their inhuman cruelty towards the living, invaded the sanctity of the tomb; they dragged a dead templar, who had been treasurer of the temple at paris, from his grave, and burnt the mouldering corpse as a heretic.[ ] in the midst of all these sanguinary atrocities, the examinations continued before the ecclesiastical tribunals. many aged and illustrious warriors, who merited a better fate, appeared before their judges pale and trembling. at first they revoked their confessions, declared their innocence, and were remanded to prison; and then, panic-stricken, they demanded to be led back before the papal commissioners, when they abandoned their retractations, persisted in their previous avowals of _guilt_, humbly expressed their sorrow and repentance, and were then pardoned, absolved, and reconciled to the church! the torture still continued to be applied, and out of thirty-three templars confined in the chateau d'alaix, four died in prison, and the remaining twenty confessed, amongst other things, the following absurdities:--that in the provincial chapter of the order held at montpelier, the templars set up a head and worshipped it; that the devil often appeared there in the shape of a cat, and conversed with the assembled brethren, and promised them a good harvest, with the possession of riches, and all kinds of temporal property. some asserted that the head worshipped by the fraternity possessed a long beard; others that it was a woman's head; and one of the prisoners declared that as often as this wonderful head was adored, a great number of devils made their appearance in the shape of beautiful women...!![ ] we must now unfold the dark page in the history of the order in england. all the templars in custody in this country had been examined separately and apart, and had, notwithstanding, deposed in substance to the same effect, and given the same account of their reception into the order, and of the oaths that they took. any reasonable and impartial mind would consequently have been satisfied of the truth of their statements; but it was not the object of the inquisitors to obtain evidence of the _innocence_, but proof of the _guilt_, of the order. at first, king edward the second, to his honour, forbade the infliction of torture upon the illustrious members of the temple in his dominions--men who had fought and bled for christendom, and of whose piety and morals he had a short time before given such ample testimony to the principal sovereigns of europe. but the virtuous resolution of the weak king was speedily overcome by the all-powerful influence of the roman pontiff, who wrote to him in the month of june, upbraiding him for preventing the inquisitors from submitting the templars to the discipline of the rack.[ ] influenced by the admonitions of the pope, and the solicitations of the clergy, king edward, on the th of august, sent orders to john de crumbewell, constable of the tower, to deliver up all the templars in his custody, at the request of the inquisitors, to the sheriffs of london, in order that the inquisitors might be able to proceed more conveniently and effectually with their inquisition.[ ] and on the same day he directed the sheriffs to receive the prisoners from the constable of the tower, and cause them to be placed in the custody of gaolers appointed by the inquisitors, to be confined in prisons or such other convenient places in the city of london as the inquisitors and bishops should think expedient, and generally to permit them to do with the bodies of the templars whatever should seem fitting, in accordance with ecclesiastical law. he directs, also, that from thenceforth the templars should receive their sustenance at the hands of such newly-appointed gaolers.[ ] on the tuesday after the feast of st. matthew, (sept. st,) the ecclesiastical council again assembled at london, and caused the inquisitions and depositions taken against the templars to be read, which being done, great disputes arose touching various alterations observable in them. it was at length ordered that the templars should be again confined in separate cells in the prisons of london; that fresh interrogatories should be prepared, to see if by such means the _truth_ could be extracted, and if by straitenings and confinement they would _confess nothing further_, then the torture was to be applied; but it was provided that the examination by torture should be conducted without the perpetual mutilation or disabling of any limb, and without a violent effusion of blood! and the inquisitors and the bishops of london and chichester were to notify the result to the archbishop of canterbury, that he might again convene the assembly for the purpose of passing sentence, either of absolution or of condemnation. these resolutions having been adopted, the council was prorogued, on the following saturday, _de die in diem_, until the feast of the exaltation of the holy cross, a. d. .[ ] on the th of october, a fortnight after the above resolution had been formed by the council, the king sent fresh instructions to the constable of the tower, and the sheriffs of london, directing them to deliver up the templars, one at a time, or altogether, and receive them back in the same way, at the will of the inquisitors.[ ] the gaolers of these unhappy gentlemen seem to have been more merciful and considerate than their judges, and to have manifested the greatest reluctance to act upon the orders sent from the king. on the rd of october, further and more peremptory commands were forwarded to the constable of the tower, distinctly informing him that the king, on account of his respect for the holy apostolic see, had lately conceded to the prelates and inquisitors deputed to take inquisition against the order of the temple, and the grand preceptor of that order in england, the power of ordering and disposing of the templars and their bodies, of examining them by torture or otherwise, and of doing to them whatever they should deem expedient, according to the ecclesiastical law; and he again strictly enjoins the constable to deliver up all the templars in his custody, either together or separately, or in any way that the inquisitors or one bishop and one inquisitor may direct, and to receive them back when required so to do.[ ] corresponding orders were again sent to the sheriffs, commanding them, at the requisition of the inquisitors, to get the templars out of the hands of the constable of the tower, to guard them in convenient prisons, and to permit certain persons deputed by the inquisitors to see that the imprisonment was properly carried into effect, to do with the bodies of the templars whatever they should think fit according to ecclesiastical law. when the inquisitors, or the persons appointed by them, had done with the templars what they pleased, they were to deliver them back to the constable of the tower, or his lieutenant, there to be kept in custody as before.[ ] orders were likewise sent to the constable of the castle of lincoln, and to the mayor and bailiffs of the city of lincoln, to the same effect. the king also directed roger de wyngefeld, clerk, guardian of the lands of the templars, and william plummer, sub-guardian of the manor of cressing, to furnish to the king's officers the sums required for the keep, and for the expenses of the detention of the brethren of the order.[ ] on the nd of november the king condescended to acquaint the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of his faithful city of london, that out of reverence to the pope he had authorised the inquisitors, sent over by his holiness, to question the templars by torture; he puts them in possession of the orders he had sent to the constable of the tower, and to the sheriffs; and he commands them, in case it should be notified to them by the inquisitors that the prisons provided by the sheriffs were insufficient for their purposes, to procure without fail fit and convenient houses in the city, or near thereto, for carrying into effect the contemplated measures; and he graciously informs them that he will reimburse them all the expenses that may be incurred by them or their officers in fulfilling his commands.[ ] shortly afterwards the king again wrote to the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of london, acquainting them that the sheriffs had made a return to his writ, to the effect that the four gates (prisons) of the city were not under their charge, and that they could not therefore obtain them for the purposes required; and he commands the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty, to place those four gates at the disposal of the sheriffs.[ ] on the th of december, all the templars in custody at lincoln were, by command of the king, brought up to london, and placed in solitary confinement in different prisons and private houses provided by the mayor and sheriffs. shortly afterwards orders were given for all the templars in custody in london to be loaded with chains and fetters; the myrmidons of the inquisitors were to be allowed to make periodical visits to see that the imprisonment was properly carried into effect, and were to be allowed to torture the bodies of the templars in any way that they might think fit.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of march, a. d. , after some months' trial of the above severe measures, the examination was resumed before the inquisitors, and the bishops of london and chichester, at the several churches of st. martin's, ludgate, and st. botolph's, bishopsgate. the templars had now been in prison in england for the space of three years and some months. during the whole of the previous winter they had been confined in chains in the dungeons of the city of london, compelled to receive their scanty supply of food from the officers of the inquisition, and to suffer from cold, from hunger, and from torture. they had been made to endure all the horrors of solitary confinement, and had none to solace or to cheer them during the long hours of their melancholy captivity. they had been already condemned collectively by the pope, as members of an heretical and idolatrous society, and as long as they continued to persist in the truth of their first confessions, and in the avowal of their innocence, they were treated as obstinate, unreconciled heretics, living in a state of excommunication, and doomed, when dead, to everlasting punishment in hell. they had heard of the miserable fate of their brethren in france, and they knew that those who had confessed crimes of which they had never been guilty, had been immediately declared reconciled to the church, had been absolved and set at liberty, and they knew that freedom, pardon, and peace could be immediately purchased by a confession of guilt; notwithstanding all which, every templar, at this last examination, persisted in the maintenance of his innocence, and in the denial of all knowledge of, or participation in, the crimes and heresies imputed to the order. they declare that everything that was done in their chapters, in respect of absolution, the reception of brethren, and other matters, was honourable and honest, and might well and lawfully be done; that it was in no wise heretical or vicious; and that whatever was done was from the appointment, approbation, and regulation of all the brethren.[ ] from their statements, it appears that the master of the temple in england was in the habit of summoning a general chapter of the order once a year, at which the preceptors of ireland and of scotland were present. these were always called together to take into consideration the affairs of the holy land, and to determine on sending succour to their brethren in the east. at the close of their examination the templars were again sent back to their dungeons, and loaded with chains; and the inquisitors, disappointed of the desired confessions, addressed themselves to the enemies of the order for the necessary proofs of guilt. during the month of april, seventy-two witnesses were examined in the chapter-house of the holy trinity. they were nearly all monks, carmelites, augustinians, dominicans, and minorites; their evidence is all hearsay, and the nature of it will be seen from the following choice specimens. henry thanet, an irishman, had _heard_ that brother hugh de nipurias, a templar, deserted from the castle of tortosa in palestine, and went over to the saracens, abjuring the christian faith; and that a certain preceptor of the pilgrim's castle was in the habit of making all the brethren he received into the order deny christ; but the witness was unable to give either the name of the preceptor or of the persons so received. he had also _heard_ that a certain templar had in his custody a brazen head with two faces, which would answer all questions put to it! master john de nassington declared that milo de stapelton and adam de everington, knights, told him that they had once been invited to a great feast at the preceptory of templehurst, and were there informed that the templars celebrated a solemn festival once a year, at which they worshipped a _calf_! john de eure, knight, sheriff of the county of york, deposed that he had once invited brother william de la fenne, preceptor of wesdall, to dine with him, and that after dinner the preceptor drew a book out of his bosom, and delivered it to the knight's lady to read, who found a piece of paper fastened into the book, on which were written abominable, heretical doctrines, to the effect that christ was not the son of god, nor born of a virgin, but conceived of the seed of joseph, the husband of mary, after the manner of other men, and that christ was not a true but a false prophet, and was not crucified for the redemption of mankind, but for his own sins, and many other things contrary to the christian faith. on the production of this important evidence, brother william de la fenne was called in and interrogated; he admitted that he had dined with the sheriff of york, and had lent his lady a book to read, but he swore that he was ignorant of the piece of paper fastened into the book, and of its contents. it appears that the sheriff of york had kept this dangerous secret to himself for the space of six years! william de la forde, a priest, rector of the church of crofton in the diocese of york, had _heard_ william de reynbur, priest of the order of st. augustine, who was then dead, say, that the templar, brother patrick of rippon, son of william of gloucester, had confessed to him, that at his entrance into the order, he was led, clothed only in his shirt and trousers, through a long passage to a secret chamber, and was there made to deny his god and his saviour; that he was then shown a representation of the crucifixion, and was told that since he had previously honoured that emblem he must now dishonour it and spit upon it, and that he did so. "item dictum fuit ei quod, depositis brachis, dorsum verteret ad crucifixum," and this he did bitterly weeping. after this they brought an image, as it were, of a calf, placed upon an altar, and they told him he must kiss that image, and worship it, and he did so, and after all this they covered up his eyes and led him about, kissing and being kissed by all the brethren, but he could not recollect in what part. the worthy priest was asked when he had first _heard_ all these things, and he replied _after_ the arrest of the brethren by the king's orders! robert of oteringham, senior of the order of minorites, stated that on one occasion he was partaking of the hospitality of the templars at the preceptory of ribstane in yorkshire, and that when grace had been said after supper, the chaplain of the order reprimanded the brethren of the temple, saying to them, "the devil will burn you," or some such words; and hearing a bustle amongst them, he got up to see what was the matter, and, as far as he recollects, he saw one of the brothers of the temple, "brachis depositis, tenentem faciem versus occidentem et posteriora versus altare!" being asked who it was that did this, he says he does not exactly remember. he then goes on to state, that about twenty years before that time! he was again the guest of the templars, at the preceptory of wetherby (query feriby) in yorkshire, and when evening came he heard that the preceptor was not coming to supper, as he was arranging some relics that he had brought with him from the holy land, and afterwards at midnight he heard a confused noise in the chapel, and getting up he looked through the keyhole, and saw a great light therein, either from a fire or from candles, and on the morrow he asked one of the brethren of the temple the name of the saint in whose honour they had celebrated so grand a festival during the night, and that brother, aghast and turning pale, thinking he had seen what had been done amongst them, said to him, "go thy way, and if you love me, or have any regard for your own life, never speak of this matter." this same "senior of the minorites" declares also that he had seen, in the chapel of the preceptory of ribstane, a cross, with the image of our saviour nailed upon it, thrown carelessly upon the altar, and he observed to a certain brother of the temple, that the cross was in a most indecent and improper position, and he was about to lift it up and stand it erect, when that same brother called out to him, "lay down the cross and depart in peace!" brother john de wederal, another minorite, sent to the inquisitors a written paper, wherein he stated that he had lately _heard_ in the country, that a templar, named robert de baysat, was once seen running about a meadow uttering, "alas! alas! that ever i was born, seeing that i have denied god and sold myself to the devil!" brother n. de chinon, another minorite, had _heard_ that a certain templar had a son who peeped through a chink in the wall of the chapter-room, and saw a person who was about to be professed, slain because he would not deny christ, and afterwards the boy was asked by his father to become a templar, but refused, and he immediately shared the same fate. twenty witnesses, who were examined in each other's presence, merely repeated the above absurdities, or related similar ones.[ ] at this stage of the proceedings, the papal inquisitor, sicard de vaur, exhibited two rack-extorted confessions of templars which had been obtained in france. the first was from robert de st. just, who had been received into the order by brother himbert, grand preceptor of england, but had been arrested in france, and there tortured by the myrmidons of philip. in this confession, robert de st. just states that, on his admission to the vows of the temple, he denied christ, and spat _beside_ the cross. the second confession had been extorted from geoffrey de gonville, knight of the order of the temple, preceptor of aquitaine and poitou, and had been given on the th of november a. d. , before the grand inquisitor of france. in this confession, (which had been afterwards revoked, but of which revocation no notice was taken by the inquisitors,) sir geoffrey de gonville states that he was received into the order in england in the house of the temple at london, by brother robert de torvibe, knight, the master of all england, about twenty-eight years before that time; that the master showed him on a missal the image of jesus christ on the cross, and commanded him to deny him who was crucified; that, terribly alarmed, he exclaimed, "alas! my lord, why should i do this? i will on no account do it." but the master said to him, "do it boldly; i swear to thee that the act shall never harm either thy soul or thy conscience;" and then proceeded to inform him that the custom had been introduced into the order by a certain bad grand master, who was imprisoned by a certain sultan, and could escape from prison only on condition that he would establish that form of reception in his order, and compel all who were received to deny christ jesus! but the deponent remained inflexible; he refused to deny his saviour, and asked where were his uncle and the other good people who had brought him there, and was told that they were all gone; and at last a compromise took place between him and the master, who made him take his oath that he would tell all his brethren that he had gone through the customary form, and never reveal that it had been dispensed with! he states also that the ceremony was instituted in memory of st. peter, who three times denied christ![ ] ferinsius le mareschal, a secular knight, being examined, declared that his grandfather entered into the order of the temple, active, healthy, and blithesome as the birds and the dogs, but on the third day from his taking the vows he was dead, and, as he _now suspects_, was killed because he refused to participate in the iniquities practised by the brethren. an augustine monk declared that he had heard a templar say that a man after death had no more soul than a dog. roger, rector of the church of godmersham, swore that about fifteen years before he had an intention of entering into the order of the temple himself, and consulted stephen queynterel, one of the brothers, on the subject, who advised him not to do so, and stated that they had _three_ articles amongst themselves in their order, known only to god, the devil, and the brethren of the temple, and the said stephen would not reveal to the deponent what those articles were. the vicar of the church of saint clement at sandwich had _heard_ that a boy had secreted himself in the large hall where the templars held their chapter, and heard the master preach to the brethren, and explain to them in what mode they might enrich themselves; and after the chapter was concluded, one of the brothers, in going out of the hall, dropped his girdle, which the boy found and carried to the brother who had so dropped it, when the latter drew his sword and instantly slew him! but to crown all, brother john de gertia, a minorite, had _heard_ from a certain woman called cacocaca! who had it from exvalettus, preceptor of london, that one of the servants of the templars entered the hall where the chapter was held, and secreted himself, and after the door had been shut and locked by the last templar who entered, and the key had been brought by him to the superior, the assembled templars jumped up and went into another room, and opened a closet, and drew therefrom a certain black figure with shining eyes, and a cross, and they placed the cross before the master, and the "culum idoli vel figuræ" they placed upon the cross, and carried it to the master, who kissed the said image, (in ano,) and all the others did the same after him; and when they had finished kissing, they all spat three times upon the cross, except one, who refused, saying, "i was a bad man in the world, and placed myself in this order for the salvation of my soul; what could i do worse? i will not do it;" and then the brethren said to him, "take heed, and do as you see the order do;" but he answered that he would not do so, and then they placed him in a well which stood in the midst of their house, and covered the well up, and left him to perish. being asked as to the time when the woman heard this, the deponent stated that she told it to him about fourteen years back at london, where she kept a shop for her husband, robert cotacota! this witness also knew a certain walter salvagyo of the family of earl warrenne, grandfather of the then earl, who, having entered into the order of the temple, was about two years afterwards entirely lost sight of by his family, and neither the earl nor any of his friends could ever learn what had become of him. john walby de bust, another minorite, had _heard_ john de dingeston say that _he had heard_ that there was in a secret place of the house of the templars at london a gilded head, and that when one of the masters was on his deathbed, he summoned to his presence several preceptors, and told them that if they wished for power, and dominion, and honour, they must worship that head. brother richard de koefeld, a monk, had _heard_ from john de borna, who had it from the knight templar walter le bacheler, that every man who entered into the order of the temple had to sell himself to the devil; he had also _heard_ from the priest walter, rector of the church of hodlee, who had it from a certain vicar, who was a priest of the said walter le bacheler, that there was one article in the profession of the templars which might not be revealed to any living man. gasper de nafferton, chaplain of the parish of ryde, deposed that three years back he was in the employ of the templars for about six months, during which period william de pokelington was received into the order; that he well recollected that the said william made his appearance at the temple on sunday evening, with the equipage and habit of a member of the order, accompanied by brother william de la more, the master of the temple, brother william de grafton, preceptor of ribbestane and fontebriggs; and other brethren: that the same night, during the first watch, they assembled in the church, and caused the deponent to be awakened to say mass; that, after the celebration of the mass, they made the deponent with his clerk go out into the hall beyond the cloister, and then sent for the person who was to be received; and on his entry into the church one of the brethren immediately closed all the doors opening into the cloister, so that no one within the chambers could get out, and thus they remained till daylight; but what was done in the church the deponent knew not; the next day, however, he saw the said william clothed in the habit of a templar, looking very sorrowful. the deponent also declared that he had threatened to peep through a secret door to see what was going on, but was warned that it was inevitable death so to do. he states that the next morning he went into the church, and found the books and crosses all removed from the places in which he had previously left them; that he afterwards saw the knight templar brother william deliver to the newly-received brother a large roll of paper, containing the rule of the order, which the said newly-received brother was directed to transcribe in private; that after the departure of the said brother william, the deponent approached the said newly-received brother, who was then diligently writing, and asked to be allowed to inspect the roll, but was told that none but members of the order could be allowed to read it; that he was then about to depart, when brother william made his appearance, and, astonished and confounded at the sight of the deponent, snatched up the roll and walked away with it, declaring, with a great oath, that he would never again allow it to go out of his hands. brother john de donyngton, of the order of the minorites, the seventy-sixth witness examined, being sworn, deposed that some years back an old veteran of the temple (whose name he could not recollect) told him that the order possessed four chief idols in england, one at london in the sacristy of the temple; another at the preceptory of bistelesham; a third at bruere in lincolnshire; and the fourth in some place beyond the humber, (the name of which he had forgotten;) that brother william de la more, the master of the temple, introduced the melancholy idolatry of the templars into england, and brought with him into the country a great roll, whereon were inscribed in large characters the wicked practices and observances of the order. the said old veteran also told the deponent that many of the templars carried idols about with them in boxes, &c. &c. the deponent further states that he recollected well that a private gentleman, master william de shokerwyk, a short time back, had prepared to take the vows of the order, and carried his treasures and all the property he had to the temple at london; and that as he was about to deposit it in the treasury, one of the brethren of the temple heaved a profound sigh, and master william de shokerwyk having asked what ailed him, he immediately replied, "it will be the worse for you, brother, if you enter our order;" that the said master william asked why, and the templar replied, "you see us externally, but not internally; take heed what you do; but i shall say no more;" and the deponent further declares, that on another occasion the said master william entered into the temple hall, and found there an old templar, who was playing at the game called daly; and the old templar observing that there was no one in the hall besides himself and the said master william, said to the latter, "if you enter into our order, it will be the worse for you." the witness then goes into a rambling account of various transactions in the east, tending to show that the templars were in alliance with the saracens, and had acted with treachery towards the christian cause![ ] after the delivery of all this hearsay, these vague suspicions and monstrous improbabilities, the notaries proceeded to arrange the valuable testimony adduced, and on the nd of april all the templars in custody in the tower and in the prisons of the city were assembled before the inquisitors and the bishops of london and chichester, in the church of the holy trinity, to hear the depositions and attestations of the witnesses publicly read. the templars required copies of these depositions, which were granted them, and they were allowed eight days from that period to bring forward any defences or privileges they wished to make use of. subsequently, before the expiration of the eight days, the officer of the bishop of london was sent to the tower with scriveners and witnesses, to know if they would then set up any matters of defence, to whom the templars replied that they were unlettered men, ignorant of law, and that all means of defence were denied them, since they were not permitted to employ those who could afford them fit counsel and advice. they observed, however, that they were desirous of publicly proclaiming the faith, and the religion of themselves and of the order to which they belonged, of showing the privileges conceded to them by the chief pontiffs, and their own depositions taken before the inquisitors, all which they said they wished to make use of in their defence. on the eighth day, being thursday the th of april, they appeared before the papal inquisitors and the bishops of london and chichester, in the church of all saints of berkyngecherche, and presented to them the following declaration, which they had drawn up amongst themselves, as the only defence they had to offer against the injustice, the tyranny, and the persecution of their powerful oppressors; adding, that if they had in any way done wrong, they were ready to submit themselves to the orders of the church. this declaration is written in the norman french of that day, and is as follows: "_conue chese seit a nostre honurable pere, le ercevesque de canterbiere, primat de toute engletere, e a touz prelaz de seinte eglise, e a touz cristiens, qe touz les freres du temple que sumes ici assemblez et chescune singulere persone par sen sumes cristien nostre seignur jesu crist, e creoms en dieu pere omnipotent, qui fist del e terre, e en jesu soen fiz, qui fust conceu du seint esperit, nez de la virgine marie, soeffrit peine e passioun, morut sur la croiz pour touz peccheours, descendist e enferns, e le tierz jour releva de mort en vie, e mounta en ciel, siet au destre soen pere, e vendra au jour de juise, juger les vifs e les morz, qui fu saunz commencement, e serra saunz fyn; e creoms comme seynte eglise crets, e nous enseigne. e que nostre religion est foundee sus obedience, chastete, vivre sans propre, aider a conquere la seint terre de jerusalem, a force e a poer, qui dieu nous ad preste. e nyoms e firmement en countredioms touz e chescune singulere persone, par sei toutes maneres de heresies e malvaistes, que sount encountre la foi de seinte eglise. e prioms pour dieu e pour charite a vous, que estes en lieu nostre seinte pere l'apostoile, que nous puissoms aver lez drettures de seinte eglise, comme ceus que sount les filz de sainte eglise, que bien avoms garde, e tenu la foi, e la lei de seinte eglise, e nostre religion, la quele est bone, honeste e juste, solom les ordenaunces, e les privileges de la court de rome avons grauntez, confermez, e canonizez par commun concile, les qels priviliges ensemblement ou lestablisement, e la regle sount en la dite court enregistrez. e mettoms en dur e en mal eu touz cristiens saune noz anoisourz, par la ou nous avoms este conversaunt, comment nous avoms nostre vie demene. e se nous avoms rien mesprys de aucun parole en nos examinacions par ignorance de seu, si comme nous sumes genz laics prest sumes, a ester a lesgard de seint eglise, comme cely que mourust pour nouz en la beneite de croiz. e nous creoms fermement touz les sacremenz de seinte eglise. e nous vous prioms pour dieu e pour salvacioun de vous almes, que vous nous jugez si comme vous volez respoundre pour vous et pour nous devaunt dieu: e que nostre examinement puet estre leu e oii devaunt nous e devaunt le people, solom le respouns e le langage que fust dit devaunt vous, e escrit en papier._[ ] "be it known to our honourable father, the archbishop of canterbury, primate of all england, and to all the prelates of holy church, and to all christians, that all we brethren of the temple here assembled, and every of one of us are christians, and believe in our saviour jesus christ, in god the father omnipotent, &c. &c. ..." "and we believe all that the holy church believes and teaches us. we declare that our religion is founded on vows of obedience, chastity, and poverty, and of aiding in the conquest of the holy land of jerusalem, with all the power and might that god affordeth us. and we firmly deny and contradict, one and all of us, all manner of heresy and evil doings, contrary to the faith of holy church. and for the love of god, and for charity, we beseech you, who represent our holy father the pope, that we may be treated like true children of the church, for we have well guarded and preserved the faith and the law of the church, and of our own religion, the which is good, honest, and just, according to the ordinances and the privileges of the court of rome, granted, confirmed, and canonized by common council; the which privileges, together with the rule of our order, are enregistered in the said court. and we would bring forward all christians, (save our enemies and slanderers,) with whom we are conversant, and among whom we have resided, to say how and in what manner we have spent our lives. and if, in our examinations, we have said or done anything wrong through ignorance of a word, since we are unlettered men, we are ready to suffer for holy church like him who died for us on the blessed cross. and we believe all the sacraments of the church. and we beseech you, for the love of god, and as you hope to be saved, that you judge us as you will have to answer for yourselves and for us before god; and we pray that our examination may be read and heard before ourselves and all the people, _in the very language and words in which it was given before you, and written down on paper_." the above declaration was presented by brother william de la more, the master of the temple; the knights templars philip de mewes, preceptor of garwy; william de burton, preceptor of cumbe; radulph de maison, preceptor of ewell; michael de baskevile, preceptor of london; thomas de wothrope, preceptor of bistelesham; william de warwick, priest; and thomas de burton, chaplain of the order; together with twenty serving brothers. the same day the inquisitors and the two bishops proceeded to the different prisons of the city to demand if the prisoners confined therein wished to bring forward anything in defence of the order, who severally answered that they would adopt and abide by the declaration made by their brethren in the tower. it appears that in the prison of aldgate there were confined brother william de sautre, knight, preceptor of samford; brother william de la ford, preceptor of daney; brother john de coningeston, preceptor of getinges; roger de norreis, preceptor of cressing; radulph de barton, priest, prior of the new temple; and several serving brethren of the order. in the prison of crepelgate were detained william de egendon, knight, preceptor of schepeley; john de moun, knight, preceptor of dokesworth; and four serving brethren. in the prison of ludgate were five serving brethren; and in newgate was confined brother himbert blanke, knight, grand preceptor of auvergne. the above declaration of faith and innocence was far from agreeable to the papal inquisitors, who required a confession of _guilt_, and the torture was once more directed to be applied. the king sent fresh orders to the mayor and the sheriffs of the city of london, commanding them to place the templars in separate dungeons; to load them with chains and fetters; to permit the myrmidons of the inquisitors to pay periodical visits to see that the wishes and intentions of the inquisitors, with regard to the severity of the confinement, were properly carried into effect; and, lastly, to inflict torture upon the bodies of the templars, and generally to do whatever should be thought fitting and expedient in the premises, according to ecclesiastical law.[ ] in conformity with these orders, we learn from the record of the proceedings, that the templars were placed in solitary confinement in loathsome dungeons; that they were placed on a short allowance of bread and water, and periodically visited by the agents of the inquisition; that they were moved from prison to prison, and from dungeon to dungeon; were now treated with rigour, and anon with indulgence; and were then visited by learned prelates, and acute doctors in theology, who, by exhortation, persuasion, and by menace, attempted in every possible mode to wring from them the required avowals. we learn that all the engines of terror wielded by the church were put in force, and that torture was unsparingly applied "_usque ad judicium sanguinis_!" the places in which these atrocious scenes were enacted were the tower, the prisons of aldgate, ludgate, newgate, bishopsgate, and crepelgate, the house formerly belonging to john de banguel, and the tenements once the property of the brethren of penitence.[ ] it appears that some french monks were sent over to administer the torture to the unhappy captives, and that they were questioned and examined in the presence of notaries whilst suffering under the torments of the rack. the relentless perseverance and the incessant exertions of the foreign inquisitors were at last rewarded by a splendid triumph over the powers of endurance of two poor serving brethren, and one chaplain of the order of the temple, who were at last induced to make the long-desired avowals. on the rd of june, brother stephen de stapelbrugge, described as an apostate and fugitive of the order of the temple, captured by the king's officers in the city of salisbury, deposed in the house of the head gaoler of newgate, in the presence of the bishops of london and chichester, the chancellor of the archbishop of canterbury, hugh de walkeneby, doctor of theology, and other clerical witnesses, that there were two modes of profession in the order of the temple, the one good and lawful, and the other contrary to the christian faith; that he himself was received into the order by brother brian le jay, grand preceptor of england at dynneslee, and was led into the chapel, the door of which was closed as soon as he had entered; that a cross was placed before the master, and that a brother of the temple, with a drawn sword, stood on either side of him; that the master said to him, "do you see this image of the crucifixion?" to which he replied, "i see it, my lord;" that the master then said to him, "you must deny that christ jesus was god and man, and that mary was his mother; and you must spit upon this cross;" which the deponent, through immediate fear of death, did with his mouth, but not with his heart, and he spat _beside_ the cross, and not on it; and then falling down upon his knees, with eyes uplifted, with his hands clasped, with bitter tears and sighs, and devout ejaculations, he besought the mercy and the favour of holy church, declaring that he cared not for the death of the body, or for any amount of penance, but only for the salvation of his soul. on saturday, the th of june, brother thomas tocci de thoroldeby, serving brother of the order of the temple, described as an apostate who had escaped from lincoln after his examination at that place by the papal inquisitors, but had afterwards surrendered himself to the king's officers, was brought before the bishops of london and chichester, the archdeacon of salisbury, and others of the clergy in st. martin's church in vinetriâ; and being again examined, he repeated the statement made in his first deposition, but added some particulars with regard to penances imposed and absolutions pronounced in the chapter, showing the difference between sins and defaults, the priest having to deal with the one, and the master with the other. he declared that the little cords were worn from honourable motives, and relates a story of his being engaged in a battle against the saracens, in which he lost his cord, and was punished by the grand master for a default in coming home without it. he gives the same account of the secrecy of the chapters as all the other brethren, states that the members of the order were forbidden to confess to the friars mendicants, and were enjoined to confess to their own chaplains; that they did nothing contrary to the christian faith, and as to their endeavouring to promote the advancement of the order by any means, right or wrong, that exactly the contrary was the case, as there was a statute in the order to the effect, that if any one should be found to have acquired anything unjustly, he should be deprived of his habit, and be expelled the order. being asked what induced him to become an apostate, and to fly from his order, he replied that it was through fear of death, because the abbot of lagny, (the papal inquisitor,) when he examined him at lincoln, asked him if he would not confess anything further, and he answered that he knew of nothing further to confess, unless he were to say things that were not true; and that _the abbot, laying his hand upon his breast, swore by the word of god that he would make him confess before he had done with him_! and that being terribly frightened he afterwards bribed the gaoler of the castle of lincoln, giving him forty florins to let him make his escape. the abbot of lagny, indeed, was as good as his word, for on the th of june, four days after this imprudent avowal, brother thomas tocci de thoroldeby was brought back to saint martin's church, and there, in the presence of the same parties, he made a third confession, in which he declares that, coerced by two templars with drawn swords in their hands, he denied christ with his mouth, but not with his heart; and spat _beside_ the cross, but not on it; that he was required to spit upon the image of the virgin mary, but contrived, instead of doing so, to give her a kiss on the foot. he declares that he had heard brian le jay, the master of the temple at london, say a hundred times over, that jesus christ was not the true god, but a man, and that the smallest hair out of the beard of one saracen was of more worth than the whole body of any christian. he declares that he was once standing in the presence of brother brian, when some poor people besought charity of him for the love of god and our lady the blessed virgin mary; and he answered, "_que dame, alez vous pendre a vostre dame_"--"what lady? go and be hanged to your lady," and violently casting a halfpenny into the mud, he made the poor people hunt for it, although it was in the depth of a severe winter. he also relates that at the chapters the priest stood like a beast, and had nothing to do but to repeat the psalm, "god be merciful unto us, and bless us," which was read at the closing of the chapter. (the templars, by the way, must have been strange idolaters to have closed their chapters, in which they are accused of worshipping a cat, a man's head, and a black idol, with the reading of the beautiful psalm, "god be merciful unto us, and bless us, and show us the light of thy countenance, that _thy way may be known upon earth_, thy saving health among all nations," &c. psalm lxvii.) this witness further states, that the priest had no power to impose a heavier penance than a day's fast on bread and water, and could not even do that without the permission of the brethren. he is made also to relate that the templars always favoured the saracens in the holy wars in palestine, and oppressed the christians! and he declares, speaking of himself, that for three years before he had never seen the body of christ without thinking of the devil, nor could he remove that evil thought from his heart by prayer, or in any other way that he knew of; but that very morning he had heard mass with great devotion, and since then had thought only of christ, and thinks there is no one in the order of the temple whose soul will be saved, unless a reformation takes place.[ ] previous to this period, the ecclesiastical council had again assembled, and these last depositions of brothers stephen de stapelbrugge and thomas tocci de thoroldeby having been produced before them, the following solemn farce was immediately publicly enacted. it is thus described in the record of the proceedings: "to the praise and glory of the name of the most high father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost, to the confusion of heretics, and the strengthening of all faithful christians, begins the public record of the reconciliation of the penitent heretics, returning to the orthodox faith published in the council, celebrated at london in the year . "in the name of god, amen. in the year of the incarnation of our lord , on the twenty-seventh day of the month of june, in the hall of the palace of the bishop of london, before the venerable fathers the lord robert by the grace of god archbishop of canterbury, primate of all england, and his suffragans in provincial council assembled, appeared brother stephen de stapelbrugge, of the order of the chivalry of the temple; and the denying of christ and the blessed virgin mary his mother, the spitting upon the cross, and the heresies and errors acknowledged and confessed by him in his deposition being displayed, the same stephen asserted in full council, before the people of the city of london, introduced for the occasion, that all those things so deposed by him were true, and that to that confession he would wholly adhere; humbly confessing his error on his bended knees, with his hands clasped, with much lamentation and many tears, he again and again besought the mercy and pity of holy mother church, offering to abjure all heresies and errors, and praying them to impose on him a fitting penance, and then the book of the holy gospels being placed in his hands, he abjured the aforesaid heresies in this form: "i, brother stephen de stapelbrugge, of the order of the chivalry of the temple, do solemnly confess," &c. &c. (he repeats his confession, makes his abjuration, and then proceeds;) "and if at any time hereafter i shall happen to relapse into the same errors, or deviate from any of the articles of the faith, i will account myself _ipso facto_ excommunicated; i will stand condemned as a manifest perjured heretic, and the punishment inflicted on perjured relapsed heretics shall be forthwith imposed upon me without further trial or judgment!!" he was then sworn upon the holy gospels to stand to the sentence of the church in the matter, after which brother thomas tocci de thoroldeby was brought forward to go through the same monstrous ceremony, which being concluded, these two poor serving brothers of the order of the temple, who were so ignorant that they could not write, were made to place their mark (_loco subscriptionis_) on the record of the abjuration. "and then our lord the archbishop of canterbury, for the purpose of absolving and reconciling to the unity of the church the aforesaid thomas and stephen, conceded his authority and that of the whole council to the bishop of london, in the presence of me the notary, specially summoned for the occasion, in these words: 'we grant to you the authority of god, of the blessed mary, of the blessed thomas the martyr our patron, and of all the saints of god (sanctorum atque _sanctarum_ dei) to us conceded, and also the authority of the present council to us transferred, to the end that thou mayest reconcile to the unity of the church these miserables, separated from her by their repudiation of the faith, and now brought back again to her bosom, reserving to ourselves and the council the right of imposing a fit penance for their transgressions!' and as there were two penitents, the bishop of chichester was joined to the bishop of london for the purpose of pronouncing the absolution, which two bishops, putting on their mitres and pontificals, and being assisted by twelve priests in sacerdotal vestments, placed themselves in seats at the western entrance of the cathedral church of saint paul, and the penitents, with bended knees, humbly prostrating themselves in prayer upon the steps before the door of the church, the members of the council and the people of the city standing around; and the psalm, _have mercy upon me, o god, after thy great goodness_," having been chaunted from the beginning to the end, and the subjoined prayers and sermon having been gone through, they absolved the said penitents, and received them back to the unity of the church in the following form: "in the name of god, amen. since by your confession we find that you, brother stephen de stapelbrugge, have denied christ jesus and the blessed virgin mary, and have spat _beside_ the cross, and now taking better advice wishest to return to the unity of the holy church with a true heart and sincere faith, as you assert, and all heretical depravity having for that purpose been previously abjured by you according to the form of the church, we, by the authority of the council, absolve you from the bonds of excommunication wherewith you were held fast, and we reconcile you to the unity of the church, if you shall have returned to her in sincerity of heart, and shall have obeyed her injunctions imposed upon you." brother thomas tocci de thoroldeby was then absolved and reconciled to the church in the same manner, after which various psalms (gloria patri, kyrie eleyson, christe eleyson, &c. &c.) were sung, and prayers were offered up, and then the ceremony was concluded.[ ] on the st of july, an avowal of guilt was wrung by the inquisitors from brother john de stoke, chaplain of the order, who, being brought before the bishops of london and chichester in st. martin's church, deposed that he was received in the mode mentioned by him on his first examination; but a year and fifteen days after that reception, being at the preceptory of garwy in the diocese of hereford, he was called into the chamber of brother james de molay, the grand master of the order, who, in the presence of two other templars of foreign extraction, informed him that he wished to make proof of his obedience, and commanded him to take a seat at the foot of the bed, and the deponent did so. the grand master then sent into the church for the crucifix, and two serving brothers, with naked swords in their hands, stationed themselves on either side of the doorway. as soon as the crucifix made its appearance, the grand master, pointing to the figure of our saviour nailed thereon, asked the deponent whose image it was, and he answered, "the image of jesus christ, who suffered on the cross for the redemption of mankind;" but the grand master exclaimed, "thou sayest wrong, and are much mistakened, for he was the son of a certain woman, and was crucified because he called himself the son of god, and i myself have been in the place where he was born and crucified, and thou must now deny him whom this image represents." the deponent exclaimed, "far be it from me to deny my saviour;" but the grand master told him he must do it, or he would be put into a sack and be carried to a place which he would find by no means agreeable, and there were swords in the room, and brothers ready to use them, &c. &c.; and the deponent asked if such was the custom of the order, and if all the brethren did the same; and being answered in the affirmative, he, through fear of immediate death, denied christ with his _tongue_, but not with his _heart_. being asked in whom he was told to put his faith after he had denied christ jesus, he replies, "in that great omnipotent god who created the heaven and the earth."[ ] such, in substance, was the whole of the criminatory evidence that could be wrung by torture, by a long imprisonment, and by hardships of every kind, from the templars in england. it amounts simply to an assertion that they compelled all whom they received into their order to renounce the christian religion, a thing perfectly incredible. is it to be supposed that the many good christians of high birth, and honour, and exalted piety, who entered into the order of the temple, taking the cross for their standard and their guide, would thus suddenly have cast their faith and their religion to the winds? would they not rather have denounced the impiety and iniquity to the officers of the inquisition, and to the pope, the superior of the order? "ainsi que la vertu, le crime a ses degrés et jamais on n'a vu la timide innocence passer subitement à l'extreme licence. un seul jour ne fait point d'un mortel vertueux un perfide apostat, un traitre audacieux." _phedre_, acte iv. scene . on saturday, the rd of july, the archbishop of canterbury, and the bishops, the clergy, and the people of the city of london, were again assembled around the western door of saint paul's cathedral, and brother john de stoke, chaplain of the order of the temple, made his public recantation of the heresies confessed by him, and was then absolved and reconciled to the church in the same manner as brothers thomas de stapelbrugge and tocci de thoroldeby, after which a last effort was made to bend the remaining templars to the wishes of the papal inquisitors. on monday, july th, at the request of the ecclesiastical council, the bishop of chichester had an interview with sir william de la more, the master of the temple, taking with him certain learned lawyers, theologians, and scriveners. he exhorted and earnestly pressed him to abjure the heresies of which he stood convicted, by his own confessions and those of his brethren, respecting the absolutions pronounced by him in the chapters, and submit himself to the disposition of the church; but the master declared that he had never been guilty of the heresies mentioned, and that he would not abjure crimes which he had never committed; so he was sent back to his dungeon. the next day, (tuesday, july the th,) the bishops of london, winchester, and chichester, had an interview in southwark with the knight templar, philip de mewes, preceptor of garwy, and some serving brethren of the new temple at london, and told them that they were manifestly guilty of heresy, as appeared from the pope's bulls, and the depositions taken against the order both in england and france, and also from their own confessions regarding the absolutions pronounced in their chapters, explaining to them that they had grievously erred in believing that the master of the temple, who was a mere layman, had power to absolve them from their sins by pronouncing an absolution in the mode previously described, and they warned them that if they persisted in that error they would be condemned as heretics, and that as they could not clear themselves therefrom, it behoved them to abjure all the heresies of which they were accused. the templars replied that they were ready to abjure the error they had fallen into respecting the absolution, and _all heresies of every kind_, before the archbishop of canterbury and the prelates of the council, whenever they should be required so to do, and they humbly and reverently submitted themselves to the orders of the church, beseeching pardon and grace. a sort of compromise was then made with most of the templars in custody in london. they were required publicly to repeat a form of confession and abjuration drawn up by the bishops of london and chichester, and were then solemnly absolved and reconciled to the church in the following terms:-- "in the name of god, amen. since you have confessed in due form before the ecclesiastical council of the province of canterbury that you have gravely erred concerning the sacrament of repentance, in believing that the absolution pronounced by the master in chapter had as much efficacy as is implied in the words pronounced by him, that is to say, 'the sins which you have omitted to confess through shamefacedness, or through fear of the justice of the order, we, by virtue of the power delegated to us by god and our lord the pope, forgive you, as far as we are able;' and since you have confessed that you cannot entirely purge yourselves from the heresies set forth under the apostolic bull, and taking sage counsel with a good heart and unfeigned faith, have submitted yourselves to the judgment and the mercy of the church, having previously abjured the aforesaid heresies, and all heresies of every description, we, by the authority of the council, absolve you from the chain of excommunication wherewith you have been bound, and reconcile you once more to the unity of the church, &c. &c." on the th of july, brother michael de baskevile, knight, preceptor of london, and seventeen other templars, were absolved and reconciled in full council, in the episcopal hall of the see of london, in the presence of a vast concourse of the citizens. on the th of the same month, the preceptors of dokesworth, getinges, and samford, the guardian of the temple church at london, brother radulph de evesham, chaplain, with other priests, knights, and serving brethren of the order, were absolved by the bishops of london, exeter, winchester, and chichester, in the presence of the archbishop of canterbury and the whole ecclesiastical council. the next day many more members of the fraternity were publicly reconciled to the church on the steps before the south door of saint paul's cathedral, and were afterwards present at the celebration of high mass in the interior of the sacred edifice, when they advanced in a body towards the high altar bathed in tears, and falling down on their knees, they devoutly kissed the sacred emblems of christianity. the day after, (july ,) nineteen other templars were publicly absolved and reconciled to the church at the same place, in the presence of the earls of leicester, pembroke, and warwick, and afterwards assisted in like manner at the celebration of high mass. the priests of the order made their confessions and abjurations in latin; the knights pronounced them in norman french, and the serving brethren for the most part repeated them in english.[ ] the vast concourse of people collected together could have comprehended but very little of what was uttered, whilst the appearance of the penitent brethren, and the public spectacle of their recantation, answered the views of the papal inquisitors, and doubtless impressed the commonalty with a conviction of the guilt of the order. many of the templars were too _sick_ (suffering doubtless from the effect of torture) to be brought down to st. paul's, and were therefore absolved and reconciled to the church by the bishops of london, winchester, and chichester, at saint mary's chapel near the tower. among the prisoners absolved at the above chapel were many old veteran warriors in the last stage of decrepitude and decay. "they were so old and so infirm," says the public notary who recorded the proceedings, "that they were unable to stand;" their confessions were consequently made before two masters in theology; they were then led before the west door of the chapel, and were publicly reconciled to the church by the bishop of chichester; after which they were brought into the sacred building, and were placed on their knees before the high altar, which they devoutly kissed, whilst the tears trickled down their furrowed cheeks. all these penitent templars were now released from prison, and directed to do penance in different monasteries. precisely the same form of proceeding was followed at york: the reconciliations and absolution being there carried into effect before the south door of the cathedral.[ ] thus terminated the proceedings against the order of the temple in england. similar measures had, in the mean time, been prosecuted against the templars in all parts of christendom, but no better evidence of their guilt than that above mentioned was ever discovered. the councils of tarragona and aragon, after applying the torture, pronounced the order free from heresy. in portugal and in germany the templars were declared innocent, and in no place situate beyond the sphere of the influence of the king of france and his creature the pope was a single templar condemned to death.[ ] [sidenote: a. d. .] on the th of october a general council of the church, which had been convened by the pope to pronounce the abolition of the order, assembled at vienne near lyons in france. it was opened by the holy pontiff in person, who caused the different confessions and avowals of the templars to be read over before the assembled nobles and prelates, and then moved the suppression of an order wherein had been discovered such crying iniquities and sinful abominations; but the entire council, with the exception of an italian prelate, nephew of the pope, and the three french bishops of rheims, sens, and rouen, all creatures of philip, who had severally condemned large bodies of templars to be burnt at the stake in their respective dioceses, were unanimously of opinion, that before the suppression of so celebrated and illustrious an order, which had rendered such great and signal services to the christian faith, the members belonging to it ought to be heard in their own defence.[ ] such a proceeding, however, did not suit the views of the pope and king philip, and the assembly was abruptly dismissed by the holy pontiff, who declared that since they were unwilling to adopt the necessary measures, he himself, out of the plenitude of the papal authority, would supply every defect. accordingly, at the commencement of the following year, the pope summoned a private consistory; and several cardinals and french bishops having been gained over, the holy pontiff abolished the order by an apostolical ordinance, perpetually prohibiting every one from thenceforth entering into it, or accepting or wearing the habit thereof, or representing themselves to be templars, on pain of excommunication.[ ] on the rd of april, the second session of the council was opened by the pope at vienne. king philip and his three sons were present, accompanied by a large body of troops, and the papal decree abolishing the order was published before the assembly.[ ] the members of the council appear to have been called together merely to hear the decree read. history does not inform of any discussion with reference to it, nor of any suffrages having been taken. a few months after the close of these proceedings, brother william de la more, the master of the temple in england, died of a broken heart in his solitary dungeon in the tower, persisting with his last breath in the maintenance of the innocence of his order. king edward, in pity for his misfortunes, directed the constable of the tower to hand over his goods and chattels, valued at the sum of _l._ _s._ _d._, to his executors, to be employed in the liquidation of his debts, and he commanded geoffrey de la lee, guardian of the lands of the templars, to pay the arrears of his prison pay ( _s._ per diem) to the executor, roger hunsingon.[ ] among the cotton ms. is a list of the masters of the temple, otherwise the grand priors or grand preceptors of england, compiled under the direction of the prior of the hospital of saint john at clerkenwell, to the intent that the brethren of that fraternity might remember the antient masters of the temple in their prayers.[ ] a few names have been omitted which are supplied in the following list:-- magister r. de pointon.[ ] rocelinus de fossa.[ ] richard de hastings,[ ] a. d. . richard mallebeench.[ ] geoffrey, son of stephen,[ ] a. d. . thomas berard, a. d. . amaric de st. maur,[ ] a. d. . alan marcel,[ ] a. d. . amberaldus, a. d. . robert mountforde,[ ] a. d. . robert sanford,[ ] a. d. . amadeus de morestello, a. d. . himbert peraut,[ ] a. d. . robert turvile,[ ] a. d. . guido de foresta,[ ] a. d. . james de molay, a. d. . brian le jay,[ ] a. d. . william de la more the martyr. the only other templar in england whose fate merits particular attention is brother himbert blanke, the grand preceptor of auvergne. he appears to have been a knight of high honour and of stern unbending pride. from first to last he had boldly protested against the violent proceedings of the inquisitors, and had fearlessly maintained, amid all trials, his own innocence and that of his order. this illustrious templar had fought under four successive grand masters in defence of the christian faith in palestine, and after the fall of acre, had led in person several daring expeditions against the infidels. for these meritorious services he was rewarded in the following manner:--after having been tortured and half-starved in the english prisons for the space of five years, he was condemned, as he would make no confession of guilt, to be shut up in a loathsome dungeon, to be loaded with double chains, and to be occasionally visited by the agents of the inquisition, to see if he would confess _nothing further_![ ] in this miserable situation he remained until death at last put an end to his sufferings. [sidenote: a. d. .] james de molay, the grand master of the temple, guy, the grand preceptor, a nobleman of illustrious birth, brother to the prince of dauphiny, hugh de peralt, the visitor-general of the order, and the grand preceptor of aquitaine, had now languished in the prisons of france for the space of five years and a half. the grand master had been compelled to make a confession which he afterwards disowned and stigmatized as a forgery, swearing that if the cardinals who had subscribed it had been of a different cloth, he would have proclaimed them liars, and would have challenged them to mortal combat.[ ] the other knights had also made confessions which they had subsequently revoked. the secrets of the dark prisons of these illustrious templars have never been brought to light, but on the th of march, a. d. , a public scaffold was erected before the cathedral church of notre dame, at paris, and the citizens were summoned to hear the order of the temple convicted by the mouths of its chief officers, of the sins and iniquities charged against it. the four knights, loaded with chains and surrounded by guards, were then brought upon the scaffold by the provost, and the bishop of alba read their confessions aloud in the presence of the assembled populace. the papal legate then, turning towards the grand master and his companions, called upon them to renew, in the hearing of the people, the avowals which they had previously made of the guilt of their order. hugh de peralt, the visitor-general, and the preceptor of the temple of aquitaine, signified their assent to whatever was demanded of them, but the grand master raising his arms bound with chains towards heaven, and advancing to the edge of the scaffold, declared in a loud voice, that to say that which was untrue was a crime, both in the sight of god and man. "i do," said he, "confess my guilt, which consists in having, to my shame and dishonour, suffered myself, through the pain of torture and the fear of death, to give utterance to falsehoods, imputing scandalous sins and iniquities to an illustrious order, which hath nobly served the cause of christianity. i disdain to seek a wretched and disgraceful existence by engrafting another lie upon the original falsehood." he was here interrupted by the provost and his officers, and guy, the grand preceptor, having commenced with strong asseverations of his innocence, they were both hurried back to prison. king philip was no sooner informed of the result of this strange proceeding, than, upon the first impulse of his indignation, without consulting either pope, or bishop, or ecclesiastical council, he commanded the instant execution of both these gallant noblemen. the same day at dusk they were led out of their dungeons, and were burned to death in a slow and lingering manner upon small fires of charcoal which were kindled on the little island in the seine, between the king's garden and the convent of st. augustine, close to the spot where now stands the equestrian statue of henri iv.[ ] thus perished the last grand master of the temple. the fate of the persecutors of the order is not unworthy of notice. a year and one month after the above horrible execution, the pope was attacked by a dysentery, and speedily hurried to his grave. the dead body was transported to carpentras, where the court of rome then resided; it was placed at night in a church which caught fire, and the mortal remains of the holy pontiff were almost entirely consumed. his relations quarrelled over the immense treasures he left behind him, and a vast sum of money, which had been deposited for safety in a church at lucca, was stolen by a daring band of german and italian freebooters. before the close of the same year, king philip died of a lingering disease which baffled all the art of his medical attendants, and the condemned criminal, upon the strength of whose information the templars were originally arrested, was hanged for fresh crimes. "history attests," says monsieur raynouard, "that all those who were foremost in the persecution of the templars, came to an untimely and miserable death." the last days of philip were embittered by misfortune; his nobles and clergy leagued against him to resist his exactions; the wives of his three sons were accused of adultery, and two of them were publicly convicted of that crime. the misfortunes of edward the second, king of england, and his horrible death in berkeley castle, are too well known to be further alluded to. to save appearances, the pope had published a bull transferring the property, late belonging to the templars, to the order of the hospital of saint john,[ ] which had just then acquired additional renown and popularity in europe by the conquest from the infidels of the island of rhodes. this bull, however, remained for a considerable period nearly a dead letter, and the hospitallers never obtained a twentieth part of the antient possessions of the templars. the kings of castile, aragon, and portugal, created new military orders in their own dominions, to which the estates of the late order of the temple were transferred, and, annexing the grand masterships thereof to their own persons, by the title of perpetual administrators, they succeeded in drawing to themselves an immense revenue.[ ] the kings of bohemia, naples, and sicily, retained possession of many of the houses and strongholds of the templars in their dominions, and various religious orders of monks succeeded in installing themselves in the convents of the fraternity. the heirs of the donors of the property, moreover, claimed a title to it by escheat, and in most cases where the hospitallers obtained the lands and estates granted them by the pope, they had to pay large fines to adverse claimants to be put into peaceable possession.[ ] "the chief cause of the ruin of the templars," justly remarks fuller, "was their extraordinary wealth. as naboth's vineyard was the chiefest ground of his blasphemy, and as in england sir john cornwall lord fanhope said merrily, not he, but his stately house at ampthill in bedfordshire was guilty of high treason, so certainly their wealth was the principal cause of their overthrow.... we may believe that king philip would never have taken away their lives if he might have taken their lands without putting them to death, but the mischief was, he could not get the honey unless he burnt the bees."[ ] king philip, the pope, and the european sovereigns, appear to have disposed of all the personalty of the templars, the ornaments, jewels, and treasure of their churches and chapels, and during the period of five years, over which the proceedings against the order extended, they remained in the actual receipt of the vast rents and revenues of the fraternity. after the promulgation of the bull, assigning the property of the templars to the hospitallers, king philip put forward a claim upon the land to the extent of two hundred thousand pounds for the expenses of the prosecution, and louis hutin, his son, required a further sum of sixty thousand pounds from the hospitallers, before he would consent to surrender the estates into their hands.[ ] "j'ignore," says voltaire, "ce qui revint au pape, mais je vois evidemment que les frais des cardinaux, des inquisiteurs déléguès pour faire ce procès épouvantable monterent à des sommés immenses."[ ] the holy pontiff, according to his own account, received only a _small portion_ of the personalty of the order,[ ] but others make him a large participator in the good things of the fraternity.[ ] on the imprisonment of the templars in england, the temple at london, and all the preceptories dependent upon it, with the manors, farms, houses, lands, and revenues of the fraternity, were placed under the survey of the court of exchequer, and extents[ ] were directed to be taken of the same, after which they were confided to the care of certain trustworthy persons, styled "guardians of the lands of the templars," who were to account for the rents and profits to the king's exchequer. the bishop of lichfield and coventry had the custody of all the lands and tenements in the county of hants. john de wilburgham had those in the counties of norfolk and suffolk, and there were thirty-two other guardians entrusted with the care of the property in the remaining counties of england.[ ] these guardians were directed to pay various pensions to the old servants and retainers of the templars dwelling in the different preceptories,[ ] also the expenses of the prosecution against the order, and they were at different times required to provide for the exigencies of the public service, and to victual the king's castles and strongholds. on the th of january, a. d. , william de slengesby, guardian of the manor of ribbestayn in the county of york, was commanded to forward to the constable of the castle of knaresburgh a hundred quarters of corn, ten quarters of oats, twenty fat oxen, eighty sheep, and two strong carts, towards the victualling of the said fortress, and the king tells him that the same shall be duly deducted when he renders his account to the exchequer of the rents and profits of the said manor.[ ] the king, indeed, began to dispose of the property as if it was wholly vested in the crown, and made munificent donations to his favourites and friends. in the month of february of the same year, he gave the manors of etton and cave to david earl of athol, directing the guardians of the lands and tenements of the templars in the county of york to hand over to the said earl all the corn in those manors, the oxen, calves, ploughs, and all the goods and chattels of the templars existing therein, together with the ornaments and utensils of the chapel of the temple.[ ] on the th of may, however, the pope addressed bulls to the king, and to all the earls and barons of the kingdom, setting forth the proceedings of the council of vienne and the publication of the papal decree, vesting the property late belonging to the templars in the brethren of the hospital of st. john, and he commands them forthwith to place the members of that order in possession thereof. bulls were also addressed to the archbishops of canterbury and york and their suffragans, commanding them to enforce by ecclesiastical censures the execution of the papal commands.[ ] king edward and his nobles very properly resisted this decree, and on the st of august the king wrote to the prior of the hospital of st. john at clerkenwell, telling him that the pretensions of the pope to dispose of property within the realm of england, without the consent of parliament, were derogatory to the dignity of the crown and the royal authority; and he commands him, under severe pains and penalties, to refrain from attempting to obtain any portion of the possessions of the templars.[ ] the king, indeed, continued to distribute the lands and rents amongst his friends and favourites. at the commencement of the year , he granted the temple at london, with the church and all the buildings therein, to aymer de valence earl of pembroke;[ ] and on the th of may of the same year he caused several merchants, from whom he had borrowed money, to be placed in possession of many of the manors of the templars.[ ] yielding, however, at last to the exhortations and menaces of the pope, the king, on the st of nov. a. d. , granted the property to the hospitallers,[ ] and sent orders to all the guardians of the lands of the templars, and to various powerful barons who were in possession of the estates, commanding them to deliver them up to certain parties deputed by the grand master and chapter of the hospital of saint john to receive them.[ ] at this period, however, many of the heirs of the donors, whose title had been recognized by the law, were in possession of the lands, and the judges held that the king had no power of his own sole authority to transfer them to the order of the hospital.[ ] the thunders of the vatican were consequently vigorously made use of, and all the detainers of the property were doomed by the roman pontiff to everlasting damnation.[ ] pope john, in one of his bulls, dated a. d. , bitterly complains of the disregard by all the king's subjects of the papal commands. he laments that they had hardened their hearts and despised the sentence of excommunication fulminated against them, and declares that his heart was riven with grief to find that even the ecclesiastics, who ought to have been as a wall of defence to the hospitallers, had themselves been heinously guilty in the premises.[ ] at last (a. d. ) the pope, the bishops, and the hospitallers, by their united exertions, succeeded in obtaining an act of parliament, vesting all the property late belonging to the templars in the brethren of the hospital of saint john, in order that the intentions of the donors might be carried into effect by the appropriation of it to the defence of the holy land and the succour of the christian cause in the east.[ ] this statute gave rise to the greatest discontent. the heirs of the donors petitioned parliament for its repeal, alleging that it had been made against law and against reason, and contrary to the opinion of the judges;[ ] and many of the great barons who held the property by a title recognised by the common law, successfully resisted the claims of the order of the hospital, maintaining that the parliament had no right to interfere with the tenure of private property, and to dispose of their possessions without their consent. this struggle between the heirs of the donors on the one hand, and the hospitallers on the other, continued for a lengthened period; and in the reign of edward the third it was found necessary to pass another act of parliament, confirming the previous statute in their favour, and writs were sent to the sheriffs (a. d. ) commanding them to enforce the execution of the acts of the legislature, and to take possession, in the king's name, of all the property unjustly detained from the brethren of the hospital.[ ] whilst the vast possessions, late belonging to the templars, thus continued to be the subject of contention, the surviving brethren of that dissolved order continued to be treated with the utmost inhumanity and neglect. the ecclesiastical council had assigned to each of them a pension of fourpence a day for subsistence, but this small pittance was not paid, and they were consequently in great danger of dying of hunger. the king, pitying their miserable situation, wrote to the prior of the hospital of st. john at clerkenwell, earnestly requesting him to take their hard lot into his serious consideration, and not suffer them to come to beggary in the streets.[ ] the archbishop of canterbury also exerted himself in their behalf, and sent letters to the possessors of the property, reproving them for the non-payment of the allotted stipends. "this inhumanity," says he, "awakens our compassion, and penetrates us with the most lively grief. we pray and conjure you in kindness to furnish them, for the love of god and for charity, with the means of subsistence."[ ] the archbishop of york caused many of them to be supported in the different monasteries of his diocese.[ ] many of the quondam templars, however, after the dissolution of their order, assumed a secular habit; they blended themselves with the laity, mixed in the pleasures of the world, and even presumed to contract matrimony, proceedings which drew down upon them the severe indignation of the roman pontiff. in a bull addressed to the archbishop of canterbury, the pope stigmatises these marriages as unlawful concubinages; he observes that the late templars remained bound, notwithstanding the dissolution of their order, by their vows of perpetual chastity, and he orders them to be separated from the women whom they had married, and to be placed in different monasteries, where they are to dedicate themselves to the service of god, and the strict performance of their religious vows.[ ] the templars adopted the oriental fashion of long beards, and during the proscription of the fraternity, when the fugitives who had thrown off their habits were hunted out like wild beasts, it appears to have been dangerous for laymen to possess beards of more than a few weeks' growth. papers and certificates were granted to men with long beards, to prevent them from being molested by the officers of justice as suspected templars, as appears from the following curious certificate given by king edward the second to his valet, who had made a vow not to shave himself until he had performed a pilgrimage to a certain place beyond sea. "rex, etc. cum dilectus valettus noster petrus auger, exhibitor præsentium, nuper voverit quod barbam suam radi non faciat, quousque peregrinationem fecerit in certo loco in partibus transmarinis; et idem petrus sibi timeat, quod aliqui ipsum, ratione barbæ suæ prolixæ fuisse templarium imponere sibi velint, et ei inferre impedimenta seu gravamina ex hac causa; nos veritati volentes testimonium pertulere, vobis tenore præsentium intimamus, quod prædictus petrus est valettus cameræ nostræ, _nec unquam fuit templarius, sed barbam suam sic prolixam esse permittit, ex causa superius annotata_, etc. teste rege, &c."[ ] chapter xi. the temple church. the restoration of the temple church--the beauty and magnificence of the venerable building--the various styles of architecture displayed in it--the discoveries made during the recent restoration--the sacrarium--the marble piscina--the sacramental niches--the penitential cell--the ancient chapel of st. anne--historical matters connected with the temple church--the holy relics anciently preserved therein--the interesting monumental remains. "if a day should come when pew lumber, preposterous organ cases, and pagan altar screens, are declared to be unfashionable, no religious building, stript of such nuisances, would come more fair to the sight, or give more general satisfaction to the antiquary, than the chaste and beautiful temple church."--_gentleman's magazine_ for may, , p. . "after three centuries of demolition, the solemn structures raised by our catholic ancestors are being gradually restored to somewhat of their original appearance, and buildings, which, but a few years since, were considered as unsightly and barbarous erections of ignorant times, are now become the theme of general eulogy and models for imitation."[ ] it has happily been reserved for the present generation, after a lapse of two centuries, to see the venerable temple church, the chief ecclesiastical edifice of the knights templars in britain, and the most beautiful and perfect relic of the order now in existence, restored to the simple majesty it possessed near seven hundred years ago; to see it once again presenting the appearance which it wore when the patriarch of jerusalem exercised his sacred functions within its walls, and when the mailed knights of the most holy order of the temple of solomon, the sworn champions of the christian faith, unfolded the red-cross banner amid "the long-drawn aisles," and offered their swords upon the altar to be blessed by the ministers of religion. from the period of the reign of charles the first down to our own times, the temple church has remained sadly disfigured by incongruous innovations and modern _embellishments_, which entirely changed the antient character and appearance of the building, and clouded and obscured its elegance and beauty. shortly after the reformation, the protestant lawyers, from an over-anxious desire to efface all the emblems of the popish faith, covered the gorgeously-painted ceiling of this venerable structure with an uniform coating of simple whitewash; they buried the antique tesselated pavement under hundreds of cart-loads of earth and rubbish, on the surface of which, two feet above the level of the antient floor, they placed another pavement, formed of old grave-stones. they, moreover, disfigured all the magnificent marble columns with a thick coating of plaster and paint, and destroyed the beauty of the elaborately-wrought mouldings of the arches, and the exquisitely-carved marble ornaments with thick incrustations of whitewash, clothing the whole edifice in one uniform garb of plain white, in accordance with the puritanical ideas of those times. subsequently, in the reign of charles the second, the fine open area of the body of the church was filled with long rows of stiff and formal pews, which concealed the bases of the columns, while the plain but handsome stone walls of the sacred edifice were encumbered, to a height of eight feet from the ground, with oak wainscoting, which was carried entirely round the church, so as to shut out from view the elegant marble piscina on the south side of the building, the interesting arched niches over the high altar, and the _sacrarium_ on the eastern side of the edifice. the elegant gothic arches connecting the round with the oblong portion of the building were filled up with an oak screen and glass windows and doors, and with an organ-gallery adorned with corinthian columns and pilastres and grecian ornaments, which divided the building into two parts, altogether altered its original character and appearance, and sadly marred its architectural beauty. the eastern end of the church was, at the same time, disfigured with an enormous altarpiece in the _classic_ style, decorated with corinthian columns and grecian cornices and entablatures, and with enrichments of cherubims and wreaths of fruit, leaves, and flowers, exquisitely carved and beautiful in themselves, but heavy and cumbrous, and quite at variance with the gothic character of the edifice. a huge pulpit and sounding-board, elaborately carved, were also erected in the middle of the nave, forming a great obstruction to the view of the interior of the building, and the walls and all the columns were thickly clustered and disfigured with mural monuments. all these unsightly and incongruous additions to the antient fabric have, thanks to the good taste and the public spirit of the masters of the benches of the societies of the inner and middle temple, been recently removed; the ceiling of the church has been repainted; the marble columns and the tesselated pavement have been restored, and the venerable structure has now been brought back to its antient condition. the historical associations and recollections connected with the temple church throw a powerful charm around the venerable building. during the holy fervour of the crusades, the kings of england and the haughty legates of the pope were wont to mix with the armed bands of the templars in this their chief ecclesiastical edifice in britain. in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries some of the most remarkable characters of the age were buried in the round, and their mail-clad marble monumental effigies, reposing side by side on the cold pavement, still attract the wonder and admiration of the inquiring stranger. the solemn ceremonies attendant in days of yore upon the admission of a novice to the holy vows of the temple, conducted with closed doors during the first watch of the night; the severe religious exercises performed by the stern military friars; the vigils that were kept up at night in the church, and the reputed terrors of the penitential cell, all contributed in times past to throw an air of mystery and romance around the sacred building, and to create in the minds of the vulgar a feeling of awe and of superstitious terror, giving rise to those strange and horrible tales of impiety and crime, of magic and sorcery, which led to the unjust and infamous execution at the stake of the grand master and many hundred knights of the temple, and to the suppression and annihilation of their proud and powerful order. the first and most interesting portion of the temple church, denominated by the old writers "the round," was consecrated in the year by heraclius, the patriarch of jerusalem, on his arrival in england from palestine, as before mentioned, to obtain succour from king henry the second against the formidable power of the famous saladin.[ ] the old inscription which formerly stood over the small door of the round leading into the cloisters, and which was broken and destroyed by the workmen whilst repairing the church, in the year , was to the following effect:-- "on the th of february, in the year from the incarnation of our lord , this church was consecrated in honour of the blessed mary by our lord heraclius, by the grace of god patriarch of the church of the resurrection, who hath granted an indulgence of fifty days to those yearly seeking it."[ ] the oblong portion of the church, which extendeth eastwards from the round, was consecrated on ascension-day, a. d. , as appears from the following passage in the history of matthew paris, the monk of st. alban's, who was probably himself present at the ceremony. "about the same time (a. d. ) was consecrated the noble church of the new temple at london, an edifice worthy to be seen, in the presence of the king and much of the nobility of the kingdom, who, on the same day, that is to say, the day of the ascension, after the solemnities of the consecration had been completed, royally feasted at a most magnificent banquet, prepared at the expense of the hospitallers."[ ] it was after the promulgation, a. d. and , of the famous bull _omne datum optimum_, exempting the templars from the ordinary ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and enabling them to admit priests and chaplains into their order, and appoint them to their churches without installation and induction, and free from the interference of the bishops, that the members of this proud and powerful fraternity began to erect at great cost, in various parts of christendom, churches of vast splendour and magnificence, like the one we now see at london. it is probable that the earlier portion of this edifice was commenced immediately after the publication of the above bull, so as to be ready (as churches took a long time in building in those days) for consecration by the patriarch on his arrival in england with the grand master of the temple. as there is a difference in respect of the time of the erection, so also is there a variation in the style of the architecture of the round and oblong portions of the church; the one presenting to us a most beautiful and interesting specimen of that mixed style of ecclesiastical architecture termed the semi-norman, and by some writers the intermediate, when the rounded arch and the short and massive column became mingled with, and were gradually giving way to, the early gothic; and the other affording to us a pure and most elegant example of the latter style of architecture, with its pointed arches and light slender columns. these two portions of the temple church, indeed, when compared together, present features of peculiar interest to the architect and the antiquary. the oblong portion of the venerable fabric affords, perhaps, the first specimen of the complete conquest of the pointed style over the massive circular or norman architecture which preceded its erection, whilst the round displays the different changes which the latter style underwent previous to its final subversion. the temple church is entered by a beautiful semicircular arched doorway, an exquisite specimen of the norman style of architecture, still unfortunately surrounded and smothered by the smoke-dried buildings of studious lawyers. it is deeply recessed and ornamented on either side with columns bearing foliated capitals, from whence spring a series of arched mouldings, richly carved and decorated. between these columns project angular piers enriched with lozenges, roses, foliage, and ornaments of varied pattern and curious device. the upper part of these piers between the capitals of the columns is hollowed out, and carved half-length human figures, representing a king and queen, monks and saints, have been inserted. some of these figures hold scrolls of paper in their hands, and others rest in the attitude of prayer. over them, between the ribs of the arch, are four rows of enriched foliage springing from the mouths of human heads. having passed this elegant and elaborately-wrought doorway, we enter that portion of the church called by the old writers the round, which consists of an inner circular area formed by a round tower resting on six clustered columns, and of a circular external aisle or cloister, connected with the round tower by a sloping roof on the outside, and internally by a groined vaulted ceiling. the beauty and elegance of the building from this point, with its circular colonnades, storied windows, and long perspective of architectural magnificence, cannot be described--it must be seen. from the centre of the round, the eye is carried upward to the vaulted ceiling of the inner circular tower with its groined ribs and carved bosses. this tower rests on six clustered marble columns, from whence spring six pointed arches enriched with numerous mouldings. the clustered columns are composed of four marble shafts, surmounted by foliated capitals, which are each of a different pattern, but correspond in the general outline, and display great character and beauty. these shafts are connected together by bands at their centres; and the bases and capitals run into each other, so as to form the whole into one column. immediately above the arches resting on these columns, is a small band or cornice, which extends around the interior of the tower, and supports a most elegant arcade of interlaced arches. this arcade is formed of numerous small purbeck marble columns, enriched with ornamented bases and capitals, from whence spring a series of arches which intersect one another, and produce a most pleasing and striking combination of the round and pointed arch. above this elegant arcade is another cornice surmounted by six circular-headed windows pierced at equal intervals through the thick walls of the tower. these windows are ornamented at the angles with small columns, and in the time of the knights templars they were filled with stained glass. between each window is a long slender circular shaft of purbeck marble, which springs from the clustered columns, and terminates in a bold foliated capital, whereon rest the groined ribs of the ceiling of the tower. from the tower, with its marble columns, interlaced arches, and elegant decorations, the attention will speedily be drawn to the innumerable small columns, pointed arches, and grotesque human countenances which extend around the lower portion of the external aisle or cloister encircling the round. the more these human countenances are scrutinised, the more astonishing and extraordinary do they appear. they seem for the most part distorted and agonised with pain, and have been supposed, not without reason, to represent the writhings and grimaces of the damned. unclean beasts may be observed gnawing the ears and tearing with their claws the bald heads of some of them, whose firmly-compressed teeth and quivering lips plainly denote intense bodily anguish. these sculptured visages display an astonishing variety of character, and will be regarded with increased interest when it is remembered, that an arcade and cornice decorated in this singular manner have been observed among the ruins of the temple churches at acre, and in the pilgrim's castle. this circular aisle or cloister is lighted by a series of semicircular-headed windows, which are ornamented at the angles with small columns. over the western doorway leading into the round, is a beautiful norman wheel-window, which was uncovered and brought to light by the workmen during the recent reparation of this interesting building. it is considered a masterpiece of masonry. the entrance from the round to the oblong portion of the temple church is formed by three lofty pointed arches, which open upon the nave and the two aisles. the mouldings of these arches display great beauty and elegance, and the central arch, which forms the grand entrance to the nave, is supported upon magnificent purbeck marble columns. having passed through one of these elegant and richly-embellished archways, we enter a large, lofty, and light structure, consisting of a nave and two aisles of equal height, formed by eight clustered marble columns, which support a groined vaulted ceiling richly and elaborately painted. this chaste and graceful edifice presents to us one of the most pure and beautiful examples in existence of the early pointed style, which immediately succeeded the mixed order of architecture visible in the round. the numerous elegantly-shaped windows which extend around this portion of the building, the exquisite proportions of the slim marble columns, the beauty and richness of the architectural decorations, and the extreme lightness and airiness of the whole structure, give us the idea of a fairy palace. the marble columns supporting the pointed arches of the roof, four in number on each side, do not consist of independent shafts banded together, as in the round, but form solid pillars which possess vast elegance and beauty. attached to the walls of the church, in a line with these pillars, are a series of small clustered columns, composed of three slender shafts, the central one being of purbeck marble, and the others of caen stone; they are bound together by a band at their centres and their bases, which are of purbeck marble, rest on a stone seat or plinth, which extends the whole length of the body of the church. these clustered columns, which are placed parallel to the large central pillars, are surmounted by foliated capitals, from whence spring the groined ribs which traverse the vaulted ceiling of the roof. the side walls are thus divided into five compartments on either side, which are each filled up with a triple lancet-headed window, of a graceful form, and richly ornamented. it is composed of three long narrow openings surmounted by pointed arches, the central arch rising above the lateral ones. the mouldings of the arches rest upon four slender marble columns which run up in front of the stone mullions of the windows, and impart to them great elegance and beauty. the great number of these windows, and the small intervening spaces of blank wall between them, give a vast lightness and airiness to the whole structure. immediately beneath them is a small cornice or stringing course of purbeck marble, which runs entirely round the body of the church, and supports the small marble columns which adorn the windows. the roof is composed of a series of pointed arches supported by groined ribs, which, diverging from the capitals of the columns, cross one another at the centre of the arch, and are ornamented at the point of intersection with richly-carved bosses. this roof is composed principally of chalk, and previous to the late restoration, had a plain and somewhat naked appearance, being covered with an uniform coat of humble whitewash. on the recent removal of this whitewash, extensive remains of an ancient painted ceiling were brought to light, and it was consequently determined to repaint the entire roof of the body of the church according to a design furnished by mr. willement. at the eastern end of the church are three elegant windows opening upon the three aisles; they are similar in form to the side windows, but the central one is considerably larger than any of the others, and has in the spandrels formed by the line of groining two small quatrefoil panels. the label mouldings on either side of this central window terminate in two crowned heads, which are supposed to represent king henry the third and his queen. these windows are to be filled with stained glass as in the olden time, and will, when finished, present a most gorgeous and magnificent appearance. immediately beneath them, above the high altar, are three niches, in which were deposited in days of yore the sacred vessels used during the celebration of the mass. the central recess, surmounted by a rounded arch, contained the golden chalice and patin covered with the veil and bursa; and the niches on either side received the silver cruets, the ampullæ, the subdeacon's veil, and all the paraphernalia used during the sacrament. in the stonework around them may be observed the marks of the locks and fastenings of doors. these niches were uncovered and brought to light on the removal of the large heavy oak screen and altar-piece, which disfigured the eastern end of the church. on the southern side of the building, near the high altar, is an elegant marble _piscina_ or _lavacrum_, which was in like manner discovered on pulling down the modern oak wainscoting. this interesting remnant of antiquity has been beautifully restored, and well merits attention. it was constructed for the use of the priest who officiated at the adjoining altar, and was intended to receive the water in which the chalice had been rinsed, and in which the priest washed his hands before the consecration of the bread and wine. it consists of two perforated hollows or small basins, inclosed in an elegant marble niche, adorned with two graceful arches, which rest on small marble columns. the holes at the bottom of the basins communicate with two conduits or channels for draining off the water, which antiently made its exit through the thick walls of the church. in the olden time, before the consecration of the host, the priest walked to the piscina, accompanied by the clerk, who poured water over his hands, that they might be purified from all stain before he ventured to touch the body of our lord. one of these channels was intended to receive the water in which the priest washed his hands, and the other that in which he had rinsed the chalice. the piscina, consequently, served the purposes of a sink.[ ] adjoining the piscina, towards the eastern end of the church, is a small elegant niche, in which the ewer, basin, and towels were placed; and immediately opposite, in the north wall of the edifice, is another niche, which appears to have been a _sacrarium_ or tabernacle for holding the eucharist preserved for the use of the sick brethren.[ ] in the centre of the northern aisle of the church, a large recess has been erected for the reception of the organ, as no convenient place could be found for it in the old structure. below this recess, by the side of the archway communicating with the round, is a small norman doorway, opening upon a dark circular staircase which leads to the summit of the round tower, and also to the penitential cell. this dreary place of solitary confinement is formed within the thick wall of the church, and is only four feet six inches long, and two feet six inches wide, so that it would be impossible for a grown person to lie down with any degree of comfort within it. two small apertures, or loopholes, four feet high and nine inches wide, have been pierced through the walls to admit light and air. one of these apertures looks eastward into the body of the church towards the spot where stood the high altar, in order that the prisoner might see and hear the performance of divine service, and the other looks southward into the round, facing the west entrance of the church. the hinges and catch of a door, firmly attached to the doorway of this dreary prison, still remain, and at the bottom of the staircase is a stone recess or cupboard, where bread and water were placed for the prisoner. in this miserable cell were confined the refractory and disobedient brethren of the temple, and those who were enjoined severe penance with solitary confinement. its dark secrets have long since been buried in the silence of the tomb, but one sad tale of misery and horror, probably connected with it, has been brought to light. several of the brethren of the temple at london, who were examined before the papal inquisitors, tell us of the miserable death of brother walter le bacheler, knight, grand preceptor of ireland, who, for disobedience to his superior the master of the temple, was fettered and cast into prison, and there expired from the rigour and severity of his confinement. his dead body was taken out of the solitary cell in the temple at morning's dawn, and was buried by brother john de stoke and brother radulph de barton, in the midst of the court, between the church and the hall.[ ] the discipline of the temple was strict and austere to an extreme. an eye-witness tells us that disobedient brethren were confined in chains and dungeons for a longer or a shorter period, or perpetually, according as it might seem expedient, in order that their souls might be saved at the last from the eternal prison of hell.[ ] in addition to imprisonment, the templars were scourged on their bare backs, by the hand of the master himself, in the temple hall, and were frequently whipped on sundays in the church, in the presence of the whole congregation. brother adam de valaincourt, a knight of a noble family, quitted the order of the temple, but afterwards returned, smitten with remorse for his disobedience, and sought to be admitted to the society of his quondam brethren. he was compelled by the master to eat for a year on the ground with the dogs; to fast four days in the week on bread and water, and every sunday to present himself naked in the church before the high altar, and receive the discipline at the hands of the officiating priest, in the presence of the whole congregation.[ ] on the opposite side of the church, corresponding with the doorway and staircase leading to the penitential cell, there was formerly another doorway and staircase communicating with a very curious antient structure, called the chapel of st. anne, which stood on the south side of the round, but was removed during the repairs in . it was two stories in height. the lower story communicated with the round through a doorway formed under one of the arches of the arcade, and the upper story communicated with the body of the church by the before-mentioned doorway and staircase, which have been recently stopped up. the roofs of these apartments were vaulted, and traversed by cross-ribs of stone, ornamented with bosses at the point of intersection.[ ] this chapel antiently opened upon the cloisters, and formed a private medium of communication between the convent of the temple and the church. it was here that the papal legate and the english bishops frequently had conferences respecting the affairs of the english clergy, and in this chapel almaric de montforte, the pope's chaplain, who had been imprisoned by king edward the first, was set at liberty at the instance of the roman pontiff, in the presence of the archbishop of canterbury, and the bishops of london, lincoln, bath, worcester, norwich, oxford, and several other prelates, and of many distinguished laymen; the said almeric having previously taken an oath that he would forthwith leave the kingdom, never more to return without express permission.[ ] in times past, this chapel of st. anne, situate on the south of "the round about walles," was widely celebrated for its productive powers. it was resorted to by barren women, and was of great repute for making them "joyful mothers of children!"[ ] there were formerly numerous priests attached to the temple church, the chief of whom was styled _custos_ or guardian of the sacred edifice. king henry the third, for the salvation of his own soul, and the souls of his ancestors and heirs, gave to the templars eight pounds per annum, to be paid out of the exchequer, for the maintenance of three chaplains in the temple to say mass daily for ever; one was to pray in the church for the king himself, another for all christian people, and the third for the faithful departed.[ ] idonea de veteri ponte also gave thirteen bovates of her land, at ostrefeld, for the support of a chaplain in the house of the temple at london, to pray for her own soul and that of her deceased husband, robert de veteri ponte.[ ] the _custos_ or guardian of the temple church was appointed by the master and chapter of the temple, and entered upon his spiritual duties, as did all the priests and chaplains of the order, without any admission, institution, or induction. he was exempt from the ordinary ecclesiastical authority, and was to pay perfect obedience in all matters, and upon all occasions, to the master of the temple, as his lord and bishop. the priests of the order took precisely the same vows as the rest of the brethren, and enjoyed no privileges above their fellows. they remained, indeed, in complete subjection to the knights, for they were not allowed to take part in the consultations of the chapter, unless they had been enjoined so to do, nor could they occupy themselves with the cure of souls unless required. the templars were not permitted to confess to priests who were strangers to the order, without leave so to do. "_et les freres chapeleins du temple dovinent oyr la confession des freres, ne nul ne se deit confesser a autre chapelein saunz counge, car il ount greigneur poer du pape, de els assoudre que un evesque._" the particular chapters of the master of the temple, in which transgressions were acknowledged, penances were enjoined, and quarrels were made up, were frequently held on a sunday morning in the above chapel of st. anne, on the south side of the temple church, when the following curious form of absolution was pronounced by the master of the temple in the norman french of that day. "la manere de tenir chapitre e d'assoudre." "apres chapitre dira le mestre, ou cely qe tendra le chapitre. 'beaus seigneurs freres, le pardon de nostre chapitre est tiels, qe cil qui ostast les almones de la meson a tout e male resoun, ou tenist aucune chose en noun de propre, ne prendreit u tens ou pardoun de nostre chapitre. mes toutes les choses qe vous lessez a dire pour hounte de la char, ou pour poour de la justice de la mesoun qe lein ne la prenge requer dieu, e de par la poeste, que nostre sire otria a sein pere, la quele nostre pere le pape lieu tenaunt a terre a otrye a la maison, e a noz sovereyns, e nous de par dieu, e de par nostre mestre, e de tout nostre chapitre tiel pardoun come ieo vous puis fere, ieo la vous faz, de bon quer, e de bone volonte. e prioms nostre sire, qe issi veraiement come il pardona a la glorieuse magdaléyne, quant ele plura ses pechez. e al larron en la croiz mis pardona il ses pechez, e a vous face les vos a pardone a moy les miens. et pry vous que se ieo ouges meffis oudis a mil de vous que vous depleise que vous le me pardonez.'"[ ] at the close of the chapter, the master or the president of the chapter shall say, "good and noble brethren, the pardon of our chapter is such, that he who unjustly maketh away with the alms of the house, or holdeth anything as his own property, hath no part in the pardon of our chapter, or in the good works of our house. but those things which through shame-facedness, or through fear of the justice of the order, you have neglected to confess before god, i, by the power which our lord obtained from his father, and which our father the pope, his vicar, has granted to the house, and to our superiors, and to us, by the authority of god and our master, and all our chapter, grant unto you, with hearty good will, such pardon as i am able to give. and we beseech our lord, that as he forgave the glorious mary magdalene when she bewailed her sins, and pardoned the robber on the cross, that he will in like manner mercifully pardon both you and me. and if i have wronged any of you, i beseech you to grant me forgiveness." the temple church in times past contained many holy and valuable relics, which had been sent over by the templars from palestine. numerous indulgences were granted by the bishops of london to all devout christians who went with a lively faith to adore these relics. the bishop of ely also granted indulgences to all the faithful of his diocese, and to all pious christians who attended divine worship in the temple church, to the honour and praise of god, and his glorious mother the virgin mary, the resplendent queen of heaven, and also to all such as should contribute, out of their goods and possessions, to the maintenance and support of the lights which were kept eternally upon the altars.[ ] the circular form of the oldest portion of the temple church imparts an additional interest to the venerable fabric, as there are only three other ancient churches in england of this shape. it has been stated that all the churches of the templars were built in the circular form, after the model of the church of the holy sepulchre at jerusalem; but this was not the case. the numerous remains of these churches, to be met with in various parts of christendom, prove them to have been built of all shapes, forms, and sizes. we must now say a word concerning the ancient monuments in the temple church. in a recess in the south wall, close to the elegant marble piscina, reposes the recumbent figure of a bishop clad in pontifical robes, having a mitre on his head and a crosier in his hand. it rests upon an altar-tomb, and has been beautifully carved out of a single block of purbeck marble. on the th of september, , this tomb was opened, and beneath the figure was found a stone coffin, about three feet in height and ten feet in length, having a circular cavity to receive the head of the corpse. within the coffin was found a human skeleton in a state of perfect preservation. it was wrapped in sheet-lead, part of which had perished. on the left side of the skeleton were the remains of a crosier, and among the bones and around the skull were found fragments of sackcloth and of garments wrought with gold tissue. it was evident that the tomb had been previously violated, as the sheet-lead had been divided longitudinally with some coarse cutting instrument, and the bones within it had been displaced from their proper position. the most remarkable discovery made on the opening of this tomb was that of the skeleton of an infant a very few months old, which was found lying at the feet of the bishop. nichols, the antiquary, tells us that brown willis ascribed the above monument to silvester de everdon, bishop of carlisle, who was killed in the year by a fall from a mettlesome horse, and was buried in the temple church.[ ] all the monumental remains of the ancient knights templars, formerly existing in the temple church, have unfortunately long since been utterly destroyed. burton, the antiquary, who was admitted a member of the inner temple in the reign of queen elizabeth, on the th of may, , tells us that in the body of the church there was "a large blue marble inlaid with brasse," with this circumscription--"hic requiescit constantius de houerio, quondam visitator generalis ordinis militiæ templi in angliâ, franciâ, et italiâ."[ ] "here lies constance de hover, formerly visitor-general of the order of the temple, in england, france, and italy." not a vestige of this interesting monument now remains. during the recent excavation in the churchyard for the foundations of the new organ gallery, two very large stone coffins were found at a great depth below the present surface, which doubtless enclosed the mortal remains of distinguished templars. the churchyard appears to abound in ancient stone coffins. in the round of the temple church, the oldest part of the present fabric, are the famous monuments of secular warriors, with their legs crossed, in token that they had assumed the cross, and taken the vow to march to the defence of the christian faith in palestine. these cross-legged effigies have consequently been termed "the monuments of the crusaders," and are so singular and interesting, that a separate chapter must be devoted to the consideration of them. chapter xii. the temple church. the monuments of the crusaders--the tomb and effigy of sir geoffrey de magnaville, earl of essex, and constable of the tower--his life and death, and famous exploits--of william marshall, earl of pembroke, protector of england--of the lord de ross--of william and gilbert marshall, earls of pembroke--of william plantagenet, fifth son of henry the third--the anxious desire manifested by king henry the third, queen eleanor, and various persons of rank, to be buried in the temple church. "the knights are dust, and their good swords are rust, their souls are with the saints, we trust." the mail-clad monumental effigies reposing side by side on the pavement of "the round" of the temple church, have been supposed to be monuments of knights templars, but this is not the case. the templars were always buried in the habit of their order, and are represented in it on their tombs. this habit was a long white mantle, as before mentioned, with a red cross over the left breast; it had a short cape and a hood behind, and fell down to the feet unconfined by any girdle. in a long mantle of this description, with the cross of the order carved upon it, is represented the knight templar brother jean de dreux, in the church of st. yvod de braine in france, with this inscription, in letters of gold, carved upon the monument--f. jean li templier fuis au comte jean de dreux.[ ] although not monuments of knight templars, yet these interesting cross-legged effigies have strong claims to our attention upon other grounds. they appear to have been placed in the temple church, to the memory of a class of men termed "associates of the temple," who, though not actually admitted to the holy vows and habit of the order, were yet received into a species of spiritual connexion with the templars, curiously illustrative of the superstition and credulity of the times. many piously-inclined persons of rank and fortune, bred up amid the pleasures and the luxuries of the world, were anxiously desirous of participating in the spiritual advantages and blessings believed to be enjoyed by the holy warriors of the temple, in respect of the good works done by the fraternity, but could not bring themselves to submit to the severe discipline and gloomy life of the regularly-professed brethren. for the purpose of turning the tendencies and peculiar feelings of such persons to a good account, the master and chapter of the temple assumed the power of admitting them into a spiritual association and connexion with the order, so that, without renouncing their pleasures and giving up their secular mode of life, they might share in the merit of the good works performed by the brethren. the mode in which this was frequently done is displayed to us by the following public authentic document, extracted by ducange from the royal registry of provence. "be it known to all persons present and to come, that in the year of the incarnation , in the month of december, i, william d. g., count of forcalquier, and son of the deceased gerald, being inspired with the love of god, of my own free will, and with hearty desire, dedicate my body and soul to the lord, to the most blessed virgin mary, and to the house of the chivalry of the temple, in manner following. if at any time i determine on taking the vows of a religious order, i will choose the religion of the temple, and none other; but i will not embrace it except in sincerity, of my own free will, and without constraint. should i happen to end my days amid the pleasures of the world, i will be buried in the cemetery of the house of the temple. i promise, through love of god, for the repose of my soul, and the souls of my parents, and of all the dead faithful in christ, to give to the aforesaid house of the temple and to the brethren, at my decease, my own horse, with two other saddle-horses, all my equipage and armour complete, as well iron as wood, fit for a knight, and a hundred marks of silver. moreover, in acknowledgement of this donation, i promise to give to the aforesaid house of the temple and to the brethren, as long as i lead a secular life, a hundred pennies a year at the feast of the nativity of our lord; and all the property of the aforesaid house, wheresoever situate, i take under my safeguard and protection, and will defend it in accordance with right and justice against all men. "this donation i have made in the presence of brother peter de montaigu, preceptor of spain; brother peter cadelli, preceptor of provence; and many other brothers of the order. "and we, brother peter de montaigu, master, with the advice and consent of the other brothers, receive you, the aforesaid lord william, count of fourcalquier, as a benefactor and brother (_in donatum et confratrem_) of our house, and grant you a bountiful participation in all the good works that are done in the house of the temple, both here and beyond sea. of this our grant are witnesses, of the brethren of the temple, brother william cadelli, preceptor of provence; brother bermond, preceptor of rue; the reverend brother chosoardi, preceptor of barles; brother jordan de mison, preceptor of embrun; brother g. de la tour, preceptor of the house of limaise. of laymen are witnesses, the lady countess, the mother of the aforesaid count; gerald, his brother, &c. &c."[ ] william of asheby in lincolnshire was admitted into this species of spiritual confraternity with the templars, as appears from the following grant to the order: "william of asheby, to all the barons and vavasors of lincolnshire, and to all his friends and neighbours, both french and english, salvation. be it known to all present and to come, that since the knights of the temple have received me into confraternity with them, and have taken me under their care and protection, i the said william have, with the consent of my brothers ingram, gerard, and jordan, given and granted to god and the blessed mary, and to the aforesaid knights of the temple, all the residue of my waste and heath land, over and above what i have confirmed to them by my previous grant ... &c. &c."[ ] by these curious arrangements with secular persons, the templars succeeded in attaching men of rank and influence to their interests, and in obtaining bountiful alms and donations, both of land and money. it is probable that the cross-legged monuments in the temple church were erected to the memory of secular warriors who had been admitted amongst the class of associated brethren of the temple, and had bequeathed their bodies to be buried in the temple cemetery. during the recent repairs it became necessary to make an extensive excavation in the round, and beneath these monumental effigies were found two enormous stone coffins, together with five leaden coffins curiously and beautifully ornamented with a device resembling the one observable on the old tesselated pavement of the church; and an arched vault, which had been formed in the inner circular foundation, supporting the clustered columns and the round tower. the leaden coffins had been inclosed in small vaults, the walls of which had perished. the skeletons within them were entire and undisturbed; they were enveloped in coarse sackcloth, which crumbled to dust on being touched. one of these skeletons measured six feet four inches in length, and another six feet two inches! the large stone coffins were of immense thickness and weight; they had long previously been broken open and turned into charnel-houses. in the one nearest the south window were found three skulls, and a variety of bones, amongst which were those of some young person. upon the lid, which was composed of purbeck marble, was a large and elegantly-shaped cross, beautifully sculptured, and in an excellent state of preservation. the vault constructed in the solid foundations of the pillars of the round tower, on the north side of the church, contained the remains of a skeleton wrapped in sackcloth; the skull and the upper part of it were in a good state of preservation, but the lower extremities had crumbled to dust. neither the number nor the position of the coffins below corresponded with the figures above, and it is quite clear that these last have been removed from their original position. in camden's britannia, the first edition of which was published in the th of eliz., a. d. , we are informed that many noblemen lie buried in the temple church, whose effigies are to be seen cross-legged, among whom were william the father, and william and gilbert his sons, earls of pembroke and marshals of england.[ ] stow, in his survey of london, the first edition of which was published a. d. , speaks of them as follows: "in the round walk (which is the west part without the quire) there remain monuments of noblemen there buried, to the number of eleven. _eight_ of them are images of armed knights; _five_ lying cross-legged, as men vowed to the holy land against the infidels and unbelieving jews, the other three straight-legged. the rest are coped stones, all of gray marble."[ ] a manuscript history of the temple in the inner temple library, written at the commencement of the reign of charles the first, tells us that "the crossed-legged images or portraitures remain in carved stone in _the middle of the round walke, environed with barres of iron_."[ ] and dugdale, in his origines juridiciales, published , thus describes them: "within a spacious _grate of iron in the midst of the round walk_ under the steeple, do lye _eight_ statues in military habits, each of them having large and deep shields on their left armes, of which _five_ are cross-legged. there are also three other gravestones lying about five inches above the level of the ground, on one of which is a large escocheon, with a lion rampant graven thereon."[ ] such is the ancient account of these monuments; now, however, _six_ instead of five cross-legged statues are to be seen, making _nine_ armed knights, whilst only _one_ coped gravestone remains. the effigies are no longer inclosed "within a spacious grate of iron," but are divided into two groups environed by iron railings, and are placed on either side of the entrance to the oblong portion of the church. whatever change was made in their original position appears to have been effected at the time that the church was so shamefully disfigured by the protestant lawyers, either in the year , when it was "thoroughly repaired," or in , when "the ornamental screen was set up in it;" inasmuch, as we are informed by a newspaper, called the flying post, of the date of the nd of january, , that roger gillingham, esq., treasurer of the middle temple, who died on the th of december, , æt. seventy, had the credit of facing the temple church with new portland stone, and of "_marshalling the knights templars in uniform order_."[ ] stow tells us that "the first of the crossed-legged was william marshall, the elder, earl of pembroke," but the effigy of that nobleman now stands the second; the additional figure appears to have been placed the first, and seems to have been brought from the western doorway and laid by the side of the others. during the recent restoration of the church, it was necessary to excavate the earth in every part of the round, and just beneath the pavement of the external circular aisle or portico environing the tower, was found a broken sarcophagus of purbeck marble, containing a skull and some bones apparently of very great antiquity; the upper surface of the sarcophagus was on a level with the ancient pavement; it had no mark or inscription upon it, and seemed originally to have been decorated with a monumental effigy. from two ancient manuscript accounts of the foundation of walden abbey, written by the monks of that great religious house, we learn that geoffrey de magnaville, earl of essex, the founder of it, being slain by an arrow, in the year , was taken by the knights templars to the old temple, that he was afterwards removed to the cemetery of the new temple, and that his body was buried in the portico before the western door of the church.[ ] the sarcophagus lately found in that position is of purbeck marble; so also is the first figure on the south side of the round, whilst nearly all the others are of common stone. the tablet whereon it rests had been grooved round the edges and polished; three sides were perfect, but the fourth had decayed away to the extent of six or seven inches. the sides of the marble sarcophagus had also been carefully smoothed and polished. the same thing was not observable amongst the other sarcophagi and figures. it must, moreover, be mentioned, that the first figure on the south side had no coffin of any description under it. we may, therefore, reasonably conclude, that this figure is the monumental effigy of geoffrey de magnaville, earl of essex. it represents an armed knight with his legs crossed,[ ] in token that he had assumed the cross, and taken a vow to fight in defence of the christian faith. his body is cased in chain mail, over which is worn a loose flowing garment confined to the waist by a girdle, his right arm is placed on his breast, and his left supports a long shield charged with rays on a diamond ground. on his right side hangs a ponderous sword of immense length, and his head, which rests on a stone cushion, is covered with an elegantly-shaped helmet. geoffrey de magnaville, earl of essex, to whose memory the above monument appears to have been erected, was one of the most violent of those "barons bold" who desolated england so fearfully during the reign of king stephen. he was the son of that famous soldier, geoffrey de magnaville, who fought so valiantly at the battle of hastings, and was endowed by the conqueror with one hundred and eighteen lordships in england. from his father william de magnaville, and his mother magaret, daughter and heiress of the great eudo dapifer, sir geoffrey inherited an immense estate in england and in normandy. on the accession of king stephen to the throne, he was made constable of the tower, and created earl of essex, and was sent by the king to the isle of ely to put down a rebellion which had been excited there by baldwin de rivers, and nigel bishop of ely.[ ] in a. d. , he founded the great abbey of walden in essex, which was consecrated by the bishops of london, ely, and norwich, in the presence of sir geoffrey, the lady roisia his wife, and all his principal tenants.[ ] for some time after the commencement of the war between stephen and the empress matilda for the succession to the throne, he remained faithful to the former, but after the fatal result of the bloody battle of lincoln, in which king stephen was taken prisoner, he, in common with most of the other barons, adhered to the party of matilda; and that princess, fully sensible of his great power and commanding influence, left no means untried to attach him permanently to her interests. she confirmed him in his post of constable of the tower; granted him the hereditary shrievalties of several counties, together with large estates and possessions both in england and in normandy, and invested him with numerous and important privileges.[ ] on the flight of the empress, however, and the discomfiture of her party, king stephen was released from prison, and an apparent reconciliation took place between him and his powerful vassal the earl of essex, but shortly afterward the king ventured upon the bold step of seizing and imprisoning the earl and his father-in-law, aubrey de vere, whilst they were unsuspectingly attending the court at saint alban's. the earl of essex was compelled to surrender the tower of london, and several of his strong castles, as the price of his freedom;[ ] but he was no sooner at liberty, than he collected together his vassals and adherents, and raised the standard of rebellion. he was joined by crowds of freebooters and needy adventurers, and soon found himself at the head of a powerful army. he laid waste the royal domains, pillaged the king's servants, and subsisted his followers upon plunder. he took and sacked the town of cambridge, laid waste the surrounding country, and stormed several royal castles. he was afterwards compelled to retreat for a brief period into the fens before a superior force led against him by king stephen in person. the most frightful excesses are said to have been committed by this potent earl. he sent spies, we are told, to beg from door to door, and discover where rich men dwelt, that he might seize them at night in their beds, throw them into dungeons, and compel the payment of a heavy ransom for their liberty.[ ] he got by water to ramsey, and entering the abbey of st. benedict at morning's dawn, surprised the monks asleep in their beds after the fatigue of nocturnal offices; he turned them out of their cells, filled the abbey with his soldiers, and made a fort of the church; he took away all the gold and silver vessels of the altar, the copes and vestments of the priests and singers ornamented with precious stones, and all the decorations of the church, and sold them for money to reward his soldiers.[ ] the monkish historians of the period speak with horror of these sacrilegious excesses. "he dared," says william, the monk of newburgh, who lived in the reign of king stephen, "to make that celebrated and holy place a robber's cave, and to turn the sanctuary of the lord into an abode of the devil. he infested all the neighbouring provinces with frequent incursions, and at length, emboldened by constant success, he alarmed and harassed king stephen himself by his daring attacks. he thus, indeed, raged madly, and it seemed as if the lord slept and cared no longer for human affairs, or rather his own, that is to say, ecclesiastical affairs, so that the pious labourers in christ's vineyard exclaimed, 'arise, o god, maintain thine own cause ... how long shall the adversary do this dishonour, how long shall the enemy blaspheme thy name?' but god, willing to make his power known, as the apostle saith, endured with much 'long-suffering the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction,' and at last smote his enemies in their hinder parts. it was discovered indeed, a short time before the destruction of this impious man, as we have learned from the true relation of many witnesses, that the walls of the church sweated pure blood,--a terrible manifestation, as it afterwards appeared, of the enormity of the crime, and of the speedy judgement of god upon the sinners."[ ] for this sacrilege and impiety sir geoffrey was excommunicated, but, deriding the spiritual thunders, he went and laid siege to the royal castle at burwell. after a successful attack which brought him to the foot of the rampart, he took off his helmet, it being summer-time and the weather hot, that he might breathe more freely, when a foot soldier belonging to the garrison shot an arrow from a loophole in the castle wall, and gave him a slight wound on the head; "which slight wound," says our worthy monk of newburgh, "although at first treated with derision, after a few days destroyed him, so that that most ferocious man, never having been absolved from the bond of the ecclesiastical curse, went to hell."[ ] peter de langtoft thus speaks of these evil doings of the earl of essex, in his curious poetic chronicle. "the abbay of rameseie bi nyght he robbed it the tresore bare aweie with hand thei myght on hit. abbot, and prior, and monk, thei did outchace, of holy kirke a toure to theft thei mad it place. roberd the marmion, the same wayes did he, he robbed thorgh treson the kirk of couentre. here now of their schame, what chance befelle, the story sais the same soth as the gospelle: geffrey of maundeuile to fele wrouh he wouh,[ ] the deuelle gald him his while with an arrowe him slouh. the gode bishop of chestre cursed this ilk geffrey, the lif out of his estre in cursing went away. arnulf his sonne was taken als thefe, and brouht in bond, before the kyng forsaken, and exiled out of his lond."[ ] the monks of walden tell us, that as the earl lay wounded on his sick couch, and felt the hand of death pressing heavy upon him, he bitterly repented of his evil deeds, and sought, but in vain, for ecclesiastical assistance. at last some knights templars came to him, and finding him humble and contrite, praying earnestly to god, and making what satisfaction he could for his past offences, they put on him the habit of their religion marked with the red cross. after he had expired, they carried the dead body with them to the old temple at london; but as the earl had died excommunicated, they durst not give him christian burial in consecrated ground, and they accordingly soldered him up in lead, and hung him on a crooked tree in their orchard.[ ] some years afterwards, through the exertions and at the expense of william, whom the earl had made prior of walden abbey, his absolution was obtained from pope alexander the third, so that his body was permitted to be received amongst christians, and the divine offices to be celebrated for him. the prior accordingly endeavoured to take down the corpse and carry it to walden; but the templars, being informed of his design, buried it in their own cemetery at the new temple,[ ] in the portico before the western door of the church.[ ] pope alexander, from whom the absolution was obtained, was elected to the pontifical chair in september, , and died in . it was this pontiff who, who by the bull _omne datum optimum_, promulgated in the year , conceded to the templars the privilege of having their own cemeteries free from the interference of the regular clergy. the land whereon the convent of the new temple was erected, was purchased soon after the publication of the above bull, and a cemetery was doubtless consecrated there for the brethren long before the completion of the church. to this cemetery the body of the earl was removed after the absolution had been obtained, and when the church was consecrated by the patriarch, (a. d. ,) it was finally buried in the portico before the west door. the monks of walden tell us that the above earl of essex was a religious man, endowed with many virtues.[ ] he was married to the famous roisia de vere, of the family of the earls of oxford, who in her old age led an ascetic life, and constructed for herself an extraordinary subterranean cell or oratory, which was curiously discovered towards the close of the last century.[ ] he had issue by this illustrious lady four sons, ernulph, geoffrey, william, and robert. ernulph was exiled as the accomplice of the father in his evil deeds, and geoffrey succeeded to the title and the estates. the second of the cross-legged figures on the south side, in the round of the temple church, is the monumental effigy of william marshall, earl of pembroke, earl marshall, and protector of england, during the minority of king henry the third, and one of the greatest of the warriors and statesmen who shine in english history. matthew paris describes his burial in the temple church in the year , and in camden's time, (a. d. ,) the inscription upon his monument was legible. "in altero horum tumulo," says camden, "literis fugientibus legi, _comes pembrochiæ_, et in latere, _miles eram martis, mars multos vicerat armis_."[ ] although no longer, ("the first of the cross-legged,") as described by stow, a. d. , yet tradition has always, since the days of roger gillingham, who moved these figures, pointed it out as "the monument of the protector," and the lion rampant, still plainly visible upon the shield, was the armorial bearing of the marshalls. this interesting monumental effigy is carved in a common kind of stone, called by the masons fire-stone. it represents an armed warrior clothed from head to foot in chain mail; he is in the act of sheathing a sword which hangs on his left side; his legs are crossed, and his feet, which are armed with spurs, rest on a _lion couchant_. over his armour is worn a loose garment, confined to the waist by a girdle, and from his left arm hangs suspended a shield, having a lion rampant engraved thereon. the greater part of the sword has been broken away and lost, which has given rise to the supposition that he is sheathing a dagger. the head is defended by a round helmet, and rests on a stone pillow. the family of the marshalls derived their name from the hereditary office of earl marshall, which they held under the crown. the above william marshall was the son and heir of john marshall, earl of strigul, and was the faithful and constant supporter of the royal house of plantagenet. when the young prince henry, eldest son of king henry the second, was on his deathbed at the castle of martel near turenne, he gave to him, as his best friend, his cross to carry to jerusalem.[ ] on the return of william marshall from the holy city, he was present at the coronation of richard coeur de lion, and bore on that occasion the royal sceptre of gold surmounted by a cross.[ ] king richard the same year gave him in marriage isabel de clare, the only child and heiress of richard de clare, earl of pembroke, surnamed strongbow, and granted him with this illustrious lady the earldom of pembroke.[ ] the year following (a. d. ) he became one of the sureties for the performance by king richard of his part of the treaty entered into with the king of france for the accomplishment of the crusade to the holy land, and on the departure of king richard for the far east he was appointed by that monarch one of the council for the government of the kingdom during his absence.[ ] from the year to he was sheriff of lincolnshire, and was after that sheriff of sussex, and held that office during the whole of king richard's reign. he attended coeur de lion in his expedition to normandy, and on the death of that monarch by the hand of bertram, the cross-bow-man, before the walls of castle chaluz, he was sent over to england to keep the peace of the kingdom until the arrival of king john. in conjunction with hubert, archbishop of canterbury, he caused the freemen of england, both of the cities and boroughs, and most of the earls, barons, and free tenants, to swear fealty to john.[ ] on the arrival of the latter in england he was constituted sheriff of gloucestershire and of sussex, and was shortly afterwards sent into normandy at the head of a large body of forces. he commanded in the famous battle fought a. d. before the fortress of mirabel, in which the unfortunate prince arthur and his lovely sister eleanor, "the pearl of brittany," were taken prisoners, together with the earl of march, most of the nobility of poictou and anjou, and two hundred french knights, who were ignominiously put into fetters, and sent away in carts to normandy. this battle was followed, as is well known, by the mysterious death of prince arthur, who is said to have been murdered by king john himself, whilst the beautiful eleanor, nicknamed _la bret_, who, after the death of her brother, was the next heiress to the crown of england, was confined in close custody in bristol castle, where she remained a prisoner for life. at the head of four thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry, the earl marshall attempted to relieve the fortress of chateau gaillard, which was besieged by philip king of france, but failed in consequence of the non-arrival of seventy flat-bottomed vessels, whose progress up the river seine had been retarded by a strong contrary wind.[ ] for his fidelity and services to the crown he was rewarded with numerous manors, lands, and castles, both in england and in normandy, with the whole province of leinster in ireland, and he was made governor of the castles of caermerden, cardigan, and coher. in the year he was sent ambassador to paris, and on his return he continued to be the constant and faithful attendant of the english monarch. he was one of the witnesses to the surrender by king john at temple ewell of his crown and kingdom to the pope,[ ] and when the barons' war broke out he was the constant mediator and negotiator between the king and his rebellious subjects, enjoying the confidence and respect of both parties. when the armed barons came to the temple, where king john resided, to demand the liberties and laws of king edward, he became surety for the performance of the king's promise to satisfy their demands. he was afterwards deputed to inquire what these laws and liberties were, and after having received at stamford the written demands of the barons, he urged the king to satisfy them. failing in this, he returned to stamford to explain the king's denial, and the barons' war then broke out. he afterwards accompanied king john to the tower, and when the barons entered london he was sent to announce the submission of the king to their desires. shortly afterwards he attended king john to runnymede, in company with brother americ, the master of the temple, and at the earnest request of these two exalted personages, king john was at last induced to sign magna charta.[ ] on the death of that monarch, in the midst of a civil war and a foreign invasion, he assembled the loyal bishops and barons of the land at gloucester, and by his eloquence, talents, and address, secured the throne for king john's son, the young prince henry.[ ] the greater part of england was at that time in the possession of prince louis, the dauphin of france, who had landed with a french army at sandwich, and was supported by the late king's rebellious barons in a claim to the throne. pembroke was chosen guardian and protector of the young king and of the kingdom, and exerted himself with great zeal and success in driving out the french, and in bringing back the english to their antient allegiance.[ ] he offered pardon in the king's name to the disaffected barons for their past offences. he confirmed, in the name of the youthful sovereign, magna charta and the charta forestÆ; and as the great seal had been lost by king john, together with all his treasure, in the washes of lincolnshire, the deeds of confirmation were sealed with the seal of the earl marshall.[ ] he also extended the benefit of magna charta to ireland, and commanded all the sheriffs to read it publicly at the county courts, and enforce its observance in every particular. having thus exerted himself to remove the just complaints of the disaffected, he levied a considerable army, and having left the young king at bristol, he proceeded to lay siege to the castle of mountsorel in leicestershire, which was in the possession of the french. prince louis had, in the mean time, despatched an army of twenty thousand men, officered by six hundred knights, from london against the northern counties. these mercenaries stormed various strong castles, despoiled the towns, villages, and religious houses, and laid waste the open country. the protector concentrated all his forces at newarke, and on whit-monday, a. d. , he marched at their head, accompanied by his eldest son and the young king, to raise the siege of lincoln castle. on arriving at stow he halted his army, and leaving the youthful monarch and the royal family at that place under the protection of a strong guard, he proceeded with the remainder of his forces to lincoln. on saturday in whitsun week (a. d. ) he gained a complete victory over the disaffected english and their french allies, and gave a deathblow to the hopes and prospects of the dauphin. four earls, eleven barons, and four hundred knights, were taken prisoners, besides common soldiers innumerable. the earl of perch, a frenchman, was slain whilst manfully defending himself in a churchyard, having previously had his horse killed under him. the rebel force lost all their baggage, provisions, treasure, and the spoil which they had accumulated from the plunder of the northern provinces, among which were many valuable gold and silver vessels torn from the churches and the monasteries. as soon as the fate of the day was decided, the protector rode back to the young king at stow, and was the first to communicate the happy intelligence of his victory.[ ] he then marched upon london, where prince louis and his adherents had fortified themselves, and leaving a corps of observation in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, he proceeded to take possession of all the eastern counties. having received intelligence of the concentration of a french fleet at calais to make a descent upon the english coast, he armed the ships of the cinque ports, and, intercepting the french vessels, he gained a brilliant victory over a much superior naval force of the enemy.[ ] by his valour and military talents he speedily reduced the french prince to the necessity of suing for peace.[ ] on the th of september a personal interview took place between the latter and the protector at staines near london, and it was agreed that the prince and all the french forces should immediately evacuate the country. having thus rescued england from the danger of a foreign yoke, and having established tranquillity throughout the country, and secured the young king henry in the peaceable and undisputed possession of the throne, he died (a. d. ) at caversham, leaving behind him, says matthew paris, such a reputation as few could compare with. his dead body was, in the first instance, conveyed to the abbey at reading, where it was received by the monks in solemn procession. it was placed in the choir of the church, and high mass was celebrated with vast pomp. on the following day it was brought to westminster abbey, where high mass was again performed; and from thence it was borne in state to the temple church, where it was solemnly interred on ascension-day, a. d. .[ ] matthew paris tells us that the following epitaph was composed to the memory of the above distinguished nobleman:-- "sum quem saturnum sibi sensit hibernia, solem anglia, mercurium normannia, gallia martem." for he was, says he, always the tamer of the mischievous irish, the honour and glory of the english, the negotiator of normandy, in which he transacted many affairs, and a warlike and invincible soldier in france. the inscription upon his tomb was, in camden's time, almost illegible, as before mentioned, and the only verse that could be read was, "miles eram martis mars multos vicerat armis." all the historians of the period speak in the highest terms of the earl of pembroke as a warrior[ ] and a statesman, and concur in giving him a noble character. shakspeare, consequently, in his play of king john, represents him as the eloquent intercessor in behalf of the unfortunate prince arthur. surrounded by the nobles, he thus addresses the king on his throne-- "pembroke. i (as one that am the tongue of these, to sound the purposes of all their hearts,) both for myself and them, (but, chief of all, your safety, for the which myself and them bend their best studies,) heartily request the enfranchisement of arthur; whose restraint doth move the murmuring lips of discontent to break into this dangerous argument,-- if, what in rest you have, in right you hold, why then your fears, (which, as they say, attend the steps of wrong,) should move you to mew up your tender kinsman, and to choke his days with barbarous ignorance, and deny his youth the rich advantage of good exercise? that the time's enemies may not have this to grace occasions, let it be our suit that you have bid us ask his liberty; which for our goods we do no further ask, than whereupon our weal, on you depending. counts it your weal, he have his liberty." afterwards, when he is shown the dead body of the unhappy prince, he exclaims-- "o death, made proud with pure and princely beauty! the earth had not a hole to hide this deed. * * * * * all murders past do stand excused in this: and this, so sole, and so unmatchable, shall give a holiness, a purity, to the yet unbegotten sin of times, and prove a deadly bloodshed but a jest, exampled by this heinous spectacle." this illustrious nobleman was a great benefactor to the templars. he granted them the advowsons of the churches of spenes, castelan-embyan, together with eighty acres of land in eschirmanhir.[ ] by the side of the earl of pembroke, towards the northern windows of the round of the temple church, reposes a youthful warrior, clothed in armour of chain mail; he has a long buckler on his left arm, and his hands are pressed together in supplication upon his breast. this is the monumental effigy of robert lord de ros, and is the most elegant and interesting in appearance of all the cross-legged figures in the temple church. the head is uncovered, and the countenance, which is youthful, has a remarkably pleasing expression, and is graced with long and flowing locks of curling hair. on the left side of the figure is a ponderous sword, and the armour of the legs has a ridge or seam up the front, which is continued over the knee, and forms a kind of garter below the knee. the feet are trampling on a lion, and the legs are crossed in token that the warrior was one of those military enthusiasts who so strangely mingled religion and romance, "whose exploits form the connecting link between fact and fiction, between history and the fairy tale." it has generally been thought that this interesting figure is intended to represent a genuine knight templar clothed in the habit of his order, and the loose garment or surcoat thrown over the ring-armour, and confined to the waist by a girdle, has been described as "a flowing mantle with a kind of _cowl_." this supposed cowl is nothing more than a fold of the chain mail, which has been covered with a thick coating of paint. the mantle is the common surcoat worn by the secular warriors of the day, and is not the habit of the temple. moreover, the long curling hair manifests that the warrior whom it represents could not have been a templar, as the brethren of the temple were required to cut their hair close, and they wore long beards. in an antient genealogical account of the ros family,[ ] written at the commencement of the reign of henry the eighth, a. d. , two centuries after the abolition of the order of the temple, it is stated that robert lord de ros became a templar, and was buried at london. the writer must have been mistakened, as that nobleman remained in possession of his estates up to the day of his death, and his eldest son, after his decease, had livery of his lands, and paid his fine to the king in the usual way, which would not have been the case if the lord de ros had entered into the order of the temple. he was doubtless an associate or honorary member of the fraternity, and the circumstance of his being buried in the temple church probably gave rise to the mistake. the shield of his monumental effigy is charged with three water bougets, the armorial ensigns of his family, similar to those observable in the north aisle of westminster abbey. robert lord de ros, in consequence of the death of his father in the prime of life, succeeded to his estates at the early age of thirteen, and in the second year of the reign of richard coeur de lion, (a. d. ,) he paid a fine of one thousand marks, (£ , _s._ _d._,) to the king for livery of his lands. in the eighth year of the same king, he was charged with the custody of _hugh de chaumont_, an illustrious french prisoner of war, and was commanded to keep him _safe as his own life_. he, however, devolved the duty upon his servant, william de spiney, who, being bribed, suffered the frenchman to escape from the castle of bonville, in consequence whereof the lord de ros was compelled by king richard to pay eight hundred pounds, the ransom of the prisoner, and william de spiney was executed.[ ] on the accession of king john to the throne, the lord de ros was in high favour at court, and received by grant from that monarch the barony of his ancestor, walter l'espec. he was sent into scotland with letters of safe conduct to the king of scots, to enable that monarch to proceed to england to do homage, and during his stay in scotland he fell in love with isabella, the beautiful daughter of the scottish king, and demanded and obtained her hand in marriage. he attended her royal father on his journey into england to do homage to king john, and was present at the interview between the two monarchs on the hill near lincoln, when the king of scotland swore fealty on the cross of hubert archbishop of canterbury, in the presence of the nobility of both kingdoms, and a vast concourse of spectators.[ ] from his sovereign the lord de ros obtained various privileges and immunities, and in the year he was made sheriff of cumberland. he was at first faithful to king john, but, in common with the best and bravest of the nobles of the land, he afterwards shook off his allegiance, raised the standard of rebellion, and was amongst the foremost of those bold patriots who obtained magna charta. he was chosen one of the twenty-five conservators of the public liberties, and engaged to compel john to observe the great charter.[ ] he infant prince henry, through the influence and persuasions of the earl of pembroke, the protector,[ ] and he received from the youthful monarch various marks of the royal favour. he died in the eleventh year of the reign of the young king henry the third, (a. d. ,) and was buried in the temple church.[ ] the above lord de ros was a great benefactor to the templars. he granted them the manor of ribstane, and the advowson of the church; the ville of walesford, and all his windmills at that place; the ville of hulsyngore, with the wood and windmill there; also all his land at cattall, and various tenements in conyngstreate, york.[ ] weever has evidently misapplied the inscription seen on the antient monument of brother constance hover, the visitor-general of the order of the temple, to the above nobleman. as regards the remaining monumental effigies in the temple church, it appears utterly impossible at this distance of time to identify them, as there are no armorial bearings on their shields, or aught that can give us a clue to their history. there can be no doubt but that two of the figures are intended to represent william marshall, junior, and gilbert marshall, both earls of pembroke, and sons of the protector. matthew paris tells us that these noblemen were buried by the side of their father in the temple church, and their identification would consequently have been easy but for the unfortunate removal of the figures from their original situations by the immortal _roger gillingham_. next to the lord de ros reposes a stern warrior, with both his arms crossed on his breast. he has a plain wreath around his head, and his shield, which has no armorial bearings, is slung on his left arm. by the side of this figure is a coaped stone, which formed the lid of an antient sarcophagus. the ridges upon it represent a cross, the top of which terminates in a trefoil, whilst the foot rests on the head of a lamb. from the middle of the shaft of the cross issue two fleurets or leaves. as the lamb was the emblem of the order of the temple, it is probable that the sarcophagus to which this coaped stone belonged, contained the dead body either of one of the masters, or of one of the visitors-general of the templars. of the figures in the northernmost group of monumental effigies in the temple church, only two are cross-legged. the first figure on the south side of the row, which is straight-legged, holds a drawn sword in its right hand pointed towards the ground; the feet are supported by a leopard, and the cushion under the head is adorned with sculptured foliage and flowers. the third figure has the sword suspended on the right side, and the hands are joined in a devotional attitude upon the breast. the fourth has a spirited appearance. it represents a cross-legged warrior in the act of drawing a sword, whilst he is at the same time trampling a dragon under his feet. it is emblematical of the religious soldier conquering the enemies of the christian church. the next and last monumental effigy, which likewise has its legs crossed, is similar in dress and appearance to the others; the right arm reposes on the breast, and the left hand rests on the sword. these two last figures, which correspond in character, costume, and appearance, may perhaps be the monumental effigies of william and gilbert marshall, the two sons of the protector. william marshall, commonly called the younger, was one of the bold and patriotic barons who compelled king john to sign magna charta. he was appointed one of the twenty-five conservators of the public liberties, and was one of the chief leaders and promoters of the barons' war, being a party to the covenant for holding the city and tower of london.[ ] on the death of king john, his father the protector brought him over to the cause of the young king henry, the rightful heir to the throne, whom he served with zeal and fidelity. he was a gallant soldier, and greatly distinguished himself in a campaign in wales. he overthrew prince llewellyn in battle with the loss of eight thousand men, and laid waste the dominions of that prince with fire and sword.[ ] for these services he had scutage of all his tenants in _twenty counties in england_! he was made governor of the castles of cardigan and carmarthen, and received various marks of royal favour. in the fourteenth year of the reign of king henry the third, he was made captain-general of the king's forces in brittany, and, whilst absent in that country, a war broke out in ireland, whereupon he was sent to that kingdom with a considerable army to restore tranquillity. he married eleanor, the daughter of king john by the beautiful isabella of angoulême, and he was consequently the brother-in-law of the young king henry the third.[ ] he died without issue, a. d. , ( hen. iii.,) and on the th of april he was buried in the temple church at london, by the side of his father the protector. he was greatly beloved by king henry the third, who attended his funeral, and matthew paris tells us, that when the king saw the dead body covered with the mournful pall, he heaved a deep sigh, and was greatly affected.[ ] the manors, castles, estates, and possessions of this powerful nobleman in england, wales, ireland, and normandy, were immense. he gave extensive forest lands to the monks of tinterne in wales; he founded the monastery of friars preachers in dublin, and to the templars he gave the church of westone with all its appurtenances, and granted and confirmed to them the borough of baudac, the estate of langenache, with various lands, windmills, and _villeins_ of the soil.[ ] gilbert marshall, earl of pembroke, brother to the above, and third son of the protector, succeeded to the earldom and the vast estates of his ancestors on the melancholy murder in ireland of his gallant brother richard, "the flower of the chivalry of that time," (a. d. .) the year after his accession to the title he married margaret, the daughter of the king of scotland, who is described by matthew paris as "a most elegant girl,"[ ] and received with her a splendid dowry. in the year he assumed the cross, and joined the king's brother, the earl of cornwall, in the promotion of a crusade to the holy land. matthew paris gives a long account of an absurd quarrel which broke out between this earl of pembroke and king henry the third, when the latter was eating his christmas dinner at winchester, in the year .[ ] at a great meeting of crusaders at northampton, he took a solemn oath upon the high altar of the church of all saints to proceed without delay to palestine to fight against the enemies of the cross;[ ] but his intentions were frustrated by the hand of death. at a tournament held at ware, a. d. , he was thrown from his horse, and died a few hours afterwards at the monastery at hertford. his entrails were buried in the church of the virgin at that place, but his body was brought up to london, accompanied by all his family, and was interred in the temple church by the side of his father and eldest brother.[ ] the above gilbert marshall granted to the templars the church of weston, the borough of baldok, lands and houses at roydon, and the wood of langnoke.[ ] all the five sons of the elder marshall, the protector, died without issue in the reign of henry the third, and the family became extinct. they followed one another to the grave in regular succession, so that each attained for a brief period to the dignity of the earldom, and to the hereditary office of earl marshall. matthew paris accounts for the melancholy extinction of this noble and illustrious family in the following manner. he tells us that the elder marshall, the protector, during a campaign in ireland, seized the lands of the reverend bishop of fernes, and kept possession of them in spite of a sentence of excommunication which was pronounced against him. after the protector had gone the way of all flesh, and had been buried in the temple church, the reverend bishop came to london, and mentioned the circumstance to the king, telling him that the earl of pembroke had certainly died excommunicated. the king was much troubled and alarmed at this intelligence, and besought the bishop to go to the earl's tomb and absolve him from the bond of excommunication, promising the bishop that he would endeavour to procure him ample satisfaction. so anxious, indeed, was king henry for the safety of the soul of his quondam guardian, that he accompanied the bishop in person to the temple church; and matthew paris declares that the bishop, standing by the tomb in the presence of the king, and in the hearing of many bystanders, pronounced these words: "o william, who lyest here interred, and held fast by the chain of excommunication, if those lands which thou hast unjustly taken away from my church be rendered back to me by the king, or by your heir, or by any of your family, and if due satisfaction be made for the loss and injury i have sustained, i grant you absolution; but if not, i confirm my previous sentence, so that, enveloped in your sins, you stand for evermore condemned to hell!" the restitution was never made, and the indignant bishop pronounced this further curse, in the words of the psalmist: "his name shall be rooted out in one generation, and his sons shall be deprived of the blessing, increase and multiply; some of them shall die a miserable death; their inheritance shall be scattered; and this thou, o king, shall behold in thy lifetime, yea, in the days of thy flourishing youth." matthew paris dwells with great solemnity on the remarkable fulfilment of this dreadful prophecy, and declares that when the oblong portion of the temple church was consecrated, the body of the protector was found entire, sewed up in a bull's hide, but in a state of putridity, and disgusting in appearance.[ ] it will be observed that the dates of the burial of the above nobleman, as mentioned by matthew paris and other authorities, are as follow:--william marshall the elder, a. d. ; lord de ros, a. d. ; william marshall the younger, a. d. ; all before the consecration of the oblong portion of the church. gilbert marshall, on the other hand, was buried a. d. , the year after that ceremony had taken place. those, therefore, who suppose that the monumental effigies of the marshall originally stood in the eastern part of the building, are mistaken. amongst the many distinguished persons interred in the temple church is william plantagenet, the fifth son of henry the third, who died a. d. , under age.[ ] the greatest desire was manifested by all classes of persons to be buried in the cemetery of the templars. king henry the third provided for his own interment in the temple by a formal instrument couched in the following pious and reverential terms:-- "to all faithful christians to whom these presents shall come, henry by the grace of god king of england, lord of ireland, duke of normandy and aquitaine, and count of anjou, salvation. be it known to all of you, that we, being of sound mind and free judgment, and desiring with pious forethought to extend our regards beyond the passing events of this life, and to determine the place of our sepulture, have, on account of the love we bear to the order and to the brethren of the chivalry of the temple, given and granted, after this life's journey has drawn to a close, and we have gone the way of all flesh, our body to god and the blessed virgin mary, and to the house of the chivalry of the temple at london, to be there buried, expecting and hoping that through our lord and saviour it will greatly contribute to the salvation of our soul.... we desire that our body, when we have departed this life, may be carried to the aforesaid house of the chivalry of the temple, and be there decently buried as above mentioned.... as witness the venerable father r., bishop of hereford, &c. given by the hand of the venerable father edmund, bishop of chichester, our chancellor, at gloucester, the th of july, in the nineteenth year of our reign."[ ] queen eleanor also provided in a similar manner for her interment in the temple church, the formal instrument being expressed to be made with the consent and approbation of her lord, henry the illustrious king of england, who had lent a willing ear to her prayers upon the subject.[ ] these sepulchral arrangements, however, were afterwards altered, and the king by his will directed his body to be buried as follows:--"i will that my body be buried in the church of the blessed edward at westminster, there being no impediment, having formerly appointed my body to be buried in the new temple."[ ] chapter xiii. the temple. antiquities in the temple--the history of the place subsequent to the dissolution of the order of the knights templars--the establishment of a society of lawyers in the temple--the antiquity of this society--its connexion with the antient society of the knights templars--an order of knights and serving brethren established in the law--the degree of _frere serjen_, or _frater serviens_, borrowed from the antient templars--the modern templars divide themselves into the two societies of the inner and middle temple. "those bricky towers, the which on themme's brode aged back do ride, where now the studious lawyers have their bowers; there whilom wont the templer knights to bide, till they decayed thro' pride." there are but few remains of the antient knights templars now existing in the temple beyond the church. the present inner temple hall was their antient hall, but it has at different periods been so altered and repaired as to have lost every trace and vestige of antiquity. in the year it was almost entirely rebuilt, and the following extract from "the report and observations of the treasurer on the late repairs of the inner temple hall" may prove interesting, as showing the state of the edifice previous to that period. "from the proportions, the state of decay, the materials of the eastern and southern walls, the buttresses of the southern front, the pointed form of the roof and arches, and the rude sculpture on the two doors of public entrance, the hall is evidently of very great antiquity.... the northern wall appears to have been rebuilt, except at its two extremities, in modern times, but on the old foundations.... the roof was found to be in a very decayed and precarious state; many timbers were totally rotten. it appeared to have undergone reparation at three separate periods of time, at each of which timber had been unnecessarily added, so as finally to accumulate a weight which had protruded the northern and southern walls. it became, therefore, indispensable to remove all the timber of the roof, and to replace it in a lighter form. on removing the old wainscoting of the western wall, a perpendicular crack of considerable height and width was discovered, which threatened at any moment the fall of that extremity of the building with its superincumbent roof.... the turret of the clock and the southern front of the hall are only cased with stone; this was done in the year , and very ill executed. the structure of the turret, composed of chalk, rag-stone, and rubble, (the same material as the walls of the church,) seems to be very antient.... the wooden cupola of the bell was so decayed as to let in the rain, and was obliged to be renewed in a form to agree with the other parts of the southern front." "notwithstanding the gothic character of the building, in the year , during the treasurership of sir thomas robinson, prothonotary of c. b., a grecian screen of the doric order was erected, surmounted by lions' heads, cones, and other incongruous devices." "in the year , during the treasurership of john blencowe, esq., low windows of roman architecture were formed in the southern front." "the dates of such innovations appear from inscriptions with the respective treasurers' names." this antient hall formed the far-famed refectory of the knights templars, and was the scene of their proud and sumptuous hospitality. within its venerable walls they at different periods entertained king john, king henry the third, the haughty legates of roman pontiffs, and the ambassadors of foreign powers. the old custom, alluded to by matthew paris,[ ] of hanging around the wall the shields and armorial devices of the antient knights, is still preserved, and each succeeding treasurer of the temple still continues to hoist his coat of arms on the wall, as in the high and palmy days of the warlike monks of old. at the west end of the hall are considerable remains of the antient convent of the knights templars. a groined gothic arch of the same style of architecture as the oldest part of the temple church forms the ceiling of the present buttery, and in the apartment beyond is a groined vaulted ceiling of great beauty. the ribs of the arches in both rooms are elegantly moulded, but are sadly disfigured with a thick coating of plaster and barbarous whitewash. in the cellars underneath these rooms are some old walls of immense thickness, the remains of an antient window, a curious fireplace, and some elegant pointed gothic arches corresponding with the ceilings above; but they are now, alas! shrouded in darkness, choked with modern brick partitions and staircases, and soiled with the damp and dust of many centuries. these interesting remains form an upper and an under story, the floor of the upper story being on a level with the floor of the hall, and the floor of the under story on a level with the terrace on the south side thereof. they were formerly connected with the church by means of a covered way or cloister, which ran at right angles with them over the site of the present cloister-chambers, and communicated with the upper and under story of the chapel of st. anne, which formerly stood on the south side of the church. by means of this corridor and chapel the brethren of the temple had private access to the church for the performance of their strict religious duties, and of their secret ceremonies of admitting novices to the vows of the order. in jac. i. a. d. , some brick buildings three stories high were erected over this antient cloister by francis tate, esq., and being burnt down a few years afterwards, the interesting covered way which connected the church with the antient convent was involved in the general destruction, as appears from the following inscription upon the present buildings: "vetustissima templariorum porticu igne consumta, anno , nova hÆc, sumptibus medii templi extructa anno gulielmo whitelocke armigero, thesaurario. "the very antient portico of the templars being consumed by fire in the year , these new buildings were erected at the expense of the middle temple in the year , william whitlock, esq., being treasurer." the cloisters of the templars formed the medium of communication between the hall, the church, and the cells of the serving brethren of the order.[ ] during the formation of the present new entrance into the temple by the church, at the bottom of the inner temple-lane, a considerable portion of the brickwork of the old houses was pulled down, and an antient wall of great thickness was disclosed. it was composed of chalk, rag-stone, and rubble, exactly resembling the walls of the church. it ran in a direction east and west, and appeared to have formed the extreme northern boundary of the old convent. the site of the remaining buildings of the antient temple cannot now be determined with certainty. the mansion-house, (_mansum novi templi_,) the residence of the master and knights, who were lodged separately from the serving brethren and ate at a separate table, appears to have stood at the east end of the hall, on the site of the present library and apartments of the masters of the bench. the proud and powerful knights templars were succeeded in the occupation of the temple by a body of learned lawyers, who took possession of the old hall and the gloomy cells of the military monks, and converted the chief house of their order into the great and most antient common law university of england. for more than five centuries the retreats of the religious warriors have been devoted to "the studious and eloquent pleaders of causes," a new kind of templars, who, as fuller quaintly observes, now "defend one christian from another as the old ones did christians from pagans." the modern templars have been termed _milites justitiæ_, or "_soldiers of justice_," for, as john of salisbury, a writer of the twelfth century, saith, "neque reipublicæ militant soli illi, qui galeis thoracisque muniti in hostes exercent tela quælibet, sed et patroni causarum, qui lapsa erigunt, fatigata reparant, nec minus provident humano generi, quam si laborantium vitam, spem, posterosque, armorum præsidio, ab hostibus tuerentur." "they do not alone fight for the state who, panoplied in helmets and breastplates, wield the sword and the dart against the enemy, for the pleaders of causes, who redress wrongs, who raise up the oppressed, do protect and provide for the human race as much as if they were to defend the lives, fortunes, and families of industrious citizens with the sword."[ ] "besides encounters at the bar are braver now than those in war, in which the law does execution with less disorder and confusion; has more of honour in't, some hold, not like the new way, but the old, when those the pen had drawn together decided quarrels with the feather, and winged arrows killed as dead, and more than bullets now of lead: so all their combats now, as then, are managed chiefly by the pen; that does the feat, with braver vigours, in words at length, as well as figures." the settlement of the lawyers in the temple was brought about in the following manner. on the imprisonment of the knights templars, the chief house of the order in london, in common with the other property of the military monks, was seized into the king's hands, and was committed to the care of james le botiller and william de basing, who, on the th of december, a. d. , were commanded to hand it over to the sheriffs of london, to be taken charge of by them.[ ] two years afterwards the temple was granted to that powerful nobleman, aymer de valence, earl of pembroke, who had been one of the leaders of the baronial conspiracy against piers gavaston.[ ] as thomas earl of lancaster, however, claimed the temple by escheat as the immediate lord of the fee, the earl of pembroke, on the rd of oct., a. d. , at the request of the king, and in consideration of other lands being granted to him by his sovereign, remised and released all his right and title therein to lancaster.[ ] this earl of lancaster was cousin-german to the english monarch, and first prince of the blood; he was the most powerful and opulent subject of the kingdom, being possessed of no less than six earldoms, with a proportionable estate in land, and at the time that the temple was added to his numerous other possessions he was at the head of the government, and ruled both the king and country as president of the council. in an antient ms. account of the temple, formerly belonging to lord somers and afterwards to nicholls, the celebrated antiquary, apparently written by a member of the inner temple, it is stated that the lawyers "made composition with the earl of lancaster for a lodging in the temple, and so came hither, and have continued here ever since." that this was the case appears highly probable from various circumstances presently noticed. the earl of lancaster held the temple rather more than six years and a half. when the king's attachment for hugh le despenser, another favourite, was declared, he raised the standard of rebellion. he marched with his forces against london, gave law to the king and parliament, and procured a sentence of attainder and perpetual exile against hugh le despenser. the fortune of war, however, soon turned against him. he was defeated, and conducted a prisoner to his own castle of pontefract, where king edward sat in judgment upon him, and sentenced him to be hung, drawn, and quartered, as a rebel and a traitor. the same day he was clothed in mean attire, was placed on a lean jade without a bridle, a hood was put on his head, and in this miserable condition he was led through the town of pontefract to the place of execution, in front of his own castle.[ ] a few days afterwards, the king, whilst he yet tarried at ponfract, granted the temple to aymer de valence, earl of pembroke, by a royal charter couched in the following terms:-- "edward by the grace of god, king, &c., to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, barons, justiciaries, &c. &c., health. know that on account of the good and laudable service which our beloved kinsman and faithful servant aymer de valence hath rendered and will continue to render to us, we have given and granted, and by our royal charter have confirmed to the said earl, the mansion-house and messuage called the new temple in the suburb of london, with the houses, rents, and all other things to the same mansion-house and messuage belonging, formerly the property of the templars, and afterwards of thomas earl of lancaster, our enemy and rebel, and which, by the forfeiture of the same thomas, have come into our hands by way of escheat, to be had and holden by the same aymer and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, of us and our heirs, and the other chief lords of the fee, by the same services as those formerly rendered; but if the said aymer shall die without heirs of his body lawfully begotten, then the said mansion-house, messuage, &c. &c., shall revert to us and our heirs."[ ] rather more than a year after the date of this grant, aymer de valence was murdered. he had accompanied queen isabella to the court of her father, the king of france, and was there slain (june rd, a. d. ) by one of the english fugitives of the lancastrian faction, in revenge for the death of the earl of lancaster, whose destruction he was believed to have compassed. his dead body was brought over to england, and buried in westminster abbey at the head of edmund crouchback, earl of lancaster. he left no issue, and the temple, consequently, once more reverted to the crown.[ ] it was now granted to hugh le despenser the younger, the king's favourite, at the very time that the act of parliament ( edward ii.) was passed, conferring all the lands of the templars upon the hospitallers of st. john.[ ] hugh le despenser, in common with the other barons, paid no attention to the parliament, and held the temple till the day of his death, which happened soon after, for on the th of september, a. d. , queen isabella landed in england with the remains of the lancastrian faction; and after driving her own husband, edward the second, from the throne, she seized the favourite, and caused him instantly to be condemned to death. on st. andrew's eve he was led out to execution; they put on him his surcoat of arms reversed, a crown of nettles was placed on his head, and on his vestment they wrote six verses of the psalm, beginning, _quid gloriaris in malitiâ_.[ ] after which he was hanged on a gallows eighty feet high, and was then beheaded, drawn, and quartered. his head was sent to london, and stuck upon the bridge; and of the four quarters of his body, one was sent to york, another to bristol, another to carlisle, and the fourth to dover.[ ] thus perished the last private possessor of the temple at london. the young prince, edward the third, now ascended the throne, leaving his parent, the dethroned edward the second, to the tender mercies of the gaolers of berkeley castle. he seized the temple, as forfeited to him by the attainder of hugh le despenser, and committed it to the keeping of the mayor of london, his escheator in the city. the mayor, as guardian of the temple, took it into his head to close the gate leading to the waterside, which stood at the bottom of the present middle temple lane, whereby the lawyers were much incommoded in their progress backwards and forwards from the temple to westminster. complaints were made to the king on the subject, who, on the nd day of november, in the third year of his reign, wrote as follows to the mayor: "the king to the mayor of london, his escheator[ ] in the same city. "since we have been given to understand that there ought to be a free passage through the court of the new temple at london to the river thames, for our justices, clerks, and others, who may wish to pass by water to westminster to transact their business, and that you keep the gate of the temple shut by day, and so prevent those same justices, clerks of ours, and other persons, from passing through the midst of the said court to the waterside, whereby as well our own affairs as those of our people in general are oftentimes greatly hindered, we command you, that you keep the gates of the said temple open by day, so that our justices and clerks, and other persons who wish to go by water to westminster, may be able so to do by the way to which they have hitherto been accustomed. "witness ourself at kenilworth, the nd day of november, and third year of our reign."[ ] the following year the king again wrote to the mayor, his escheator in the city of london, informing him that he had been given to understand that the bridge in the said court of the temple, leading to the river, was so broken and decayed, that his clerks and law officers, and others, could no longer get across it, and were consequently prevented from passing by water to westminster. "we therefore," he proceeds, "being desirous of providing such a remedy as we ought for this evil, command you to do whatever repairs are necessary to the said bridge, and to defray the cost thereof out of the proceeds of the lands and rents appertaining to the said temple now in your custody; and when we shall have been informed of the things done in the matter, the expense shall be allowed you in your account of the same proceeds. "witness ourself at westminster, the th day of january, and fourth year of our reign."[ ] two years afterwards ( e. iii, a. d. ) the king committed the custody of the temple to "his beloved clerk," william de langford, "and farmed out the rents and proceeds thereof to him for the term of ten years, at a rent of _l._ per annum, the said william undertaking to keep all the houses and tenements in good order and repair, and so deliver them up at the end of the term."[ ] in the mean time, however, the pope, the bishops, and the hospitallers had been vigorously exerting themselves to obtain a transfer of the property, late belonging to the templars, to the order of the hospital of saint john. the hospitallers petitioned the king, setting forth that the church, the cloisters, and other places within the temple, were consecrated and dedicated to the service of god, that they had been unjustly occupied and detained from them by hugh le despenser the younger, and, through his attainder, had lately come into the king's hands, and they besought the king to deliver up to them possession thereof. king edward accordingly commanded the mayor of london, his escheator in that city, to take inquisition concerning the premises. from this inquisition, and the return thereof, it appears that many of the founders of the temple church, and many of the brethren of the order of knights templars, then lay buried in the church and cemetery of the temple; that the bishop of ely had his lodging in the temple, known by the name of the bishop of ely's chamber; that there was a chapel dedicated to st. thomas-à-becket, which extended from the door of the temple hall as far as the ancient gate of the temple; also a cloister which began at the bishop of ely's chamber, and ran in an _easterly_ direction; and that there was a wall which ran in a northerly direction as far as the said king's highway; that in the front part of the cemetery towards the north, bordering on the king's highway, were thirteen houses formerly erected, with the assent and permission of the master and brethren of the temple, by roger blom, a messenger of the temple, for the purpose of holding the lights and ornaments of the church; that the land whereon these houses were built, the cemetery, the church, and all the space inclosed between st. thomas's chapel, the church, the cloisters, and the wall running in a northerly direction, and all the buildings erected thereon, together with the hall, cloisters, and st. thomas's chapel, were sanctified places dedicated to god; that hugh le despenser occupied and detained them unjustly, and that through his attainder and forfeiture, and not otherwise, they came into the king's hands.[ ] after the return of this inquisition, the said sanctified places were assigned to the prior and brethren of the hospital of saint john; and the king, on the th of january, in the tenth year of his reign, a. d. , directed his writ to the barons of the exchequer, commanding them to take inquisition of the value of the said sanctified places, so given up to the hospitallers, and of the residue of the temple, and certify the same under their seals to the king, in order that a reasonable abatement might be made in william de langford's rent. from the inquiry made in pursuance of this writ before john de shorditch, a baron of the exchequer, it further appears that on the said residue of the temple upon the land then remaining in the custody of william de langford, and withinside the great gate of the temple, were another hall[ ] and four chambers connected therewith, a kitchen, a garden, a stable, and a chamber beyond the great gate; also eight shops, seven of which stood in fleet street, and the eighth in the suburb of london, without the bar of the new temple; that the annual value of these shops varied from ten to thirteen, fifteen, and sixteen shillings; that the fruit out of the garden of the temple sold for sixty shillings per annum in the gross; that seven out of the thirteen houses erected by roger blom were each of the annual value of eleven shillings; and that the eighth, situated beyond the gate of entrance to the church, was worth four marks per annum. it appears, moreover, that the total annual revenue of the temple then amounted to _l._ _s._ _d._, equal to about , _l._ of our present money, and that william de langford was abated _l._ _s._ _d._ of his said rent.[ ] three years after the taking of this inquisition, and in the thirteenth year of his reign, a. d. , king edward the third in consideration of the sum of one hundred pounds, which the prior of the hospital promised to pay him towards the expense of his expedition into france, granted to the said prior all the residue of the temple then remaining in the king's hands, to hold, together with the cemetery, cloisters, and the other sanctified places, to the said prior and his brethren, and their successors, of the king and his heirs, for charitable purposes, for ever.[ ] from the above grant it appears that the porter of the temple received sixty shillings and tenpence per annum, and twopence a day wages, which were to be paid him by the hospitallers. at this period philip thane was prior of the hospital; and he appears to have exerted himself to impart to the celebration of divine service in the temple church, the dignity and the splendour it possessed in the time of the templars. he, with the unanimous consent and approbation of the whole chapter of the hospital, granted to brother hugh de lichefeld, priest, and to his successors, guardians of the temple church, towards the improvement of the lights and the celebration of divine service therein, all the land called ficketzfeld, and the garden called cotterell garden;[ ] and two years afterwards he made a further grant, to the said hugh and his successors, of a thousand fagots a year to be cut of the wood of lilleston, and carried to the new temple to keep up the fire in the said church.[ ] king edward the third, in the thirty-fifth year of his reign, a. d. , notwithstanding the grant of the temple to the hospitallers, exercised the right of appointing to the porter's office and by his letters patent he promoted roger small to that post for the term of his life, in return for the good service rendered him by the said roger small.[ ] it is at this period that the first distinct mention of a society of lawyers in the temple occurs. the poet chaucer, who was born at the close of the reign of edward the second, a. d. , and was in high favour at court in the reign of edward the third, thus speaks of the manciple, or the purveyor of provisions of the lawyers in the temple: "a gentil manciple was there of the temple, of whom achatours mighten take ensemple, for to ben wise in bying of vitaille. for whether that he paid or toke by taille, algate he waited so in his achate, that he was aye before in good estate. now is not that of god a full fayre grace, that swiche a lewed mannes wit shal pace, the wisdome of an hepe of lerned men?" "of maisters had he mo than thries ten, that were of lawe expert and curious: of which there was a dosein in that hous worthy to ben stewardes of rent and lond of any lord that is in englelond, to maken him live by his propre good, in honour detteles, but if he were wood, or live as scarsly, as him list desire; and able for to helpen all a shire, in any cas that mighte fallen or happe; and yet this manciple sette hir aller cappe."[ ] it appears, therefore, that the lawyers in the temple, in the reign of edward the third, had their purveyor of provisions as at this day, and were consequently then keeping commons, or dining together in hall. in the fourth year of the reign of richard the second, a. d. , a still more distinct notice occurs of the temple, as the residence of the _learners_ and the _learned_ in the law. we are told in an antient chronicle, written in norman french, formerly belonging to the abbey of st. mary's at york, that the rebels under wat tyler went to the temple and pulled down the houses, and entered the church and took all the books and the rolls of remembrances which were in the chests of the learners of the law in the temple, and placed them under the large chimney and burnt them. ("les rebels alleront a le temple et jetteront les measons a la terre et avegheront tighles, issint que ils fairont coverture en mal array; et alleront en l'esglise, et pristeront touts les liveres et rolles de remembrances, que furont en leur huches deins le temple de apprentices de la ley; et porteront en le haut chimene et les arderont."[ ]) and walsingham, who wrote in the reign of henry the sixth, about fifty years after the occurrence of these events, tells us that after the rebels, under wat tyler and jack straw, had burnt the savoy, the noble palace of john of gaunt, duke of lancaster, they pulled down the place called temple barr, where the apprentices or learners of the highest branch of the profession of the law dwelt, on account of the spite they bore to robert hales, master of the hospital of saint john of jerusalem, and burnt many deeds which the lawyers there had in their custody. ("quibus perpetratis, satis malitiose etiam locum qui vocatur temple barre, in quo _apprenticii juris_ morabantur _nobiliores_, diruerunt, ob iram quam conceperant contra robertum de hales magistrum hospitalis sancti johannis jerusalem, ubi plura munimenta, quæ juridici in custodiâ habuerunt, igne consumpta sunt.")[ ] in a subsequent passage, however, he gives us a better clue to the attack upon the temple, and the burning of the deeds and writings, for he tells us that it was the intention of the rebels to decapitate all the lawyers, for they thought that by destroying them they could put an end to the law, and so be enabled to order matters according to their own will and pleasure. ("ad decollandum omnes juridicos, escaetores, et universos qui vel in lege docti fuere, vel cum jure ratione officii communicavere. mente nempe conceperant, doctis in lege necatis, universa juxta communis plebis scitum de cætero ordinare, et nullam omnino legem fore futuram, vel si futura foret, esse pro suorum arbitrio statuenda.") it is evident that the lawyers were the immediate successors of the knights templars in the occupation of the temple, as the _lessees_ of the earl of lancaster. whilst the templars were pining in captivity in the dungeons of london and of york, king edward the second paid to their servants and retainers the pensions they had previously received from the treasury of the temple, on condition that they continued to perform the services and duties they had rendered to their antient masters. on the th of november, a. d. , he granted to robert styfford, clerk, for his maintenance in the house of the temple at london, two deniers a day, and five shillings a year for necessaries, provided he did service in the church; and when unable to do so, he was to receive only his food and lodging. geoffrey talaver was to receive, in the same house of the temple, three deniers a day for his sustenance, and twenty shillings a year for necessaries, during the remainder of his life; also one denier a day for the support of his boy, and five shillings a year for his wages. geoffrey de cave, clerk, and john de shelton, were also, each of them, to receive from the same house, for their good services, an annual pension of forty shillings for the term of their lives.[ ] some of these retainers, in addition to their various stipends, were to have a gown of the class of free-serving brethren of the order of the temple[ ] each year; one old garment out of the stock of old garments belonging to the brethren;[ ] one mark a year for their shoes, &c.; their sons also received so much _per diem_, on condition that they did the daily work of the house. these retainers were of the class of free servants of office; they held their posts for life, and not being members of the order of the temple, they were not included in the general proscription of the fraternity. in return for the provision made them by the king, they were to continue to do their customary work as long as they were able. now it is worthy of remark, that many of the rules, customs, and usages of the society of knights templars are to this day observed in the temple, naturally leading us to conclude that these domestics and retainers of the antient brotherhood became connected with the legal society formed therein, and transferred their services to that learned body. from the time of chaucer to the present day, the lawyers have dined together in the antient hall, as the military monks did before them; and the rule of their order requiring "two and two to eat together," and "all the fragments to be given in brotherly charity to the domestics," is observed to this day, and has been in force from time immemorial. the attendants at table, moreover, are still called _paniers_, as in the days of the knights templars.[ ] the leading punishments of the temple, too, remain the same as in the olden time. the antient templar, for example, for a light fault, was "withdrawn from the companionship of his fellows," and not allowed "to eat with them at the same table,"[ ] and the modern templar, for impropriety of conduct, is "expelled the hall" and "put out of commons." the brethren of the antient fraternity were, for grave offences, in addition to the above punishment, deprived of their lodgings,[ ] and were compelled to sleep with the beasts in the open court; and the members of the modern fellowship have in bygone times, as a mode of punishment, been temporarily deprived of their chambers in the temple for misconduct, and padlocks have been put upon the doors. the master and chapter of the temple, in the time of the knights templars, exercised the power of imprisonment and expulsion from the fellowship, and the same punishments have been freely used down to a recent period by the masters of the bench of the modern societies. until of late years, too, the modern templars have had their readers, officers of great dignity, whose duty it has been to read and expound law in the hall, at and after meals, in the same way as the readers of the knights templars read and expounded religion. there has also been, in connexion with the modern fellowship, a class of _associates_ similar to the associates of the antient templars.[ ] these were illustrious persons who paid large sums of money, and made presents of plate, to be admitted to the fellowship of the masters of the bench; they were allowed to dine at the bench table, to be as it were honorary members of the society, but were freed from the ordinary exercises and regulations of the house, and had at the same time no voice in the government thereof. the conversion of the chief house of the most holy order of the temple of solomon in england into a law university, was brought about in the following manner. both before, and for a very considerable period after, the norman conquest, the study of the law was confined to the ecclesiastics, who engrossed all the learning and knowledge of the age.[ ] in the reign of king stephen, the foreign clergy who had flocked over after the conquest, attempted to introduce the ancient civil law of rome into this country, as calculated to promote the power and advantage of their order, but were resolutely resisted by the king and the barons, who clung to their old customs and usages. the new law, however, was introduced into all the ecclesiastical courts, and the clergy began to abandon the municipal tribunals, and discontinue the study of the common law. early in the reign of henry the third, episcopal constitutions were published by the bishop of salisbury, forbidding clerks and priests to practise as advocates in the common law courts. (_nec advocati sint clerici vel sacerdotes in foro sæculari, nisi vel proprias causas vel miserabilium personarum prosequantur._[ ]) towards the close of the same reign, (a. d. ,) pope innocent iv. forbade the reading of the common law by the clergy in the english universities and seminaries of learning, because its decrees were not founded on the _imperial constitutions_, but merely on the _customs of the laity_.[ ] as the common law consequently gradually ceased to be studied and taught by the clergy, who were the great depositaries of legal learning, as of all other knowledge in those days, it became necessary to educate and train up a body of laymen to transact the judicial business of the country; and edward the first, who, from his many legal reforms and improvements, has been styled "the english justinian," made the practice of the common law a distinct profession. in antient times the court of _common pleas_ had the exclusive administration of the _common law_, and settled and decided all the disputes which arose between _subject_ and _subject_; and in the twentieth year of the reign of edward the first, (a. d. ,) the privilege of pleading causes in this court was confined to a certain number of learned persons appointed by authority. by an order in council, the king commanded john de metingham, chief justice of the court of common pleas, and the rest of his fellow justices, that they, according to their discretions, should provide and ordain from every county a certain number of attorneys and apprentices of the law, of the best and most apt for their learning and skill, to do service to his court and people, and those so chosen should follow his court and transact the affairs therein, and _no others_; the king and his council deeming the number of fourscore to be sufficient for that employment; but it was left to the discretion of the said justices to add to that number, or to diminish it, as they should think fit.[ ] at this period the court of common pleas had been fixed at westminster, which brought together the professors of the common law at london; and about the period of the dissolution of the order of the temple, a society appears to have been in progress of formation, under the sanction of the judges, for the education of a body of learned secular lawyers to attend upon that court. the deserted convent of the knights templars, seated in the suburb of london, away from the noise and bustle of the city, and presenting a ready and easy access by water to westminster, was a desirable retreat for the learned members of this infant legal society; and we accordingly find, that very soon after the dissolution of the religio-military order of knights templars, the professors of the common law of england mustered in considerable strength in the temple. in the sixth year of the reign of edward the third, (a. d. ,) when the lawyers had just established themselves in the convent of the temple, and had engrafted upon the old stock of knights templars their infant society for the study of the practice of the common law, the judges of the court of common pleas were made knights,[ ] being the earliest instance on record of the grant of the honour of knighthood for services purely civil, and the professors of the common law, who had the exclusive privilege of practising in that court, assumed the title or degree of freres serjens or fratres servientes, so that knights and serving-brethren, similar to those of the antient order of the temple, were most curiously revived and introduced into the profession of the law. it is true that the word _serviens_, _serjen_, or serjeant, was applied to the professors of the law long before the reign of edward the third, but not to denote a _privileged brotherhood_. it was applied to lawyers in common with all persons who did any description of work for another, from the _serviens domini regis ad legem_, who prosecuted the pleas of the crown in the county court, to the _serviens_ or _serjen_ who walked with his cane before the concubine of the patriarch in the streets of jerusalem.[ ] the priest who worked for the lord was called _serjens de dieu_, and the lover who served the lady of his affections _serjens d'amour_.[ ] it was in the order of the temple that the word _freres_ serjens or _fratres_ servientes signified an honorary title or degree, and denoted a powerful privileged class of men. the _fratres servientes armigeri_ or _freres serjens des armes_, of the chivalry of the temple, were of the rank of gentlemen. they united in their own persons the monastic and the military character, they were allotted one horse each, they wore the red cross of the order of the temple on their breasts,[ ] they participated in all the privileges of the brotherhood, and were eligible to the dignity of preceptor. large sums of money were frequently given by seculars who had not been advanced to the honour of knighthood, to be admitted amongst this highly-esteemed order of men. the _freres serjens_ of the temple wore linen _coifs_, and red caps close over them.[ ] at the ceremony of their admission into the fraternity, the master of the temple placed the coif upon their heads, and threw over their shoulders the white mantle of the temple; he then caused them to sit down on the ground, and gave them a solemn admonition concerning the duties and responsibilities of their profession.[ ] they were warned that they must enter upon a new life, that they must keep themselves fair and free from stain, like the white garment that had been thrown around them, which was the emblem of purity and innocence; that they must render complete and perfect obedience to their superiors; that they must protect the weak, succour the needy, reverence old men, and do good to the poor. the knights and serjeants of the common law, on the other hand, have ever constituted a privileged _fraternity_, and always address one another by the endearing term _brother_. the religious character of the antient ceremony of admission into this legal brotherhood, which took place in church, and its striking similarity to the antient mode of reception into the fraternity of the temple, are curious and remarkable. "capitalis justitiarius," says an antient ms. account of the creation of serjeants-at-law in the reign of henry the seventh, "monstrabat eis plura bona exempla de eorum prædecessoribus, et tunc posuit les _coyfes_[ ] super eorum capitibus, et induebat eos singulariter de capital de skarletto, et sic creati fuerunt _servientes ad legem_." in his admonitory exhortation, the chief justice displays to them the moral and religious duties of their profession. "ambulate in vocatione in quâ vocati estis.... disce cultum dei, _reverentiam superioris(!), misericordiam pauperi_." he tells them the coif is sicut vestis _candida_ et immaculata, the emblem of purity and virtue, and he commences a portion of his discourse in the scriptural language used by the popes in the famous bull conceding to the templars their vast spiritual and temporal privileges, "_omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est descendens a patre luminum, &c. &c._!"[ ] the _freres serjens_ of the temple were strictly enjoined to "eat their bread in silence," and "place a watch upon their mouths," and the _freres serjens_ of the law, we are told, after their admission, did "dyne together with sober countenance and lytel communycacion." the common-law lawyers, after their location in the temple, continued rapidly to increase, and between the reigns of richard the second and henry the sixth, they divided themselves into two bodies. "in the raigne of king henry the sixth," says the ms. account of the temple, written charles the first, "they were soe multiplied and grown into soe great a bulke as could not conveniently be regulated into one society, nor indeed was the old hall capable of containing so great a number, whereupon they were forced to divide themselves. a new hall was then erected which is now the junior temple hall, whereunto divers of those who before took their repast and diet in the old hall resorted, and in process of time became a distinct and divided society." from the inquisition taken . e. iii. a. d. , it appears that in the time of the knights templars there were _two halls_ in the temple, so that it is not likely that a fresh one was built. one of these halls, the present inner temple hall, had been assigned, the year previous to the taking of that inquisition, to the prior and brethren of the hospital of saint john, together with the church, cloisters, &c., as before mentioned, whilst the other hall remained in the hands of the crown, and was not granted to the hospitallers until e. iii. a. d. . it was probably soon after this period that the hospitallers conceded the use of _both halls_ to the professors of the law, and these last, from dining apart and being attached to different halls, at last separated into two societies, as at present. "although there be two several societies, yet in sundry places they are promiscuously lodged together without any metes or bounds to distinguish them, and the ground rooms in some places belong to the new house, and the upper rooms to the old one, a manifest argument that both made at first but one house, nor did they either before or after this division claim by several leases, but by one entire grant. and as they took their diet apart, so likewise were they stationed apart in the church, viz. those of the middle temple on the left hand side as you go therein, and those of the old house on the right hand side, and so it remains between them at this day."[ ] burton, the antiquary, who wrote in the reign of queen elizabeth, speaks of this "old house" (the inner temple) as "the mother and most antient of all the other houses of courts, to which," says he, "i must acknowledge all due respect, being a fellow thereof, admitted into the same society on the th of may, ."[ ] the two societies of the temple are of _equal antiquity_; the members in the first instance dined together in one or other of the antient halls of the templars as it suited their convenience and inclination; and to this day, in memory of the old custom, the benchers or antients of the one society dine once every year in the hall of the other society. the period of the division has been generally referred to the commencement of the reign of henry the sixth, as at the close of that long reign the present _four_ inns of court were all in existence, and then contained about two thousand students. the court of king's bench, the court of exchequer, and the court of chancery, had then encroached upon the jurisdiction of the common pleas, and had taken cognizance of civil causes between subject and subject, which were formerly decided in that court alone.[ ] the legal business of the country had consequently greatly increased, the profession of the law became highly honourable, and the gentry and the nobility considered the study of it a necessary part of education. sir john fortescue, who was chief justice of the king's bench during half the reign of henry the sixth, in his famous discourse _de laudibus legum angliæ_, tells us that in his time the annual expenses of each law-student amounted to more than _l._, (equal to about _l._ of our present money,) that all the students of the law were gentlemen by birth and fortune, and had great regard for their character and honour; that in each inn of court there was an academy or _gymnasium_, where singing, music, and dancing, and a variety of accomplishments, were taught. law was studied at stated periods, and on festival days: after the offices of the church were over, the students employed themselves in the study of history, and in reading the holy scriptures. everything good and virtuous was there taught, vice was discouraged and banished, so that knights, barons, and the greatest of the nobility of the kingdom, placed their sons in the temple and the other inns of court; and not so much, he tells us, to make the law their study, or to enable them to live by the profession, as to form their manners and to preserve them from the contagion of vice. "quarrelling, insubordination, and murmuring, are unheard of; if a student dishonours himself, he is expelled the society; a punishment which is dreaded more than imprisonment and irons, for he who has been driven from one society is never admitted into any of the others; whence it happens, that there is a constant harmony amongst them, the greatest friendship, and a general freedom of conversation." the two societies of the temple are now distinguished by the several denominations of the inner and the middle temple, names that appear to have been adopted with reference to a part of the antient temple, which, in common with other property of the knights templars, never came into the hands of the hospitallers. after the lawyers of the temple had separated into two bodies and occupied distinct portions of ground, this part came to be known by the name of the outward temple, as being the farthest away from the city, and is thus referred to in a manuscript in the british museum, written in the reign of james the first.--"a third part, called _outward temple_, was procured by one dr. stapleton, bishop of exeter, in the days of king edward the second, for a residing mansion-house for him and his successors, bishops of that see. it was called exeter inn until the reign of the late queen mary, when the lord paget, her principal secretary of state, obtained the said third part, called exeter-house, to him and his heirs, and did re-edify the same. after whom the said third part of the templar's house came to thomas late duke of norfolk, and was by him conveyed to sir robert dudley, knight, earl of leicester, who bequeathed the same to sir robert dudley, knight, his son, and lastly, by purchase, came to robert late earl of essex, who died in the reign of the late queen elizabeth, and is still called essex-house."[ ] when the lawyers came into the temple, they found engraved upon the antient buildings the armorial bearings of the knights templars, which were, on a shield argent, a plain cross gules, and (_brochant sur le tout_) the holy lamb bearing the banner of the order, surmounted by a red cross. these arms remained the emblem of the temple until the fifth year of the reign of queen elizabeth, when unfortunately the society of the inner temple, yielding to the advice and persuasion of master gerard leigh, a member of the college of heralds, abandoned the antient and honourable device of the knights templars, and assumed in its place a galloping winged horse called a pegasus, or, as it has been explained to us, "a horse striking the earth with its hoof, or _pegasus luna on a field argent_!" master gerard leigh, we are told, "emblazoned them with precious stones and planets, and by these strange arms he intended to signify that the knowledge acquired at the learned seminary of the inner temple would raise the professors of the law to the highest honours, adding, by way of motto, _volat ad æthera virtus_, and he intended to allude to what are esteemed the more liberal sciences, by giving them pegasus forming the fountain of hippocrene, by striking his hoof against the rock, as a proper emblem of lawyers becoming poets, as chaucer and gower, who were both of the temple!" the society of the middle temple, with better taste, still preserves, in that part of the temple over which its sway extends, the widely-renowned and time-honoured badge of the antient order of the temple. the assumption of the prancing winged horse by the one society, and the retention of the lamb by the other, have given rise to the following witty lines-- "as thro' the templars' courts you go, the lamb and horse displayed, the emblematic figures show the merits of their trade. that clients may infer from hence how just is their profession; the lamb denotes their innocence, the horse their expedition. oh, happy britain! happy isle! let foreign nations say, here you get justice without guile, and law without delay." answer. "unhappy man! those courts forego, nor trust such cunning elves, the artful emblems only show their _clients_, not _themselves_. these all are tricks, these all are shams, with which they mean to cheat ye, but have a care, for you're the lambs, and they the wolves that eat ye. nor let the plea of no delay to these their courts misguide ye, for you're the prancing horse; and they the jockeys that would ride you!" chapter xiv. the temple. the temple garden--the erection of new buildings in the temple--the dissolution of the order of the hospital of saint john--the law societies become lessees of the crown--the erection of the magnificent middle temple hall--the conversion of the old hall into chambers--the grant of the inheritance of the temple to the two law societies--their magnificent present to his majesty--their antient orders and customs, and antient hospitality--their grand entertainments--reader's feasts--grand christmasses and revels--the fox-hunt in the hall--the dispute with the lord mayor--the quarrel with the custos of the temple church. "plantagenet. great lords and gentlemen, what means this silence? dare no man answer in a case of truth? suffolk. within the temple hall we were too loud: the garden here is more convenient." shakspeare makes the temple garden, which is to this day celebrated for the beauty and profusion of its flowers, the scene of the choice of the white and red roses, as the badges of the rival houses of york and lancaster. richard plantagenet and the earl of somerset retire with their followers from the hall into the garden, where plantagenet thus addresses the silent and hesitating bystanders: "since you are tongue-ty'd, and so loath to speak, in dumb significants proclaim your thoughts: let him, that is a true-born gentleman, and stands upon the honour of his birth, if he suppose that i have pleaded truth, from off this brier pluck a white rose with me. _somerset._ let him that is no coward, nor no flatterer, but dare maintain the party of the truth, pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me. _warwick._ i love no colours; and, without all colour of base insinuating flattery, i pluck this white rope with plantagenet. _suffolk._ i pluck this red rose with young somerset, and say withal i think he held the right. * * * * * _vernon._ then for the truth and plainness of the case, i pluck this pale and maiden blossom here, giving my verdict on the white rose side. _somerset._ ... come on, who else? _lawyer._ unless my study and my books be false, the argument you held was wrong in you; in sign whereof i pluck a white rose too. [to somerset. * * * * * _warwick._ ... this brawl to-day, grown to this faction in the temple garden, shall send, between the red rose and the white, a thousand souls to death and deadly night." in the cotton library is a manuscript written at the commencement of the reign of henry the eighth, entitled "a description of the form and manner, how, and by what orders and customs the state of the fellowshyppe of the myddil temple is maintained, and what ways they have to attaine unto learning."[ ] it contains a great deal of curious information concerning the government of the house, the readings, mot-yngs, boltings, and other exercises formerly performed for the advancement of learning, and of the different degrees of benchers, readers, cupboard-men, inner-barristers, utter-barristers, and students, together with "the chardges for their mete and drynke by the yeare, and the manner of the dyet, and the stipende of their officers." the writer tells us that it was the duty of the "tresorer to gather of certen of the fellowship a tribute yerely of iii_s._ iii_d._ a piece, and to pay out of it the rent due to my lord of saint john's for the house that they dwell in." "item; they have no place to walk in, and talk and confer their learnings, but in the church; which place all the terme times hath in it no more of quietnesse than the perwyse of pawles, by occasion of the confluence and concourse of such as be suters in the lawe." the conferences between lawyers and clients in the temple church are thus alluded to by butler: "retain all sorts of witnesses that ply in the temple under trees, or walk the round with knights of the posts, about the cross-legged knights their hosts." "item; they have every day three masses said one after the other, and the first masse doth begin at seaven of the clock, or thereabouts. on festivall days they have mattens and masse solemnly sung; and during the matyns singing they have three masses said."[ ] at the commencement of the reign of henry viii. a wall was built between the temple garden and the river; the inner temple hall was "seeled," various new chambers were erected, and the societies expended sums of money, and acted as if they were absolute proprietors of the temple, rather than as lessees of the hospitallers of saint john. in hen. viii. was passed the act of parliament dissolving the order of the hospital, and vesting all the property of the brethren in the crown, saving the rights and interests of lessees, and others who held under them. the two law societies consequently now held of the crown. in eliz. the present spacious and magnificent middle temple hall, one of the most elegant and beautiful structures in the kingdom, was commenced, (the old hall being converted into chambers;) and in the reigns both of mary and elizabeth, various buildings and sets of chambers were erected in the inner and middle temple, at the expense of the benchers and members of the two societies. all this was done in full reliance upon the justice and honour of the crown. in the reign of james i., however, some scotchman attempted to obtain from his majesty a grant of the fee-simple or inheritance of the temple, which being brought to the knowledge of the two societies, they forthwith made "humble suit" to the king, and obtained a grant of the property to themselves. by letters patent, bearing date at westminster the th of august, in the sixth year of his reign, a. d. , king james granted the temple to the benchers of the two societies, their heirs and assigns for ever, for the lodging, reception, and education of the professors and students of the laws of england, the said benchers yielding and paying to the said king, his heirs, and successors, ten pounds yearly for the mansion called the inner temple, and ten pounds yearly for the middle temple.[ ] in grateful acknowledgment of this donation, the two societies caused to be made, at their mutual cost, "a stately cup of pure gold, weighinge two hundred ounces and an halfe, of the value of one thousand markes, or thereabouts, the which in all humbleness was presented to his excellent majestie att the court att whitehall, in the said sixth year of his majestie's raigne over the realme of england, for a new yeare's gifte, by the hands of the said sir henry mountague, afterwards baron mountague, viscount mandevil, the earl of manchester, richard daston, esq., and other eminent persons of both those honourable societies, the which it pleased his majesty most gratiously to accept and receive.... upon one side of this cup is curiously engraven the proporcion of a church or temple beautified, with turrets and pinnacles, and on the other side is figured an altar, whereon is a representation of a holy fire, the flames propper, and over the flames these words engraven, _nil nisi vobis_. the cover of this rich cup of gold is in the upper parte thereof adorned with a fabrick fashioned like a pyramid, whereon standeth the statue of a military person leaning, with the left hand upon a roman-fashioned shield or target, the which cup his excellent majestie, whilst he lived, esteemed for one of his roialest and richest jewells."[ ] some of the antient orders and regulations for the government of the two societies are not unworthy of attention. from the record of a parliament holden in the inner temple on the th of november, and ph. and mary, a. d. , it appears that eight gentlemen of the house, in the previous reading vocation, "were _committed to the fleete_ for wilfull demenoure and disobedience to _the bench_, and were worthyly expulsed the fellowshyppe of the house, since which tyme, upon their humble suite and submission unto the said benchers of the said house, it is agreed that they shall be readmitted into the fellowshyppe, and into commons again, without payeing any ffine."[ ] amongst the ancient customs and usages derived from the knights templars, which were for a lengthened period religiously preserved and kept up in the temple, was the oriental fashion of long beards. in the reign of philip and mary, at the personal request of the queen, attempts were made to do away with this time-honoured custom, and to limit the length of a lawyer's beard. on the nd of june, and philip and mary, a. d. , it was ordered that none of the companies of the inner and middle temple, under the degree of a knight being in commons, should wear their beards above three weeks growing, upon pain of xl_s._, and so double for every week after monition. they were, moreover, required to lay aside their arms, and it was ordered "that none of the companies, when they be in commons, shall wear spanish cloak, sword and buckler, or rapier, or gownes and hats, or gownes girded with a dagger;" also, that "none of the companions, except knights or benchers, should thenceforth wear in their doublets or hoses any light colours, except scarlet and crimson; or wear any upper velvet cap, or any scarf, or wings on their gownes, white jerkyns, buskins or _velvet shoes_, double cuffs on their shirts, feathers or ribbens on their caps"! that no attorney should be admitted into either of the houses, and that, in all admissions from thenceforth, it should be an implied condition, that if the party admitted "should practyse any attorneyship," he was _ipso facto_ dismissed.[ ] in jac. i., it was ordered, in obedience to the commands of the king, that no one should be admitted a member of either society who was not _a gentleman by descent_;--that none of the gentlemen should come into the hall "in cloaks, boots, spurs, swords, or daggers;" and it was publicly declared that their "yellow bands, and ear toyes, and short cloaks, and weapons," were "much disliked and forbidden." in a. d. , king james recommended the antient way of wearing caps to be carefully observed; and the king was pleased to take notice of the good order of the house of the inner temple in that particular. his majesty was further pleased to recommend that boots should be laid aside as ill befitting gownsmen; "for boots and spurs," says his majesty, "are the badges rather of roarers than of civil men, who should use them only when they ride. therefore we have made example in our own court, that no boots shall come into our presence." the modern templars for a long period fully maintained the antient character and reputation of the temple for sumptuous and magnificent hospitality, although the venison from the royal forests, and the wine from the king's cellars,[ ] no longer made its periodical appearance within the walls of the old convent. sir john fortescue alludes to the revels and pastimes of the temple in the reign of henry vi., and several antient writers speak of the grand christmasses, the readers' feasts, the masques, and the sumptuous entertainments afforded to foreign ambassadors, and even to royalty itself. various dramatic shows were got up upon these occasions, and the leading characters who figured at them were the "_marshall of the knights templars_!" the constable marshall, the master of the games, the lieutenant of the tower, the ranger of the forest, the lord of misrule, the king of cockneys, and jack straw! _the constable marshall_ came into the hall on banqueting days "fairly mounted on his mule," clothed in complete armour, with a nest of feathers of all colours upon his helm, and a gilt pole-axe in his hand. he was attended by halberdiers, and preceded by drums and fifes, and by sixteen trumpeters, and devised some sport "for passing away the afternoon." _the master of the game_, and _the ranger of the forest_, were apparelled in green velvet and green satin, and had hunting horns about their necks, with which they marched round about the fire, "blowing three blasts of venery." the most remarkable of all the entertainments was _the hunt in the hall_, when the huntsman came in with his winding horn, dragging in with him a cat, a fox, a purse-net, and nine or ten couple of hounds! the cat and the fox were both tied to the end of a staff, and were turned loose into the hall; they were hunted with the dogs amid the blowing of hunting horns, and were killed under the grate!! the quantity of venison consumed on these festive occasions, particularly at the readers' feasts, was enormous. in the reign of queen mary, it was ordered by the benchers of the middle temple, that no reader should spend less than fifteen bucks in the hall, and this number was generally greatly exceeded: "there be few summer readers," we are informed in an old ms. account of the readers' feasts, "who, in half the time that heretofore a reading was wont to continue, spent so little as threescore bucks, besides red deer; some have spent fourscore, some a hundred...."[ ] the lawyers in that golden age breakfasted on "brawn and malmsey," and supped on "venison pasties and roasted hens!" among the viands at dinner were "faire and large bores' heads served upon silver platters, with minstralsye, roasted swans, bustards, herns, bitterns, turkey chicks, curlews, godwits, &c. &c." the following observations concerning the temple, and a grand entertainment there, in the reign of queen mary, will be read with interest. "arriuing in the faire river of thames, i landed within halfe a leage from the city of london, which was, as i coniecture, in december last. and drawing neere the citie, sodenly hard the shot of double cannons, in so great a number, and so terrible, that it darkened the whole aire, wherewith, although i was in my native countrie, yet stoode i amazed, not knowing what it ment. thus, as i abode in despaire either to returne or to continue my former purpose, i chaunced to see comming towardes me an honest citizen, clothed in long garment, keping the highway, seming to walke for his recreation, which prognosticated rather peace than perill. of whom i demaunded the cause of this great shot, who frendly answered, 'it is the warning shot to th' officers of the constable marshall of the inner temple to prepare to dinner!' why, said i, is he of that estate, that seeketh not other meanes to warn his officers, then with such terrible shot in so peaceable a countrey? marry, saith he, he vttereth himselfe the better to be that officer whose name he beareth. i then demanded what prouince did he gouerne that needeth such an officer. hee answered me, the prouince was not great in quantitie, but antient in true nobilitie; a place, said he, priuileged by the most excellent princess, the high gouernour of the whole land, wherein are store of gentilmen of the whole realme, that repaire thither to learne to rule, and obey by lawe, to yeelde their fleece to their prince and common weale, as also to vse all other exercises of bodie and minde whereunto nature most aptly serueth to adorne by speaking, countenance, gesture, and vse of apparel, the person of a gentleman; whereby amitie is obtained and continued, that gentilmen of al countries in theire young yeares, norished together in one place, with such comely order and daily conference, are knit by continual acquaintance in such vnitie of mindes and manners, as lightly neuer after is seuered, then which is nothing more profitable to the commonweale. "and after he had told me thus much of honor of the place, i commended in mine own conceit the pollicie of the gouernour, which seemed to vtter in itselfe the foundation of a good commonweale. for that the best of their people from tender yeares trayned vp in precepts of justice, it could not chose but yeelde forth a profitable people to a wise commonweale. wherefore i determined with myselfe to make proofe of that i heard by reporte. "the next day i thought for my pastime to walke to this temple, and entering in at the gates, i found the building nothing costly; but many comly gentlemen of face and person, and thereto very courteous, saw i passe too and fro. passing forward, i entered into a church of auncient building, wherein were many monumentes of noble personnages armed in knighteley habite, with their cotes depainted in auncient shieldes, whereat i took pleasure to behold.... "anon we heard the noise of drum and fyfe. what meaneth this drumme? said i. quod he, this is to warn gentlemen of the household to repaire to the dresser; wherefore come on with me, and yee shall stand where ye may best see the hall serued; and so from thence brought me into a long gallerie that stretcheth itselfe alongest the hall, neere the prince's table, where i saw the prince set, a man of tall personage, of mannelye countenance, somewhat browne of visage, strongelie featured, and thereto comelie proportioned. at the neather end of the same table were placed the ambassadors of diuers princes. before him stood the caruer, seruer, and cup-bearer, with great number of gentlemen wayters attending his person. the lordes steward, treasorer, with diuers honorable personages, were placed at a side-table neere adjoyning the prince on the right hand, and at another table on the left side were placed the treasorer of the household, secretarie, the prince's serjeant of law, the four masters of the reaulles, the king of armes, the deane of the chapell, and diuers gentlemen pentioners to furnish the same. at another table, on the other side, were set the maister of the game, and his chiefe ranger, maisters of household, clerkes of the greene cloth and checke, with diuers other strangers to furnish the same. on the other side, againste them, began the table of the lieutenant of the tower, accompanied with diuers captaines of footbandes and shot. at the neather ende of the hall, began the table of the high butler and panter, clerkes of the kitchen, maister cooke of the priue kitchen, furnished throughout with the souldiours and guard of the prince.... "the prince was serued with tender meates, sweet fruites, and daintie delicates, confectioned with curious cookerie, as it seemed woonder a word to serue the prouision. and at euerie course, the trompettes blew the courageous blaste of deadlye warre, with noise of drum and fyfe, with the sweet harmony of viollens, shakbuts, recorders, and cornettes, with other instruments of musicke, as it seemed apolloe's harpe had tewned their stroke." after dinner, prizes were prepared for "tilt and turney, and such knighteley pastime, and for their solace they masked with bewtie's dames with such heauenly armonie as if apollo and orpheus had shewed their cunning."[ ] masques, revels, plays, and eating and drinking, seem to have been as much attended to in the temple in those days as the grave study of the law. sir christopher hatton, a member of the inner temple, gained the favour of queen elizabeth, for his grace and activity in a _masque_ which was acted before her majesty. he was made vice-chamberlain, and afterwards lord chancellor![ ] in a. d. , the tragedy of tancred and gismund, the joint production of five students of the inner temple, was acted at the temple before queen elizabeth and her court.[ ] on the marriage of the lady elizabeth, daughter of king james i., to prince frederick, the elector palatine, (feb. th, a. d. ,) a masque was performed at court by the gentlemen of the temple, and shortly after, twenty templars were appointed barristers there in honour of prince charles, who had lately become prince of wales, "the chardges thereof being defrayed by a contribution of xxxs, from each bencher, xvs. from euery barister of seauen years' standing, and xs. a peice from all other gentlemen in commons."[ ] of all the pageants prepared for the entertainment of the sovereigns of england, the most famous one was that splendid masque, which cost upwards of £ , , presented by the templars, in conjunction with the members of lincoln's inn and gray's inn, to king charles i., and his young queen, henrietta of france. whitelock, in his memorials, gives a minute and most animated account of this masque, which will be read with interest, as affording a characteristic and admirable exhibition of the manners of the age. the procession from the temple to the palace of whitehall was the most magnificent that had ever been seen in london. "one hundred gentlemen in very rich clothes, with scarce anything to be seen on them but gold and silver lace, were mounted on the best horses and the best furniture that the king's stable and the stables of all the noblemen in town could afford." each gentleman had a page and two lacqueys in livery waiting by his horse's side. the lacqueys carried torches, and the page his master's cloak. "the richness of their apparel and furniture glittering by the light of innumerable torches, the motion and stirring of their mettled horses, and the many and gay liveries of their servants, but especially the personal beauty and gallantry of the handsome young gentlemen, made the most glorious and splendid show that ever was beheld in england." these gallant templars were accompanied by the finest band of picked musicians that london could afford, and were followed by the _antimasque_ of beggars and cripples, who were mounted on "the poorest, leanest jades that could be gotten out of the dirt-carts." the habits and dresses of these cripples were most ingeniously arranged, and as the "gallant inns of court men" had their music, so also had the beggars and cripples. it consisted of _keys, tongs, and gridirons_, "snapping and yet playing in concert before them." after the beggars' antimasque came a band of pipes, whistles, and instruments, sounding notes like those of birds, of all sorts, in excellent harmony; and these ushered in "_the antimasque of birds_," which consisted of an owl in an ivy bush, with innumerable other birds in a cluster about the owl, gazing upon her. "these were little boys put into covers of the shape of those birds, rarely fitted, and sitting on small horses with footmen going by them with torches in their hands, and there were some besides to look unto the children, and these were very pleasant to the beholders." then came a wild, harsh band of northern music, bagpipes, horns, &c., followed by the "_antimasque of projectors_," who were in turn succeeded by a string of chariots drawn by four horses abreast, filled with "gods and goddesses," and preceded by heathen priests. then followed the chariots of the grand masquers drawn by four horses abreast. the chariots of the inner and middle temple were silver and blue. the horses were covered to their heels with cloth of tissue, and their heads were adorned with huge plumes of blue and white feathers. "the torches and flaming flamboys borne by the side of each chariot made it seem lightsom as at noonday.... it was, indeed, a glorious spectacle." whitelock gives a most animated description of the scene in the banqueting-room. "it was so crowded," says he, "with fair ladies glittering with their rich cloaths and richer jewels, and with lords and gentlemen of great quality, that there was scarce room for the king and queen to enter in." the young queen danced with the masquers herself, and judged them "as good dancers as ever she saw!" the great ladies of the court, too, were "very free and easy and civil in dancing with all the masquers as they were taken out by them." queen henrietta was so delighted with the masque, "the dances, speeches, musick, and singing," that she desired to see the whole thing _acted over again_! whereupon the lord mayor invited their majesties and all the inns of court men into the city, and entertained them with great state and magnificence at merchant taylor's hall.[ ] many of the templars who were the foremost in these festive scenes afterwards took up arms against their sovereign. whitelock himself commanded a body of horse, and fought several sanguinary engagements with the royalist forces. the year after the restoration, sir heneage finch, afterwards earl of nottingham, kept his readers' feast in the great hall of the inner temple with extraordinary splendour. the entertainments lasted from the th to the th of august. at the first day's dinner were several of the nobility of the kingdom and privy councillors, with divers others of his friends; at the second were the lord mayor, aldermen, and principal citizens of london; to the third, which was two days after the former, came the whole college of physicians, who all appeared in their caps and gowns; at the fourth were all the judges, advocates, and doctors of the civil law, and all the society of doctors' commons; at the fifth were entertained the archbishops, bishops, and chief of the clergy; and on the th of august his majesty king charles the second came from whitehall in his state barge, and dined with the reader and the whole society in the hall. his majesty was accompanied by the duke of york, and attended by the lord chancellor, lord treasurer, lord privy seal, the dukes of buckingham, richmond, and ormond; the lord chamberlain, the earls of ossory, bristol, berks, portland, strafford, anglesy, essex, bath, and carlisle; the lords wentworth, cornbury, de la warre, gerard of brandon, berkley of stratton and cornwallis, the comptroller and vice-chamberlain of his majesties's household; sir william morice, one of his principal secretaries of state; the earl of middleton, lord commissioner of scotland, the earl of glencairne, lord chancellor of scotland, the earls of lauderdale and newburgh, and others the commissioners of that kingdom, and the earl of kildare and others, commissioners of ireland. an entrance was made from the river through the wall into the temple garden, and his majesty was received on his landing from the barge by the reader and the lord chief justice of the common pleas, whilst the path from the garden to the hall was lined with the readers' servants in scarlet cloaks and white tabba doublets, and above them were ranged the benchers, barristers, and students of the society, "the loud musick playing from the time that his majesty landed till he entered the hall, where he was received with xx. violins." dinner was brought up by fifty of the young gentlemen of the society in their gowns, "who gave their attendance all dinner-while, none other appearing in the hall but themselves." on the rd of november following, his royal highness the duke of york, the duke of buckingham, the earl of dorset, and sir william morrice, secretary of state, were admitted members of the society of the inner temple, the duke of york being called to the bar and bench.[ ] in car. ii., a. d. , sir william turner, lord mayor of london, came to the readers' feast in the inner temple with his sword and mace and external emblems of civic authority, which was considered to be an affront to the society, and the lord mayor was consequently very roughly handled by some of the junior members of the temple. his worship complained to the king, and the matter was inquired into by the council, as appears from the following proceedings:-- "at the courte att whitehall, the th april, , "present the king's most excellent majestie." h. r. h. the duke of york. lord bishop of london. lord keeper. lord arlington. duke of ormonde. lord newport. lord chamberlaine. mr. treasurer. earle of bridgewater. mr. vice-chamberlaine. earle of bath. mr. secretary trevor. earle of craven. mr. chancellor of the dutchy. earle of middleton. mr. john duncombe. "whereas, it was ordered the st of march last, that the complaints of the lord maior of the city of london concerneing personall indignities offered to his lordshippe and his officers when he was lately invited to dine with the reader of the inner temple, should this day have a further hearing, and that mr. hodges, mr. wyn, and mr. mundy, gentlemen of the inner temple, against whome particular complaint was made, sshould appeare att the board, when accordingly, they attendinge, and both parties being called in and heard by their counsell learned, and affidavits haveing been read against the said three persons, accuseing them to have beene the principall actors in that disorder, to which they haveing made their defence, and haveing presented severall affidavits to justifie their carriage that day, though they could not extenuate the faults of others who in the tumult affronted the lord maior and his officers; and, the officers of the lord maior, who was alleaged to have beene abused in the tumult, did not charge it upon anie of their particular persons; upon consideration whereof it appeareing to his majestie that the matter dependinge very much upon the right and priviledge of beareing up the lord maior's sword within the temple, which by order of this board of the th of march last is left to be decided by due proceedings of lawe in the courts of westminster hall; his majestie therefore thought fitt to suspend the declaration of his pleasure thereupon until the said right and priviledge shall accordinglie be determined att lawe." on the th of november, car. ii., his highness rupert prince palatine, thomas earl of cleveland, jocelyn lord percy, john lord berkeley of stratton, with henry and bernard howard of norfolk, were admitted members of the fellowship of the inner temple.[ ] we must now close our remarks on the temple, with a short account of the quarrel with dr. micklethwaite, the _custos_ or guardian of the temple church. after the hospitallers had been put into possession of the temple by king edward the third, the prior and chapter of that order, appointed to the antient and honourable post of _custos_, and the priest who occupied that office, had his diet in one or other of the halls of the two law societies, in the same way as the guardian priest of the order of the temple formerly had his diet in the hall of the antient knights templars. he took his place, as did also the chaplains, by virtue of the appointment of the prior and chapter of the hospital, without admission, institution or induction, for the hospitallers were clothed with the privileges, as well as with the property, of the knights templars, and were exempt from episcopal jurisdiction. the _custos_ had, as before mentioned, by grant from the prior and chapter of the order of st. john, one thousand faggots a year to keep up the fire in the church, and the rents of ficketzfeld and cotterell garden to be employed in improving the lights and providing for the due celebration of divine service. from two to three chaplains were also provided by the hospitallers, and nearly the same ecclesiastical establishment appears to have been maintained by them, as was formerly kept up in the temple by the knights templars. in hen. vii. these priests had divers lodgings in the temple, on the east side of the churchyard, part of which were let out to the students of the two societies. by sections and of the act _hen._ viii., dissolving the order of the hospital of st. john, it is provided that william ermsted, clerk, the _custos_ or guardian of the temple church, who is there styled "master of the temple," and walter limseie and john winter, chaplains, should receive and enjoy, during their lives, all such mansion-houses, stipends, and wages, and all other profits of money, in as large or ample a manner as they then lawfully had the same, the said master and chaplains of the temple doing their duties and services there, as they had previously been accustomed to do, and letters patent confirming them in their offices and pensions were to be made out and passed under the great seal. this appellation of "master of the temple," which antiently denoted the superior of the proud and powerful order of knights templars in england, the counsellor of kings and princes, and the leader of armies, was incorrectly applied to the mere _custos_ or guardian of the temple church. the act makes no provision for the _successors_ of the _custos_ and chaplains, and edward the sixth consequently, after the decease of william ermsted, conveyed the lodgings, previously appropriated to the officiating ministers, to a mr. keilway and his heirs, after which the custos and clergymen had no longer _of right_ any lodgings at all in the temple.[ ] from the period of the dissolution of the order of saint john, down to the present time, the _custos_, or, as he is now incorrectly styled, "the master of the temple," has been appointed by letters patent from the crown, and takes his place as in the olden time, without the ceremony of admission, institution, or induction. these letters patent are couched in very general and extensive terms, and give the _custos_ or master many things to which he is justly entitled, as against the crown, but no longer obtains, and profess to give him many other things which the crown had no power whatever to grant. he is appointed, for instance, "to rule, govern, and superintend the house of the new temple;" but the crown had no power whatever to make him governor thereof, the government having always been in the hands of the masters of the bench of the two societies, who succeeded to the authority of the master and chapter of the knights templars. in these letters patent the temple is described as a rectory, which it never had been, nor anything like it. they profess to give to the _custos_ "all and all manner of tythes," but there were no tythes to give, the temple having been specially exempted from tythe as a religious house by numerous papal bulls. the letters patent give the _custos_ all the revenues and profits of money which the _custodes_ had at any time previously enjoyed by virtue of their office, but these revenues were dissipated by the crown, and the property formerly granted by the prior and chapter of saint john, and by pious persons in the time of the templars, for the maintenance of the priests and the celebration of divine service in the temple church was handed over to strangers, and the _custos_ was thrown by the crown for support upon the voluntary contributions of the two societies. he received, indeed, a miserable pittance of _l._ _s._ _d._ per annum from the exchequer, but for this he was to find at his own expense a minister to serve the church, and also a clerk or sexton! as the crown retained in its own hands the appointment of the custos and all the antient revenues of the temple church, it ought to have provided for the support of the officiating ministers, as did the hospitallers of saint john. "the chardges of the fellowshyppe," says the ms. account of the temple written in the reign of hen. viii., "towards the salary or mete and drink of the priests, is none; for they are found by my lord of saint john's, and they that are of the fellowshyppe of the house are chardged with nothing to the priests, saving that they have eighteen offring days in the yeare, so that the chardge of each of them is xviii_d._"[ ] in the reign of james the first, the _custos_, dr. micklethwaite, put forward certain unheard-of claims and pretensions, which led to a rupture between him and the two societies. the masters of the bench of the society of the inner temple, taking umbrage at his proceedings, deprived the doctor of his place at the dinner-table, and "willed him to forbear the hall till he was sent for." in car. i., a. d. , the doctor presented a petition to the king, in which he claims precedence within the temple "according to auncient custome, he being master of the house," and complains that "his place in the hall is denyed him and his dyett, which place the master of the temple hath ever had both before the profession of the lawe kept in the temple and ever since, whensoever he came into the hall. that tythes are not payde him, whereas by pattent he is to have _omnes et omnimodas decimas_.... that they denye all ecclesiastical jurisdiction to the master of the temple, who is appointed by the king's majesty master and warden of the house _ad regendum, gubernandum, et officiendum domum et ecclesiam_," &c. the doctor goes into a long list of grievances showing the little authority that he possessed in the temple, that he was not summoned to the deliberations of the houses, and he complains that "they will give him no consideracion in the inner house for his supernumerarie sermons in the forenoon, nor for his sermons in the afternoon," and that the officers of the inner temple are commanded to disrespect the master of the temple when he comes to the hall. the short answer to the doctor's complaint is, that the _custos_ of the church never had any of the things which the doctor claimed to be entitled to, and it was not in the power of the crown to give them to him. the antient _custos_ being, as before mentioned, a priest of the order of the temple, and afterwards of the order of the hospital, was a perfect slave to his temporal superiors, and could be deprived of his post, be condemned to a diet of bread and water, and be perpetually imprisoned, without appeal to any power, civil or ecclesiastical, unless he could cause his complaints to be brought to the ear of the pope. dr. micklethwaite quite misunderstood his position in the temple, and it was well for him that the masters of the benches no longer exercised the despotic power of the antient master and chapter, or he would certainly have been condemned to the penitential cell in the church, and would not have been the first _custos_ placed in that unenviable retreat.[ ] the petition was referred to the lords of the council, and afterwards to noy, the attorney-general, and in the mean time the doctor locked up the church and took away the keys. the societies ordered fresh keys to be made, and the church to be set open. noy, to settle all differences, appointed to meet the contending parties in the church, and then alluding to the pretensions of the doctor, he declared that if he were visitor he would proceed against him _tanquam elatus et superbus_. in the end the doctor got nothing by his petition. in the time of the commonwealth, after dr. micklethwaite's death, oliver cromwell sent to inquire into the duties and emoluments of the post of "master of the temple," as appears from the following letter:-- "from his highness i was commanded to speake with you for resolution and satisfaction in theise following particulers-- " . whether the master of the temple be to be putt in him by way of presentation, or how? " . whether he be bound to attend and preach among them in terme times and out of terme? " . or if out of terme an assistant must be provided? then, whether at the charge of the master, or how otherwise? " . whether publique prayer in the chapell be allwayes performable by the master himselfe in terme times? and whether in time of vacation it be constantly expected from himselfe or his assistant. " . what the certain revenue of the master is, and how it arises? " . sir, the gentleman his highness intends to make master is mr. resburne of oundle, a most worthy and learned man, pastor of the church there, whereof i myselfe am an unworthy member. " . the church would be willing (for publique good) to spare him in terme times, but will not part with him altogether. and in some of the particulers aforementioned mr. r. is very desirous to be satisfyd; his highness chiefly in the first. " . i begg of you to leave a briefe answer to the said particulars, and i shall call on your servant for it. "for the honourable henry scobell, esq., theise."[ ] during the late repair of the temple church, a. d. , the workmen discovered an antient seal of the order of the hospital, which was carried away, and appears to have got into the hands of strangers. on one side of it is represented the holy sepulchre of jerusalem, with the saviour in his tomb. at his head is an elevated cross, and above is a tabernacle or chapel, from the roof of which depend two incense pots. around the seal is the inscription, "fr---- berengarii custos pauperum hospitalis jherusalem." on the reverse a holy man is represented on his knees in the attitude of prayer before a patriarchal cross, on either side of which are the letters _alpha_ and _omega_. under the first letter is a star. these particulars have been furnished me by mr. savage, the architect. the end. london: printed by g. j. palmer, savoy street, strand. footnotes: [ ] elmacin, hist. saracen. eutychius. [ ] ingulphus, the secretary of william the conqueror, one of the number, states that he sallied forth from normandy with _thirty_ companions, all stout and well-appointed horsemen, and that they returned _twenty_ miserable palmers, with the staff in their hand and the wallet at their back.--_baronius ad ann. _, no. , . [ ] _will. tyr._, lib. i. cap. , ed. . [ ] omnibus mundi partibus divites et pauperes, juvenes et virgines, senes cum junioribus, loca sancta visitaturi hierosolymam pergerent.--jac. de vitriaco. _hist. hierosol._ cap. lxv. [ ] "to kiss the holy monuments," says william of tyre, "came sacred and chaste widows, forgetful of feminine fear, and the multiplicity of dangers that beset their path."--lib. xviii. cap. . [ ] quidam autem deo amabiles et devoti milites, charitate ferventes, mundo renuntiantes, et christi se servitio mancipantes in manu patriarchæ hierosolymitani professione et voto solemni sese astrinxerunt, ut a prædictis latronibus, et viris sanguinum, defenderent peregrinos, et stratas publicas custodirent, more canonicorum regularium in _obedientia et castitate et sine proprio_ militaturi summo regi. _jac. de vitr. hist. hierosol. apud gesta dei per francos_, cap. lxv. p. .--_will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. . there were three kinds of poverty. the first and strictest (_altissima_) admitted not of the possession of any description of property whatever. the second (_media_) forbade the possession of individual property, but sanctioned any amount of wealth when shared by a fraternity in common. the lowest was where a separate property in some few things was allowed, such as food and clothing, whilst everything else was shared in common. the second kind of poverty (media) was adopted by the templars. [ ] _pantaleon_, lib. iii. p. . [ ] _d'herbelot bib. orient._ p. , , ed. . william of tyre, who lived at jerusalem shortly after the conquest of the city by the crusaders, tells us that the caliph omar required the patriarch sophronius to point out to him the site of the temple destroyed by titus, which being done, the caliph immediately commenced the erection of a fresh temple thereon, "quo postea infra modicum tempus juxta conceptum mentis suæ feliciter consummato, _quale hodie hierosolymis esse dinoscitur_, multis et infinites ditavit possessionibus."--_will. tyr._ lib. i. cap. . [ ] erant porro in eodem templi ædificio, intus et extra ex opere musaico, arabici idiomatis literarum vetustissima monimenta, quibus et auctor et impensarum quantitas et quo tempore opus inceptum quodque consummatum fuerit evidenter declaratur.... in hujus superioris areæ medio templum ædificatum est, forma quidem _octogonum_ et laterum totidem, tectum habens sphericum plumbo artificiose copertum.... intus vero in medio templi, infra interiorem columnarum ordinem _rupes_ est, &c.--_will. tyr._ lib. i. cap , lib. viii. cap. . in hoc loco, supra _rupem_ quæ adhuc in eodem templo consistit, dicitur stetisse et apparuisse david exterminator angelus.... templum dominicum in tanta veneratione habent saraceni, ut nullus eorum ipsum audeat aliquibus sordibus maculare; sed a remotis et longinquis regionibus, a temporibus salomonis usque ad tempora præsentia, veniunt adorare.--_jac. de vitr. hist. hierosol._ cap. lxii. p. . [ ] _procopius de ædificiis justiniani_, lib. . [ ] phocas believes the whole space around these buildings to be the area of the ancient temple. [greek: en tô archaiô dapedô tou periônymou naou ekeinou tou solomôntos theôroumenos ... exôthen de tou naou esti periaulion mega lithostôton to palaion, hôs oimai, tou megalou naou dapedon.]--_phocæ descript. terr. sanc._ cap. xiv. colon. . [ ] quibus quoniam neque _ecclesia_ erat, neque certum habebant domicilium, rex in palatio suo, quod secus templum domini ad _australem_ habet partem, eis concessit habitaculum.--_will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. . and in another place, speaking of the temple of the lord, he says, ab _austro_ vero domum habet regiam, quæ vulgari appellatione _templum salomonis_ dicitur.--_ib._ lib. viii. cap. . [ ] qui quoniam juxta templum domini, ut prædiximus, in palatio regio mansionem habent, fratres militiæ templi dicuntur.--_will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. . [ ] est præterea hierosolymis templum aliud immensæ quantitatis et amplitudinis, _a quo fratres militiæ templi, templarii nominantur_, quod templum salomonis nuncupatur, forsitan ad distinctionem alterius quod specialiter templum domini appellatur.--_jac. de vitr._ cap. . [ ] in templo domini abbas est et canonici regulares, et sciendum est quod aliud est templum domini, aliud templum militiæ. isti _clerici_, illi _milites_.--_hist. orient. jac. de vitr. apud thesaur. nov. anecd. martene_, tom. iii. col. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. . [ ] prima autem eorum professio quodque eis a domino patriarcha et reliquis episcopis in remissionem peccatorum injunctum est, ut vias et itinera, ad salutem peregrinorum contra latronum et incursantium insidias, pro viribus conservarent.--_will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. . [ ] _gibbon._ [ ] _reg. constit. et privileg. ordinis cisterc._ p. . [ ] _chron. cisterc. albertus miræus._ brux. . _manricus ad ann. _, cap. ii. _act. syn. trec._ tom. x. edit. labb. [ ] ego joannes michaelensis, præsentis paginæ, jussu consilii ac venerabilis abbatis clarævallensis, cui creditum ac debitum hoc fuit, humilis scriba esse, divinâ gratiâ merui.--_chron. cisterc._ ut sup. [ ] see also hoveden apud x script. page . hen. hunting. ib. page . [ ] _annales benedictini_, tom. vi. page . [ ] _histoire de languedoc_, lib. xvii. p. . [ ] _hist. de l'eglise de gandersheim. mariana de rebus hispaniæ_, lib. x. cap. , , . _zurita anales de la corona de aragon_, tom. i. lib. i. cap. . _quarita_, tom. i. lib. ii. cap. . [ ] semel et secunda, et tertio, ni fallor, petiisti a me. hugo carrissime, ut tibi tuisque commilitonibus scriberem exhortationis sermonem, et adversus hostilem tyrannidem, quia lanceam non liceret, stilum vibrarem. _exhortatio s. bernardi ad milites templi, ed. mabillon. parisiis_, , tom. i. col. to . [ ] i. e. without any _separate_ property. [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xiii. cap. ; _anselmus_, lib. iii. epistolarum. epist. , , , ; _duchesne in hist. burg._ lib. iv. cap. . [ ] miles eximius et in armis strenuus, nobilis carne et moribus, dominus robertus cognomine burgundio magister militiæ templi.--_will. tyr._ lib. xv. cap. . [ ] vir eximius frater militiæ templi otto de monte falconis, omnes de morte suâ moerore et gemitu conficiens, occisus est.--_will. tyr._ lib. xv. cap. . [ ] _abulfeda_, ad ann. hegir. , . _will. tyr._ lib. xvi. cap. , , , , , who terms zinghis, sanguin. _abulfaradge chron. syr._ p. , . _will. tyr._ lib. xvi. cap. . [ ] _odo de diogilo_, p. . _will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. ; _jac. de vitr._ cap. lxv.; _paul. Æmil._ p. ; _monast. angl._ vol. vii. p. . [ ] in nomine sanctæ et individuæ trinitatis omnibus dominis et amicis suis, et sanctæ dei ecclesiæ filiis, bernardus de baliolo salutem. volo notum fieri omnibus tam futuris quam præsentibus, quod pro dilectione dei et pro salute animæ meæ, antecessorumque meorum fratribus militibus de templo salomonis dedi et concessi wedelee, &c. ... hoc donum in capitulo, quod in octavis paschæ parisiis fuit feci, domino apostolico eugenio præsente, et ipso rege franciæ et archiepiscopo seuver, et bardell et rothomagi, et frascumme, et fratribus militibus templi alba chlamide indutis cxxx præsentibus.--_reg. cart. s. joh. jerus. in bib. cotton. nero e. b._ no. xx. fo. . [ ] _gallia christiana nova_, tom. i. col. . [ ] _odo de diogilo de ludov._ vii. _profectione in orientem_, p. . [ ] rex per aliquot dies in palatio templariorum, ubi olim regia domus, quæ et templum salomonis constructa fuit manens, et sancta ubique loca peragrans, per samariam ad galilæam ptolemaidam rediit.... convenerat enim cum rege militibusque templi, circa proximum julium, in syriam ad expugnationem damasci exercitum ducere.--_otto frising_, cap. . [ ] ludovici regis ad abbatem sugerium epist. .--_duchesne hist. franc. scrip._ tom. iv. p. ; see also epist. , ibid. [ ] _simeonis dunelmensis hist._ ad ann. , _apud_ x _script._ [ ] _dugdale baronage_, tom. i. p. , _dugd. monast._ vol. , p. . [ ] ex regist. hosp. s. joh. jerusalem in angli in _bib. cotton._ fol. , a-b. _dugd. monast. angl._ ed. , vol. vii. p. . [ ] ex. cod. vet. m. s. penes anton. wood, oxon, fol. a. ib. p. . [ ] _liber johannis stillingflete_, m. s. in officio armorum (l. ) fol. a, harleian m. s. no. . [ ] _geoffrey of clairvaux_ observes, however, that the second crusade could hardly be called _unfortunate_, since, though it did not at all help the holy land, it served to _people heaven with martyrs_. [ ] his head and right hand were cut off by noureddin, and sent to the caliph at bagdad.--_abulfarag. chron. syr._ p. . [ ] _spicilegii dacheriani_, tom. ii. p. ; see also _will. tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. . _l'art de verifier les dates_, p. . _nobiliaire de franche-compté_, par dunod, p. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. , ad ann. . [ ] _s. bernardi epistolæ_, , , , ed. mabillon. [ ] _anselmi gemblacensis chron._ ad ann. . _will. tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. . [ ] captus est inter cæteros ibi bertrandus de blanquefort, magister militiæ templi, vir religiosus ac timens deum. _will. tyr._ lib. xviii. cap. . _registr. epist._ apud _martene_ vet. script. tom. ii. col. . [ ] milites templi circa triginta, ducentos paganorum euntes ad nuphas verterent in fugam, et divino præsidio comitante, omnes partim ceperunt, partim gladio trucidarunt. _registr. epist._ ut sup. col. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xix. cap. . [ ] _epist._ xvi. s. remensi archiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeis pro ecclesia jerosolymitana et militibus templi, apud _martene vet. script._ tom. ii. col. . [ ] _islam_, the name of the mahometan religion. the word signifies literally, delivering oneself up to god. [ ] keightley's crusaders. [ ] the virtues of noureddin are celebrated by the arabic historian _ben-schunah_, in his _raoudhat almenadhir_, by _azzeddin ebn-al-ather_, by _khondemir_, and in the work entitled, "the flowers of the two gardens," by _omaddeddin kateb_. see also _will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . [ ] _regula_, cap. xlviii. [ ] vexillum bipartitum ex albo et nigro quod nominant _beau-seant_ id est gallicâ linguâ _bien-seant_; eo quod christi amicis candidi sunt et benigni, inimicis vero terribiles atque nigri, _jac. de vitr. hist. hierosol. apud gesta dei_, cap. lxv. the idea is quite an oriental one, black and white being always used among the arabs metaphorically, in the sense above described. their customary salutation is, may your day be _white_, i. e. may you be happy. [ ] _alwakidi arab. hist._ translated by ockley. _hist. saracen._ it refers to a period antecedent to the crusades, but the same religio-military enthusiasm prevailed during the holy war for the recovery of jerusalem. [ ] _cinnamus_, lib. iv. num. . [ ] _gesta dei_, inter regum et principum epistolas, tom. i. p. , , . _hist. franc. script._ tom. iv. p. , . [ ] hist. de saladin, par _m. marin_, tom. i. p. , . _gibbon_, cap. . [ ] _gesta dei_, epist. xiv. p. , . [ ] de fratribus nostris ceciderunt lx. milites fortissimi, præter fratres clientes et turcopulos, nec nisi _septem_ tantum evasêre periculum. epist. _gauf. fulcherii_ procuratoris templi ludovico regi francorum. _gesta dei_, tom. i. p. , , . [ ] registr. epist. apud _martene_, vel script. tom. ii. col. , , . [ ] "... præcipue pro fratribus templi, vestram exoramus majestatem ... qui quotidie moriuntur pro domino et servitio, et per quos possumus, si quid possumus. in illis enim tota summa post deum consistit omnium eorum, qui sano fiunt consilio in partibus orientis...." _gesta dei_, tom. i. epist. xxi. p. . [ ] dominus fuit arabiæ secundæ, quæ est petracensis, qui locus hodie crach dicitur, et syriæ sobal ... factus est magister militiæ templi.--_will. tyr._ lib. xxii. cap. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xviii. cap. , . [ ] fratres ejusdem domus non formidantes pro fratribus suis animas ponere; cum servientibus et equitaturis _ad hoc officium specialiter deputatis et propriis sumptibus retentis_, tam in eundo, quam redeundo ab incursibus paganorum defensant.--_de vertot._ hist. des chev. de malte, liv. i. preuve . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . [ ] prædicti enim hospitalis fratres _ad imitationem_ fratrum militiæ templi, armis materialibus utentes, milites cum servientibus in suo collegio receperunt.--_jac. de vit._ cap. lxv. [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . [ ] this assumption of arms by the hospitallers was entirely at variance with the original end and object of their institution. pope anastasius, in a bull dated a. d. , observes, "omnia vestra _sustentationibus peregrinorum et pauperum_ debent cedere, ac per hoc nullatenus aliis usibus ea convenit applicari."--_de vertot_, liv. i. preuve . [ ] _gest. dei per francos_, p. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . _hoveden_ in hen. , p. . _de vertot_, hist. des chevaliers de malte, liv. ii. p. to , ed. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xx. xxi. xxii. [ ] _omne datum optimum_ et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a patre luminum, apud quem non est transmutatio, nec vicissitudinis obumbratio. [ ] acta rymeri, tom. i. ad ann. , p. , , . [ ] _wilcke_, geschichte des tempelherrenordens, vol. ii. p. . [ ] concil. lat. cap. . [ ] regula, cap. . [ ] cap. , . [ ] cap. , , of the rule. [ ] _jac. de vitr._ hist. orient. apud _martene_ thesaur. nov. anecdot. tom. iii. col. , . [ ] narratio patriarchæ hierosolymitani coram summo pontifice de statu terræ sanctæ. ex m. s. cod. bigotiano, apud _martene_ thesaur. nov. anecdot. tom. iii. col. , . [ ] dissertation sur les assassins, académie des inscriptions, tom. xvii. p. , . _de guignes_, hist. des huns.--_will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . [ ] _jac. de vitr._ hist. orient. lib. iii. p. . _will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . [ ] adjecit etiam et alia _a spiritu superbiæ_, quo ipse plurimum abundabat, dictata, quæ præsenti narrationi no multum necessarium est interserere.--_will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . [ ] _will. tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. , , . abulfeda abulpharadge, chron. syr. p. . [ ] capti sunt ibi de nostris, otto de sancto amando militiæ templi magister, homo nequaquam superbus et arrogans, spiritum furoris habens in naribus, nec deum timens, nec ad homines habens reverentiam.--_will. tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. , abulpharadge, chron. syr. p. , . [ ] _abulpharadge_, chron. syr. ut sup. menologium cisterciente, p. . _bernardus thesaurarius_ de acq. _terr. sanc._ cap. . [ ] dicens non esse consuetudinis militum templi ut aliqua redemptio daretur pro eis præter cingulum et cultellum. chron. _trivet_ apud _hall_, vol. i. p. . [ ] eodem anno quo captus est in vinculis et squalore carceris, nulli lugendus, dicitur obiisse.--_will. tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. . ib. lib. xxii. cap. . gallia christiana nova, tom. i. col. ; ibid p. , instrumentorum. [ ] _abulfeda_, ad ann. , . _will. tyr._ lib. xxii. cap. - . [ ] unde propter causas prædictas generali providentia statutum est, ut jerosolymitanus patriarcha, petendi contra immanissimum hostem saladinum auxilii gratia, ad christianos principos in europam mitteretur; sed maxime ad illustrem anglorum regem, cujus efficacior et promptia opera sperabatur.--_hemingford_, cap. ; _radulph de diceto_, inter; _hist. angl._ x. script. p. . [ ] concil. magn. brit. tom. iv. p. , . [ ] _arnauld_ of troy. _radulph de diceto_, ut sup. p. . [ ] eodem anno ( ,) baldewinus rex jerusalem, et templares et hospitalares, miserunt ad regem angliæ heraclium, sanctæ civitatis jerusalem patriarcha, et summos hospitalis et templi magistros una cum vexillo regio, et clavibus sepulchri domini, et turris david, et civitatis jerusalem; postulantes ab eo celerem succursum ... qui statim ad pedes regis provoluti cum fletu magno et singultu, verba salutationis ex parte regis et principum et universæ plebis terræ jerosolymitanæ proferebant ... tradiderunt ei vexillum regium, etc. etc.--_hoveden_, ad ann. ; _radulph de diceto_, p. . [ ] _matt. westm._ ad ann. ; _guill. neubr._ tom. i. lib. iii. cap. , . _chron. dunst._ [ ] _speed._ hist. britain, p. . a. d. . [ ] _stowe's_ survey; _tanner_, notit. monast.; _dugd._ orig. jurid. [ ] _herbert_, antiq. inns of court. [ ] "yea, and a part of that too," says sir william dugdale, in his _origines juridiciales_, as appears from the first grant thereof to sir william paget, knight, pat. ii. edward vi. p. . [ ] we read on many old charters and deeds, "datum apud _vetus_ templum londoniæ." see an example, _nichols'_ leicestershire, vol. iii. p. ; see also the account, in matt. par. and hoveden, of the king's visit to hugh bishop of lincoln, who lay sick of a fever at the old temple, and died there, the th november, a. d. . [ ] anno ab incarnatione domini mclxxxv. facta est ista inquisitio de terrarum donatoribus, et earum possessoribus, ecclesiarum scil. et molendinorum, et terrarum assisarum, et in dominico habitarum, et de redditibus assisis per angliam, per fratrem galfridum filium stephani, quando ipse suscepit balliam de anglia, qui summo studio prædicta inquirendo curam sollicitam exhibuit, ut majoris notitiæ posteris expressionem generaret, et pervicacibus omnimodam nocendi rescinderet facultatem. ex. cod. ms. in scacc. penes remor. regis. fol. i. a.; _dugd._ monast. angl. vol. vi. part ii. p. . [ ] quorum res adeo crevit in immensum, ut hodie, trecentos in conventu habeant equites, albis chlamydibus indutos: exceptis fratribus, quorum pene infinitus est numerus. possessiones autem, tam ultra quam citra mare, adeo dicuntur immensas habere, ut jam non sit in orbe christiano provincia quæ prædictis fratribus suorum portionem non contulerit, et regiis opulentiis pares hodie dicuntur habere copias.--_will. tyr._ lib. xii. cap. . [ ] dominus baldwinus illustris memoriæ, hierosolymorum rex quartus, gazam munitissimam fratribus militiæ templi donavit, _will. tyr._ lib. xx. cap. . milites templi gazam antiquam palæstinæ civitatem reædificant, et turribus eam muniunt, _rob. de monte_, appen. ad chron. sig. p. . [ ] _marin. sanut_, p. . _bernard thesaur._ p. . _radulph coggleshale_, p. . hoveden, p. . radulph de diceto, ut sup. p. . matt. par. p. . italia sacra, tom. iii. p. . [ ] tunc julianus dominus sydonis vendidit sydonem et belfort templariis, _marin. sanut_, cap. vi. p. . [ ] atlas _marianus_, p. ; siciliæ antiq., tom. iii. col. . [ ] gallia christiana nova, tom. iii. col. ; probat. tom. ix. col. , tom. x. col. , tom. xi. col. ; _roccus pyrrhus_, sicil. antiq. tom. iii. col. , , , , , &c. [ ] _petrus maria campus_ hist. placent. part ii. n. ; _pauli m. paciandi_ de cultu s. johannis bapt. antiq. p. . [ ] description et delices d'espagne, tom. iii. p. ; hist. portugal, _la clede_, tom. i. p. , , &c.; hispania illustrata, tom. iii. p. . [ ] annales minorum, tom. v. p. ; tom. vi. p. , ; tom. viii. p. , ; tom. ix. p. , .--_campomanes._ [ ] _marcæ_ hispanicæ, col. , , . gall. christ. nov. tom. i. col. . _mariana_, de. reb. hisp. lib. ii. cap. . [ ] script. rer. germ. tom. ii. col. . annales minorum, tom. vi. p. , , . suevia and vertenbergia sacra, p. . annal. bamb. p. . notitiæ episcopatûs middelb. p. . scrip. de rebus marchiæ brandeburg, p. . _aventinus_ annal. lib. vii. cap. . n. . gall. christ. nov. tom. viii. col. ; tom. i. col. . [ ] constantinopolis christiana, lib. iv. p. . [ ] hist. de l'eglise de besancon, tom. ii. p. , , , , , , , &c. [ ] hist. de l'eglise de st. etienne à dijon, p. , , . hist. de bresse, tom. i. p. , , . [ ] hist. gen. de languedoc, liv. ii. p. ; liv. xvi., p. ; liv. xvii. p. ; liv. xxii. p. , . gall. christ. tom. vi. col. . _martene_ thesaur. anecd. tom. i. col. . [ ] gall. christ. nov. tom. i. p. ; tom. iii. col. ; tom. ii. col. , , and . _la martiniere_ dict. geogr. _martene_, ampl. collect. tom. vi. col. . gloss. nov. tom. iii. col. . [ ] histoire de la ville de paris, tom. i. p. . gall. christ. nov. tom. vii. col. . [ ] annales trevir. tom. ii. p. , , . _prodromus_ hist. trevir. p. . _bertholet_ hist. de luxembourg, tom. v. p. . _joh. bapt._ antiq. flandriæ gandavum, p. , . antiq. bredanæ, p. , . _austroburgus_, p. . _aub miræi_ diplomat. tom. ii. p. , &c. [ ] _dugd._ monast. angl. vol. vi. part , p. to . concilia magnæ britanniæ, tom. iii. p. to . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , , , &c. [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , , , &c. [ ] _nichols'_ hist. of leicestershire. [ ] _clutterbuck's_ hist. hertfordshire. _chauncey_, antiq. hert. acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . _dodsworth_, m. s. vol. xxxv. [ ] _morant's_ hist. essex, _rymer._ tom. iii. p. to . [ ] redditus omnium ecclesiarum et molendinorum et terrarum de bailliâ de lincolnscire. inquis. terrar. ut sup. fol. b to b and a. _peck's_ ms. in museo britannico, vol. iv. fol. et seq. [ ] _peck's_ ms. ut sup. fol. . [ ] inquis. ut. sup. b to b. [ ] inquis. terrar. ut sup. fol. a to a. dodsworth ms. vol. xx. p. , , ex quodam rotulo tangente terras templariorum. rot. , , p. . dugd. baron. tom. i. p. . [ ] monast. angl. ut sup. p. . _hasted._ hist. kent. [ ] ex cod. ms. in officio armorum, l. xvii. fol. a. calendarium inquis. post mortem, p. . . [ ] _manning's_ surrey. _atkyn's_ gloucestershire; and see the references in tanner. _nash's_ worcestershire. [ ] _bridge's_ northamptonshire, vol. ii. p. . [ ] _thoroton's_ nottinghamshire. _burn and nicholson's_ westmoreland. _worsley's_ isle of wight. [ ] habuerunt insuper templarii in christianitate _novem millia_ maneriorum ... præter emolumenta et varios proventus ex fraternitatibus et prædicationibus provenientes, et per privilegia sua accrescentes. _mat. par._ p. , ed. lond. . [ ] amplis autem possessionibus tam citra mare quam ultra ditati sunt in immensum, villas, civitates et oppida, ex quibus certam pecuniæ summam, pro defensione terræ sanctæ, summo eorum magistro cujus sedes principalis erat in jerusalem, mittunt annuatim.--_jac. de vitr._ hist. hierosol. p. . [ ] masculum pullum, si natus sit super terram domus, vendere non possunt sine licentiâ fratrum. si filiam habent, dare non possunt sine licentiâ fratrum. inquisitio terrarum, ut supr. fol. a. [ ] the templars, by diverting the water, created a great nuisance. in a. d. , the _prior et fratres de carmelo_ (the white friars) complained to the king in parliament of the putrid exhalations arising from the fleet river, which were so powerful as to overcome all the frankincense burnt at their altar during divine service, and had occasioned the deaths of many of their brethren. they beg that the stench may be removed, lest they also should perish. the friars preachers (black friars) and the bishop of salisbury (whose house stood in salisbury-court) made a similar complaint; as did also henry lacy, earl of lincoln, who alleges that the templars (_ipsi de novo templo_) had turned off the water of the river to their mills at castle baignard.--_rot. parl._ vol. i. p. , . [ ] ex cod. ms. in officio armorum, l. xvii. fol. a. _dugd._ monast. angl. ut sup. p. . _tanner_, notit. monast. [ ] _dugd._ baronage. monast. angl. p. to . [ ] power to hold courts; [ ] to impose and levy fines and amerciaments upon their tenants; [ ] to buy and sell, or to hold a kind of market; [ ] to judge and punish their villains and vassals; [ ] to try thieves and malefactors belonging to their manors, and taken within the precincts thereof; [ ] to judge foreign thieves taken within the said manors, &c. [ ] cart. . hen. . m. . _dugd._ monast. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , , . [ ] page . [ ] edward i. [ ] inst. p. . [ ] inst. p. . [ ] stat. westr. , cap. , ed. i. [ ] the title master of the temple was so generally applied to the superiors of the western provinces, that we find in the greek of the lower empire, the words [greek: templou maistôr]. _ducange._ gloss. [ ] also summus magister, magister generalis. [ ] concil. mag. brit. tom. ii. p. , , . monast. angl. p. . [ ] concil. mag. brit. tom. ii. p. , . [ ] in cujus rei testimonium huic præsenti scripto indentato sigillum capituli nostri apposuimus. [ ] ms. apud belvoir. _peck's_ ms. in museo britannico, vol. iv. p. . [ ] _nicholl's_ hist. leicestershire, vol. iii. pl. cxxvii. fig. , p. ; vol. ii. pl. v. fig. . [ ] two of these visitors-general have been buried in the temple church. [ ] rot. claus. . h. iii. m. xi. d. acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] l'histoire des cisteaux, _chrisost. henriques_, p. . [ ] ricardus de hastinges, magister omnium militum et fratrum templi qui sunt in angliâ, salutem. notum vobis facimus quod omnis controversia quæ fuit inter nos et monachos de kirkested ... terminata et finita est assensu et consilio nostro et militum et fratrum, &c., anno ab incarnatione domini , die kal. feb. the archbishop of canterbury, the papal legate, the bishop of lincoln, and several abbots, are witnesses to this instrument.--_lansdown_ ms. e, fol. , p. , ; see also p. , where he is mentioned as master, a. d. . [ ] et paulo post rex angliæ fecit henricum filium suum desponsare margaritam filiam regis franciæ, cum adhuc essent pueruli in cunis vagientes; videntibus et consentientibus roberto de pirou et toster de sancto homero et ricardo de hastinges, templariis, qui custodiebant præfata castella, et statim tradiderunt illa castella regi angliæ, unde rex franciæ plurimum iratus fugavit illos tres templarios de regno franciæ, quos rex angliæ benigne suscipiens, multis ditavit honoribus.--_rog. hoveden_, script. post bedam, p. . _guilielmi neubrigiensis_ hist. lib. ii. cap. , apud _hearne_. [ ] life of henry ii. tom. iv. p. . [ ] ib. tom. ii. p. . hist. quad. p. . _hoveden_, . _chron. gervasii_, p. , apud x script. [ ] ricardus mallebeench, magister omnium pauperum militum et fratrum templi salomonis in angliâ, &c. ... confirmavimus pacem et concordiam quam ricardus de hastings fecit cum waltero abbate de kirkested.--_lansdown_ ms. e., fol. . [ ] gaufridus, filius stephani, militiæ templi in angliâ _minister_, assensu totius capituli nostri dedi, &c., totum illud tenementum in villâ de scamtrun quod emma uxor walteri camerarii tenet de domo nostrâ, &c. ib. fol. . [ ] post. [ ] the money is ordered to be paid "dilecto filio nostro thesaurario domus militiæ templi londonien." acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , . _wilkins_ concilia, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. , . [ ] _wilkins_, concilia magnæ britanniæ, tom. ii. p. , , , , , , . [ ] _bernard thesaur._ cap. , apud _muratori_ script. rer. ital. p. . _cotton_ ms., nero e. vi. p. , fol. . [ ] _radulph de diceto_, ut sup. p. . _matt. par._ ad ann. . [ ] _hoveden_ annal. apud rer. angl. script. post bedam, p. , . [ ] the above passage is almost literally translated from abbot bromton's chronicle. the patriarch there says to the king, "hactenus gloriose regnasti, sed amodo ipse te deseret quem tu deseruisti. recole quæ dominus tibi contulit, et qualia illi reddidisti; quomodo regi franciæ infidus fuisti, beatum thomam occidisti, et nunc protectionem christianorum abjecisti. cumque ad hæc rex excandesceret, obtulit patriarcha caput suum et collum extensum, dicens, 'fac de me quod de _thomá_ fecisti. adeo libenter volo a te occidi in anglia, sicut a saracenis in syria, quia tu omni saraceno pejor es.' cui rex, 'si omnes homines mei unum corpus essent, unoque ore loquerentur, talia mihi dicere non auderent.' cui ille, 'non est mirum, quia tu et non te diligunt, prædam etiam et non hominem sequitur turba ista.' 'recedere non possum, quia filii mei insurgerent in me absentem.' cui ille, 'nec mirum, quia de diabolo venerunt, et ad diabolum ibunt.' et sic demum patriarcha navem ascendens in galliam reversus est."--_chron. joan. bromton_, abbatis jornalensis, script. x. p. , ad ann. . [ ] sed hæc omnia præfatus patriarcha parum pendebat, sperabat enim quod esset reducturus secum ad defensionem ierosolymitanæ terræ præfatum regem angliæ, vel aliquem de filiis suis, vel aliquem virum magnæ auctoritatis; sed quia hoc esse non potuit, repatriaturus dolens et confusus a curiâ recessit.--_hoveden_ ut sup. p. . [ ] _contin. hist. bell. sacr._ apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . it appears from _mansi_ that this valuable old chronicle, formerly attributed to hugh plagon, is the original french work of _bernard the treasurer_. [ ] quand le roi avoit offert sa corone au temple dominus, si avaloit uns degrès qui sont dehors le temple, et entroit en son pales au temple de salomon, ou li templiers manoient. la etoient les tables por mengier, ou le roi s'asseoit, et si baron et tuit cil qui mengier voloient.--contin. bell. sacr. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] contin. hist. ut sup., col. , . _bernard. thesaur._ apud _muratori_ script. rer. ital., tom. vii. cap. , col. , cap. , col. . assizes de jerusalem, cap. , . _guill. neubr._ cap. . [ ] vita et res gestæ saladini by _bohadin f. sjeddadi_, apud _schultens_, ex. ms. arab. pref. [ ] chron. terræ sanctæ apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . hist. hierosol. gest. dei, tom. i. pt. ii. p. , . _geoffrey de vinisauf._ [ ] contin. hist. bell. sacr. ut sup., col. . [ ] _muhammed f. muhammed_, _n. koreisg. ispahan_, apud _schultens_, p. . [ ] _radulph coggleshale_, an eye-witness, apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] chron. terræ sanctæ, apud _martene_, tom. v. col. and . a most valuable history. [ ] _omad'eddin kateb-abou-hamed-mohamed-benhamed_, one of saladin's secretaries. extraits arabes, par _m. michaud_. [ ] contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . _bernard. thesaur._ apud _muratori_ script. rer. ital., cap. . col. . [ ] _bohadin_, cap. . _abulfeda._ _abulpharag._ [ ] _omad'eddin kateb_, in his book called _fatah_, celebrates the above exploits of saladin. extraits arabes, _michaud_. _radulph coggleshale_, chron. terr. sanct. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. to . _bohadin_, p. . _jac. de vitr._ cap. xciv. _guil. neubr._ apud hearne, tom. i. lib. iii. cap. , . _chron. gervasii_, apud x. script. col. . _abulfeda_, cap. . _abulpharag._ chron. syr. p. , , . _khondemir._ _ben-schunah._ [ ] _geoffrey de vinisauf_ apud _gale_, script. antiq. anglic. p. , "o zelus fidei! o fervor animi!" says that admiring historian, cap. xv. p. . [ ] _geoffrey de vinisauf_, ut sup. cap. v. p. . [ ] epistola terrici præceptoris templi de captione terræ jerosolymitanæ, _hoveden_ annal. apud rer. angl. script. post bedam, p. , . _chron. gervas._ ib. col. . _radulph de diceto_, apud x. script. col. . [ ] saladin's letter to the caliph _nassir deldin-illah aboul abbas ahmed_.--_michaud_, extraits arabes. [ ] les dames de jerusalem firent prendre _cuves_ et mettre en la place devant le monte cauviaire, et emplir _d'eue froide_, et firent lors filles entrer jusqu'au col, et couper lor treices et jeter les.--contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] chron. terræ sanctæ, _radulphi coggeshale_, apud _martene_, tom. v. col. , ; flentibus christianis, crines et vestes rumpentibus, pectora et capita tundentibus, says the worthy abbot. [ ] see ante, p. . [ ] saladin ot mandé a damas por euë rose assés por le temple laver ... il avoit quatre chamiex ou cinq tous chargiés.--contin. hist. bell. sacr. col. . [ ] bohadin, cap. xxxvi., and the extracts from _abulfeda_, apud _schultens_, cap. xxvii. p. , . _ib'n alatsyr_, michaud, extraits arabes. [ ] _hoveden_, annal. apud rer. angl. script. post bedam, p. , . [ ] _bohadin_ apud _schultens_, cap. xxxvi. [ ] _ibn-alatsyr_, hist. arab. and the _raoudhatein_, or "the two gardens." _michaud_, extraits arabes. excerpta ex _abulfeda_ apud _schultens_, cap. xxvii. p. . _wilken_ comment. abulfed. hist. p. . [ ] omad'eddin kateb.--_michaud_, extraits arabes. [ ] _khotbeh_, or sermon of _mohammed ben zeky_.--_michaud_, extraits arabes. [ ] see the account of this remarkable stone, ante p. , . [ ] _hist. hierosol._ gesta dei per francos, tom. i. pt. ii. p. . [ ] _hoveden_ ut sup. p. . _schahab'eddin_ in the raoudhatein.--_michaud._ [ ] _jac. de vitr._ cap. xcv. _vinisauf_, apud xv script. p. . _trivet_ ad ann. , apud _hall_, p. . [ ] _radulph de diceto_ ut sup. col. , . _matt. par._ ad ann. . [ ] _radulph coggleshale_, p. . hist. hierosol. apud gesta dei, tom. i. pars , p. . _radulph de diceto_ ut sup., col. . _vinisauf_, cap. xxix. p. . [ ] _ducange_ gloss. tom. vi. p. . [ ] _geoffrey de vinisauf_, apud xv script. cap. xxxv. p. . _rad. coggleshale_ apud _martene_, tom. v. col. , . _bohadin_, cap. l. to c. [ ] _bohadin_, cap. v. vi. [ ] l'art de verif. tom. i. p. . [ ] hist. de la maison de sablé, liv. vi. chap. . p. , . cotton ms. nero, e. vi. p. . folio , where he is called robert de sambell. l'art de verif. p. . [ ] _jac. de vitr._ cap. . [ ] le roi de france ot le chastel d'acre, ot le fist garnir et le roi d'angleterre se herberja en la maison du temple.--contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] _chron. ottonis_ a s. blazio, c. . apud scriptores italicos, tom. vi. col. . [ ] _contin. hist. bell. sacr._ apud martene, tom. v. col. . _trivet_, ad. ann. . _chron. de s. denis_, lib. ii. cap. . _vinisauf_, p. . [ ] primariam aciem deducebant templarii et ultimam hospitalarii, quorum utrique strenue agentes magnarum virtutum prætendebant imaginem.--_vinisauf_, cap. xii. p. . [ ] ibi rex præordinaverat quod die sequenti primam aciem ipse deduceret, et quod templarii extremæ agminis agerent custodiam.--_vinisauf_, cap. xiv. p. . [ ] deducendæ extremæ legioni præfuerant templarii, qui tot equos eâ die turcis irruentibus, a tergo amiserunt, quod fere desperati sunt.--ib. [ ] _bohadin_, cap. cxvi. p. . [ ] singulis noctibus antequam dormituri cubarent, quidam ad hoc deputatus voce magnâ clamaret fortiter in medio exercitu dicens, adjuva sepulchrum sanctum; ad hanc vocem clamabant universi eadem verba repetentes, et manus suas cum lacrymis uberrimis tendentes in cælum, dei misericordiam postulantes et adjutorium.--_vinisauf_, cap. xii. p. . [ ] ibid. cap. xxxii. p. . [ ] _bedewini_ horridi, fuligine obscuriores, pedites improbissimi, arcus gestantes cum pharetris, et ancilia rotunda, gens quidem acerrima et expedita.--_vinisauf_, cap. xviii. p. . [ ] _vinisauf_, cap. xxii. p. . _bohadin_, cap. cxx. [ ] expedite descenderunt (templarii) ex equis suis, et dorsa singuli dorsis sociorum habentes hærentia, facie versâ in hostes, sese viriliter defendere coeperunt. ibi videri fuit pugnam acerrimam, ictus validissimos, tinniunt galeæ a percutientium collisione gladiorum, igneæ exsiliunt scintillæ, crepitant arma tumultuantium, perstrepunt voces; turci se viriliter ingerunt, templarii strenuissime defendunt.--ib. cap. xxx. p. , . [ ] _vinisauf_, cap. xxxii. p. . [ ] ib. cap. xxxvii. p. . _contin. hist. bell. sacr._ apud _martene_, v. col. . [ ] _vinisauf_, lib. v. cap. , p. . ibid. lib. vi. cap. , p. . [ ] ib. cap. iv. v. p. , , &c. &c.; cap. xi. p. ; cap. xiv. p. . king richard was the first to enter the town. tunc rex per cocleam quandam, quam forte prospexerat in domibus templariorum solus primus intravit villam.--_vinisauf_, p. , . [ ] _contin. hist. bell. sacr._ apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] concessimus omne jus, omne dominium quod ad nos pertinet et pertineat, omnem potestatem, omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines quas regia potestas conferre potest. _cart. ric._ . ann. , regni sui. [ ] _hispania illustrata_, tom. iii. p. . _hist. gen. de languedoc_, tom. iii. p. . cotton, ms. nero e. vi. . i. [ ] castrum nostrum quod peregrinorum dicitur, see the letter of the grand master _matt. par._ p. , and _jac. de vitr._ lib. iii. apud gest. dei, p. . [ ] "opus egregium," says _james of vitry_, "ubi tot et tantas effuderunt divitias, quod mirum est unde eas accipiunt."--_hist. orient._ lib. iii. apud gest. dei, tom. i. pars , p. . _martene_, tom. iii. col. . hist. capt. damietæ, apud hist. angl. script. xv. p. , , where it is called castrum filii dei. [ ] _pococke_, travels in the east, book i. chap. . [ ] _dufresne_, gloss. _archives d'arles._ cotton, ms. nero e. vi. [ ] acta et foedera _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad. ann. , ed. . [ ] _rigord_ in gest. philippi. acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , . [ ] itinerarium regis johannis, compiled from the grants and precepts of that monarch, by _thomas duff hardy_, published by the record commissioners. [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad. ann. . [ ] _matt. par._ ad. ann. , p. , , . _matt. westr._ p. , . _bib. cotton._ nero c. . acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , . king john resided at temple ewell from the th to the th of may. [ ] teste meipso apud novum templum london.... acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. . ad. ann. , ed. . [ ] "formam autem rei prolocutæ inter nos et ipsos, scriptam et sigillo nostro sigillatam ... in custodiam templariorum commisimus."--_literæ regis sorori suæ reginæ berengariæ_, ib. p. . [ ] berengaria dei gratiâ, quondam humilis angliæ regina. omnibus, &c. salutem.... hanc pecuniam solvet in domo novi templi london. ib. p. , , ad. ann. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. , ad. ann. . [ ] _monast. angl._ vol. vi. part ii. [ ] ital. et raven. historiarum _hieronymi rubei_, lib. vi. p. , , ad ann. . ed. ven. . [ ] _jac. de vitr._ lib. iii. ad. ann. . gesta dei, tom. i. , pars , p. , , . [ ] _gall. christ. nov._ tom. ii. col. , tom. vii. col. . [ ] _jac. de vitr._ hist. orient. ut sup. p. . bernard thesaur. apud muratori, cap. to . [ ] epist. magni magistri templi apud matt. par. p. , . [ ] our historian, james de vitry; he subsequently became one of the hostages. contin. hist. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] matt. par. ad ann. , p. . see also another letter, p. . [ ] actum london in domo militiæ templi, ii. kal. octob. _acta rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. . [ ] _acta rymeri_, tom. i. ad ann. , p. . [ ] mittimus ad vos dilect. nobis in christo, fratrem alanum marcell magistrum militiæ templi in angliâ, &c. ... teste meipso apud novum templum london coram domino cantuar--archiepiscopo, huberto de burgo justitiario et j. bath--sarum episcopis. _acta rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. . [ ] ib. p. . [ ] ib. p. , , . [ ] sanut, lib. iii. c. x. p. . [ ] _cotton_, ms. nero e. vi. p. . fol. . nero e. vi. . i. [ ] cecidit autem in illo infausto certamine illustris miles templarius, anglicus natione, reginaldus de argentomio, eâ die balcanifer; ... indefessus vero vexillum sustinebat, donec tibiæ cum cruribus et manibus frangerentur. solus quoque eorum preceptor priusquam trucidaretur, sexdecim hostium ad inferos destinavit.--_matt. par._ p. , ad ann. . [ ] a _clerkenwelle_ domo sua, quæ est londoniis, per medium civitatis, clypeis circiter triginta detectis, hastis elevatis, et prævio vexillo, versus pontem, ut ab omnibus videntibus, benedictionem obtinerent, perrexerunt eleganter. fratres verò inclinatis capitibus, hinc et inde caputiis depositis, se omnium precibus commendaverunt.--_matt. par._ p. , . [ ] et eodem anno ( ) ... passi sunt judæi exterminium magnum et destructionem, eosdem arctante et incarcerante, et pecuniam ab eisdem extorquente galfrido templario, regis speciali consiliario.--_matt. par._ p. , ad ann. . [ ] in ipsâ irâ aufugavit fratrem rogerum templarium ab officio eleemosynariæ, et a curiâ jussit elongari.--ib. [ ] _rymer_, tom. i. p. . [ ] post. [ ] _matt. par._ p. . [ ] _michaud_ extraits arabes, p. . [ ] _steph. baluz_. miscell., lib. vi. p. . [ ] _marin sanut_, p. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. to , ad ann. . huic scripto originali, quod erat hujus exemplum, appensa fuerunt duodecim sigilla. [ ] _matt. par._ p. - . [ ] cotton ms. nero e. vi. p. , fol. , vir discretus et circumspectus; in negotiis quoque bellicis peritus. [ ] hospitalarii et templarii milites neophitos et manum armatam cum thesauro non modico illuc ad consolationem et auxilium ibi commorantium festinanter transmiserunt. epist. pap. innocent iv. [ ] _matt. par._ p. , . [ ] literæ soldani babyloniæ ad papam missæ, a quodam cardinali ex arabico translatæ.--_matt. par._ p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. . [ ] ib. in additamentis, p. , . [ ] quant les templiers virent-ce, il se penserent que il seroient honniz se il lessoient le compte d'artois aler devant eulz; si ferirent des esperons qui plus plus, et qui miex miex, et chasserent les turcs. hist. de san louis par _jehan sire de joinville_, p. . [ ] nec evasit de totâ illâ gloriosâ militiâ nisi duo templarii.--_matt. par._ ad ann. . chron. _nangis_, p. . [ ] et à celle bataille frere guillaume le mestre du temple perdi l'un des yex, et l'autre avoit il perdu le jour de quaresm pernant, et en fu mort ledit seigneur, que dieux absoille.--_joinville_, p. . [ ] et sachez que il avoit bien un journel de terre dariere les templiers, qui estoit si chargé de pyles que les sarrazins leur avoient lanciées, que il n'i paroit point de terre pour la grant foison de pyles.--ib. [ ] _joinville_, p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. . [ ] _matt. par._ ad ann. , p. , . [ ] ... mandatum est johanni de eynfort, camerario regis london, quod sine dilatione capiat quatuor dolia boni vini, et ea liberet johanni de suwerk, ponenda in cellaria novi templi london. ad opus nuntiorum ipsorum.--acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. . [ ] et mandatum est ricardo de muntfichet, custodi forestæ regis essex, quod eadem forestâ sine dilatione capiat x. damos, et eos usque ad novum templum london cariari faciat, liberandos prædicto johanni, ad opus prædictorum nuntiorum.--_ib._ [ ] acta _rymeri_, p. , . [ ] mcclvi. morut frère renaut de vichieres maistre du temple. apres lui fu fait maistre frère thomas berard.--contin. hist. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , , ad ann. . [ ] furent mors et pris, et perdirent les templiers tot lor hernois, et le commandeor du temple frère matthieu le sauvage.--contin. hist. bell. sacr. ut sup. col. . _marin sanut_, cap. . [ ] _marin sanut torsell_, lib. iii. pars , cap. , , . contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . see also abulfed. hist. arab. apud wilkens, p. . _de guignes_, hist. des huns, tom. iv. p. . [ ] _michaud_, extraits arabes, p. . [ ] _de vertot_, liv. iii. preuve. xiii. see also epist. ccccii. apud _martene_ thesaur. anec. tom. ii. col. . [ ] facta est civitas tam famosa quasi solitudo deserti.--_marin sanut_, lib. iii. pars. , cap. . _de guignes_, hist. des huns, tom. iv. p. . contin. hist. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . _abulpharag._ chron. syr. p. . _michaud_, extraits arabes, p. . [ ] _marin sanut_ ut sup. cap. , . contin. hist. apud _martene_, col. , . [ ] en testimoniaunce de la queu chose, a ceo testament avons fet mettre nostre sel, et avoms pries les honurables bers frere hue, mestre de l'hospital, et frere thomas berard, mestre du temple, ke a cest escrit meisent ausi lur seus, etc. acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , ad ann. . [ ] trivet ad ann. . walsingham, p. . acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. , tom. ii. p. . [ ] monast. angl., vol. vi. part , p. - . [ ] mcclxxiii. a viii. jors d'avri morut frere thomas berart, maistre du temple le jor de la notre dame de mars, et fu fait maistre a xiii. jors de may, frere guillaume de bieaujeu qui estoit outre _commendeor_ du temple en pouille, et alerent por lui querire frere guillaume de poucon, qui avait tenu lieu de maistre, et frere bertrand de fox; et frere gonfiere fu fait _commandeor_ gran tenant lieu de maistre.--contin. hist. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. , . this is the earliest instance i have met with of the application of the term commander to the high officers of the temple. [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. ii. p. , ad ann. . [ ] contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] life of malek mansour kelaoun. _michaud_, extraits arabes, p. , , . [ ] de excidio urbis aconis apud _martene_ vet. script. tom. v. col. . [ ] the famous abul-feda, prince of hamah, surnamed amod-ed-deen, (pillar of religion,) the great historian and astronomer, superintended the transportation of the military engines from hasn-el-akrah to st. jean d'acre. [ ] ex ipsis fratrem monachum gaudini elegerunt ministrum generalem. de excidio urbis acconis apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . [ ] videntes pulchros francorum filios ac filias, manus his injecerunt.--_abulfarag_, chron. syr. p. . maledicti saraceni mulieres et pueros ad loca domus secretiora ex eisdem abusuri distrahere conabantur, turpibus ecclesiam obscoenitatibus cum nihil possent aliud maculantes. quod videntes christiani, clausis portis, in perfidos viriliter irruerunt, et omnes a minimo usque ad maximum occiderunt, muros, turres, atque portas templi munientes ad defensam.--de excid. acconis ut sup. col. . _marin sanut_ ut sup. cap. xxii. p. . [ ] per totam noctem illam, dum fideles vigilarent contra perfidorum astutiam, domum contra eos defensuri, fratrum adjutorio de thesauris quod potuit cum sacrosanctis reliquiis ecclesiæ templi, ad mare salubriter deportavit. inde quidem cum fratribus paucis auspicato remigio, in cyprum cum cautelâ transfretavit.--de excid. acconis, col. . [ ] de excidio urbis acconis apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . _de guignes_, hist. des huns, tom. iv. p. . _michaud_, extraits arabes, p. , . abulfarag. chron. syr. p. . wilkens, comment. abulfed. hist. p. - . _marin. sanut torsell_, lib. iii. pars , cap. . [ ] _raynald_, tom. xiv. ad ann. . cotton ms. nero e. vi. p. . fol. . [ ] _marin sanut torsell._ lib. iii. pars. , cap. x. p. . _de guignes_, hist. des huns, tom. iv. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , - , , tom. ii. p. . _martene_, vet. script. tom. vii. col. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. ii. p. . ad ann. . [ ] chron. _dunmow_. annals of _st. augustin_. _rapin._ [ ] ipse vero rex et petrus thesaurum ipsius episcopi, apud novum templum londoniis reconditum, ceperunt, ad summam quinquaginta millia librarum argenti, præteraurum multum, jocalia et lapides preciosos.... erant enim ambo præsentes, cum cistæ frangerentur, et adhuc non erat sepultum corpus patris sui.--_hemingford_, p. . [ ] chron. _triveti_, ad ann. . _hemingford_, vol. i. p. . [ ] _dante_ styles him _il mal di francia_, del. purgat. cant. , . [ ] questo papa fue huomo molto cupido di moneta, e fue lusurioso, si dicea che tenea per amica la contessa di paragordo, bellissima donna!! _villani_, lib. ix. cap. . fuit nimis cupiditatibus deditus.... sanct. ant. flor. de concil. vien. tit. . sec. . circa thesauros colligendos insudavit, says _knighton_ apud x script. col. . _fleuri_, l. . p. . _chron. de namgis_, ad ann. . [ ] _rainald._ tom. xv. ad ann. , n. . _fleuri_, hist. eccles. tom. xix. p. . [ ] _bal. pap. aven._ tom. ii. p. . [ ] _bal. pap. aven._ tom. i. p. . sexta vita, clem. v. apud _baluz_, tom. i. col. . [ ] hist. de la condemnation des templiers.--_dupuy_, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _mariana_ hispan. illustr. tom. iii. p. . _le gendre_ hist. de france, tom. ii. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . ad ann. . [ ] les forfaits pourquoi les templiers furent ars et condamnez, pris et contre eux approuvez. _chron. s. denis._ sexta vita, clem. v. _dupuy_, p. . edition de . [ ] liv. ii. chap. , chez _dupuy_. [ ] sexta vita, clem. v. col. . [ ] ostendens duo ossa quod dicebat illa esse quæ ceciderunt de talis suis. _processus contra templarios._ _raynouard_ monumens historiques, p. , ed. . [ ] in quibus tormentis dicebat se quatuor dentes perdidisse. ib. p. . [ ] fuit quæstionibus ponderibus appensis in genitalibus, et in aliis membris usque ad exanimationem. ib. [ ] tres des chart. templiers, cart. , _n._ . [ ] dat. apud redyng, die decembris. consimiles litteræ diriguntur ferando regi castillæ et ligionis, consanguineo regis, domino karolo, regi siciliæ, et jacobo regi aragoniæ, amico regis. acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. , p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , ad ann. . [ ] dat. pictavis , kal. dec. acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. , p. - . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , ad ann. . [ ] ibid. p. , . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] _knyghton_, apud x. script. col. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . _vitæ paparum avenion_, tom. ii. p. . [ ] ibid. tom. iii. p. , . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] ibid. p. , . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] _rainald_, tom. xv. ad ann. . [ ] concil. mag. brit. tom. ii. p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] concil. mag. brit. tom. ii. p. - . [ ] _processus contra templarios_, _dugd._ monast. angl. vol. vi. part , p. - ed. . [ ] the original draft of these articles of accusation, with the corrections and alterations, is preserved in the tresor des chartres _raynouard_, monumens historiques, p. , . the proceedings against the templars in england are preserved in ms. in the british museum, harl. no. , , f. p. ; no. , , f. p. . bib. cotton julius, b. xii. p. ; and in the bodleian library and ashmolean museum. the principal part of them has been published by _wilkins_ in the concilia magnæ britanniæ, tom. ii. p. - , and by _dugdale_, in the monast. angl. vol. vi. part . p. - . [ ] actum in capella infirmariæ prioratus sanctæ trinitatis præsentibus, etc. concilia magnæ britanniæ, tom. iii. p. . ibid. p. - . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. - . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. - . [ ] _acta rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] et ad evidentius præmissorum testimonium reverendus in christo pater dominus willielmus, providentiâ divinâ s. andreæ episcopus, et magister johannes de solerio prædicti sigilla sua præsenti inquisitioni appenderunt, et eisdem sigillis post subscriptionem meam eandem inquisitionem clauserunt. in quorum etiam firmius testimonium ego willielmus de spottiswod auctoritate imperiali notarius qui prædictæ inquisitioni interfui die, anno, et loco prædictis, testibus præsentibus supra dictis, signum meum solitum eidem apposui requisitus, et propriâ manu scripsi rogatus.--_acta contra templarios._ _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , . [ ] act. in ecclesiâ parochiali s. dunstani prope novum templum.--ib., p. . [ ] _acta contra templarios._ _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. . p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. to . [ ] terrore tormentorum confessi sunt et _mentiti_.--_concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , , . [ ] depositiones templariorum in provinciâ eboracensi.--_concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. - . [ ] eodem anno ( ) xix. die maii apud eborum in ecclesiâ cathedrali, ex mandato speciali domini papæ, tenuit dominus archiepiscopus concilium provinciale. prædicavitque et erat suum thema; _omnes isti congregati venerunt tibi_, factoque sermone, recitavit et legi fecit _sequentem bullam horribilem contra templarios_, &c. &c. _hemingford_ apud _hearne_, vol. i. p. . [ ] processus observatus in concilio provinciali eboracensi in ecclesiâ beati petri ebor. contra templarios celebrato a. d. , ex. reg. will. grenefeld archiepiscopi eborum, fol. , p. .--_concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _acta contra templarios._ _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _joan. can. sanct. vict._ contin. de _nangis_ ad ann. . ex secundâ vitâ _clem._ v. p. . [ ] chron. _cornel. zanfliet_, apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . _bocat._ de cas. vir. illustr. lib. . chap. xxi. _raynouard_, monumens historiques. _dupuy_, condemnation des templiers. [ ] vit. prim. et tert. clem. v. col. , . _bern. guac._ apud _muratori_, tom. iii. p. . contin. chron. de _nangis_ ad ann. . _raynouard_, p. . [ ] _raynouard_, p. . [ ] inhibuisti ne contra ipsas personas et ordinem per _quæstiones_ ad inquirendum super eisdem criminibus procedatur, quamvis iidem templarii diffiteri dicuntur super eisdem articulis veritatem.... attende, quæsumus, fili carissime, et prudenti deliberatione considera, si hoc tuo honori et saluti conveniat, et statui congruat regni tui. arch. secret. vatican. registr. literar. curiæ anno domini clementis papæ .--_raynouard_, p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. , p. . [ ] ib., p. , . claus. . e. . m. . [ ] et si per hujusmodi arctationes et separationes nihil aliud, quam prius, vellent confiteri, quod extunc _quæstionarentur_; ita quod _quæstiones_ illæ fierent absque mutilatione et debilitatione perpetua alicujus membri, et sine violenta sanguinis effusione.--_concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] cum nuper, ob reverientiam sedis apostolicÆ, concessimus prælatis et inquisitoribus ad inquirendum contra ordinem templariorum, et contra magnum præceptorem ejusdem ordinis in regno nostro angliæ, quod iidem prælati et inquisitores, de ipsis templariis et eorum corporibus in quÆstionibus, et aliis ad hoc convenientibus ordinent et faciant, quoties voluerint, id quod eis secundum legem ecclesiasticam, videbitur faciendum, &c.--teste rege apud linliscu in scotiâ, die octobris. ibid. tom. iii. p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] ibid. p. , . [ ] ibid. tom. iii. p. - . [ ] _acta contra templarios, concil. mag. brit._ tom. ii. p. - . [ ] suspicio (quæ loco testis , in ms. allegatur,) probare videtur, quod omnes examinati in aliquo dejeraverunt (pejeraverunt,) ut ex inspectione processuum apparet.--ms. bodl. oxon. f. . . _concil._ tom. ii. p. . [ ] this knight had been tortured in the temple at paris, by the brothers of st. dominic, in the presence of the grand inquisitor, and he made his confession when suffering on the rack; he afterwards revoked it, and was then tortured into a withdrawal of his revocation, notwithstanding which the inquisitor made the unhappy wretch, in common with others, put his signature to the following interrogatory, "interrogatus utrum _vi_ vel _metu carceris_ aut _tormentorum_ immiscuit in suâ depositione aliquam falsitatem, dicit _quod non_!" [ ] _acta contra templarios._--_concil. mag. brit._ tom. ii. p. - . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._ tom. ii. p. . [ ] vobis, præfati vicecomites, mandamus quod illos, quos dicti prælati et inquisitores, seu aliquis eorum, cum uno saltem inquisitore, deputaverint ad supervidendum quod dicta custodia bene fiat, id supervidere; et corpora dictorum templariorum in quÆstionibus et aliis ad hoc convenientibus, ponere; et alia, quæ in hac parte secundum legem ecclesiasticam fuerint facienda, facere permittatis. claus. , e. . m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] _m. s. bodl._ f. , . _concil._ p. , . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. - . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , . [ ] acta fuerunt hæc die et loco prædictis, præsentibus patribus antedictis, et venerandæ discretionis viris magistris michaele de bercham, cancellario domini archiepiscopi cantuar.... et me ranulpho de waltham, london, episcoporum notariis publicis.--_acta contra templarios._ _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. - . [ ] _concilia hispaniæ_, tom. v. p. . _zurita_, lib. v. c. . . _mariana_, lib. xv. cap. . _mutius_, chron. lib. xxii. p. . _raynouard_, p. - . [ ] ut det templariis audientiam sive defensionem. in hac sententiâ concordant omnes prælati italiæ præter unum, hispaniæ, theutoniæ, daniæ, angliæ, scotiæ, hiberniæ, etc. etc., ex secund. vit. clem. v. p. .--_rainald_ ad ann. , n. . _walsingham_, p. . _antiq. britann._, p. . [ ] _muratorii_ collect. tom. iii. p. ; tom. x. col. . _mariana._ tom. iii. p. . _raynouard_, p. , . [ ] _raynouard_ ut supra. tertia vita clem. v. [ ] pro executoribus testamenti wilielmi de la more, quondam magistri militiæ templi in anglia, claus . e. . m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] registr. hosp. s. joh. jerus. _cotton_ ms. nero e. vi. . i. nero e. vi. p. . fol. . [ ] _lansdown_, ms. . e. vol. v. fol. . [ ] ib., fol. . [ ] ib., fol. , , . [ ] ib., fol. . [ ] ib., fol. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. . he was one of those who advised king john to sign magna charta.--_matt. par._, p. - . [ ] ib., p. , . _matt. par._, p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , . he was employed to negotiate a marriage between king henry the third and the fair eleanor of provence. [ ] _matt. par._, p. , et in additamentis, p. . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] ib., p. , , . [ ] ib., p. , . _prynne_, collect , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. part iii. p. . [ ] in vilissimo carcere, ferro duplici constrictus, jussus est recludi, et ibidem, donec aliud ordinatum extiterit, reservari; et interim visitari, ad videndum si vellet _alterius aliqua confiteri_!--_concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _processus contra templarios._ _dupuy_, p. , . _raynouard_, p. . [ ] _villani_, lib. viii. cap. . contin. chron. de _nangis_, ad ann. . _pap. mass._ in philip. pulchr. lib. iii. p. . _mariana_ de reb. hisp. lib. xv. cap. . _dupuy_, ed. , p. . chron. _corn. zanfliet_ apud _martene_, tom. v. col. . _raynouard_, p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , , ad ann. . [ ] _zurita_, lib. v. c. . institut. milit. christi apud _henriquez_, p. . [ ] annales minorum. gall. christ. nov. _aventinus_, annal. _de vertot_, liv. . [ ] _fuller's_ hist. holy war, book v. ch. iii. [ ] _dupuy_, p. , . [ ] essai sur les moeurs, &c., tom. ii. p. . [ ] nihil ad nos unquam pervenit nisi modica bona mobilia. epist. ad philip, non. may, . _raynouard_, p. . _de vertot_, liv. iii. [ ] _raynouard_, , , . [ ] the extents of the lands of the templars are amongst the unarranged records in the queen's remembrancer's office, and various sheriffs' accounts are in the third chest in the pipe office. [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , , , , , , , , . _dodsworth._ ms. vol. xxxv. p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , , . [ ] ib. tom. iii. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] ib., tom. iii. p. , . [ ] ib., tom. iii. p. . [ ] cart. . e. . no. . . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] ib., p. , , , , - . _dugd. monast. angl._, vol. vi. part . p. . [ ] rolls of parliament, vol. ii. p. . [ ] _dugd. monast. angl._, vol. vi. part , p. , . _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. - , ad ann. . [ ] _statutes at large_, vol. ix. appendix, p. . [ ] _rolls of parliament_, vol. ii. p. . no. . [ ] _monast. angl._, p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. [ ] _walsingham_, p. . [ ] _monast. angl._, vol. vi. part ii. p. . [ ] _pat._ , e. , p. ; m. . _dugdale_, hist. warwickshire, vol. i. p. , ed. . [ ] _dublin review_ for may, , p. . [ ] see ante, p. . on the th of march, before his departure from this country, heraclius consecrated the church of the hospitallers at clerkenwell, and the altars of st. john and st. mary. ex registr. s. john jerus. in bib. _cotton_, fol. . [ ] a fac-simile of this inscription was faithfully delineated by mr. geo. holmes, the antiquary, and was published by strype, a. d. . the earliest copy i have been able to find of it is in a manuscript history of the temple, in the inner temple library, supposed to have been written at the commencement of the reign of charles the first by john wilde, esq., a bencher of the society, and lent reader in the year . [ ] tempore quoque sub eodem (a. d. ) dedicata est nobilis ecclesia, structuræ aspectabilis novi templi _londinensis_, præsente rege et multis regni magnatibus; qui eodem die, scilicet die ascensionis, completis dedicationis solemniis, convivium in mensá nimis laute celebrarunt, sumptibus hospitaliorum.--_matt. par._ ad ann. , p. , ed. . [ ] a large piscina, similar to the one in the temple church, may be seen in cowling church, kent. _archæologia_, vol. xi. pl. xiv. p. . [ ] ib. p. to . [ ] _acta contra templarios._ concil. mag. brit. tom. ii. p. , , . [ ] _jac. de vitr._ de religione fratrum militiæ templi, cap. . [ ] _processus contra templarios_, apud dupuy, p. ; ed. . [ ] see the plan of this chapel and of the temple church, in the vetusta monumenta of the society of antiquaries. [ ] acta fuerunt hæc in capellâ juxta ecclesiam, apud novum templum london, ex parte australi ipsius ecclesiæ sitâ, coram reverendis patribus domino archiepiscopo et episcopis, &c. &. acta _rymeri_, tom. ii. p. , ad ann. . [ ] anecdotes and traditions published by the _camden_ society. no. clxxxi. p. . [ ] de tribus capellanis inveniendis, apud novum templum, londoniarum, pro animâ regis henrici tertii. ex regist. hosp. s. johannis jerus. in angliâ. bib. cotton, f. . a. [ ] ibid. . b. [ ] _acta contra templarios._ concil. mag. brit., tom. ii. p. . [ ] e registro mun. eviden. prior. hosp. sanc. joh. fol. , b.; fo. , a. [ ] _nicholls'_ hist. leicestershire, vol. iii. p. , note. _malcolm_, londinium redivivum, vol. ii. p. . [ ] _burton's_ leicestershire, p. , . [ ] monumens de la monarchie françoise, par _montfaucon_, tom. ii. p. , plate p. . hist. de la maison de dreux, p. , . [ ] _ducange._ gloss. tom. iii. p. , ; ed. , verb. _oblati_. [ ] _peck._ ms. vol. iv. p. . [ ] plurimique nobiles apud eos humati fuerunt, quorum imagines visuntur in hoc templo, tibiis in crucem transversis (sic enim sepulti fuerunt quotquot illo sæculo nomina bello sacro dedissent, vel qui ut tunc temporis sunt locuti crucem suscepissent.) e quibus fuerunt guilielmus pater, guilielmus et gilbertus ejus filii, omnes marescalli angliæ, comitesque pembrochiæ.--_camden's_ britannia, p. . [ ] _stow's_ survey. [ ] ms. inner temple library, no. . fol. . [ ] origines juridiciales, p. . [ ] _nicholls'_ leicestershire, vol. iii. p. . [ ] "in _porticu_ ante ostium ecclesiæ occidentale." the word porticus, which means "a walking place environed with pillars," exactly corresponds with the external circular walk surrounding the round tower of the church. [ ] some surprise has been expressed that the effigies of women should be found in this curious position. it must be recollected, that women frequently fought in the field during the crusades, and were highly applauded for so doing. [ ] _hoveden_ apud rer. anglicar. script. post bedam, p. . _dugdale's_ baronage, vol. i. p. . lel. coll. vol. i. . [ ] _monast. angl._, vol. i. p. to . [ ] _dugd._ bar., vol. i. p. . _selden_, tit. hon. p. . [ ] _triveti_ annales apud hall, p. , , ad ann. . _guill. neubr._ lib. i. cap. ii. p. , ad ann. . _hoveden_, p. , hist. minor. matt. par. in bib. reg. apud s. jacobum. [ ] _henry huntingdon_, lib. viii. rer. anglicar. script. post bedam, p. . _chron. gervasii_, apud script. x. col. . _radulph de diceto_, ib. col. . vir autem iste magnanimus, velut equus validus et infrænus, maneria, villas, cæteraque, proprietatem regiam contingentes, invasit, igni combussit, &c. &c. ms. in bibl. arund., a. d. , a. . cap. ix., now in the library of the royal society. _annales dunstaple_ apud hearne, tom. i. p. . [ ] vasa autem altaris aurea et argentea deo sacrata, capas etiam cantorum lapidibus preciosis ac opere mirifico contextas, casulas cum albis et cæteris ecclesiastici decoris ornamentis rapuit, &c. ms. ut sup. gest. reg. steph. p. , . [ ] de vitâ sceleratâ et condigno interitu gaufridi de magnavilla.--_guill. neubr._ lib. i. cap. xi. p. to . henry of huntingdon, who lived in king stephen's reign, and kept up a correspondence with the abbot of ramsay, thus speaks of this wonderful phenomenon, of which he declares himself an eye-witness. dum autem ecclesia illa pro castello teneretur, ebullivit sanguis a parietibus ecclesiæ et claustri adjacentis, indignationem divinam manifestans; sceleratorum exterminationem denuntians, quod quidem multi viderant, et _ego ipse quidem meis oculis inspexi_! _script. post bedam._ lib. viii. p. , ed. , francfort. hoveden, who wrote shortly after, has copied this account. annales, ib. p. . [ ] _guill. neubr._ ut supr. p. , . chron. _gervasii_, apud x. script. col. . _annal. s. augustin._ _trivet_ ad ann. , p. . _chron. brompton_, col. . _hoveden_, ut supr. p. . [ ] grew mad with much anger. [ ] peter langtoft's chronicle, vol. i. , by robert of brunne, translated from a ms. in the inner temple library, oxon. . [ ] in pomoerio suo veteris, scilicet templi apud london, canali inclusum plumbeo, in arbore torvâ suspenderant. _antient ms. de fundatione coenobii sancti jacobi de waldena_, fol. , a. cap. ix. no. , in the library of the royal society. [ ] cumque prior ille, corpus defunctum deponere, et secum waldenam transferre satageret, templarii caute premeditati, statim illud tollentes, in cimiterio novi templi ignobili satis tradiderunt sepulturæ.--ib. [ ] a. d. mclxiiii, sexto kal. octobris, obiit galfridus de mandeuil, comes essexiæ, fundator primus hujus monasterii de walden, cujus corpus jacet londoniis humatum, apud temple-bar _in porticu ante ostium ecclesiæ occidentale_. ms. in the library of the royal society, marked no. , entitled _liber de fundatione sancti jacobi apostoli de waldenâ_. _cotton_, ms. vesp. e. vi. fol. . [ ] hoveden speaks of him as a man of the highest probity, but irreligious. erat autem summæ probitatis, sed summæ in deum obstinationis, magnæ in mundanis diligentiæ, magnæ in deum negligentiæ. _hoveden_ ut supra. [ ] it was a recess, hewn out of the chalk, of a bell shape and exactly circular, thirty feet high and seventy feet in diameter. the sides of this curious retreat were adorned with imagery in basso relievo of crucifixes, saints, martyrs, and historical pieces, which the pious and eccentric lady is supposed to have cut for her entertainment.--see the extraordinary account of the discovery, in , of the lady roisia's cave at royston, published by _dr. stukeley_. cambridge, . [ ] _camden's_ britannia, ed. , p. . [ ] tradidit willielmo marescallo, familiari suo, crucem suam jerosolymam deferendam. _hoveden_ ad ann. , apud rer. anglic. script. post bedam, p. . [ ] _chron. joan brompton_, apud x. script. col. . _hoveden_, p. , . [ ] selden's tit. of honour, p. . [ ] _hoveden_, p. , . _radulf de diceto_, apud x. script. p. . [ ] _matt. par._, p. . _hoveden_, p. . _dugdale_ baronage, tom. i. p. . [ ] _trivet_, p. . _gul. britt._, lib. vii. _ann. waverley_, p. . [ ] _matt. par._, p. . [ ] _matt. par._, p. - , ad ann. . [ ] see his eloquent address to the bishops and barons in behalf of the young king.--_hemingford_, lib. iii. cap. . p. , apud _gale_ xv. script. [ ] _matt. par._, p. , ad ann. . acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. . [ ] _hemingford_, p. , . "these liberties, distinctly reduced to writing, we send to you our faithful subjects, sealed with the seal of our faithful william marshall, earl of pembroke, the guardian of us and our kingdom, because we have not as yet any seal." acta _rymeri_, tom. i. part . p. , ed. . _thomson_, on magna charta, p. , . all the charters and letters patent were sealed with the seal of the earl marshall, "rectoris nostri et regni, eo quod _nondum sigillum habuimus_." acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ed. . [ ] _matt. par._, p. - . [ ] matthew paris bears witness to the great superiority of the english sailors over the french even in those days.--ibid. p. . _trivet_, p. - . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , , . [ ] _dugd._ baronage, tom. i. p. , a. d. . willielmus senior, mareschallus regis et rector regni, diem clausit extremum, et londini apud novum templum honorifice tumulatur, scilicet in ecclesiâ, in ascensionis die videlicet xvii. calendas aprilis.--_matt. par._ p. . _ann. dunstaple_, ad ann. . _ann. waverley_. [ ] miles strenuissimus et per universum orbem nominatissimus.--_chron. t. wikes_ apud _gale_, script. xv. p. . [ ] _monast. angl._, p. , , , . [ ] ms. bib. cotton. _vitellius_, f. . _monast. angl._, tom. i. p. , ed. . [ ] _matt. par._, p. . ad ann. . [ ] _hoveden_ apud rer. anglicar. script. post bedam, p. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. , . _lel._ col. vol. i. p. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. i. p. , ad ann. . [ ] _dugd._ baronage, vol. i. p. , . [ ] _monast. angl._, vol. vi. part ii. p. , . [ ] _matt. par._ p. , . _lel. col._ vol. i. p. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. , ad ann. . [ ] _matt. par._ p. . _ann. dunst._ p. . , . [ ] eodem tempore, a. d. , mense aprili, willielmus, marescallus comes pembrochiæ, in militiâ vir strenuus, in dolorem multorum, diem clausit extremum, et londoniis apud novum templum sepultus est, juxta patrem suum, xvii calend. maii. rex autem qui eum indissolubiliter dilexit, cum hæc audivit, et cum vidisset, corpus defuncti pallâ coopertum, ex alto trahens suspiria, ait, heu, heu, mihi! nonne adhuc penitus vindicatus est sanguis beati thomæ martyris.--_matt. par._ p. . [ ] _dugd._ monast. angl. ut sup. p. . [ ] margaretam _puellam elegantissimam_ matrimonio sibi copulaverat.--_matt. par._, p. , . [ ] _matt. par._ p. . [ ] ib. p. , , , . [ ] in crastino autem delatum est corpus londinum, fratre ipsius prævio, cum tota sua familia comitante, juxta patrem suum et fratrem tumulandum.--ib. p. . ad ann. . [ ] _dugd._ monast. angl., p. . [ ] "paucis ante evolutis annis, post mortem omnium suorum filiorum, videlicet, quando dedicata est ecclesia novi templi, inventum est corpus sæpedicti comitis quod erat insutum corio taurino, integrum, putridum tamen et prout videri potuit detestabile."--_matt. par._ p. . surely this must be an interpolation by some wag. the last of the pembrokes died a. d. , whilst, according to matthew paris's own showing, the eastern part of the church was consecrated a. d. , p. . [ ] _mill's_ catalogues, p. . _speed_, p. . _sandford's_ genealogies, p. , , nd edition. [ ] ex registr. hosp. s. joh. jerus. in angliâ, in _bib. cotton_, fol. a. [ ] ib. [ ] _nicolas_, testamenta vetusta, p. . [ ] p. , . [ ] ante, p. . [ ] _joan sarisburiensis._ polycrat. lib. vi. cap. . [ ] acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] cart. vi. e. . n. . _trivet._ cont., p. . _t. de la more_, p. . [ ] pat. . e. . m. . the temple is described therein as "de feodo thomæ comitis lancastriæ, et de honore leicestrie." [ ] processus contra comitem lancastriæ. acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . _lel._ coll. vol. i. p. . _la more, walsingham._ [ ] cart. . e. ii. m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. . [ ] _dugd._ baron., vol. i. p. , . [ ] rot. escaet. . e. iii. [ ] _h. knyghton_, apud x. script. col. . . _lel._ itin. vol. vi. p . _walsingham_, . [ ] claus. . e. iii. m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iv. p. . [ ] there was in those days an _escheator_ in each county, and in various large towns: it was the duty of this officer to seize into the king's hands all lands held _in capite_ of the crown, on receiving a writ _de diem clausit extremum_, commanding him to assemble a jury to take inquisition of the value of the lands, as to who was the next heir of the deceased, the rents and services by which they were holden, &c. &c. [ ] claus . e. iii. m. . d. acta _rymeri_, tom. iv. p. . [ ] claus. . e. iii. m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iv. p. . [ ] pat. . e. iii. p. . m. . in original, apud rolls garden ex parte remembr. thesaur. [ ] rot. escaet. . e. . . claus e. . p. . m. . [ ] sunt etiam ibidem claustrum, capella sancti thomæ, et quædam platea terræ eidem capellæ annexata, cum _una aula_ et camera supra edificata, quæ sunt loca sancta, et deo dedicata, et dictæ ecclesiæ annexata, et eidem priori per idem breve liberata.... item dicunt, quod præter ista, sunt ibidem in custodia wilielmi de langford infra magnam portam dicti novi templi, _extra metas et disjunctiones prædictas_, una _aula_ et quatuor cameræ, una coquina, unum gardinum, unum stabulum, et una camera ultra magnam portam prædictam, &c. [ ] in memorandis scacc. inter recorda de termino sancti hilarii, . e. . in officio remembratoris thesaurarii. [ ] pat. . e. . p. . m. . _dugd._ monasticon, vol. vii. p. , . [ ] ex registr. sancti johannis jerus. fol. . a. _dugd._ monast., tom. vi. part , p. . [ ] ibid. ad ann. . [ ] rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem. sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ speciali, et pro bono servitio quod rogerus small nobis impendit et impendat in futuro, concessimus ei officium _janitoris novi templi_ london habend. &c. pro vitâ suâ &c. pertinend. &c. omnia vada et feoda &c. eodem modo qualia robertus fetyt defunct. qui officium illud ex concessione domini edwardi nuper regis angliæ patris nostri habuit.... teste meipso apud westm. die aprilis, anno regni nostri . pat. . e. . p. . m. . [ ] prologue to the canterbury tales. the wages of the manciples of the temple, temp. hen. viii. were xxxvis. viiid. per annum. bib. _cotton._ vitellius, c. . f. , a. [ ] annal. olim-sanctæ mariæ ebor. [ ] _walsing._ ric. . ad ann. . hist. p. , ed. . [ ] rot. claus . e. . m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , , . [ ] unam robam per annum de secta liberorum servientium, et quinque solidos per annum, et deserviat quamdiu poterit loco liberi servientis in domo prædictâ. ib. m. . acta _rymeri_, tom. iii. p. , . [ ] quolibet anno ad natale domini unum vetus indumentum de veteribus indumentis fratrum, et quolibet die denarios pro victu garcionis sui, et solidos per annum per stipendiis ejusdem garcionis, sed idem garcio deserviet in domo illâ. ib. [ ] thomas of wothrope, at the trial of the templars in england, was unable to give an account of the reception of some brethren into the order, quia erat _panetarius_ et vacabat circa suum officium. _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . tunc panetarius mittat comiti duos panes atque vini sextarium.... ita appellabant officialem domesticum, qui mensæ panem, mappas et manutergia subministrabat. _ducange_, gloss. verb. panetarius. [ ] _regula templariorum_, cap. lxvii. ante p. . [ ] _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. to , ante, p. . [ ] _dugd._ orig. jurid., p. . [ ] nullus clericus nisi causidicus. will. malm., lib. iv. f. . _radulph de diceto_, apud hist. angl. script. antiq., lib. vii. col. , from whom it appears that the chief justitiary and justices itinerant were all _priests_. [ ] _spelm._ concil., tom. ii. ad ann. . [ ] innocentius, &c. ... præterea cum in angliæ, scotiæ, walliæ regnis, causæ laicorum non imperatoriis legibus, sed laicorum consuetudinibus decidantur, fratrum nostrorum, et aliorum religiosorum consilio et rogatu, statuimus quod in prædictis regnis _leges sæculares_ de cætero non legantur. _matt. par._, p. , ad ann. , et in additamentis, p. . [ ] et quod ipsi quos ad hoc elegerint, curiam sequantur, et se de negotiis in eadem curia intromittant, et alii non. et videtur regi et ejus concilio, quod septies vigenti sufficere poterint, &c.--_rolls of parl._ . e. . vol. i. p. , no. . [ ] _dugd._ orig. jurid., cap. xxxix. p. . [ ] ante, p. . mace-bearers, bell-ringers, thief-takers, gaolers, bailiffs, public executioners, and all persons who performed a specific task for another, were called servientes, serjens, or serjeants. --_ducange_ gloss. [ ] _pasquier's_ researches, liv. viii. cap. . [ ] _will. tyr._, lib. i. p. , lib. xii. p. . [ ] _dugd._ hist. warwickshire, p. . [ ] et tunc magister templi dedit sibi mantellum, et imposuit pileum capiti suo, et tunc fecit eum sedere ad terram, injungens sibi, &c.--_acta contra templarios._ _concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. . see also p. . [ ] it has been supposed that the coif was first introduced by the clerical practitioners of the common law to hide the _tonsure_ of those priests who practised in the court of common pleas, notwithstanding the ecclesiastical prohibition. this was not the case. the early portraits of our judges exhibit them with a coif of very much larger dimensions than the coifs now worn by the serjeants-at-law, very much larger than would be necessary to hide the _mere clerical tonsure_. a covering for that purpose indeed would be absurd. the antient coifs of the serjeants-at-law were small linen or silk caps fitting close to the top of the head. this peculiar covering is worn universally in the east, where the people shave their heads and cut their hair close. it was imported into europe by the knights templars, and became a distinguishing badge of their order. from the _freres serjens_ of the temple it passed to the _freres serjens_ of the law. [ ] ex cod. ms. apud sub-thesaurarium hosp. medii templi, f. . a. dugd. orig. jurid. cap. , . [ ] ms. in bib. int. temp. no. . fo. . [ ] _burton's_ leicestershire, p. . [ ] after the courts of king's bench and exchequer had by a fiction of law drawn to themselves a vast portion of the civil business originally transacted in the common pleas alone, the degree of serjeant-at-law, with its exclusive privilege of practising in the last-named court, was not sought after as before. the advocates or barristers of the king's bench and exchequer were, consequently, at different times, commanded by writ to take upon them the degree of the _coif_, and transfer their practice to the common pleas. [ ] _malcom._ lond. rediviv., vol. ii. p. . [ ] ms. _bib. cotton._ vitellius, c. , fol. , a. [ ] ms. _bib. cotton_, c. , fol. , a. [ ] _hargrave,_ ms. no. , . f. . fol. . [ ] ms. in bib. in. temp., no. , fol. [ ] in. temp. ad. parliament, ibm. xv. die novembris anno philippi et mariæ tertio et quarto, coram johe baker milite, nicho hare milite, thoma whyte milite, et al. ms. bib. in. tem. div. , shelf , vol. xvii. fol. . [ ] ex registr. in. temp., f. , , b. med. temp., f. , a. _dugd._, orig. jurid., p. , . [ ] ante, p. . [ ] _dugd._ orig. jurid. p. . _herbert_ antiq., p. to . [ ] _leigh's_ armorie, fol. . ed. . [ ] _naunton's_ fragmenta regalia, p. . [ ] _chalmer's_ dict. biograph., vol. xvii. p. . [ ] _dugd._ orig. jurid., p. . ex registro hosp. in. temp. f. . [ ] _whitelock's_ memorials, p. - . ed. . [ ] _dugd._ orig. p. . _biog. brit._ vol. xiv. p. . [ ] _dugd._ orig. p. . [ ] _harleian_ ms., no. . [ ] ms. bib. _cotton._ vitellius, c. . fol. a. [ ] see the examination of brother radulph de barton, priest of the order of the temple, and _custos_ of the temple church, before the papal inquisitors at london.--_concil. mag. brit._, tom. ii. p. , , ante, p. , . [ ] _peck_, desiderata curiosa, lib. xiii. p. , . ed. . transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. the original text includes greek characters. for this text version these letters have been replaced with transliterations. transcriber's notes changes to the text are limited to correction of typographical errors are listed at the end of the book. minor corrections to formatting or punctuation are made without comment. illustrations and plates have been re-positioned to appear as close as possible following the first reference in the text, while retaining their numbered order. plate xxx and plate xxxi were in reverse order in the original. footnotes have been numbered consecutively throughout the book and placed after the paragraph in which the footnote anchor appears. in this plain text version of the e-book, characters from the latin- (iso- - ) character set only are used. other symbols are represented as follows: [s] stands for "long s" _underscore symbols_ represent italic typeface; =equals signs= represent bold type face; ~tilde signs~ represent blackletter font; all caps is used to represent small caps typeface. * * * * * the artistic crafts series of technical handbooks edited by w. r. lethaby heraldry [illustration: banner of the arms of king george the fifth.] heraldry for craftsmen & designers by w. h. st. john hope litt.d., d.c.l., with diagrams by the author and numerous illustrations coloured lithographs and collotype reproductions from ancient examples published by john hogg paternoster row london printed by ballantyne & company ltd london editor's preface in issuing this volume of a series of handbooks on the artistic crafts, it will be well to state what are our general aims. in the first place, we wish to provide trustworthy text-books of workshop practice, from the points of view of experts who have critically examined the methods current in the shops, and, putting aside vain survivals, are prepared to say what is good workmanship and to set up a standard of quality in the crafts which are more especially associated with design. secondly, in doing this, we hope to treat design itself as an essential part of good workmanship. during the last century most of the arts, save painting and sculpture of an academic kind, were little considered, and there was a tendency to look on 'design' as a mere matter of _appearance_. such 'ornamentation' as there was was usually obtained by following in a mechanical way a drawing provided by an artist who often knew little of the technical processes involved in production. with the critical attention given to the crafts by ruskin and morris, it came to be seen that it was impossible to detach design from craft in this way, and that, in the widest sense, true design is an inseparable element of good quality, involving as it does the selection of good and suitable material, contrivance for special purpose, expert workmanship, proper finish and so on, far more than mere ornament, and, indeed, that ornamentation itself was rather an exuberance of fine workmanship than a matter of merely abstract lines. workmanship when separated by too wide a gulf from fresh thought--that is, from design--inevitably decays, and, on the other hand, ornamentation, divorced from workmanship, is necessarily unreal, and quickly falls into affectation. proper ornamentation may be defined as a language addressed to the eye; it is pleasant thought expressed in the speech of the tool. in the third place, we would have this series put artistic craftsmanship before people as furnishing reasonable occupations for those who would gain a livelihood. although within the bounds of academic art the competition, of its kind, is so acute that only a very few per cent. can fairly hope to succeed as painters and sculptors, yet as artistic craftsmen there is some probability that nearly every one who would pass through a sufficient period of apprenticeship to workmanship and design would reach a measure of success. in the blending of handwork and thought in such arts as we propose to deal with, happy careers may be found as far removed from the dreary routine of hack labour as from the terrible uncertainty of academic art. it is desirable in every way that men of good education should be brought back into the productive crafts: there are more than enough of us 'in the city,' and it is probable that more consideration will be given in this century than in the last to design and workmanship. * * * * * designers have at times to deal with some matters which are almost common to all the arts, matters which they either know or do not know, and in which the genius they are apt to trust in goes for little apart from knowledge. they must learn lettering for inscriptions much like they once learnt the multiplication table, and they should learn the elements of heraldry in the same way. this it has been difficult to do, as most of the books on heraldry, in seeking to be complete, so effectually muddle up the few important points with the vast number of things unimportant, or worse, that the art student is likely to give it up in despair. many books on heraldry, which in itself is surely a gay thing, have been made to resemble grammars and dictionaries of a meaningless jargon. any student, however, who has become interested in a single shield, or in the look of the thing as seen in a collection of fine examples of heraldry such as are illustrated in this volume, should be able to master the main principles in an hour or two. the curious terms are only old-fashioned; they are used, so far as they are necessary, not of malice, but because it is of the essence of heraldry that everything shall be so strictly defined that a few words may represent a shield of arms as surely as a picture. hence everything has a name, everything is clear, sharp, and bright, the colours are few, the forms must be large and simple. even the seemingly arbitrary dictum that 'no colour must be put on colour or metal on metal' may probably have arisen from the fact that when gilding or silvering was used on a shield it would form a perfect foil for colours, but as they reflected light in the same way, they could not be distinguished if used one on the other. even yellow pigment on white would not tell clearly at any distance; the maxim is merely a rule for the sake of distinctness. again, the curious vigorous drawing of beasts and birds with the eyes staring and the feet spread out was not the result of a desire to be quaint, but arose naturally from the same need of being clear. a good naturalistic drawing of a lion would be useless on a flag. granted the special needs of heraldry, it developed in a perfectly understandable way. on the question of heraldic drawing i should like to caution the student against thinking that it is so easy as it looks. elementary and exaggerated, it may seem as if any child might do it, but in truth it is terribly difficult. the old shields were designed by experts with great experience; they placed the charge perfectly on the field and so distributed the parts that they were balanced in 'weight'; there were no weak lines and nothing was crowded for lack of room. much practice made them perfect, and perfection is still difficult. the present volume seems to me exactly what artists have wanted. w. r. lethaby _march _ author's preface this book is an attempt to place before designers and craftsmen such an account of the principles of the art of heraldry as will enable them to work out for themselves the many and various applications of it that are possible to-day. to that end the different usages which have prevailed from time to time are dealt with in detail, and are illustrated as far as may be from ancient sources. should it be thought that undue stress has been laid upon the pre-tudor heraldry, to the comparative exclusion of that of later times, it may be pointed out that until the principles of the earlier heraldry have been grasped and appreciated, it is impossible to get rid of the cast-iron uniformity and stupid rules that bound the heraldry of to-day, and tend to strangle all attempts to raise it to a higher level. to what extent these chilling ideas prevail, and how necessary it is to get rid of them, cannot better be illustrated than by two letters written to the author, after most of the following chapters were in type, by a critical friend who has not read any of them. he points out in his first letter that on the very day of his writing there had been brought to his notice, not for the first time, the great need that exists for a book in which sculptors and painters may find out what they legitimately may and what they may not do as regards heraldry. what, for example, may be left out from an achievement of arms, and how the different elements composing it may be varied, or even rearranged. he instances the case of a sculptor who had been supplied with a drawing, 'brilliant in emerald green and powder blue,' of the arms that had been granted to a famous englishman whose memory was about to be honoured by the setting up of a statue with his arms, etc. carved upon the pedestal. the arms in the drawing did not present any difficulties, but the crest was not shown upon the helm, and the whole was surrounded by a series of trophies which to this unenlightened sculptor were as heraldic as the arms and crest. out of all this, asked the sculptor, what could lawfully be omitted? if any of the trophies were supporters, must they be shown? and must the crest be used? ought the crest to be on a helm? and should the helm be shown in profile or full-faced? the contents of the drawing, if all were sculptured, would, in my friend's opinion, 'either come so small as to be unmonumental, or so large as to dwarf the statue into a doll.' it will be seen from the principles enunciated in the present work that the answers to the foregoing questions were obviously as follows: i. that the sculptor might use the arms alone if he thought fit, and he might vary the shape and size of the shield according to his fancy. ii. that he could omit the crest if he wished, but if he elected to use it, the crest ought certainly to be set upon a helm, which should face the same way as the crest; the crested helm might also be flourished about with such mantling as the sculptor thought proper. iii. that in the particular drawing none of the trophies was heraldic. the sculptor accordingly could omit the whole, if he were so minded, or could dispose about the arms and crested helm any such other trophies of like character as would in his judgment look well or be appropriate. in a further letter my friend enumerates other difficulties that vex poor artists. must a shield always be surmounted by a crested helm? should the helm face any special way according to the degree of the bearer thereof? what are the ordinary relative proportions which helm and crest should bear to the shield? may a shield be set aslant as well as upright? should a torse be drawn with a curved or a straight line? is it necessary to represent the engraved dots and lines indicative of the tinctures? what are supporters to stand upon? are they to plant their feet on a ribbon or scroll, or on a flowering mound, or what? may arms entitled to have supporters be represented without them? what are the simplest elements to which a shield of arms may be reduced?--as, for example, in a panel some or feet above the eye, and when but a small space is available. to a craftsman or designer who has grasped the principles of heraldry these further questions will present no difficulty, and most of them can be answered by that appeal to medieval usage which the nature of the illustrations renders possible. these illustrations, it will be seen, are largely selected from heraldic seals, and for the particular reason that seals illustrate so admirably and in a small compass such a number of those usages to which appeal may confidently be made. examples of heraldry in conjunction with buildings, monuments, and architectural features generally, have also been given, and its application to the minor arts has not been overlooked. in order, too, to enable full advantage to be taken of the long period covered by the illustrations, the most typical of these have been collected into a chronological series at the end of the book. it is thus possible to show the gradual rise and decline of heraldic art from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century, beyond which it is hardly necessary to go. the only modern illustrations that have been tolerated are those showing the formation of the union jack, and the degraded condition of the so-called royal standard. the coloured frontispiece is an attempt to show a more effective way of displaying with equal heraldic 'correctness' the arms of our sovereign lord king george the fifth. w. h. st. john hope my thanks are due to the society of antiquaries of london for leave to reproduce the coloured illustrations in pls. i and ii, for the loan of blocks or drawings of figs. , , , , , , , , , , , and , and for leave to photograph the numerous casts of seals figured in pls. v-xiv and xvii-xxx and throughout the book; to the royal archæological institute for loan of figs. and ; to the sussex archæological society for the loan of fig. ; to the society of arts for figs. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and ; to the royal institute of british architects for figs. , , and ; to messrs. cassell & co. for figs. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; to messrs. constable & co. for figs. , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; to messrs. parker & co. for fig. ; and to messrs. longmans & co. for figs. , . also to mr. t. w. rutter for lending the drawings reproduced in pls. ii and iii; to mr. r. w. paul for the drawing of fig. ; to mr. mill stephenson for the loan of the brass rubbings reproduced in figs. , , , , , , - , , - ; to the rev. t. w. galpin, mr. e. m. beloe, and mr. aymer vallance for the photographs of figs. , , and respectively; and to the rev. severne majendie for leave to photograph the effigies of the duke and duchess of exeter (figs. , ) in st. katharine's chapel in regent's park. i wish also to thank, among others, mr. david weller, head verger of westminster abbey, for leave to reproduce the photographs shown in figs. , , , , , , , , , , , , ; mr. t. w. phillips, of wells, for those forming figs. and ; mr. charles goulding, of beverley, for those forming figs. , ; mr. t. palmer clarke, of cambridge, for those forming figs. , , , , , and ; and mr. fred spalding, of chelmsford, for the photograph of the new hall panel in fig. . contents chap. _page_ i. introduction defects of modern heraldic decoration; appeal to first principles; english _versus_ foreign sources; definition of heraldry; modes of display; colours and furs; formation of arms; divisions of the shield; early authorities: seals, monuments, buildings, wills and inventories, rolls of arms. ii. the shield and its treatment early forms of shields; later forms; shields of irregular outline and surface; the filling of a shield; apparent _versus_ absolute uniformity; modern rules as to proportion; the use and abuse of quartering: its origin and growth; differencing of arms; the scutcheon of ulster; diapering. iii. the shield and its treatment (_cont._) armorial bearings of ladies; use of lozenges and roundels as variant forms of shields; arms of men on lozenges; combinations of shields with lozenges and roundels of arms on seals and in embroideries. iv. the treatment of crests origin of crests; earliest examples of crests; ways of wearing crests; the helm and its treatment; modern use of helms; absurd crests; use of crests other than by individuals; the comparative sizes of helms and crests. v. mantlings origin of mantlings; simple early forms; colours of mantlings; medieval usage as to colours of mantlings. vi. crests and crowns, caps of estate, and wreaths crests within crowns; nature and treatment of crowns; caps of estate: their possible origin and introduction into heraldry; the colour of caps; the placing of crests upon caps; wreaths or torses; their colour; crests and mottoes; use of crests by bishops; the ensigning of arms with mitres, cardinals' and doctors' hats, and caps of estate. vii. the use of badges, knots, and the rebus definition of a badge; difference between crests and badges; examples of badges; the ostrich-feather badge; the white hart, etc.; introduction of badges into heraldry; their prevalence; allusive badges; badges of obscure origin; knots and badges; the rebus. viii. supporters the probable origin of supporters; quasi-supporters; true supporters: their introduction; supporters of crested helms; pairs of supporters; dissimilar supporters; the use of supporters by ladies; other ways of supporting shields. ix. banners of arms the royal banner of arms; the banner of the arms of the city of london; shapes of banners; sizes of certain banners; upright _versus_ long banners; advantages of the upright form; banners with achievements of arms; modern use of banners. x. marshalling of arms arms of husband and wife; dimidiating; impaling; scutcheons of pretence; impalement with official arms; arms of ladies; heraldic drawing; mottoes; use and misuse of the garter; lettering and mottoes. xi. crowns, coronets, and collars crowns and coronets; introduction of coronets; coronets of princes, dukes, and earls; bequests of coronets; illustrations of coronets and crowns; collars and chains; collars of orders; lancastrian collars of ss; yorkist collars of suns and roses; tudor collars of ss; other livery collars; waits' collars; collars and chains of mayors, mayoresses, and sheriffs; the revival of collars; inordinate length of modern collars. xii. heraldic embroideries the introduction of armorial insignia in embroidered vestments: on robes: on beds, etc. xiii. tudor and later heraldry decorative heraldry of the reign of henry viii; the decadent change in the quality of heraldry; examples of elaborated arms; survival of tradition in heraldic art; elizabethan heraldry; heraldry in the seventeenth century and under the commonwealth; post-restoration heraldry. chronological series of illustrations index list of illustrations plates _facing plate page_ banner of the arms of king george the fifth (_frontispiece_) title i. arms of milton abbey from a window in ibberton church, dorset, c. . (_from_ "_archæologia_," vol. xlvii.) ii. } shields in stained glass of the th century in iii. } the victoria and albert museum. (from coloured drawings by mr. t. w. rutter) iv. part (reduced) of an early roll of arms belonging to the society of antiquaries of london v. examples of shaped shields vi. various shapes of shields vii. examples of quartering viii. examples of diapered shields ix. use of lozenges and roundels of arms x. use of lozenges and roundels of arms xi. early examples of crests xii. early uses of crests, on seals of william montagu earl of salisbury, - xiii. various treatments of crests xiv. examples of crests and mantlings xv. stall-plate (reduced) of hugh stafford lord bourchier, _c._ xvi. stall-plate (reduced) of william lord willoughby, _c._ xvii. crests with mottoes xviii. examples of supporters xix. origin of supporters xx. shields with supporters xxi. shields accompanied by badges xxii. quasi-supporter xxiii. shields accompanied by badges xxiv. shields accompanied by badges xxv. arms with crown and supporters of elizabeth wydville, queen of edward iv xxvi. arms, supporters, and badges of the lady margaret beaufort, xxvii. methods of arranging shields xxviii. examples of banners of arms xxix. ways of upholding shields xxx. crowned shield with supporters and badges of the lady margaret beaufort, xxxi. right and wrong versions of the union jack illustrations in text fig. _page_ . tile with the arms of king henry iii, _c._ , from the chapter-house of westminster abbey. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . shield of the arms of st. edward, _c._ , in the quire of westminster abbey church. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . heraldry on the gatehouse of kirkham priory, yorkshire, built between and . (_from a photograph by mr. c. c. hodges_) . shield with curved bend or baston of henry de laci earl of lincoln, _c._ , in the quire of westminster abbey church. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . arms of clopton, from a brass _c._ at long melford in suffolk . heraldic candle-holder, etc. from the latten grate about the tomb of king henry vii at westminster. (_from_ "_journal of the society of arts_," vol. xlv. p. ) . firedog with armorial bearings. (_from a drawing by mr. c. prætorius, f.s.a._) . chimney-piece in tattershall castle, lincolnshire, built by ralph lord cromwell between and . (_from_ "_journal of the royal institute of british architects_," rd s. vol. iv. ) . paving tiles with arms and badges of the beauchamps, from tewkesbury abbey church. (_from_ "_the ancestor_," vol. ix.) . seal of richard duke of gloucester, as admiral of england in dorset and somerset ( ) . heraldic buckle from the effigy of robert lord hungerford (_ob._ ) in salisbury cathedral church. (_from stothard's_ "_monumental effigies_") . heraldic buckle from the effigy of william lord bardolf (ob. ) in dennington church, suffolk. (_from stothard's_ "_monumental effigies_") . enamelled shield with the arms of ballard on the print of a mazer at all souls college, oxford, _c._ . (_from_ "_archæologia_," vol. l. ) . heraldic paving tiles from tewkesbury abbey. (_from_ "_the ancestor_," vol. ix.) . shield with rounded corners (_c._ ) of richard earl of cornwall in the quire of westminster abbey church. (_from_ "_journal of the society of arts_," vol. xlv. ) . shields of english work from the tomb of william earl of pembroke, ob. , in westminster abbey church. (_from stothard's_ "_monumental effigies_") . seal of hugh bardolf showing shield with square corners. from the barons' letter. (_from_ "_journal of the society of arts_," vol. xlv. ) . seal and counterseal of simon lord of montagu, with shield supported by two bearded men and surmounted by the castle of corfe, of which simon became governor in . from the barons' letter . shield of ornate form, from a brass at stoke poges, bucks, . head of a doorway, now in norwich guildhall, with arms of king henry viii, the city of norwich, and the goldsmiths' company. (_from the norwich volume of the archæological institute_, p. ) . shield with engrailed edges, _c._ , from the chantry chapel of abbot thomas ramryge in st. albans abbey church. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . shields with ridged charges, from the monument of guy lord bryen, _ob._ , in tewkesbury abbey church. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . armorial panels from the george inn at glastonbury. (_from a photograph by mr. t. w. phillips_) . shield with curved surface from an effigy of a pembridge at clehonger, herefordshire. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . shield from the seal of henry percy (from the barons' letter) with well-drawn lion . shield with a leaping lion, from a brass _c._ at felbrigge in norfolk . shield with an eagle from a brass at great tew, oxon, _c._ . seal of queen's college, oxford, , with well-filled shields. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . shield with a griffin, from a brass of , at boughton-under-blean, kent . seal of peter de mauley iv (from the barons' letter) showing a simple well-balanced shield. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . shield with a bend counter-flowered from the brass of sir thomas bromfleet, , at wymington, beds. . shield with three lions, from a brass at stanford dingley, berks, . shield of the royal arms done in boiled leather, from the tomb of edward prince of wales at canterbury, . (_reduced from "vetusta monumenta,"_ vol. vii.) . shield of the king of france, _c._ , in the quire of westminster abbey church. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) and . shields with uncharged ordinaries: from the brass of bishop robert wyvil at salisbury, ; and the brass of william holyngbroke at new romney in kent, . shield with a charged bend from a brass at kidderminster, and . shields with engrailed borders, plain and charged: from the brass of william grevel, , at chipping campden in gloucestershire; and the brass of thomas walysel, _c._ , at whitchurch, oxon. . quartered shield of queen eleanor of castile, from her tomb at westminster, . (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . arms of king edward iii from his tomb at westminster. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . shield with impaled quarters from the brass of peter halle, _ob._ , at herne in kent . arms of st. edward, from the tomb of edmund duke of york, _ob._ , at king's langley. (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. ii.) . seal of humphrey stafford earl of buckingham, hereford, stafford, northampton, and perche, as captain of calais and lieutenant of the marches, . shield of sir hugh hastings from the elsing brass ( ), with diapered maunch and a label of three pieces. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . part of the gilt-latten effigy of edward prince of wales at canterbury, showing labels over both the arms and the crest. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . diapered shield of the arms of vere, from an effigy in hatfield broadoak church, essex. (_from a photograph by the rev. t. w. galpin_) . diapered shield from the seal of robert waldby archbishop of york, , for the regality of hexham. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . diapered shield of the arms of clun, from the monument of the lady eleanor percy (_ob._ ) in beverley minster. (_from a photograph by mr. c. goulding_) . diapered shield of the arms of percy, from the monument of the lady eleanor percy (_ob._ ) in beverley minster. (_from a photograph by mr. c. goulding_) . lozenge of arms from the monument at westminster of frances brandon duchess of suffolk, _ob._ . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . seal of robert fitzpain, with arms in an oval. from the barons' letter . seal of joan de barre, wife of john de warenne earl of surrey, . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . seal of mary de seynt-pol, wife of aymer of valence earl of pembroke, . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . seal of maud badlesmere, wife of john de vere earl of oxford, . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . seal of maud of lancaster, wife of william of burgh earl of ulster, and of sir ralph ufford, - . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . the syon cope, now in the victoria and albert museum . seal of thomas de moulton, with fan-shaped crest on helm and horse's head. from the barons' letter . seal of thomas earl of lancaster, leicester, and ferrers, showing wiver crest on his helm and horse's head. from the barons' letter . seal of henry of lancaster, lord of monmouth, with wiver crest and quasi-supporters. from the barons' letter . seal of robert de la warde, with fan crest. from the barons' letter . seal of walter de mounci, with helm surmounted by a fox as a crest. from the barons' letter . seal of sir robert de marni, , with crested helms flanking the shield. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . crest, etc. of sir john astley, from a ms. _c._ . (_from "archæologia,"_ vol. lvii.) . crest of edward prince of wales, , of leather and stamped gesso. (_reduced from "vetusta monumenta,"_ vol. vii.) . funeral helm and wooden crest of george brooke lord cobham, _ob._ , in cobham church, kent . stall-plate of humphrey duke of buckingham as earl of stafford, _c._ . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . stall-plate of sir thomas burgh, k.g., _c._ . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . seal of richard nevill with separate crests and supporters for his earldoms of salisbury and warwick . seal of william lord hastings, _c._ . seal of william de la pole earl of suffolk, . stall-plate of ralph lord bassett, showing simple form of mantling. (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . stall-plate of sir sanchet dabrichecourt, k.g., _c._ . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . stall-plate of sir william arundel, k.g., _c._ . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . stall-plate of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, after . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . stall-plate of richard wydville lord rivers, _c._ . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . stall-plate of hugh lord burnell, c. . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . arms of st. edmund, from the tomb of edmund duke of york, _ob._ , at king's langley. (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. ii.) . crest from the stall-plate of hugh stafford lord bourchier . two forms of the same crest. from the stall-plate of richard lord grey of codnor . helm with crest and wreath from the hastings brass at elsing, . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . helm with crest and torse and simple form of mantling, from the harsick brass at southacre, . stall-plate of sir simon felbrigge, _c._ . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . privy seal of henry le despenser bishop of norwich, - . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . shield with ostrich-feather badge from the tomb of edward prince of wales (_ob._ ) at canterbury. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . seal of thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester with ostrich-feather and bohun swan badges. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . fetterlock-and-falcon badge of the house of york, from henry vii's chapel at westminster. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . crowned rose and portcullis from king's college chapel at cambridge. (_from a photograph by mr. j. palmer clarke_) . seal of robert de clifford, with arms surrounded by rings in allusion to his mother isabel vipont. (from the barons' letter) . seal of robert de toni as chevaler au cing with the arms encircled by swans and talbots. (from the barons' letter) . seal of oliver bohun with swans about the shield. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . gilt-latten effigy at westminster of king richard ii, pounced with badges, etc. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . piers and arches in wingfield church, suffolk, with badges of michael de la pole earl of suffolk (ob. ) and his wife katharine stafford. (_from a photograph by the rev. w. marshall in "journal of the royal institute of british architects,"_ rd. s. vol. iv. ) . chimney-piece in the bishop's palace at exeter with the arms and badges of bishop peter courtenay, - . (_from a photograph by heath and bradnee_) . gateway to the deanery at peterborough. built by robert kirkton, abbot - . (_from a photograph by mr. a. nicholls_) . the gatehouse of christ's college, cambridge. (_from a photograph by mr. j. palmer clarke_) . bronze door with badges of york and beaufort from the lady chapel of westminster abbey church. (_from a photograph by mr. emery walker, f.s.a._) . signet with badge and crested helm of lewis lord bourchier, . seal of hugh de vere with boar badge and two wivers as supporters. from the barons' letter . signet of william lord bardolf (_c._ ) with eagle badge derived from his arms . signet with flote badge and word of sir william oldhalle in . (_from "archæologia,"_ vol. xxxvii. ) . seal with badge (a _gray_ or badger) of richard lord grey of codnor, . seal of thomas lord stanley as earl of derby and seneschal of macclesfield, , with the eagle's claw badge of stanley and the legs of the isle of man . daisy plant (_marguerite_) badge of the lady margaret beaufort, from henry vii's chapel at westminster. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . part of the brass at exeter of canon william langeton, kinsman of edward stafford bishop of exeter, , in cope with an orphrey of ~x~'s and stafford knots . elbow-piece and bourchier knot from the brass of sir humphrey bourchier, _ob._ , in westminster abbey church . alabaster tomb and effigy of edward stafford earl of wiltshire, _ob._ , in lowick church, northamptonshire. (_from the "archæological journal,"_ vol. lxi. ) . rebus of abbot robert kirkton from the deanery gate at peterborough. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . rebus of thomas beckington bishop of bath and wells, . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . rebus of john islip abbot of westminster, from his chantry chapel. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . oriel window in the deanery at wells with badges of king edward iv, and badges and rebuses of dean gunthorpe. (_from a photograph by mr. t. w. phillips_) . arms and rebus of sir john pechy, _ob._ , from painted glass in lullingstone church, kent. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . seal of john de moun slung from an eagle and flanked by two leopards. from the barons' letter . seal of alan la souche in . from the barons' letter. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . seal of john beauchamp of hacche, with shield on breast of an eagle. from the barons' letter . seal of william de ferrers with shield upon an eagle with two heads. from the barons' letter . seal of edmund mortimer earl of march and ulster, , with rampant leopard supporters. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . seal of sir william windsor, , with eagle supporters. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . seal of william de la pole duke of suffolk, . seal of john nevill lord montagu, . seal of william lord hastings, _c._ . seal of john lord talbot and furnival, . seal of george duke of clarence and lord of richmond, , with black bulls of clare supporting his crested helm . seal of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, . (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . seal of richard beauchamp earl of warwick and of albemarle and lord despenser, . seal of edmund duke of somerset for the town of bayeux, _c._ . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . seal of cecily nevill, wife of richard duke of york and mother of king edward iv, . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . arms and supporters, a dragon and a greyhound, of king henry vii in king's college chapel at cambridge. (_from a photograph by mr. j. palmer clarke_) . seal of the mayoralty of calais. (_from "archæologia,"_ vol. liii. ) . seal of walter lord hungerford with banners of heytesbury and hussey or homet, _c._ . knights with banners, from an illumination . seal of walter lord hungerford with banners. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . part of the seal of margaret lady hungerford, with impaled banner held up by a lion. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ no. ) . tomb of lewis robsart lord bourchier, k.g. _ob._ , in westminster abbey church, with banners of arms upheld by supporters. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . the king's banner or "royal standard" as now borne . stall-plate, as a banner, of walter lord hungerford, after . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . stall-plate, as a banner, of richard nevill earl of salisbury, _c._ . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . stall-plate, as a banner, of sir john grey of ruthin, _c._ . (_from "the ancestor,"_ vol. iii.) . standard of sir henry stafford, k.g. _c._ . (_from boutell's "english heraldry"_ no. ) . knights with pennons, from an illumination . armed knights carrying pennons, from an illumination . armorial vane on etchingham church, sussex. (_from "sussex archæological collections,"_ vol. ix. ) . vane formerly upon the finial of the kitchen roof, stanton harcourt, oxon. (_from "a glossary of ... gothic architecture,"_ vol. i. ) . part of king henry viii's garden at hampton court, from a contemporary picture. . part of king henry viii's garden at hampton court, from a contemporary picture. . shield of bryen impaling bures, from a brass in acton church, suffolk . lion with a forked tail, from a brass at spilsby in lincolnshire, . shield with three pheasants, from a brass at checkendon, oxon, . shield of the arms of sir humphrey littlebury, from his effigy at holbeach in lincolnshire, _c._ , with fine examples of heraldic leopards. (_from a photograph by mr. e. m. beloe, f.s.a._) . early and modern versions of ermine-tails. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . early and modern versions of vair. (_from boutell's "english heraldry,"_ nos. , ) . the garter, from the brass of thomas lord camoys, k.g. at trotton in sussex . pewter medallion with edward prince of wales, now in the british museum. (_from "archæologia,"_ vol. xxxi. ) . shield of arms encircled by the garter, from the brass of thomas lord camoys, _ob._ . (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . shields encircled by the garter and a scroll, from the brass of bishop hallam (_ob._ ) at constance. (_from "journal of the society of arts,"_ vol. xlv. ) . royal arms of king henry vii within the garter, of english work, from the king's tomb by torregiano at westminster. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . arms of st. george within the garter, from the brass of sir thomas bullen, k.g. earl of wiltshire and ormond, , at hever in kent . crowned effigy of queen eleanor at westminster . crowned effigy of queen joan at canterbury . helm and crest, and bust, of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, _ob._ , from his gilt-latten effigy at warwick. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . effigy of a lady, _c._ , in scarcliffe church, derbyshire. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . effigy of a lady in staindrop church, durham. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . thomas earl of arundel, _ob._ , from his alabaster effigy at arundel. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . joan beaufort countess of westmorland, _ob._ , from her alabaster effigy in staindrop church, durham. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . william fitzalan earl of arundel (_ob._ ) from his effigy at arundel. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . joan countess of arundel, from her effigy at arundel. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . john holand duke of exeter, _ob._ , from his effigy at st. katharine's hospital, regent's park . head of a duchess of exeter, from the monument at st. katharine's hospital, regent's park . alice duchess of suffolk, _ob._ , from her alabaster effigy in ewelme church, oxon. (_from hollis's "monumental effigies"_) . armorial ensigns and badges of the lady margaret beaufort from the gatehouse of her foundation of christ's college, cambridge. (_from a photograph by mr. j. palmer clarke_) . arms of the foundress, the lady margaret beaufort, with yale supporters, from the base of an oriel in christ's college, cambridge. (_from a photograph by mr. j. palmer clarke_) . armorial panel on the gatehouse of st. john's college, cambridge. (_from a photograph by mr. j. palmer clarke_) . king henry iv from his alabaster effigy in canterbury cathedral church. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . king henry iii from his gilt-latten effigy at westminster . king edward ii from his alabaster effigy at gloucester. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . crowned initials of king henry vii from his lady chapel at westminster. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . thomas howard third duke of norfolk ( ?- ) with the collar of the order of the garter, from the picture by holbein at windsor castle. (_from gardiner's "student's history of england,"_ p. ) . collars of ss . collar of ss from the effigy of william lord bardolf, _ob._ , at dennington in suffolk. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . spandrel of the tomb of oliver groos, esquire (_ob._ ), in sloley church, norfolk, with collar of ss . collars of ss from the effigy of queen joan at canterbury, and of robert lord hungerford at salisbury. (_from stothard's "monumental effigies"_) . collars of suns and roses from the effigy of a knight at aston, warwickshire, and the effigy of sir robert harcourt, k.g. at stanton harcourt, oxon. (_from hollis's "monumental effigies"_) . sir thomas more wearing the collar of ss: from an original portrait painted by holbein in , belonging to the late mr. edward huth. (_from gardiner's "student's history of england,"_ p. ) . head of the effigy in ripon minster of sir thomas markenfield with livery collar of park-palings. (_from a drawing by mr. roland paul, f.s.a._) . thomas lord berkeley (_ob._ ) with a collar of mermaids, from his brass at wotton-under-edge, gloucestershire. (_from hollis's "monumental effigies"_) . silver badge belonging to the duke of northumberland. (_from a drawing by mr. c. prætorius, f.s.a._) . waits' collars of exeter, king's lynn, and norwich . part of an embroidered altar frontal with a rebus at baunton in gloucestershire. (_from a photograph by mr. g. clinch_) . carved panel with the crowned arms, supporters, and badges of king henry viii at new hall in essex. (_from a photograph by mr. fred spalding_) . paving tile with arms and initials of john lyte (_c._ ), from marten church, wilts. (_from a drawing by mr. c. prætorius, f.s.a._) . arms with crested helm and badge (a blazing ragged-staff) of, apparently, sir john guldeford of benenden, _ob._ , in east guldeford church, sussex. (_from a photograph by mr. aymer vallance, m.a., f.s.a._) . part of a bed-hanging embroidered with the arms of henry and elizabeth wentworth, _c._ , formerly in the possession of sir a. w. franks, k.c.b. . arms of cotes, from a mazer print of - . (_from "archæologia,"_ vol. l. ) . shield from the tomb of margaret countess of lennox, _ob._ , in westminster abbey church. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . achievement of arms from the monument of sir richard pecksall, _ob._ , in westminster abbey church. (_from a photograph by mr. david weller_) . obverse of the great seal of the republic of england, scotland, and ireland, (reduced) . arms, etc. of the trinity house, london. from a wood-carving _c._ in the victoria and albert museum . limewood carving with the arms and crest of the trevor family, _c._ , in the victoria and albert museum . part of the carved oak ceiling of the chapel, formerly the hall, of auckland castle, durham, with the arms of bishop john cosin. date - . (_from a photograph by mr. h. kilburn in "journal of the royal institute of british architects,"_ rd s. vol. iv. ) chronological series of illustrations pp. - chapter i introduction defects of modern heraldic decoration; appeal to first principles; english _versus_ foreign sources; definition of heraldry; modes of display; colours and furs; formation of arms; divisions of the shield; early authorities: seals, monuments, buildings, wills and inventories, rolls of arms. to those who have given attention to the study of ancient heraldry few things are more surprising than the imperfect understanding of its true principles displayed in their works by so many artists and craftsmen of every degree. year after year, in paintings and sculpture at the royal academy and other exhibitions, in the architecture and decorations of our churches and public buildings, on monuments, on plate, jewellery, and ornaments of all kinds, the attempt to introduce armorial accessories, even by some of our best artists, is almost always a failure. in so recent a work as the national memorial to queen victoria before buckingham palace, the shields for scotland in the frieze of the pedestal bear the rampant lion only, and the distinctive double tressure is again omitted in the scottish quarter of the royal arms behind the figure of victory. the sides of the pedestal also bear fanciful shields of arms, in the one case with three lamps, in the other with some allegorical device, charged on bends sinister! it is only fair to say that the fault appears to be not altogether that of the artist or craftsman, but should rather be ascribed to the disregard of the principles and usages of true armory that pervades so much of the printed literature to which men naturally turn for information. he, however, who would know something about heraldic art must go behind the books to better sources of information, and rid himself once and for all of the modern cast-iron rules that cramp all attempts to improve matters. he will then soon find himself revelling in the delightful freedom and playful common-sense of medieval armory when it was still a living art, and a science too, utilized for artistic purposes by every class of worker and unencumbered by the ridiculous conceits of tudor and later times. the appeal, moreover, should largely be confined, if one would have what is best, to our own land. in the beginning heraldry was much the same in most european countries, but in course of time foreign armory became complicated by needless subdivisions and new methods of expression and combination. it would indeed be foolish to maintain that nothing can be learnt from foreign sources, but in the earlier stages of study english heraldry should come first. not only is it characterized by a beautiful simplicity which continued practically unchanged until the beginning of the sixteenth century, but no other country outside england possesses such a wealth of examples of its various applications, and they lie immediately to hand for purposes of study and comparison. moreover, english heraldry so fully illustrates the general principles followed in other countries that it is unnecessary at first to go further afield. heraldry, or armory as it was anciently called, is a symbolical and pictorial language of uncertain and disputed origin, which, by the beginning of the thirteenth century, had already been reduced to a science with a system, classification, and nomenclature of its own. the artistic devices known as arms, which may be formed by proper combinations of the colours, ordinaries, and figures that represent the letters of this language, had each their significance, and soon came to be regarded as the hereditary possession of some person, family, dignity, or office. [illustration: fig. . tile with the arms of king henry iii, _c._ , from the chapter-house of westminster abbey.] the display of arms was restricted primarily to shields and banners, but occasionally to horse-trappers (pls. xi b and xii b) and such garments as jupes, gowns, and mantles. later on heraldry came also to be used ornamentally, either upon shields or without them, in all kinds of ways, in architecture and on monuments, on tiles and in glazing, in woodcarvings and in paintings, in woven stuffs and embroideries, in jewellery and on seals. [illustration: fig. . shield of the arms of st. edward, _c._ , in the quire of westminster abbey church. an early instance of the use of heraldry in architecture.] the colours used in heraldry are red, blue, green, purple, and black, or, to give them their old names, gules, azure, vert, purpure, and sable; combined with the yellow of gold and the whiteness of silver. orange was never used, probably on account of the difficulty of finding a stable pigment. it was soon found that for brilliancy of effect the use of gold or silver with a colour was preferable to that of colour with colour or metal with metal; two colours are therefore found together or superposed only under certain conditions, and the same applies to the two metals. [illustration: fig. . heraldry on the gatehouse of kirkham priory, yorkshire, built between and .] imitations of two furs, ermine and vair, were also used: the one of white flecked with little black tails; the other of alternating oblong patches of white and blue, square at the top and rounded at the bottom, to represent grey squirrels' skins. (see figs. , .) if vair were coloured other than white and blue, the resultant was called vairy. there is also known a black fur with silver ermine-tails. there were never any exact rules as to the particular tint of the colour employed, that being simply a matter of taste. thus blue may range from a full indigo almost to cambridge-blue, and red from a bright scarlet, through vermilion, to a dull brick colour, and so on; and it is surprising to find how well quiet colours blend together. in the formation of arms the mere combinations of colours and metals produced by vertical, horizontal, or other divisions of the shield were soon exhausted, as were quarters, checkers, etc. there accordingly grew quite naturally the further use of applied strips or bands based upon such divisions. [illustration: party] [illustration: party-fessewise] [illustration: quarterly] [illustration: pale] [illustration: fesse] [illustration: cross] [illustration: party-bendwise] [illustration: party-saltirewise] [illustration: gyronny] [illustration: bend] [illustration: saltire] [illustration: border] [illustration: chief] [illustration: quarter] [illustration: cheveron] [illustration: pile] [illustration: orle] [illustration: flanches] [illustration: paly] [illustration: barry] [illustration: wavy] [illustration: bendy] [illustration: checky] [illustration: lozengy] thus the vertical parting of a metal and a colour known as party produced the pale, and a horizontal division the fesse or bar, and these combined to form the cross suggested by the quarterly lines. an oblique or slanting parting gave rise to the bend, and the crossing of two such produced the st. andrew's cross or saltire. a combination of the lines of a saltire with a quarterly division produced the varied field called gyronny. the border almost suggested itself. a cutting off of the upper half or head of the shield yielded the chief, and of a fourth part the quarter. one other of these applied pieces, or ordinaries as they were called, was the cheveron, formed of two strips issuing from the lower edges of the shield and meeting in a point in the middle, like the cheverons forming the roof timbers of a house. another ordinary was the pile, which was often threefold with lines converging towards the base as in fig. . sometimes a shield was charged with one of smaller size called a scutcheon, and the middle of this was occasionally cut out to form a voided scutcheon or orle. flanches, as they are called, are very rarely found; they are formed by drawing incurving lines within each side of the shield. an even series of pales yielded a vertical striping called paly, and of piles, pily, while an even number of bars became barry. undulated or waved bars formed wavy, and sometimes paly and pily stripes were also waved (fig. ). in early examples the bend was often bended or curved. bends are so represented in one of the shields in westminster abbey (fig. ), in some of the shields over the nave arcades in york minster, and on a number of monumental effigies. a narrower bend which overlaid everything was known as a baston (see fig. ). a number of narrow bends produced bendy, but the lines were then straight. a field divided into squares or checkers formed checky, and when divided into what are now called lozenges it became lozengy. pales, fesses, crosses, saltires, borders, and cheverons sometimes had their edges engrailed by taking out of them, as it were, a continuous series of bites separated by sharp points, and the lower edge of a chief or the inner margin of a border was often indented like the edge of a saw; but in early heraldry engrailing and indenting were interchangeable terms. an indented fesse was anciently called a daunce. cheverons, fesses, bars, etc. were occasionally battled, through the upper line being formed into battlements. a fesse was often placed between two cheverons, as in the well-known arms of fitzwalter; or between two very narrow bars called cotises, or pairs of cotises called gemell bars. cheverons, bends, and pales were also sometimes cotised. cotises were often of a tincture different from that of the ordinary which they accompanied, and sometimes indented or dancetty as in the arms of clopton (fig. ) and gonvile. the ground or field could be relieved by the use of vair or ermine, or by the addition of fretting or trellis-work or other simple means. it was also not unfrequently powdered with small crosses, fleurs-de-lis, or billets; often in conjunction with a larger charge like a cinqfoil or a lion. [illustration: fig. . shield with curved bend or baston of henry de laci earl of lincoln, _c._ , in the quire of westminster abbey church.] [illustration: fig. . arms of clopton, _sable a bend silver and two cotises dancetty gold_, from a brass _c._ at long melford in suffolk.] almost from the beginning every kind of device was charged or painted upon shields, either singly or in multiple, and upon or about such ordinaries as crosses, cheverons, and fesses. birds, beasts, and fishes, and parts of them like heads, or feet, or wings; flowers, fruits, and leaves; suns, moons or crescents, and stars; fleurs-de-lis, crosses, billets, roundels, rings, etc.--all were pressed into the service. the great rule as to colour held good as regards charges, and it was not permissible to paint a red rose upon blue or a gold star upon silver; but a red rose upon gold or a silver star upon blue was quite right. it has however been lawful at all times to place an ordinary, such as a fesse or a cheveron, and whether charged or not, upon a parti-coloured field like quarterly, checky, paly, or barry, or upon vair or vairy. a quarter, or a chief, or a border, without reference to its colour, can also be added to any such field. conversely, a parti-coloured cross, fesse, or charge of any kind is allowable upon a plain field. in the great roll of arms, _temp_. edward ii, are instances of two shields, in the one case of a red lion, and in the other of a red _fer-de-moline_, on fields party gold and vert; also of a silver leopard upon a field party gold and gules, and of three red lions upon party gold and azure. likewise of a shield with three lions ermine upon party azure and gules, and of another with wavy red bars upon a field party gold and silver. in the arms, too, of eton college granted by king henry vi in - three silver lilies on a black field are combined with a chief party azure and gules, with a gold leopard on the red half and a gold fleur-de-lis on the blue half. king henry also granted in these arms, _party cheveronwise gules and sable three gold keys_, to roger keys, clerk, for his services in connexion with the building of eton college, and to his brother thomas keys and his descendants. shields with quarterly fields often had a single charge in the quarter, like the well-known molet of the veres, or the eagle of phelip. arms were sometimes counter-coloured, by interchanging the tinctures of the whole or parts of an ordinary or charge or charges overlying a parti-coloured field. this often has a very striking effect, as in the arms of st. bartholomew's hospital, which are _party silver and sable a cheveron counter-coloured_, or those of geoffrey chaucer, who bore _party silver and gules a bend counter-coloured_. sir robert farnham bore _quarterly silver and azure four crescents counter-coloured_, or, as the great roll describes them, 'de l'un en l'autre.' the town of southampton likewise bears for its arms _gules a chief silver with three roses counter-coloured_. in drawing parti-coloured fields it is as well to consider what are the old rules with regard to them. in the early rolls a field barry of silver and azure, or of gold and sable, is often described as of six pieces, that is, with three coloured bars alternating with three of the metal, though barry of eight and even ten pieces is found. paly of six pieces is also a normal number. but the number of pieces must always be even, or the alternate pieces will become bars or pales. the number of squares in each line of a checkered field or ordinary is also another important matter. six or eight form the usual basis for the division of a field, but the seven on the seal of the earl of warenne and surrey attached to the barons' letter of - is not without its artistic advantages. on an ordinary, such as a fesse or cross, there should be at least two rows of checkers. here, however, as in other cases, much depends upon the size of the shield, and a large one could obviously carry with advantage either on field or ordinary more squares than a small one without infringing any heraldic law. besides the plain cross familiar to most of us in the arms of st. george, and the similar form with engrailed edges, there is a variety known as the ragged cross, derived from two crossed pieces of a tree with lopped branches. this is often used in the so-called arms of our lord, showing the instruments of his passion, or in compositions associated therewith, as in the cross with the three crowned nails forming the arms of the town of colchester. several other forms of cross have also been used. the most popular of these is that with splayed or spreading ends, often split into three divisions, called the cross paty, which appears in the arms of st. edward (see figs. and ). it is practically the same as the cross called patonce, flory, or fleury, these being names applied to mere variations of drawing. the cross with _les chefs flurettes_ of the great roll seems to have been one flowered, or with fleurs-de-lis, at the ends. another favourite cross was that with forked or split ends, formed of a _fer-de-moline_ or mill-rind, sometimes called a cross _fourchée_, or, when the split ends were coiled, a cross _recercelée_. the arms of antony bek bishop of durham ( - ) and patriarch of jerusalem were _gules a fer-de-moline ermine_, and certain vestments 'woven with a cross of his arms which are called _ferrum molendini_' passed to his cathedral church at his death. on his seal of dignity the bishop is shown actually wearing such a vestment of his arms. the tau or st. anthony's cross also occurs in some late fifteenth century arms. the small crosses with which the field of a shield was sometimes powdered were usually what are now called crosslets, but with rounded instead of the modern squared angles, as in the beauchamp arms (fig. ), and a field powdered with these was simply called crusily. but the powdering sometimes consisted of crosses paty, or formy as they were also styled, as in the arms of berkeley, or of the cross with crutched ends called a cross potent, like that in the arms of the kingdom of jerusalem. these crosses often had a spiked foot, as if for fixing them in the ground, and were then further described as fitchy or crosses fixable. since the elucidation of the artistic rather than the scientific side of heraldry is the object of this present work, it is advisable to show how it may best be studied. the artistic treatment of heraldry can only be taught imperfectly by means of books, and it is far better that the student should be his own teacher by consulting such good examples of heraldic art as may commonly be found nigh at hand. he may, however, first equip himself to advantage with a proper grasp of the subject by reading carefully the admirable article on heraldry, by mr. oswald barron, in the new (eleventh) edition of the _encyclopædia britannica_. the earliest and best of artistic authorities are heraldic seals. these came into common use towards the end of the twelfth century, much at the same time that armory itself became a thing of life, and they were constantly being engraved for men, and even for women, who bore and used arms, and for corporate bodies entitled to have seals. moreover, since every seal was produced under the direction of its owner and continually used by him, the heraldry displayed on seals has a personal interest of the greatest value, as showing not only what arms the owner bore, but how they were intended to be seen. from seals may be learnt the different shapes of shields, and the times of their changes of fashion; the methods of depicting crests; the origin and use of supporters; the treatment of the 'words' and 'reasons' now called mottoes; the various ways of combining arms to indicate alliances, kinships, and official connexions; and the many other effective ways in which heraldry may be treated artistically without breaking the rigid rules of its scientific side. seals, unfortunately, owing to their inaccessibility, are not so generally available for purposes of study as some other authorities. they are consequently comparatively little known. fine series, both of original impressions and casts, are on exhibition in the british and the victoria and albert museums, and in not a few local museums also,[ ] but the great collection in the british museum is practically the only public one that can be utilized to any extent by the heraldic student, and then under the limitation of applying for each seal by a separate ticket. [ ] it would surely not be a matter of much difficulty or expense to equip the leading schools of art in this country with sets of casts of these beautiful objects. the many examples of armorial seals illustrated in the present work will give the student a good idea of their importance and high artistic excellence. next to the heraldry on seals, that displayed on tombs and monuments, and in combination with architecture, may be studied, and, of course, with greater ease, since such a number of examples is available. many a village church is comparatively as rich in heraldry as the abbey churches of westminster and st. albans, or the minsters of lincoln and york and beverley. it is to the country church, too, that we may often look for lovely examples of old heraldic glass, which has escaped the destruction of other subjects that were deemed more superstitious (pls. i, ii, and iii). [illustration: plate i. arms of milton abbey from a window in ibberton church dorset, c. (from archaeologia, vol. xlvii.)] [illustration: plate ii. shields in stained glass of the th century with the arms of ( ) john, earl of kent ( ) john of gaunt as king of castile, and ( ) sir william arundel, k.g.: in the victoria and albert museum.] [illustration: plate iii. shields in stained glass of the th century with the arms of ( ) mowbray ( ) beauchamp, and ( ) audley: in the victoria and albert museum.] but the student is not restricted to ecclesiastical buildings in his search for good examples of heraldry. inasmuch as there never was such a thing as an ecclesiastical style, it was quite immaterial to the medieval master masons whether they were called in to build a church or a gatehouse, a castle or a mansion, a barn or a bridge. the master carpenter worked in the same way upon a rood loft or a pew end as upon the screen or the coffer in the house of the lord; the glazier filled alike with his coloured transparencies the bay of the hall, the window of the chapel, or that of the minster or the abbey; and the tiler sold his wares to sacrist, churchwarden, or squire alike. the applications of heraldry to architecture are so numerous that it is not easy to deal with them in any degree of connexion. shields of arms, badges, crests, and supporters are freely used in every conceivable way, and on every reasonable place: on gatehouses (figs. , , ) and towers, on porches and doorways, in windows and on walls, on plinths, buttresses, and pinnacles, on cornice, frieze, and parapet, on chimney-pieces (figs. , ) and spandrels, on vaults and roofs, on woodwork, metalwork (figs. , ), and furniture of all kinds, on tombs, fonts, pulpits, screens, and coffers, in painting, in glass, and on the tiles of the floor (figs. , , ). [illustration: fig. . heraldic candle-holder, etc. from the latten grate about the tomb of king henry vii at westminster.] [illustration: fig. . firedog with armorial bearings.] [illustration: fig. . chimney-piece in tattershall castle, lincolnshire, built by ralph lord cromwell between and , with shields of arms and treasurer's purse and motto.] [illustration: fig. . paving tiles with arms and badges of the beauchamps, from tewkesbury abbey church.] though actual examples are now rare, we know from pictures and monuments, and the tantalizing descriptions in inventories, to how large an extent heraldry was used in embroidery and woven work, on carpets and hangings, on copes and frontals, on gowns, mantles, and jupes, on trappers and in banners, and even on the sails of ships (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . seal of richard duke of gloucester, as admiral of england in dorset and somerset ( ), with arms on the mainsail of the ship.] wills and inventories also tell us that in jewellery and goldsmiths' work (see figs. and ) heraldry played a prominent part, and by the aid of enamel it appeared in its proper colours, an advantage not always attainable otherwise (fig. ). beautiful examples of heraldic shields bright with enamel occur in the abbey church of westminster on the tombs of king edward iii and of william of valence, and on the tombs at canterbury and warwick respectively of edward prince of wales and richard beauchamp earl of warwick; while in st. george's chapel in windsor castle there are actually nearly ninety enamelled stall-plates of knights of the garter of earlier date than tudor times, extending from about to , and forming in themselves a veritable heraldic storehouse of the highest artistic excellence. (see pls. xv, xvi.) [illustration: fig. . heraldic buckle from the effigy of robert lord hungerford (_ob._ ) in salisbury cathedral church.] [illustration: fig. . heraldic buckle from the effigy of william lord bardolf (_ob._ ) in dennington church, suffolk.] [illustration: fig. . enamelled shield with the arms of ballard on the print of a mazer (_c._ ) at all souls college, oxford.] another source of coloured heraldry is to be found in the so-called rolls of arms. while heraldry was a living art, it obviously became necessary to keep some record of the numerous armorial bearings which were already in use, as well as of those that were constantly being invented. this seems to have been done by entering the arms on long rolls of parchment. in the earliest examples these took the form of rows of painted shields, with the owners' names written over (pl. iv); but in a few rare cases the blazon or written description of the arms is also given, while other rolls consist wholly of such descriptions, as in the well-known great and boroughbridge rolls. these have a special value in supplying the terminology of the old heraldry, but this belongs to the science or grammar and not the art of it. the pictured rolls, on the other hand, clearly belong to the artistic side, and as they date from the middle of the thirteenth century onwards, they show how the early heralds from time to time drew the arms they wished to record. [illustration: fig. . heraldic paving tiles from tewkesbury abbey. the three uppermost bear the arms of despenser, berkeley, and beauchamp, and the large one the arms of robert fitzhamon, the founder, impaled with the singular cross of the abbey.] [illustration: plate iv. part (reduced) of an early roll of arms belonging to the society of antiquaries of london.] chapter ii the shield and its treatment early forms of shields; later forms; shields of irregular outline and surface; the filling of a shield; apparent _versus_ absolute uniformity; modern rules as to proportion; the use and abuse of quartering: its origin and growth; differencing of arms; the scutcheon of ulster; diapering. from these preliminary remarks we may pass to the practical consideration of the principles of heraldic art. and first as to shields and their treatment. the form of a shield is in itself entirely arbitrary and void of meaning. although it varied from time to time, this was simply a matter of fashion, like the shape of an arch or the pattern of a window. such changes must not, however, be overlooked, for it would be absurd in actual practice to use an ornate shield of the style of the fifteenth or sixteenth century for a lion of (say) the thirteenth century type, or to fill a shield of early form with charges characteristic of a later date. during the twelfth century shields were more or less kite-shaped, like those that were actually used, but in the thirteenth century they began to be shorter and straighter across the top. good examples of this type may be found on seals. in the aisles behind the quire of westminster abbey church, the beautiful shields in the spandrels of the wall arcade, of a date not later than , retain their rounded upper corners. (see figs. and .) the next form, with the upper corners square (figs. , ), came into vogue in the second half of the thirteenth century, and has continued always in use. owing to the elastic way in which its curves can be slightly altered when required, it may safely be adopted in general practice. in the earliest examples the curves begin at the top, or just below, but later on they were so struck as to increase the area of the lower part of the shield in order to make more room for the charges. in some fourteenth century instances the sides continue straight nearly to the bottom, so that the shield is practically an oblong with rounded lower corners, like the shields of the royal arms on our coinage to-day (fig. and pl. vi a). a tendency in the same direction is not uncommon throughout the fifteenth century. about the middle of the same century the fashion began to prevail, alongside the other, of representing a man's arms on the same irregularly shaped shield that he was wont to carry in the jousts. this is as wide at the bottom as the top, with its outline worked into curves, and has on the dexter, or right-hand side as borne, a deep notch for the lance to rest in during tilting; the top and bottom of the shield are often subdivided into three or more lobes or shallow curves. good examples occur on seals and monuments, and some of the garter stall-plates. (see pls. v a and b; vi b; xvii; and xxiii a.) shields of a more ornate form are occasionally to be met with, like an example (fig. ) on a brass at stoke poges of the date , with graceful leaf-work curling over at the top and bottom. shields similarly ornamented occur on the doorway of a citizen's house now built into the guildhall at norwich (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . shield with rounded corners (_c._ ) of richard earl of cornwall in the quire of westminster abbey church.] [illustration: fig. . shields of english work from the tomb of william earl of pembroke (_ob._ ) in westminster abbey church.] [illustration: fig. . seal of hugh bardolf showing shield with square corners. from the barons' letter.] [illustration: fig. . seal and counterseal of simon lord of montagu, with shield of unusual form supported by two bearded men and surmounted by the castle of corfe, of which simon became governor in . the quadrangular signet displays a griffin. from the barons' letter.] [illustration: fig. . shield of ornate form, from a brass at stoke poges, bucks, .] [illustration: fig. . head of a doorway, now in norwich guildhall, with arms of king henry viii, the city of norwich, and the goldsmiths' company.] [illustration: plate v.--examples of shaped shields. a john tiptoft earl of worcester, . b william herbert earl of huntingdon, . ] [illustration: a john earl of kent . b john mowbray, duke of norfolk and earl marshal, . plate vi.--various shapes of shields.] in the simpler forms the field of a shield in painted representations is invariably shown flat; but in carvings, and occasionally on seals, a slight convexity, or even concavity, is often met with, the artistic advantages of which it is unnecessary to enlarge upon. in some of the later ornate forms, like those described above, the incurved or engrailed edge is accompanied by a field worked with a series of ridges and furrows (figs. and ). the effect of this may be good, but there is a danger of carrying it to excess and so injuring the appearance of the charges. if the shield be well covered by the bearings on it, it is generally better to use one of simple form than one with an irregular outline and ridged surface; but there is, of course, no reason why both forms should not be used concurrently in architectural or other works, as they sometimes were of old. [illustration: fig. . shield with engrailed edges (_c._ ), from the chantry chapel of abbot thomas ramryge in st. albans abbey church.] the same principle as the ridging of a shield to relieve the plain surface was also applied to the ordinaries upon it. an early example may be seen upon the tomb of queen eleanor at westminster, which has the bends in the shields of ponthieu ridged along the middle line. the shield borne by brian fitzalan (_ob._ ) in his effigy at bedale has the alternate bars of his arms (_barry of eight pieces gold and gules_) treated in the same way. another instance may be seen on the effigy of sir richard whatton (_c._ ) at whatton, notts, in which a bend, though charged, is ridged. the shields on the tomb of guy lord bryen (_ob._ ) at tewkesbury (fig. ) furnish typical later examples, while during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries instances are as common as the curved and ridged shields described above, especially as regards crosses and saltires, as at st. albans, the george inn at glastonbury (fig. ), and elsewhere. [illustration: fig. . shields with ridged charges, from the monument of guy lord bryen (_ob._ ) in tewkesbury abbey church.] [illustration: fig. . armorial panels, the middlemost with the arms, supporters, and badges of king edward iv, from the george inn at glastonbury.] in monumental effigies the shield borne by a knight often has a convex or rounded surface (fig. ), and in late fifteenth century and tudor architecture otherwise flat shields sometimes have the middle swelled out, as on dean gunthorpe's oriel at wells, in a manner very popular in renaissance work. (see figs. and .) [illustration: fig. . shield with curved surface, from an effigy of a pembridge at clehonger, herefordshire.] a reference to a number of good ancient examples of heraldic shields or banners will disclose the care that has been taken to occupy the field, as far as possible, with whatever is placed upon it (figs. , , ). a lion or an eagle, for instance, will have the limbs and extremities so spread out as to fill every available space; and the same will be found in every group or combination of objects capable of arrangement or extension. [illustration: fig. . shield from the seal of henry percy (from the barons' letter) with well-drawn lion.] [illustration: fig. . shield with a leaping lion, from a brass (_c._ ) at felbrigge in norfolk.] [illustration: fig. . shield with an eagle from a brass at great tew, oxon, _c._ .] even with most unpromising combinations, or a group that cannot be extended or modified at all, or with a single charge like a fleur-de-lis, or ordinary such as a bend, (fig. ), pale, or cheveron (pl. viii a), a judicious adjustment of proportions, or some equally common-sense method, enabled a medieval artist to make his shield look well. [illustration: fig. . seal of queen's college, oxford, , with well-filled shields.] [illustration: fig. . shield with a griffin, from a brass of at boughton-under-blean, kent.] [illustration: fig. . seal of peter de mauley iv (from the barons' letter), showing a simple well-balanced shield.] another point that may be noticed in all old work is that in shields containing several similar objects no two are exactly alike. if the charges be, for example, three roses or three roundels or three lions (fig. ), two will be placed in the upper and the third in the lower part of the shield. but the latter will often be somewhat larger than the others, and these, in turn, will differ slightly the one from the other as they do in nature. so, too, in a case like the three leopards of the king of england, whether displayed on shield or in banner, no two are exactly alike, but each differs somewhat from another in pose or in size (fig. ). even when the same charge is repeated many times, like the fleurs-de-lis in the old arms of france, any possible chance of mechanical monotony is avoided by a trifling variation in the shape of each, as in the shield of the king of france in the early series at westminster (fig. ). another fact is that in the old work lines and curves are hardly ever quite true, but drawn by hand instead of with pen or compasses. the modern artist, on the contrary, usually draws his lines and curves with mechanical precision; his charges are exact copies one of another; the fact that they do not fill the field (_pace_ the royal arms on the coinage) is to him quite unimportant, and the final result is that under no circumstances will his work look well. even in old stencilling a pleasing effect never seen in modern work of the kind was produced through a not too rigid adherence to a regularity of application. [illustration: fig. . shield with a bend counter-flowered, from the brass of sir thomas bromfleet ( ) at wymington, beds.] [illustration: fig. . shield with three lions, from a brass at stanford dingley, berks, .] [illustration: fig. . shield of the royal arms done in boiled leather, from the tomb of edward prince of wales at canterbury, .] [illustration: fig. . shield of the king of france (c. ) in the quire of westminster abbey church.] another cause of the bad effect of much modern heraldry is the unnecessary adherence to the rules laid down in some of the textbooks and manuals as to the relative widths of ordinaries and subordinaries. the old heralds certainly did not fetter themselves with such shackles. a cheveron, a bend, a fesse, or a cross was drawn of the best proportion to look well (figs. , ). if charged it would be wider than when plain. if placed between charges it was drawn narrower, if itself uncharged, and thus took its proper relative position with regard to the size and arrangement or the charges. so, too, with a border; if uncharged or merely gobony (_i.e._ formed of short lengths of alternate colours) or engrailed, it was drawn very narrow, and even if charged it was not allowed much greater width (figs. , ). it thus never unduly encroached upon the field or other contents of the shield, and yet remained an artistic addition in itself. the curious bordering known as the tressure, which is almost peculiar to scotland, and familiar to us through its occurrence in the shield of our sovereign, is drawn sufficiently narrow in all good examples to leave ample room for the ramping lion it fences in, and its frieze of fleurs-de-lis is formed of a good number of flowers, instead of the eight considered sufficient in the royal arms of to-day. even a chief, if necessary, was enlarged from the 'less than one-third of the shield' of to-day to the one-half of it, or even more, as may be seen in some of the examples of the arms of the monastery in the abbey church of westminster, or in those of the town of southampton. [illustration: from the brass of bishop robert wyvil in the cathedral church of salisbury, . from the brass of william holyngbroke at new romney in kent, . figs. and . shields with uncharged ordinaries.] [illustration: fig. . shield with a charged bend, from a brass at kidderminster, .] [illustration: from the brass of william grevel ( ) at chipping campden in gloucestershire. from the brass of thomas walysel (_c._ ) at whitchurch, oxon. figs. and . shields with engrailed borders, plain and charged.] another feature of early heraldry which it is well to bear in mind is the sparing use of what is known as quartering, or the method of combining in one shield the arms of two or more persons or families. one of our oldest instances of this occurs on the tomb of queen eleanor, the first wife of king edward i, at westminster, and shows her paternal arms of castile and leon so arranged (fig. ). another early example occurs in the great roll, _temp._ edward ii, where the arms of sir simon montagu (_ob. c. _), _silver a fesse indented gules of three indentures_, are quartered with _azure a gold griffin_. so long as the shield contained only four quarters, with the first and fourth, and the second and third, respectively alike, the effect was often good, as in the cases just noted, or in the beautiful arms of france and england combined used after by king edward iii (fig. ). there are also many examples, as in the well-known bearings of the veres and of the despensers, where a quarterly disposition of the shield forms the basis of the arms. but when, as became common in the fifteenth century, quarters were multiplied or subdivided, the artistic effect of the old simple shield was lost or destroyed. as the principle was further extended, especially in tudor and stewart times, the result became more and more confused in appearance, until the field resembled rather a piece of coloured patchwork than a combination of various arms all more or less beautiful in themselves. [illustration: fig. . quartered shield of queen eleanor of castile, from her tomb at westminster, .] [illustration: fig. . arms of king edward iii, from his tomb at westminster.] the origin and growth of these combinations, which actually are perfectly lawful and proper, and yet often quite accidental, can easily be illustrated by a few typical examples. in king richard ii, who used the same arms as his grandfather, a quarterly shield of old france and england, married anne of bohemia, daughter of the emperor charles iv. as her shield was also a quartered one, the combined arms of the king and his queen, as shown upon her seal, formed a shield of eight quarters (pl. vii a). this was further complicated through the later assumption by king richard of the arms assigned to st. edward (fig. ), a cross between five birds; and the eight-quartered shield with this clumsy addition at one side may be seen on the felbrigge brass. [illustration: a queen anne of bohemia, . b john of gaunt's privy seal as king of castile, . plate vii.--examples of quartering.] [illustration: fig. . shield with impaled quarters, from the brass of peter halle (_c._ ) at herne in kent.] [illustration: fig. . arms of st. edward, from the tomb of edmund duke of york (_ob._ ) at king's langley.] these arms of st. edward were used for a time duly 'differenced' in conjunction with his own quarterly arms by henry of lancaster, afterwards king henry iv, and are impaled with those of his wife, mary de bohun, on his seal ( ) as duke of hereford. artistically the lop-sided effect so produced is quite unhappy. many fifteenth century shields show forth, by the simple quartering of a man's arms with those of his wife or his mother, his succession or summons as a lord of parliament, or his inheritance of great estates. but this simplicity was gradually destroyed when the added quartering was itself quartered, as in the arms of richard nevill earl of salisbury (see pls. xvii a and xxii b), or the quarterings were all different, as in the case of humphrey stafford duke of buckingham. when but a year old he succeeded his father as earl of stafford, and on his mother's death he became earl of buckingham, hereford, northampton, essex, and perche! these dignities are duly displayed in the quarterings of his arms on his seal, as follows: . the quartered arms of his mother, for the earldom of buckingham. . bohun of hereford. . bohun of northampton. . stafford (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . seal of humphrey stafford earl of buckingham, hereford, stafford, northampton, and perche, as captain of calais and lieutenant of the marches, .] when henry duke of buckingham succeeded in to all the dignities of duke humphrey his grandfather, he wisely elected, by the advice of the kings-of-arms, to drop the above quarterings, and to use only the arms of his great-grandmother, who as sister and heir of humphrey duke of gloucester and earl of buckingham bore _france and england quarterly within a border silver_. about margaret, daughter of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, was married to john talbot earl of shrewsbury, and she thereupon had a beautiful seal engraved, with two large shields or arms hung side by side by their straps from a ragged staff, the badge of her father's house (pl. xxvii b). this charming composition is, however, quite spoilt through the complicated treatment of the shields. one of these bears the arms of husband and wife conjoined, the other those of the lady's father. the earl of warwick's shield is a quartered one of beauchamp and newburgh, with a small superimposed scutcheon. the earl of shrewsbury's arms also consisted of four quarters, to which his wife added her four (omitting the scutcheon), and thus made a patchwork of eight. a more remarkable and equally accidental case may be illustrated by the brass of sir humphrey bourchier ( ) in the abbey church of westminster. this displays four shields: one has the arms of bourchier quartering lovain and impaling the quarterly arms of berners; and another, the six quarterings of sir humphrey's wife, elizabeth tylney. in a third shield these are quite properly impaled, with a resultant of fourteen quarters. in the fourth shield these are quartered together, and so produce a dreadful confusion of twenty-eight quarters! it is not necessary here to show how these shields might have been simplified in themselves, but from the artistic standpoint there cannot be any doubt that the two first should at least have been kept separate. the many other examples to be found in the illustrations of this book will serve as useful reminders of the greater advantage artistically of simpler treatment. it is moreover well to remember that in the majority of cases there is not the least need in actual work to produce a great many quarterings in a shield. in numerous examples, especially in the sixteenth century and later, they were assumed merely for display, and to reduce them to a reasonable few is often a most desirable thing. it is difficult without knowledge of individual cases to lay down any definite rules for dealing with quarterings, but there can be no question that in general a shield looks best without any at all. in the case of a man with a compound name or title, who represents more than one family or dignity, it would be legitimate to add a quartering on that account, but only of the actual arms of the family or dignity represented. it is however so hard to draw a line or to restrain the wishes of clients that the fifteenth century example of henry duke of buckingham should ever be borne in mind. as soon as the principle of hereditary descent of armorial bearings became established, the necessity arose of making some slight difference between the arms of a father and those borne by his sons. this was usually done by adding to the paternal arms such more or less unobtrusive device as a label, or narrow border, or a small charge like a crescent or a molet. the lord john of eltham, son of king edward ii, bears upon his tomb at westminster a beautifully carved shield of the arms of england differenced by a border of france; and one of the sons of king edward iii, thomas of woodstock, differenced his father's arms by a silver border, as at an earlier period did edmund earl of kent, the youngest son of king edward i. the label is a narrow band with long pendent strips or pieces, usually three, but sometimes four or five in number, placed upon and across the upper part of a shield (fig. ). it is now used to distinguish the arms of an eldest son from those of his father, but this was not always the rule, and younger sons of king henry iii and king edward i, and at least three of the sons of king edward iii, besides the prince of wales, bore distinctive labels for difference. anciently, the label was very narrow, and the pendent pieces of equal or nearly equal width throughout, even when charged with devices, as they sometimes were. the colour was also a matter of choice. the first three edwards, during their fathers' lifetime, successively bore blue labels, sometimes of three, sometimes of five pieces, while the younger brother of king edward i, edmund earl of lancaster, used a label of france (blue with gold fleurs-de-lis) of four pieces, and thomas of brotherton, second son of king edward i, a silver label of three pieces. [illustration: fig. . shield of sir hugh hastings, from the elsing brass ( ), with diapered maunch and a label of three pieces.] in the case of the sons of king edward iii, the prince of wales bore at first a silver label of five and later of three pieces; lionel duke of clarence seems to have borne at one time a gold label with a red cross on each piece for ulster, and at another a silver label charged on each piece with a red quarter for clare; john of gaunt duke of lancaster bore an ermine label for his earldom of richmond (pl. ii); and edmund duke of york a silver label with three red roundels on each piece (pl. xxi b). the rolls of arms furnish instances of labels of all colours, and with pieces charged with various devices, such as leopards, eagles, castles, martlets, etc. differencing with labels was likewise extended to crests, and a good example may be seen on the monument of edward prince of wales (_ob._ ) at canterbury (fig. ), as well as in fig. . [illustration: fig. . part of the gilt-latten effigy of edward prince of wales at canterbury, showing labels over both the arms and the crest.] in modern heraldry the label is often drawn unduly wide, with short and ugly wedge-shaped pieces hanging from or sticking on to it, and sometimes it does not even extend to the sides of the shield. the result is that instead of its being a comparatively unobtrusive addition to the arms the label becomes unduly conspicuous and void of all artistic effect. the old way of differencing by the addition of a crescent, molet, or similar device was generally carried out in quite an artistic fashion on account of the care taken to place the device agreeably, a favourite position being on the principal ordinary or charge of the arms. many cadets of the great family of nevill, for example, differenced the arms of their house, _gules a saltire silver_, by placing the device on the middle of the saltire, and some of the beauchamps placed the differencing mark on the fesse of their arms. in other cases the device was placed in the upper part of the shield, or in some other such point where it would least interfere with or be confounded with the charges. one of the most difficult differences an artist has to contend with to-day is the silver scutcheon with a red hand which is placed upon the arms of baronets. its position of course varies, and may often be altered with advantage, and it looks all the better if drawn not unduly large and with a simple heater-shaped shield. but some artists wisely leave it out altogether. in the case of all devices introduced as differences it will generally be found advisable to draw them to a somewhat smaller scale than the charges already in the arms. in many ancient heraldic shields, especially in painted glass, and to a lesser extent in carved work and on seals, the plain uncharged surfaces of the field or ordinaries are relieved by covering them with the purely ornamental decoration called diapering (figs. , ). an early instance in relief occurs on the shield of the effigy in the templars' church in london usually ascribed to geoffrey de magnavilla; and another delicately sculptured example of later date is to be seen on the vere effigy in hatfield broadoak church in essex (fig. ). several fine instances of painted diapering will be found in stothard's _monumental effigies_. this beautiful treatment has, happily, been largely revived of late years by the glass painters, who use it quite successfully, probably from the ease with which in their case it can be applied. modern carvers use it very sparingly, and this perhaps is as it should be, for diapering needs to be done with great skill in sculpture to look well. a careful study therefore of old examples is advisable, in order thoroughly to understand the principles of its application. [illustration: fig. . diapered shield of the arms of vere, from an effigy in hatfield broadoak church, essex.] [illustration: fig. . diapered shield from the seal of robert waldby archbishop of york, , for the regality of hexham.] some of the finest diapered shields in carved work occur in the spandrels of the splendid monument of the lady eleanor percy in beverley minster (figs. , ). good instances are to be found on seals, and a number of these are here illustrated in order to show the proper treatment of diapering. (see pls. viii, xii, and xxvii a.) [illustration: fig. . diapered shield of the arms of clun, from the monument of the lady eleanor percy (_ob._ ) in beverley minster.] [illustration: fig. . diapered shield of the arms of percy, from the monument of the lady eleanor percy (_ob._ ) in beverley minster.] [illustration: a humphrey earl of stafford, in . b john tiptoft. c elizabeth, wife of john la warre, in . plate viii.--examples of diapered shields.] it is of course to be borne in mind that diapering is merely a surface decoration, and it must not on any account be emphasized by any difference of colour from that of the field or ordinary it relieves, nor must it be treated with such prominence as to render it liable to be mistaken for a charge or charges. diapering can be represented effectively in embroidered work by the use of flowered or patterned damasks, as may be seen in the banners in st. paul's cathedral church in the chapel of the order of st. michael and st. george. chapter iii the shield and its treatment (_continued_) armorial bearings of ladies; use of lozenges and roundels as variant forms of shields; arms of men on lozenges; combinations of shields with lozenges and roundels of arms on seals and in embroideries. before leaving the subject of the shield a few words must be written about the armorial bearings of ladies. it has always been the practice for the daughters of a house to bear, without difference or alteration, the arms of their father. this practice has been departed from only in quite modern times, by the addition of distinctive labels to the arms borne by our princesses. to the manner in which married ladies have arranged or 'marshalled' their arms reference will be made later, but it is necessary here to call attention to the fact that it has been customary for a long time to place the arms of widows and single ladies upon shields that are lozenge-shaped. a good early example is that from the monument in westminster abbey church of frances brandon duchess of suffolk (_ob._ ), shown in fig. . [illustration: fig. . lozenge of arms from the monument at westminster of frances brandon duchess of suffolk (_ob._ ).] this singularly inconvenient form of shield, upon which it is often impossible to draw the arms properly, began to be used early in the fourteenth century. it was not, however, used for or restricted to the arms of ladies, since the evidence of seals shows that it was at first used to contain the armorial bearings of men. there can likewise be little doubt that it and the roundel, which was also charged with arms, were contemporaneously invented by the seal engravers as variants from the ordinary form of shield; and it is interesting to note that the majority of the examples occur on seals which have a background or setting of elaborate tracery. the roundel seems to have originated in the covering of the entire field of a circular seal with the arms of its owner, such as the leopards of england which are so disposed in a counterseal of edward of carnarvon as prince of wales. two seals of john of gaunt duke of lancaster, engraved probably in , show a similar treatment: the one bearing his arms impaling, and the other his arms impaled with, those of castile and leon (pl. vii b). the former commemorates his marriage with constance of castile, and the latter the duke's claim in right of his wife to the kingdom of castile itself. a large enamelled roundel, _party gules and azure with a gold charbocle_, accompanies the shield and crested helm which, with it, form the stall-plate of ralph lord bassett (_c._ ) at windsor. one of the lesser seals appended to the barons' letter, that of robert fitzpain, is an oval filled with the owner's arms (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . seal of robert fitzpain, with arms in an oval.] one of the earliest examples of arms on a lozenge is on a seal of thomas furnival, who died in , and another but little later is furnished by the seal of william de braose, appended to a deed of either or at magdalen college, oxford (pl. ix b). [illustration: a william paynel, in . b william braose, ? . c parnell bensted, in . d e elizabeth of clare. plate ix.--use of lozenges and roundels of arms.] that of william paynel, appended to the barons' letter, also has his arms on a lozenge (pl. ix a). the first seal of a lady in which lozenges of arms occur is probably that of joan, daughter of henry count of barre and eleanor daughter of king edward i, who married, in , john de warenne earl of surrey (fig. ). this has five lozenges arranged in cross: that in the middle has her husband's checkers, those on each side her father's barbels, etc. and those above and below the three leopards of england. the lady's descent from king edward is further shown by the castles and lions of his consort eleanor of castile. [illustration: fig. . seal of joan de barre, wife of john de warenne earl of surrey, .] another interesting example, of a date about , is the seal of parnel, daughter of h. de grapenell, and widow ( ) of john fitzjohn and ( ) of sir john bensted (_ob._ ). this has in the middle a shield of the arms of bensted, _gules three gold gemell-bars_, between four lozenges, apparently for grapenell and fitzjohn (pl. ix c). contemporary with parnel bensted's seal are two others in which roundels are used instead of lozenges. both are traceried seals of elizabeth daughter of gilbert of clare earl of gloucester, and joan daughter of king edward i and queen eleanor of castile. she was thrice married: first, about to john of burgh, son of richard earl of ulster; secondly to theobald lord verdon; and thirdly to roger lord d'amory, who died in . one of these seals has in the middle, in a shield, elizabeth's own arms of clare impaling burgh within a black border bedewed with tears. above and below are roundels of clare, and on either side other roundels of verdon and d'amory. in the interspaces are the castles and lions of castile and leon (pl. ix d). the other seal is similarly arranged, but has in the middle a large shield of d'amory, between roundels of arms of the lady's other husbands above and below, and of clare for her father or herself on either side. the interspaces again contain castles and lions (pl. ix e). four other early seals of great artistic merit displaying roundels may also be described, especially since they are apparently the work of the same engraver. they are filled with tracery, consisting of a triangle enclosing a circle, which contains a large shield, with cusped circles on its sides containing roundels or devices. the first is for mary de seynt-pol, who married in aymer of valence earl of pembroke (fig. ). the shield bears the dimidiated arms of husband and wife; on a roundel in base are the arms of her mother; and higher up are roundels of england and france, out of compliment to king edward ii and queen isabel. [illustration: fig. . seal of mary de seynt-pol, wife of aymer of valence earl of pembroke, .] the second is for john de bohun earl of hereford, and has a large shield of bohun with roundels also of bohun. it was probably engraved in , and before the earl's marriage in (pl. x a). [illustration: a john de bohun earl of hereford, . b hugh courtenay earl of devon, . c henry sturmy, lord of savernake forest, . d elizabeth, wife of walter bermyngham, in . e sibyl, wife of sir edmund arundel, . plate x.--use of lozenges and roundels of arms.] the third is for richard fitzalan earl of arundel ( - ), who succeeded to the vast warenne estates in . it has in the middle a shield of fitzalan, and about it three roundels with the checkers of warenne. the fourth is for hugh courtenay earl of devon ( - - )or his son hugh ( - ). the shield displays the arms of courtenay and in each of the outer circles is a sexfoil (pl. x b). to these examples may be added a fifth of about the same date, for henry sturmy or esturmy, lord of the forest of savernake. this has the sturmy shield in the middle, between two roundels of the hussey arms, and a third roundel above with the tenure horn of savernake forest (pl. x c). other seals that may be quoted in illustration of the indiscriminate use of shields, roundels, and lozenges during the fourteenth century are those of: ( ) juliana, daughter of thomas leybourne, and wife of john lord hastings (_ob._ ), with a shield of hastings impaling leybourne, encircled by six lozenges of arms indicative of other alliances and descents, derived from the fact of the lady having been married thrice; ( ) elizabeth de multon, wife of walter bermyngham, with the shield of bermyngham surrounded by six roundels of other arms; ( ) maud, daughter of bartholomew badlesmere, and wife in of john de vere earl of oxford (fig. ), with a shield of vere between lozenges of clare, badlesmere (her father and herself), clare with label (mother), and fitzpayn (first husband); ( ) maud, daughter of henry earl of lancaster, married first to william of burgh earl of ulster, and secondly (in - ) to sir ralph ufford (fig. ), with lozenges of lancaster (father and herself) above and chaworth (mother) below, and shields of burgh and ufford (husbands); ( ) sybil, daughter of william montagu earl of salisbury and katharine graunson, with shield of fitzalan with a label, for her husband sir edmund of arundel, second son of edmund fitzalan earl of arundel, between lozenges of montagu and graunson (pl. x e);[ ] and ( ) elizabeth, widow of sir gilbert elsefield, with a lozenge of elsefield between four roundels of other arms (impression - ). [ ] impression attached to a deed in the british museum, - . [illustration: fig. . seal of maud badlesmere, wife of john de vere earl of oxford, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of maud of lancaster, wife ( ) of william of burgh earl of ulster, and ( ) of sir ralph ufford, - . ] alice, wife of thomas of heslerton, has on her seal (impression ) a large lozenge of the arms of heslerton (_gules six silver lions with gold crowns_) within a quatrefoil, outside of which are four small banners of arms with martlets between. lastly may be noted a seal of roger foljambe, attached to a deed of - , having a lozenge of his arms (_a bend and six scallop shells_) surrounded by his word or motto. but seals are not the only authorities for the indiscriminate use of roundels and lozenges as well as shields of arms. in the victoria and albert museum at south kensington is an enamelled coffer of late thirteenth century work decorated with lozenges of arms of england, valence, dreux, angoulême, brabant, and lacy. the famous syon cope _de opere anglicano_, also in the victoria and albert museum, has the existing orphrey filled with large armorial roundels and lozenges, and its border is composed of a stole and fanon embroidered throughout with lozenges of arms. (see fig. .) christchurch, canterbury, in possessed an albe 'sewn with lozenges with the arms of the king of england and of leybourne,'[ ] and another 'sewn with the arms of northwode and ponyngg in squares';[ ] also an albe 'sewn with divers arms in lozenges with purple frets with a stole and fanon of the same work,'[ ] evidently not unlike those on the syon cope. [ ] 'consuta de losenges cum armis regis anglie et de leyburn.' [ ] 'consuta de armis de northwode et ponyngg in quadrangulis.' [ ] 'consuta de diversis armis in lozengis cum frectis purpureis cum stola et manipulo ejusdem operis.' [illustration: fig. . the syon cope, now in the victoria and albert museum.] it may also be noted that the pillows beneath the head of the effigy at westminster of aveline countess of lancaster (_c._ ) are both covered with heraldic lozenges: on the upper one with the arms of her husband alternating with the lion of redvers; on the lower with the vair cross on red of her father, william of forz earl of albemarle. the gilt metal bed plate under the effigy of william of valence earl of pembroke (_ob._ ), likewise at westminster, is also covered with a lozengy diaper of england and valence, still bright with the original enamel; the workmanship of this, however, is probably french. the restriction of the lozenge to the arms of ladies has clearly therefore no medieval precedent, and there is not any reason why the modern custom should not be set aside when for artistic reasons a shield or roundel is preferable. chapter iv the treatment of crests origin of crests; earliest examples of crests; ways of wearing crests; the helm and its treatment; modern use of helms; absurd crests; use of crests other than by individuals; the comparative sizes of helms and crests. a crest was originally, as its name reminds us, a tuft or plume on the head of a bird. such a plume or tuft, or bush as it was often called, was fixed in early times as an ornament on the top of a helm, of which it thus formed the crest. other devices, such as could conveniently be so worn, were soon used for the same purpose, and like armorial bearings became associated with particular individuals. in later days when the helm enveloped the whole head, the crest played a useful part in revealing the wearer's identity, though his face was hidden. one of the earliest suggestions of a crest in english armory appears on the second great seal (of ) of king richard i, whose cylindrical helm has a leopard upon the cap with two wing-shaped fans above turned in opposite directions. on many seals of the second half of the thirteenth century, as, for instance, on those of robert de vere earl of oxford ( ) and henry de laci earl of lincoln ( ), the knight is represented as riding in full armour, with the helm surmounted with a fan-shaped plume, which is also repeated upon the horse's head. (see also fig. and pl. xi b.) [illustration: fig. . seal of thomas de moulton, with fan-shaped crest on helm and horse's head. from the barons' letter.] [illustration: a roger of leybourne, ob. . b henry de perci, in . plate xi.--early examples of crests.] an early use of a crest proper is furnished by the seal of roger of leybourne (_ob._ ). this shows his shield of arms (bearing six lions) hung upon a tree, with his banner (charged with one lion only) behind, and at one side a helm with lion crest (pl. xi a). thomas of berkeley in has upon his seal a shield flanked by two mermaids and surmounted by a helm carrying a mitre for a crest. thomas earl of lancaster ( ) on two separate seals has a wiver, or two-legged dragon, upon his helm, and this again is repeated upon his horse's head (fig. ). the seal of his brother henry of lancaster, appended to the barons' letter, also shows his helm crested with a wiver (fig. ). two other early examples of crests on seals from the barons' letter are shown in figs. and . sir john peche, on a seal appended to a deed of - , has his shield flanked by wivers and surmounted by a helm with squirrel crest. william montagu earl of salisbury ( - ), in the mounted figure of himself on his fine seal, has a demi-griffin fixed upon his crowned helm (pl. xii b), and king edward iii shows for the first time, on his seal of , his crest of a crowned leopard standing upon the cap of estate which surmounts his helm. [illustration: fig. . seal of thomas earl of lancaster, leicester, and ferrers, showing wiver crest on his helm and horse's head. from the barons' letter.] [illustration: fig. . seal of henry of lancaster, lord of monmouth, with wiver crest and quasi-supporters.] [illustration: a b plate xii.--early uses of crests, on seals of william montagu earl of salisbury, - .] during the first half of the fourteenth century there is an interesting diversity in the manner of representing crests, when not being worn by their owners. william montagu earl of salisbury shows on his counterseal (pl. xii a) his shield supported by two griffins, and ensigned by the demi-griffin issuing from an open crown which in his seal he carries upon his helm. john engayn, in , has upon the upper edge of his shield a wolf or fox walking under a tree. henry duke of lancaster ( ) ensigns the shield of his arms with a cap of estate surmounted by a leopard (pl. xiii c); and peter de mauley, the sixth of that name, in - has a seal with his simple arms (_a bend_) supported by two ramping leopards, and surmounted by a fierce dragon breathing defiance (pl. xx b). in none of these cases does a helm appear. [illustration: fig. . seal of robert de la warde, with fan crest.] [illustration: fig. . seal of walter de mounci, with the helm surmounted by a fox as a crest.] after the middle of the fourteenth century the crest is invariably shown as part of the helm. the helm, it is hardly necessary to say, was such an one as formed part of the war harness of the time, and in the numerous armorial representations that may be found on seals or on monuments or buildings it is almost invariably shown in profile. this was, however, merely on account of its being the most convenient way of displaying the crest, and, in accordance with the usual medieval common-sense, examples are to be found which show the helm and crest facing the observer. thus thomas de holand ( ) has on his seal a shield of his arms hung from a tree and flanked by two fronting helms, each encircled by a crown and surmounted by a huge bush of feathers; sir robert de marni ( ) flanks his shield, which is also hung from a tree, with two fronting helms, each crested with a tall pair of wings rising from the sides of a cap of estate (fig. ); sir stephen hales ( - ) on his seal has a couched shield of his arms surmounted by a fronting helm, with a crown about it from which issue two fine wings; robert deynelay ( - ) in like manner shows his helm crested with two ears of a bat or hare; and walter lord fitzwalter ( - ) has on his seal a couched shield, and on a fronting helm above a cap of estate surmounted by a star between two large wings (pl. xiii a). another example of a fronting helm is shown in pl. v b. [illustration: fig. . seal of sir robert de marni, , with crested helms flanking the shield.] the present custom of using various types of helm facing different ways to denote grades of rank is comparatively recent as well as often inconvenient, and utterly subversive of the proper method of displaying a crest, which should invariably face the same way as its wearer. this fact is amply illustrated by the early stall-plates at windsor, but the modern crested helms surmounting the stalls there were for a long time the scoff of students of heraldry owing to the absurd manner in which the crests were set athwart the fronting helms. it is pleasant to be able to add that the crests have lately been replaced almost throughout by a new and larger series, worthy of their surroundings, and set upon the helms in the proper way. under the same enlightened administration the most recent stall-plates are enamelled creations of real artistic and heraldic excellence. [illustration: fig. . crest, etc. of sir john astley, from a ms. _c._ .] the crest was, of old time, almost always something that could actually be set upon a helm, and such objects as naturally were too large or too heavy were modelled in boiled leather, wood, or other light material: like the fine crest borne at the funeral of edward prince of wales, now over his tomb at canterbury, which is a leopard standing upon a cap of estate and modelled in leather covered with stamped gesso (fig. ); or the soldan's head of carved wood that surmounts the funeral helm of george lord cobham, in cobham church, kent (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . crest of edward prince of wales, , of leather and stamped gesso, from his tomb at canterbury.] [illustration: fig. . funeral helm and wooden crest of george brooke lord cobham (_ob._ ) in cobham church, kent.] such impossible crests as the pictorial scenes and other absurdities granted by the kings-of-arms during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and even back to elizabethan days, would not have been thought of at an earlier period, when heraldry was a living art. the degradation of the proper use of a crest, other than by those entitled to wear one, began as soon as the kings-of-arms presumed to grant armorial bearings by their bestowing crests upon impersonal corporate bodies like the london livery companies, such as the tallow chandlers ( ), masons ( ), and wax chandlers ( - ). arms were borne by the mayor and commonalty of a city or town at least as early as in the case of chester, and of in the case of dover (or the cinque ports), but none presumed to use a crest until london did so on the making of a new seal in , and no crest was granted to a town before . before leaving crests a word must be said as to their comparative sizes. throughout the best period of heraldic art the crested helm and the shield in pictorial representations practically balance one another, but there is occasionally a tendency to diminish the shield, and so apparently to enlarge the crest. this may be seen, for example, in several of the early stall-plates at windsor (figs. , ), which otherwise are admirable models as to the treatment of crests in general. they also show very clearly how easily and comfortably the crests surmount the helms. [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of humphrey duke of buckingham as earl of stafford, _c._ .] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of sir thomas burgh, _c._ .] a remarkable early english example of the use of _two_ crests is furnished by a seal of richard nevill ( - ), the 'kingmaker,' who was earl of salisbury, and, in right of his wife, also earl of warwick (fig. ). this exhibits two helms above the multi-quartered shield, the one carrying the beauchamp swan for the earldom of warwick, the other the montagu griffin for the earldom of salisbury. [illustration: fig. . seal of richard nevill with separate crests and supporters for his earldoms of salisbury and warwick.] chapter v mantlings origin of mantlings; simple early forms; colours of mantlings; medieval usage as to colours of mantlings. in actual use the helm seems often to have been covered behind by a hanging scarf or cloth of some kind, perhaps to temper the heat of the sun, like a modern puggaree. heraldically this is represented by what is now called the mantling. at first this was a simple affair, worn puggaree-wise, but by degrees it was enlarged in representations until it extended on either side beyond the helm, and was disposed in graceful twists and folds with dagged edges, which have been supposed to represent the cuts it was liable to receive during fighting (figs. , ). [illustration: fig. . seal of william lord hastings, _c._ .] the usual colour for the mantling, for a long time, has been red, and its lining of ermine or white fur, but there is ample precedence for a difference of treatment, as may be seen in that rich collection of ancient heraldic art, the stall-plates at windsor. the earliest surviving plate, that of ralph lord bassett (k.g. - ), has a short black mantling, to match the boar's head that forms his crest (fig. ). a large group of plates set up in exhibits a considerable variety. thus the plate of sir sanchet dabrichecourt has a red mantling powdered with gold lozenges, a treatment suggested by two bands of red similarly decorated which encircle the bush of feathers forming his crest (fig. ). the mantling of william lord latimer is of red and silver stripes, and that of john lord beaumont, like the field of his shield, is, together with the cap of estate, of blue powdered with gold fleurs-de-lis. sir walter pavely has also a blue mantling. [illustration: fig. . seal of william de la pole earl of suffolk, .] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of ralph lord basset, showing simple form of mantling.] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of sir sanchet dabrichecourt, _c._ .] sir william fitzwaryn's mantling is quarterly per fesse indented of red and ermine, like his shield of arms. the captal de buch, raynald lord cobham, hugh lord burnell (fig. ), hugh lord bourchier (pl. xvi), and sir thomas banastre have black mantlings, and john lord bourchier and william lord willoughby d'eresby (pl. xv) white mantlings lined with red. sir miles stapleton and the soudan de la trau have black mantlings lined with red. several early mantlings, too, are formed entirely of silver feathers, with red, black, or other linings. these usually accompany a feathered crest, like sir william arundel's griffin (fig. ), or the earl of warwick's swan (fig. ), or sir thomas erpingham's bush of feathers. another curious variation, which is found on four early plates, has the colour of the mantling different on the two sides of the helm, such as red on one side, and blue or black on the other. in about a dozen plates between and the red, and in one case the blue, ground of a mantling is relieved by a trailing pattern in gold, sometimes in lines only, but more usually as leafwork or flowers. in the plate of walter lord hungerford (el. ) the mantling on his banner-like plate is barred with red and ermine (see fig. ), in allusion to the arms of his lordship of hussey. lastly, in the plate of richard lord rivers (el. ) the mantling is red, sown with gold trefoils, and lined with white, with gold tassels at the ends (fig. ). this is derived from the crest, which is the upper part of a man brandishing a scimitar, and clad in a red tunic with standing collar and large hanging sleeves, also sown with trefoils. the sleeves are cleverly arranged in the plate, as if forming part of the mantling, and are similarly dagged and lined and tasselled. on the stall-plate (_c._ ) of francis viscount lovel the mantling is of purple sown with gold hanging locks. [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, after .] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of richard wydville lord rivers, _c._ .] chapter vi crests and crowns, caps of estate, and wreaths crests within crowns; nature and treatment of crowns; caps of estate: their possible origin and introduction into heraldry; the colour of caps; the placing of crests upon caps; wreaths or torses; their colour; crests and mottoes; use of crests by bishops; the ensigning of arms with mitres, cardinals' and doctors' hats, and caps of estate. the treatment of the crest varies. in the earliest examples it is set directly upon the mantled helm (fig. and pls. xiv a and xvii b), to which it was actually attached by wires through holes on top. but from the first large numbers of crests were fixed, or rose as it were, from within a crown or coronet encircling the helm, or stood upon a cap or hat of estate that surmounted it. (see figs. , , , , , , and pls. xiii e and f, xvii a, xxi, xxii, xxvii a, etc.) [illustration: a walter lord fitzwalter, - . b c henry duke of lancaster, . d robert shottesbroke, - . e thomas lord dacre of gilsland, . f sir john cheyny, . plate xiii.--various treatments of crests.] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of hugh lord burnell, _c._ .] [illustration: a edmund grey earl of kent, . b thomas ballard, esq. c sir henry ingelose, of loddon, . plate xiv.--examples of crests and mantlings.] the crown was merely ornamental, and had no reference to the dignity of the wearer, but was used alike heraldically by prince and peer, knight and esquire, and the same may be said of the cap of estate. crowns were anciently formed of a number of leaves or fleurons set upright upon the band, sometimes with lesser leaves or jewels between them; the bands too were often jewelled. but in practice only three (fig. ), or sometimes five, principal leaves are shown when the crown is drawn in profile (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . arms of st. edmund, from the tomb of edmund duke of york (_ob._ ) at king's langley.] [illustration: plate xv. stall-plate (reduced) of hugh stafford lord bourchier, c. .] beyond the fact that the thing was a crown, there was no strict rule as to the design, which varied according to the taste of the artist. two examples among the early stall-plates at windsor, those of hugh stafford lord bourchier (fig. and pl. xvi) and richard lord grey of codnor (both _c._ ), illustrate this in a pretty way (fig. ). in both cases the plate after being finished has been cut up, partly reversed, and in part re-engraved; not because anything was wrong with the heraldry, but to make the crested helms face the other way. these have accordingly been turned over, but in cutting them afresh the engraver has slightly varied the designs of the crests and of the crowns with which each is encircled, without however in any way altering their heraldic character. in the earliest existing plates the crested helms are all drawn turned towards the high altar, consequently those on the north side of the quire face heraldically towards the sinister. the two plates just noted, and at least one other, have been transferred from one side of the quire to the other. [illustration: fig. . crest from the reverse of the stall-plate of hugh stafford lord bourchier.] [illustration: fig. . two forms of the same crest, from the stall-plate of richard lord grey of codnor.] [illustration: plate xvi. stall-plate of william lord willoughby, c. .] one of the first instances of a crown about a crest is on the seal of william montagu earl of salisbury, (pl. xii). crowns were not by any means always of gold or silver, and quite a number of pre-tudor stall-plates have them enamelled red, and in two cases blue. these heraldic crowns must not be confounded with the coronets, as they are now called, worn of different patterns by peers and peeresses according to their degree; some reference to these will be made later. the cap of estate is generally depicted in english heraldic art as a high crowned conical hat or cap with flattened top, and a broad brim lined with ermine. the brim is usually turned up high in front, but gradually lessens along the sides towards the back, where the brim extends horizontally to its full width. the cap of estate first appears, surmounted by his leopard crest, on the head of king edward iii in the great seal made for him in february - on his assumption of the title of king of france. whether the cap has any connexion with the assumption of the king's new title it is difficult to say, but its more common name of 'cap of maintenance' would acquire a significant meaning could such connexion be proved. it is however more probable that the cap was worn by the king for his dignity of duke of normandy and of aquitaine, and it was long the custom for representatives of those duchies to take part in coronation processions wearing robes and caps of estate. according to the _little device_ for the coronation of henry vii, there were to ride before the king in the procession from the tower 'ij squiers for the kinges bodie bearing in baudrick wise twoo mantells furred w^t ermyns, wearing twoo hattes of estate of crymsen clothe of golde beked on, beks turnyd upp behinde, and furred also w^t ermyns in reprecentacion of the kinges twoo duchesses of gyen and normandie.'[ ] [ ] l. g. wickham legg, _english coronation records_ (westminster, ), . although the cap may at first have been restricted to the king, it was certainly used by the sons of edward iii, and may be seen of like form and fashion upon the seals of edward as prince of wales ( ), of john of gaunt as duke of lancaster ( ) and of edmund of langley as duke of york (pl. xxi), and of thomas of woodstock as duke of gloucester in . it was no doubt in each case given by personal investiture by the sovereign, but only to those who were made dukes. in heraldry, however, the cap of estate was used after by many who were not only dukes who had been invested with it, but by earls and barons who had not been so invested, and even by mere knights (pl. xiii f). it would be as rash to argue from this that such persons were all entitled to wear for dignity the cap of estate as it would be to insist that the equally common use of a crown round the base of a crest entitled every knight or baron on whose seal it occurs to wear a coronet. the colour of the cap of estate was almost invariably red, with a lining of ermine, but in two of the early stall-plates it is blue. the crest is generally placed directly upon it, but representations of two-legged or four-legged creatures often stand upon the brim with their feet on either side of the flat-topped cap (figs. , ). it is hardly necessary to say that the crested cap is always placed upon the helm, with the mantling issuing from under it. it is a common practice nowadays, quite wrongly, to represent crests apart from the helm, and as standing upon a twisted bar, or wreath as it is called. a little research will show that this bar represents the twisting together of two or three differently coloured stuffs, and fixing the wreath so formed round the base of the crest to mask its junction with the top of a helm. once invented it came into common use, and crests of all kinds were fixed within it. when seen sideways the rounded top of the helm causes the crest to appear as if standing upon the wreath, and this has no doubt given rise to the present malpractice. the rev. c. boutell in his smaller _english heraldry_ quotes the hastings brass at elsing, of the year , as the earliest instance of a wreath about a crest (fig. ). but this brass is probably french, and in english work the wreath does not come into being much before the close of the fourteenth century, and was not regularly used until about . [illustration: fig. . helm with crest and wreath, from the hastings brass at elsing, .] the wreath or torse, as it was also called, from being a twist, was usually of two colours, derived from the principal metal and colour of the arms; but the fifteenth century stall-plates show many variations from this rule. thus lewis lord bourchier (_c._ ) has a torse of blue, gold, and black, and john earl of tankerville (_c._ ) one of green, red, and white. john lord bourchier (_c._ ) and henry lord bourchier (_c._ ) both have black and green torses. richard wydville lord rivers (_c._ ) has the crest issuing from a green torse, crested with a crown of holly leaves. thomas lord stanley (_c._ ) has a torse of gold and blue with red spots or jewels between, and sir william chamberlayne (_c._ ) a red and blue torse. the modern practice is that the twists of a torse shall be only six in number; but in old heraldry there was no such rule, and any number from four may be found, whatever would look best. in the harsick brass (fig. ) there are eleven twists. [illustration: fig. . helm with crest and torse and simple form of mantling, from the harsick brass at southacre, .] crests occasionally had mottoes or 'words' associated with them, quite apart from the ordinary 'word' or 'reason' of the family or individual. thus the ermine bush of feathers that formed the crest of sir simon felbrigge is accompanied on his stall-plate (_c._ ) by a scroll lettered ~sanz muer~ (fig. ), and on that of john lord scrope (el. ) the crest, which is likewise a bush of feathers, has above it the 'reason' ~autre qz-elle~. two of the fine seals of richard nevill earl of salisbury ( - ) have behind his demi-griffin crest a scroll lettered apparently ~ma~ [_or_ ~do~] ~ple[s]ier~ (pls. xvii a and xxii b), and the seal of john talbot earl of shrewsbury, as marshal of france ( ), has a scroll with his 'word' issuing from the mouth of his lion crest (pl. xvii b). [illustration: fig. . stall-plate of sir simon felbrigge, _c._ .] [illustration: a richard nevill earl of salisbury, - . b john talbot earl of shrewsbury, . plate xvii.--crests with mottoes.] from what has been said above as to the ancient association of helm and crest, it follows that the present fashion of representing the crest by itself, apart from the helm to which it was always attached, is entirely wrong. it at once renders the crest meaningless: in appearance it forthwith becomes insignificant; and attempts to treat it artistically generally end in failure. let crests be shown as crests, properly set upon practicable helms, and with competent mantlings treated with all the freedom that they are capable of. it may here be noted that it has not been customary, nor is it logically correct, for ladies and other non-combatant persons, such as the ministers of the church, to use crests; arms they have ever been allowed to bear. examples, however, of the breach of the rule as to crests even by bishops are afforded by several of their privy seals. thus henry le despenser bishop of norwich ( - ) has his differenced shield of arms surmounted by a mantled helm upon which a mitre, with a griffin's head and wings issuing therefrom, is placed as a crest (fig. ); and alexander nevill archbishop of york ( ) shows his shield hanging below a crowned helm surmounted by the bull's head crest of his house and supported by two griffins. [illustration: fig. . privy seal of henry le despenser bishop of norwich, - .] william courtenay, as archbishop of canterbury ( - ), similarly displays a shield of his arms, ensigned by a helm surmounted by a cap of estate with a dolphin on top. a helm crested with a lovely bunch of columbines is also carved with his arms above the tomb of james goldwell bishop of norwich (_ob._ - ) in his cathedral church. robert nevill on his privy seal as bishop of durham ( - ) surmounts his shield with a beautiful labelled mitre, from which issues a bull's head with a scroll lettered ~en grace affie~. many of the bishops of durham, on their great seals in chancery, in virtue of their secular palatinate jurisdiction, are represented as riding in complete armour with helms on their heads. the first to be so represented was thomas hatfield ( ), who wears a large crowned helm surmounted by a mitre, from which issues a bush of feathers. john fordham ( ) also surmounts his crowned helm with a mitre, on which is perched a bird. walter skirlaw ( ) and thomas langley ( ) set within the crowns crests without mitres; in one case the bust of an angel, in the other a bush of feathers. robert nevill ( ) surmounts his crowned helm with a mitre, from which issues a bull's head, as on his privy seal above noted. cuthbert tunstall ( ) has a mitre alone upon his helm. the usual practice in displaying a bishop's arms has been, for a long time, to ensign them simply with his own official headgear in the shape of a mitre, and the same custom prevailed with regard to the arms of mitred abbots and priors. robert nevill's privy seal is an early example. cardinals ensigned their shields with the tasselled hat of their order, as may be seen on the seal-of-arms of henry beaufort bishop of winchester ( ), and in a carving of his arms in southwark cathedral church. a cardinal's hat is displayed, with his rebus and sundry royal badges, on the arch about the cenotaph of john morton archbishop of canterbury and cardinal in the undercroft of his cathedral church. doctors also sometimes surmounted their arms with the round cap pertaining to their dignity. on the monument at st. albans of humphrey duke of gloucester (_ob._ ) his arms are ensigned alternately by his mantled and crested helm, and by a large cap of estate encircled by a crown or coronet. jasper duke of bedford ( ) on his seal likewise surmounts his arms with a cap of estate encircled by a delicate crown. there is not any necessity at the present day to represent any crown or coronet with the cap of estate within it. chapter vii the use of badges, knots, and the rebus definition of a badge; difference between crests and badges; examples of badges; the ostrich-feather badge; the white hart, etc.; introduction of badges into heraldry; their prevalence; allusive badges; badges of obscure origin; knots and badges; the rebus. closely allied with crests, but borne and used in an entirely different way, are the devices called badges. the whole history of these is in itself of great interest, and the facility with which they lend themselves to artistic heraldic decoration renders badges of peculiar value. a badge is, properly speaking, any distinctive device, emblem, or figure assumed as the mark or cognisance of an individual or family; and it should be borne alone, without any shield, torse, or other accessory. but a badge may be and often was, like a crest, accompanied by a word, reason, or motto. there is however this important difference between a crest and a badge, that the crest was pre-eminently the personal device of its owner, while his badge might also be used by his servants and retainers. such a use of the badge still survives in the 'crest' on the buttons of liveried servants. the most famous and best known badge is that of the three ostrich feathers encircled by a crown or coronet borne by the prince of wales. it was probably introduced by queen philippa, who is known to have possessed plate ornamented with 'a black scocheon of ostrich feathers,' perhaps allusive of the comté of ostrevant, the appanage of the eldest sons of the house of hainault. a single ostrich feather, alone or stuck in a scroll, occurs after in several seals of edward prince of wales, and on his tomb at canterbury the shield of his own arms alternates with his mother's black shield with three silver ostrich feathers, each transfixing a scroll with the word ~ich diene~; over the shield is likewise a scroll inscribed with the same words (fig. ). john of gaunt duke of lancaster is said to have borne an ostrich feather powdered with ermine tails, and thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester, the youngest of queen philippa's sons, bore the feathers with a strap (which some have regarded as a garter) extended along the quill (fig. ). the queen's great-grandson, richard duke of york and earl of march ( ), bore the feather with a chain similarly placed; perhaps edmund of langley, his grandfather, had done the same. henry of lancaster, the son of john of gaunt, on his seal as earl of derby in (pl. xxiv c) and on that as duke of hereford in , has an ostrich feather stuck in the end of a scroll which is entwined about the feather and inscribed with the significant word ~souvereyne~, and the same word is repeated many times on his tomb as king henry iv at canterbury. [illustration: fig. . shield with ostrich-feather badge from the tomb of edward prince of wales (_ob._ ) at canterbury.] [illustration: fig. . seal of thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester with ostrich-feather and bohun swan badges.] another notable badge is the couched white hart of king richard ii, with which may be named the white hind borne by his kinsman, thomas holand earl of kent (pl. xviii b). [illustration: a joan arundel wife of william lord beauchamp, . b thomas holand earl of kent, . c robert corbet d joan stafford countess of kent and lady of wake, . plate xviii.--examples of supporters.] the fetterlock-and-falcon (fig. ) and the white rose of the house of york, the white lion of the earls of march, the rayed rose of edward iv, and the silver boar of richard iii are of course well-known badges; as well as the red and the red and white roses, the crowned fleur-de-lis, and the beaufort portcullis, used by the tudor kings (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . fetterlock-and-falcon badge of the house of york, from henry vii's chapel at westminster.] [illustration: fig. . crowned rose and portcullis from king's college chapel at cambridge.] when badges first came into use in this country is uncertain, but after the middle of the fourteenth century they abound. they are foreshadowed by the free treatment of earlier decorative heraldry, such as the little leopards on the footgear and pillows of king henry iii's gilt-latten effigy at westminster, and the plate with its lozengy diaper of leopards on which it lies; also the lozengy diaper of castles and lions which covers the metal plate whereon lies the effigy of queen eleanor of castile. many badges, too, originated in devices borrowed from various sources and arranged about the shield on seals, as in figs. and , which are only two out of a number of such appended to the barons' letter. [illustration: fig. . seal of robert de clifford, with arms surrounded by rings in allusion to his mother isabel vipont.] [illustration: fig. . seal of robert de toni as chevaler au cing with the arms encircled by swans and talbots.] the famous white swan badge of the bohuns (fig. ) is found perched upon the shield in the seal of humphrey bohun earl of hereford and essex, (pl. xix b). later on its neck was encircled by a crown for a collar, with a chain attached, and in this form it appears on the seals of thomas of woodstock, who married eleanor bohun (fig. ), and on that lady's brass at westminster. it was also borne by the sons and descendants of king henry iv by his wife mary bohun. [illustration: fig. . seal of oliver bohun with swans about the shield.] [illustration: a stephen longespee, ob. . b humphrey de bohun earl of hereford and essex, constable of england, . plate xix.--origin of supporters.] the gilt-latten effigies of richard ii (fig. ) and anne of bohemia have their dresses pounced all over with badges, such as the white hart, the sun-burst, and the broom sprigs on that of the king, and the ostrich and a peculiar knot on that of the queen. in edmund mortimer earl of march left a bequest of 'our large bed of black satin embroidered with white lions and gold roses, with scocheons of the arms of mortimer and ulster,' and in joan princess of wales bequeathed to her son the king (richard ii) 'my new bed of red velvet embroidered with ostrich feathers of silver and leopards' heads of gold with boughs and leaves issuing from their mouths.' in , sir ralph hastings, whose arms were a red maunch or sleeve on a gold ground, and his crest a bull's head, left bequests of a silver bason and laver 'stamped with a bull's head (_cum capite tauri_), a vestment of red cloth of gold with orfreys before and behind worked with maunches (_cum maunches_) and with the colours of mine arms,' and six salts stamped with maunches. in john of gaunt duke of lancaster mentions in his will 'my great bed of cloth of gold, the field powdered with roses of gold set upon pipes of gold, and in each pipe two white ostrich feathers,' also 'my new vestment of cloth of gold the field red worked with gold falcons.' two falcons holding hanging locks in their beaks are also shown on one of the duke's seals (pl. xxi a). in thomas beauchamp earl of warwick left a bed of silk embroidered with 'bears of mine arms'; and in john lord le scrope mentions in his will documents sealed _cum signato meo de crabb_, and in a codicil made in he bequeaths 'j fayre pile of coppis conteyning xij coppis of gilt, with crabbis in ye myddes, and two coveryngis to thame with crabb.' in the north of england a crab is often called a scrap, whence its assumption by the scropes. [illustration: fig. . gilt-latten effigy at westminster of king richard ii, pounced with badges, etc.] such examples as the foregoing could be multiplied indefinitely, but they will suffice to show the prevalence of badges and the many ways in which they were used. they of course abounded on seals as well as on monuments of all kinds, and in conjunction with architecture. under this last head may be quoted such examples as the arches in wingfield church, suffolk (fig. ), studded with leopards' heads, wings, and stafford knots, commemorative of michael de la pole earl of suffolk (_ob._ ) and his wife katharine stafford; the porch and other parts of lavenham church, displaying the boars and molets of john de vere earl of oxford; bishop courtenay's chimney-piece in the bishop's palace at exeter (fig. ); and the great displays of tudor badges on the deanery gateway at peterborough (fig. ), the gatehouses at christ's (fig. ) and st. john's colleges (fig. ) at cambridge, and the noble chapel of king's college. special mention must also be made of the magnificent bronze doors of henry vii's chapel at westminster, than which no more beautiful example of the use of badges for decorative purposes could possibly be found (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . piers and arches in wingfield church, suffolk, with badges of michael de la pole earl of suffolk (_ob._ ) and his wife katharine stafford.] [illustration: fig. . chimney-piece in the bishop's palace at exeter with the arms and badges of bishop peter courtenay, - .] [illustration: fig. . gateway to the deanery at peterborough. built by robert kirkton abbot - .] [illustration: fig. . the gatehouse of christ's college, cambridge.] [illustration: fig. . bronze door with badges of york and beaufort, from the lady chapel of westminster abbey church.] the sources of badges were various. as a matter of fact a man's badge was often the same device as his crest, like the courtenay dolphin, or the boar of the veres, or the sickle of the hungerfords. sometimes the badge was derived from a part of the arms, such as the leopards' heads and the wings of the de la poles, the water-bougets of the bourchiers (fig. ), the silver molet of the veres (fig. ), and the phelip eagle (fig. ). if by chance a badge could have any punning or allusive meaning it was the more popular, and it then often served as a rebus. the boar (_verre_) of the veres (fig. ), the crab or scrap of the scropes, the pike or luce of the lucys, the long swords of longespee (pl. xix a), the _gray_ or badger of richard lord grey of codnor (fig. ), and the wood-stock or tree stump of thomas duke of gloucester, who was born at woodstock, are all good examples of a practice that should be followed whenever possible, even in these degenerate days. [illustration: fig. . signet with badge and crested helm of lewis lord bourchier, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of hugh de vere with boar badge and two wivers as supporters. from the barons' letter.] [illustration: fig. . signet of william phelip lord bardolf (_c._ ) with eagle badge derived from his arms.] [illustration: fig. . signet with flote badge and word of sir william oldhalle in .] [illustration: fig. . seal with badge (a _gray_ or badger) of richard lord grey of codnor, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of thomas lord stanley as earl of derby and seneschal of macclesfield, , with the eagle's claw badge of stanley and the legs of the isle of man.] but in a large number of cases the badge has a different and often quite obscure origin, like the bohun swan, the percy crescent and swivel, the beauchamp bear and ragged staff, the lovel hanging-lock, the zouch eagle and crooked billet, and the berkeley mermaid. [illustration: fig. . daisy plant (_marguerite_) badge of the lady margaret beaufort, from henry vii's chapel at westminster.] a few families, _e.g._ the staffords (fig. ), the bourchiers, and the wakes, used as a badge some special form of knot, and attention has already been called to the peculiar knots pounced upon the effigy of queen anne of bohemia. interesting examples of the bourchier knot may be seen on the tomb of archbishop thomas bourchier at canterbury, and on the brass of sir humphrey bourchier at westminster (fig. ), and a good instance of the application of the knot is afforded by the seal of joan stafford countess of kent and lady of wake, who encircles her impaled shield with a cordon of stafford knots (pl. xviii d). on the tomb at lowick (northants) of edward stafford earl of wiltshire (_ob._ ) the shields are encircled with cordons of stafford knots with another stafford badge, the nave of a wheel, alternating with the knots (fig. ). on the canopy of the tomb at little easton in essex of henry bourchier earl of essex (_ob._ ) and his wife isabel, sister of richard duke of york, is a badge formed by placing a bourchier knot within a fetterlock of york. [illustration: fig. . part of the brass at exeter of canon william langeton, kinsman of edward stafford bishop of exeter, , in cope with an orphrey of [~x~]'s and stafford knots.] [illustration: fig. . elbow-piece and bourchier knot, from the brass of sir humphrey bourchier (_ob._ ) in westminster abbey church.] [illustration: fig. . alabaster tomb and effigy of edward stafford earl of wiltshire (_ob._ ) in lowick church, northamptonshire.] mention has been made above of the rebus. this was invariably a badge or device forming a pun upon a man's surname, and at one time was exceedingly popular. it no doubt originated in the canting or allusive heraldry of earlier days, like the boars' heads of the swynburnes, the trumpets of the trumpingtons, the hammers (fr. _martel_) of the martels, or the scallop shells of the scales. the _ox_ crossing a _ford_ in the arms of oxford, and the _cam_ and its great _bridge_ in the arms of cambridge are also kindred examples. a large number of rebuses on names ending in 'ton' are based upon a tun or barrel, like the _lup_ on a _ton_ of robert lupton provost of eton - , or the large church (_kirk_) and _ton_ of abbot kirkton on the deanery gate at peterborough (fig. ), or the _beacon_ rising from a _ton_ of bishop thomas beckington at wells (fig. ). the _gold wells_ of bishop goldwell and the _harts ly_ing in _water_ of bishop walter lyhart in their cathedral church at norwich are well known, as are probably the _eye_ and the _slip_ of a tree which form, together with a man falling from a tree (i slip!), the rebuses of abbot islip at westminster (fig. ). an _ox_, the letter n, and a _bridge_ make the rebus of canon john oxenbridge in his chantry chapel at windsor, while an eagle and an _ox_ with ~ne~ on his side gives the name of prior john oxney at christchurch, canterbury. two large _hares_ with a spring or _well_ rising between them crouch at the feet of bishop harewell's effigy at wells; and dean gunthorpe's oriel window in the deanery there is decorated with _guns_ (fig. ). sir john pechey's arms (_azure a lion ermine with a forked tail and a gold crown_), in a window in lullingstone church, kent, are encircled by a wreath of peach-branches, with peaches charged with the letter ~e~ for the final syllable of his name (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . rebus of abbot robert kirkton, from the deanery gate at peterborough.] [illustration: fig. . rebus of thomas beckington bishop of bath and wells, .] [illustration: fig. . rebus of john islip abbot of westminster, from his chantry chapel.] [illustration: fig. . oriel window in the deanery at wells with badge of king edward iv, and rebus of dean gunthorpe.] [illustration: fig. . arms and rebus of sir john pechey (_ob._ ), from painted glass in lullingstone church, kent.] here again it is needless to multiply examples of rebuses, but the fun to be got out of them is ample justification for urging their adoption and use in connexion with decorative heraldry.[ ] [ ] the rev. e. e. dorling has taken for his rebus a little door (doorling!) with the hinges ending in e's, and the author of this book might fitly content himself with the anchor of hope! chapter viii supporters the probable origin of supporters; quasi-supporters; true supporters: their introduction; supporters of crested helms; pairs of supporters; dissimilar supporters; the use of supporters by ladies; other ways of supporting shields. the misuse of crests to which reference has been made unfortunately does not stand alone, for modern artists are quite as much at fault with regard to the proper treatment of supporters. there can be little doubt that these charming adjuncts to heraldic compositions originated with the seal engravers, in their desire to fill up the vacant space in a round seal between the shield and its surrounding margin. in the oldest examples this was done by adding scrollwork or leafage, but in the seal of humphrey bohun earl of hereford, , the large shield of his arms is flanked by two smaller shields of his other earldom of essex. the same treatment occurs in the seal of his grandson, another humphrey bohun earl of hereford and essex, - (pl. xix b). henry de laci ( ) has the side spaces filled by two small wivers, and in the seal of stephen longespee (_ob._ ) the shield is flanked by two _long swords_ (pl. xix a). gilbert of clare earl of gloucester ( ) has his shield hung on a peg and accompanied by two lions back to back, while in the seal of edmund earl of cornwall ( ) and son of richard king of the romans the shield is held up in the beak of an imperial eagle splayed or spread out behind it. thomas earl of lancaster ( ) on both his larger and his lesser seals has the shield flanked by two wivers, as has also his brother henry of lancaster ( ) (fig. ). sometimes the shield is hung about the neck of a bird (fig. ), or about a beast, as in the seal of alan la souche, which likewise has the shield surrounded by a number of lions (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . seal of john de moun with the shield slung from an eagle and flanked by two leopards. from the barons' letter.] [illustration: fig. . seal of alan la souche in .] during the first half of the fourteenth century little definite progress was made towards true supporters. shields, whether hung from pegs or upon trees, or surmounted by crested helms, still continued to be flanked by quasi-supporters, which of course varied much in character. pairs of wivers, dragons, and lions, usually back to back, the better to fit the space, and sometimes with entwined tails, were common early in the century, and shields with splayed eagles behind may not infrequently be found (figs. , ). what may be regarded as true supporters appear on the lesser seal (pl. xii a) of william montagu earl of salisbury (_circa_ ), wherein two griffins seem to be holding up the shield, but it is not until well on in the second half of the fourteenth century that further definite instances become fairly common. [illustration: fig. . seal of john beauchamp of hacche with shield on breast of an eagle.] [illustration: fig. . seal of william de ferrers with shield upon an eagle with two heads.] interesting transitional usages may also be found. thus on a seal (_c._ ) of margaret graunson two wivers uphold by their beaks the upper corners of a shield of her husband's arms, while a third wiver similarly grips the point. guy de bryen (_c._ ) has his shield hung upon a tree and supported at the corners by two wivers holding it by their beaks. another lady, joan fitzalan, who married in humphrey bohun earl of hereford, has an impaled shield of their arms held up in their beaks by two bohun swans; and another pair of swans perform the same office in a fitzwarin seal used in - (pl. xx a). [illustration: a ivo fitzwarin, in - . b peter de mauley, in - . c sir bartholomew burghersh, - . d john la warre, in . plate xx.--shields with supporters.] a curious variant from the ordinary flanking pair of beasts occurs on the seal of edmund mortimer earl of march ( - ), where the arms are accompanied by a pair of lions with their heads covered by large helms with the earl's crest, a bush of feathers rising from a crown. a similar treatment is to be seen on a seal of john la warre, as used in (pl. xx d). analogous cases will be noted on the seal of sir robert de marni ( ) (fig. ), whose shield hangs from a tree and is flanked by two fronting helms with tall pairs of wings rising from caps of estate as crests; also in a seal of sir bartholomew burghersh ( - ), which has the shield flanked by two helms crested with tall soldans' heads, and surmounted by what is probably his badge, a swan with a lady's head (pl. xx c). a seal of sir roger scales ( - ) has his seal flanked by two long-necked wivers, and hung by a strap from another wiver which has twisted itself into the shape of the letter s, and perched itself on the upper edge of the shield. another case of true supporters is afforded by a seal of peter de mauley in - , where a shield surmounted by a fierce dragon (perhaps a badge) is upheld by small lions (pl. xx b). other supporters of shields only may be seen on seals of thomas beauchamp earl of warwick ( ), where they are bears; and of roger mortimer earl of march and ulster ( ), where they are lions, as is also the case in a seal of john batour used in - . in each of these cases the shield is hung upon a tree. in heraldic representations where the shield of arms is surmounted by a helm and crest, there is the same hesitation in arriving at true supporters; the space at the sides being filled at first by a badge or such device. thus john of gaunt duke of lancaster (in ) introduced a pair of eagles with hanging locks in their beaks, and his brother edmund of langley duke of york (in ) followed suit with a couple of falcons having in their beaks scrolls with scriptures (pl. xxi). john nevill lord of raby and seneschal of bordeaux ( ) flanked his arms, etc. with two letters ~b~, while his kinsman, sir william nevill, used in a seal with his arms and crested helm accompanied by two large stars. [illustration: a john of gaunt duke of lancaster, . b edmund of langley duke of york, . plate xxi.--shields accompanied by badges.] the fine seal of thomas lord despenser (before ) has on either side of his shield and crested helm a tree from which hangs a lozenge of arms: the one bearing the three cheverons of clare, for his lordship of glamorgan; the other the forked-tailed lion of the barony of burghersh, which came to him through his mother (pl. xxii a). richard nevill earl of salisbury in similarly places two angels bearing shields: one with the arms of nevill, the other with the lions of longespee in virtue of his earldom of salisbury (pl. xxii b). henry of lancaster (afterwards king henry iv) as earl of derby, etc. (_c._ ) flanks his arms and crested helm with two ostrich feathers entwined with a scroll with the scripture ~souvereyne~ (pl. xxiv c), and others of the royal house similarly used ostrich feathers of other forms. edward v as prince of wales in flanked his arms with two scrolled ostrich feathers standing on large york roses. thomas duke of exeter ( ) placed a swan on either side of his armorial achievement, and william lord lovel and holand ( ) a hanging lock (pl. xxiii a); while sir john pelham (_c._ ) flanked his crest with his buckle badge (pl. xxiii b). on the fine seal of thomas lord roos of hamlake or helmsley ( - ) his peacock crest is flanked by two large flowering plants, perhaps _hemlocks_ (pl. xxiii e). [illustration: a thomas lord despenser, before . b richard nevill earl of salisbury, . plate xxii.--quasi-supporters.] [illustration: a william lord lovel and holand, . b sir john pelham, _c._ . c hugh de veer, . d aver de rocheford, _c._ . e thomas lord roos of hamlake, . plate xxiii.--shields accompanied by badges.] by the third quarter of the fourteenth century the combination of supporters with shields of arms surmounted by crested helms had become fully established, and henceforth the number of beautiful and instructive examples is so great that it is unnecessary to do more than illustrate a typical series (figs. - ). it will be seen from these that in seals the majority of the supporters are upholding the heavy helm and its crest, and not the shield that hangs below it; probably on account of the nature of the design. the supporters, too, usually form pairs, and it goes without saying that every variety of creature is made to serve. sometimes they are composed of badges, like the falcons on crooked billets used by william lord zouch (pl. xxiv a), or the similar birds with 'words' coupled with oak leaves and the letter ~t~ that appear on a seal of sir john falstaff used in (pl. xxiv b). william lord botraux, in a seal used in , has his armorial ensigns flanked by two buttresses (fr. _botreaux_); while john lord talbot and furnival ( ) has two _talbots_ (fig. ), and george duke of clarence ( ) the black bulls of clare (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . seal of edmund mortimer earl of march and ulster, , with rampant leopard supporters.] [illustration: fig. . seal of sir william windsor, , with eagle supporters.] [illustration: fig. . seal of william de la pole duke of suffolk, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of john nevill lord montagu, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of william lord hastings, _c._ .] [illustration: fig. . seal of john lord talbot and furnival, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of george duke of clarence and lord of richmond, , with black bulls of clare supporting his crested helm.] [illustration: a william lord zouch, . b sir john falstaff, in . c henry of lancaster earl of derby, . plate xxiv.--shields accompanied by badges.] where the supporters differ it is usually the case that they represent more than one dignity. thus on one of his seals (fig. ) richard beauchamp earl of warwick ( ) used as such for supporters two muzzled bears hugging ragged staves, but on a later seal ( ) as earl of warwick and of albemarle the supporters are a bear and a griffin (fig. ). so, too, his successor in the title of earl of warwick, richard nevill, on a fine seal (_c._ - ) has two muzzled bears for supporters, but on a later seal (_c._ ) as earl of warwick and salisbury his supporters are a warwick bear and a montagu griffin (fig. ). edmund beaufort duke of somerset on his seal for the town of bayeux (_c._ ) (fig. ) has on one side his own eagle supporter, and on the other a spotted dog-like beast with a crown about his neck; and richard duke of york and earl of march on his seal as governor of france and normandy in has for supporters the york falcon and the white lion of march. on the stall-plate of john beaufort duke of somerset and earl of kendal his arms are supported by a somerset crowned eagle and a mysterious beast called a yale,[ ] behind each of which stands an ostrich feather with the quill gobony of blue and silver. [ ] for a full account of the yale or eale see papers in the _archæological journal_, lxviii, - . the adoption of the beast by the duke of somerset has not yet been explained, but it may be for his earldom of kendal and partly be a rebus (kend-eale). [illustration: fig. . seal of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of richard beauchamp earl of warwick and of albemarle and lord despenser, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of edmund duke of somerset for the town of bayeux, _c._ .] it is not necessary here to cite the various supporters borne by the kings of england, but it may suffice to point out that since the union of the crowns of england and scotland one of the royal supporters has always been a lion for england and the other a unicorn for scotland. in seals of married ladies in which their arms are accompanied by supporters, one often represents the husband and the other the lady's family. thus joan holand, daughter of thomas earl of kent, and wife of edmund of langley duke of york, has (after ) her husband's half of her impaled shield supported by the falcon of york, and her own half by her father's hind with its crown collar. cecily nevill, the wife of richard duke of york and earl of march, and mother of king edward iv, has the shield on her fine seal ensigned by a falcon of york and supported by a stag with crown-collar and chain and by a lion of march (fig. ). the even more splendid seal of elizabeth wydville, queen-consort of king edward iv, shows as her supporters the lion of march and a lean spotted beast not unlike an otter, collared and chained (pl. xxv). the lady margaret beaufort, on the other hand, ensigns on both her seals her paternal arms of beaufort with the somerset eagle and uses for her supporters a pair of yales (pls. xxvi, xxx). [illustration: plate xxv.--arms with crown and supporters of elizabeth wydville, queen of edward iv.] [illustration: plate xxvi.--arms, supporters, and badges of the lady margaret beaufort, .] [illustration: fig. . seal of cecily nevill, wife of richard duke of york and mother of king edward iv, .] it is of course all-important that supporters should be shown standing upon something solid, and not on so precarious a footing as the edge of a motto or forked scroll. one of the beautiful armorial groups with the supporters of king henry vii in king's college chapel at cambridge (fig. ) shows how effectively and yet unobtrusively this may be done. in the splendid panel at new hall in essex with the crowned arms, etc. of king henry viii his dragon and greyhound supporters stand in a bush of roses and pomegranates (fig. ); and in the well-known glass at ockwells the supporters have fields full of flowers to stand on. [illustration: fig. . arms and supporters, a dragon and a greyhound, of king henry vii in king's college chapel at cambridge.] besides the more or less regular use of supporters just described, there are a number of curious and irregular ways of supporting shields. these deserve special attention, not only from their value in showing how delightfully heraldry used to be played with, but as precedents for similar variety of treatment at the present day, when supporters so-called often do not support anything. over the doorway, for example, of the national portrait gallery in london the 'supporters' of the royal arms are merely a pair of cowering beasts at the base of the shield. quite an early instance of playful treatment is furnished by the seal of roger leybourne (_ob._ ). this has a small banner standing behind the shield, which is hung on a tree with side branches; one of these supports the crested helm, and the other ends in a bunch of leaves (pl. xi a). thomas lord holand and wake (_c._ ) has within a traceried panel a tree standing in a rabbit warren and supporting his crowned helm with its huge bush of feathers. hanging on either side are two shields, one with beautiful diapering of his lordship of wake, the other (originally) of his lordship of holand (pl. xxvii a). [illustration: a thomas lord holand and wake, _c._ . b margaret beauchamp, wife of john talbot earl of shrewsbury, after . plate xxvii.--methods of arranging shields.] thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester, son of edward iii, used from about a lovely seal with the stock of a tree standing within a paling and surrounded by water on which float two chained bohun swans, for his wife eleanor bohun; from the tree hangs a large shield of the duke's arms, with his crested helm above, and from two side branches are suspended diapered shields of the earldom of hereford (_azure two bends, one gold, the other silver_), also in reference to his bohun marriage. margaret daughter of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, and wife of john talbot earl of shrewsbury and waterford, in her fine shield (after ) suspends by their straps her father's shield and the impaled shield of her husband and herself from the ragged staff of her father's house (pl. xxvii b). thomas holand earl of kent used in a seal bearing his badge of a white hind with a crown for a collar, reclining under a tree, and with the shield of his arms hanging round its neck (pl. xviii b). in the fourteenth century seal of the mayoralty of calais a boar has a cloak tied about his neck and flying upwards banner-wise to display the arms of the town, which were _barry wavy with a crowned (?) leopard rampant_ (fig. ). a similar treatment occurs on the half-florin of king edward iii, which has for device a crowned sitting leopard with a cloak about his neck with the royal arms. [illustration: fig. . seal of the mayoralty of calais.] on one of his seals as regent of france ( - ) john duke of bedford has an eagle standing with one leg upon his badge, the root of a tree, and holding in its other claw a shield of his arms. william lord fitz hugh ( ) and of marmion shows on his seal his quartered shield ensigned by his helm and crest, which was apparently a lion's head. the rest of the beast is somewhat incongruously squatting behind the shield and has the paws thrust out on each side to grasp two banners of arms that complete the composition (pl. xxviii a). a similar pair of banners appears on the seal of walter lord hungerford, which has the shield 'supported' by two hungerford sickles, and surmounted by the crested helm, with flanking banners of the arms of the lordships of heytesbury and hussey (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . seal of walter lord hungerford with banners of heytesbury and hussey or homet, _c._ .] [illustration: a william lord fitzhugh ( ) and of marmion. b margaret lady hungerford and botreaux, . plate xxviii.--examples of banners of arms.] banners also figure prominently on the charming seal of margaret lady of hungerford and botreaux ( ) (pl. xxviii b). she was the daughter of william lord botreaux and margaret beaumont, and wife of sir robert hungerford, who died in . the seal shows the lady in her widow's dress 'sitting upon her knees' in a garden, and reading from a book some words which are inscribed on a scroll about her head. overshadowing her are two large banners of impaled arms: one of hungerford and botreaux, upheld by a lion; the other of botreaux and beaumont, upheld by a griffin. on many late thirteenth and early fourteenth century seals it was not uncommon to represent ladies holding up shields of arms. a delightful example that may be cited is that of emmeline fitzgerald, and wife of stephen longespee, who is upholding her father's shield in her right and her husband's in her left hand. below each shield is a leopard of england to show her husband's close relationship to the royal house, and on each side of her is a _long sword_. she died in (pl. xxix b). a few cases occur where a man himself acts as the supporter of his arms. one of the shields of henry percy earl of northumberland ( ) shows him in armour, standing behind a large shield of percy which he supports with his left hand. his right is upon the hilt of a sword with the belt wrapped about it, and against his left shoulder rests a banner with the percy lion. the earl appears in similar fashion in another of his seals as lord of cockermouth ( ). in this the shield is quarterly of percy and lucy, and is grasped as before by his left hand, while the right holds up a pennon charged with his badge of a crescent (pl. xxix a). it must suffice to quote one last piece of playfulness, a seal of richard duke of york and earl of march and ulster (_ob._ ) as justice-in-eyre of the forests. this has his shield of arms suspended about the neck of a york falcon, and enclosed by the horns of a buck's head in base, in reference to his office. upon the buck's horns are fixed two small hands for the duke's earldom of ulster (pl. xxix c). [illustration: a henry percy earl of northumberland, . b emmelin fitzgerald, wife of stephen longespee, c. . c richard duke of york, as justice in eyre of forests, ob. . plate xxix.--ways of upholding shields.] chapter ix banners of arms the royal banner of arms; the banner of the arms of the city of london; shapes of banners; sizes of certain banners; upright _versus_ long banners; advantages of the upright form; banners with achievements of arms; modern use of banners. representations of banners constantly occur in medieval pictures (fig. ); and, as has been shown above, they are not infrequent upon seals. [illustration: fig. . knights with banners, from an illumination in royal ms. b xv in the british museum.] every one is familiar with the banner of the royal arms that betokens the presence of the king, and with our splendid national banner known as the union jack. the banner with the arms of the city that is flown above the mansion house when the lord mayor is in residence is familiar to londoners, and the citizens of rochester are equally accustomed to see the banner of their city flying on sundays and holidays from the great tower of their castle. let a banner once be regarded in the light of a rectangular shield and its fitness to contain armorial bearings immediately becomes apparent. the king's banner is now always miscalled 'the royal standard,' even in official language, though heraldically it is not a standard at all, but simply a banner. medieval banners at first were oblong in shape, and set upright with a longer side next the staff. in the late thirteenth century pictures formerly in the painted chamber in the palace of westminster the banners borne by the knights were more than twice as tall as they were broad. the same proportion survives even in the famous pictorial pageant of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, drawn about ;[ ] but the majority of the banners therein shown have a height one and three-quarter times the width, which is better for the display of heraldry. this is also the proportion of the banners on william lord hungerford's seal (fig. ), but the banners with impaled arms on lady hungerford's seal are nearly square (fig. ). on the monument in westminster abbey church of lewis lord bourchier (_ob._ ) the large quartered banners at the ends, upheld by lions and eagles, are slightly less than a square and a half in area, and admirably proportioned for displaying arms (fig. ). the banner of king edward iv, 'which also hung over his grave' in st. george's chapel in windsor castle, is described as of 'taffaty, and thereon painted quarterly france and england; it had in breadth three foot four inches, besides a fringe of about an inch broad, and in depth five foot and four inches, besides the fringe.'[ ] ashmole, in his description of the banners hung above the stalls of the knights of the garter, states (in ) that 'the fashion of the soveraign's and all the knight-companions banners are square; but it doth no where appear to us, of what size their banners anciently were; yet in queen elizabeth's reign, we find them two yards and a quarter long, and a yard and three quarters broad, beside the fringe (which is made of gold or silver and silk, of the colours in the wreath) and thereon are wrought or beaten upon taffaty-sarcenet, double-sarcenet, or rich taffaty, with fine gold and colours, on both sides, the paternal coat of the knights companion, together with his quarterings, or so many of them as he please to make use of, wherein garter is to take care that they be warrantly marshalled.... these banners of arms are fixed to the end of long staves, painted in oyl, formerly with the colours of the wreath, but now red.'[ ] [ ] brit. mus. cott. ms. julius e. iv. [ ] elias ashmole, _the institution, laws and ceremonies of the most noble order of the garter_ (london, ), . [ ] _ibid._ , . [illustration: fig. . seal of walter lord hungerford with banners.] [illustration: fig. . part of the seal of margaret lady hungerford, with impaled banner held up by a lion.] [illustration: fig. . tomb of lewis robsart lord bourchier, k.g. (_ob._ ), in westminster abbey church, with banners of arms upheld by supporters.] the remark here as to the quarterings, in view of the comments upon them in an earlier page of this book, is interesting, but it is more important to note that both the banner of king edward iv, and those of the knights of the garter in queen elizabeth's time, were of similar proportions to those on the bourchier monument. the fact is that the heraldic draughtsmen of even this late period were fully as aware as their predecessors of the difficulty of drawing arms in a banner that exceeded the width of a square, and they also appreciated the greater advantage of an area that was narrower than that figure. the longer form of banner may be tolerated for so simple a combination as the union jack, or even for such of its component parts as the cross of st. andrew or the saltire of st. patrick, but it is rarely possible so to arrange heraldry upon it as to look well, and even the cross of st. george looks better upright thus [illustration] than [illustration] when extended unduly horizontally. in the king's banner as at present borne it is practically impossible to draw the arms artistically, or with a proper balancing relation of field and charge (fig. ). the leopards of england may be so outrageously lengthened and attenuated as nearly to fill the quarters allotted to them, but it is impracticable to display properly the upright form of the ramping lion of scotland or to expand horizontally the irish harp. in the banner, too, of the lord mayor of london as used on the mansion house to-day, the sword of st. paul in the quarter can only be drawn of the comparative size of sir william walworth's dagger, which it is in consequence so absurdly mistaken to be. [illustration: fig. . the king's banner or 'royal standard' as now borne.] were, however, the king's arms (see frontispiece) and those of his city of london placed on upright oblong or even square banners, all difficulties of drawing them would be avoided, and from appearing to be glaring examples of mean modern heraldry they would forthwith become fine pieces of artistic decoration. a close approximation to the better way of displaying the king's arms is illustrated by the lately adopted banners of queen mary and queen alexandra, both of which show the sovereign's arms impaling those of his consort. the king's arms are thus restricted to half the usual length of the present 'royal standard,' that is, to a square, and so can be drawn with less waste space on either side of the charges. whatever be their shape, banners, like shields, ought as a rule to be covered completely with the heraldry, like the banners of the knights of the garter at windsor (which, though modern, are quite good in this respect) and those of more recent institution of the order of st. michael and st. george in st. paul's cathedral church. examples are not lacking, even in the fifteenth century, of banners charged with regular heraldic achievements instead of arms, and quite an interesting series may be found among the windsor stall-plates. two small oblong plates of sir peter courtenay and henry lord fitzhugh are practically complete banners of their arms, but walter lord hungerford (after ) displays his arms, with helm, crest, and mantling, upon a dull black banner with fringed gold border attached to a writhen gilded staff (fig. ). richard nevill earl of salisbury (_c._ ) (fig. ), john earl of shrewsbury (_c._ ), john lord tiptoft (_c._ ), and several others have their arms, etc. on plain gold-coloured fringed banners, but richard lord rivers (_c._ ), thomas lord stanley (_c._ ), and george duke of clarence (_c._ ) have the field worked all over with decorative scroll-work. sir john grey of ruthin (_c._ ) also displays his arms on an undoubted banner with black ground and gold fringe and staff (fig. ), and william lord fauconberg (_c._ ) on a banner with the field bendy of blue and silver, with a gold fringe and staff. it is not improbable that several other quadrangular stall-plates with coloured grounds represent banners. edmund of langley duke of york has the field paly of three pieces of silver, green, and black; john duke of bedford ( - ) has a ground party blue and silver, and thomas duke of exeter (_c._ ) a ground all black. john duke of somerset (_c._ ) has the field of his plate bendy of silver, red, and green, with a gilded border of scrolled leaves; and walter lord mountjoy (_c._ ) disposes the same three colours in vertical stripes. [illustration: fig. . stall-plate, as a banner, of walter lord hungerford, after .] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate, as a banner, of richard nevill earl of salisbury, _c._ .] [illustration: fig. . stall-plate, as a banner, of sir john grey of ruthin, _c._ .] two similar displays of heraldic achievements are to be found in a manuscript at the heralds' college.[ ] in one of these the arms, etc. of sir richard nanfant (_ob._ - ) are painted upon a quadrangular field party of blue and green. in the other the impaled shield of sir richard and his dame, upheld by an angel, is painted upon a ground having the upper three-fourths red and the fourth part pale pink.[ ] [ ] ms. m . [ ] _illustrated catalogue of the heraldic exhibition, burlington house, _ (london, ), pl. xxviii. in modern practice there is no conceivable reason why banners for the display of arms should not be more widely adopted; not only as banners proper, to fly upon a staff, but in decorative art, such as painting, sculpture, and embroidery. both the royal society and the society of antiquaries regularly notify their existence in burlington house by displaying banners of their arms over their apartments, and their example is one that might be followed by other corporations entitled to bear arms. on the use of banners by individuals it is unnecessary to enter after the useful series of examples and usages thereof already noted. the curious flags known as standards, which were in use during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, seem to have been borne simply for display in pageants or at funerals. for decorative purposes they are most effective, and as they were anciently borne by men of every degree down to and including esquires, they might with much advantage from the artistic standpoint again be devised and brought into use. a standard (fig. ) was a long narrow flag with the lower edge horizontal, and the upper gradually descending from the staff to the extremity, which was split into two rounded ends. a compartment next the staff always contained the arms of st. george. the rest of the ground not infrequently was formed of two, three, or four horizontal stripes of the livery colours of the owner, and divided into three sections by two slanting bands with his word, reason, or motto. upon the section next to the st. george's cross was generally displayed the principal beast or other device of the bearer and in later times the crest on a torse, while the other sections and the field in general were powdered with badges or rebuses. the whole was fringed of the livery colours. [illustration: fig. . standard of sir henry stafford, k.g. _c._ .] the series illustrated in the volume in the de walden library on "banners, standards, and badges from a tudor manuscript in the college of arms" will supply ample evidence of the playful composition of ancient standards, and hints as to the way in which they may be invented nowadays. pennons were small and narrow flags of varying length, sometimes pointed, sometimes swallow-tailed at the end, fixed below the point of a lance or spear and carried by the owner as his personal ensign (fig. ). that held by sir john d'abernoun in his well-known brass (_c._ ) at stoke d'abernoun is short and pointed and fringed, and bears his arms (_azure a cheveron gold_). a contemporary illustration of a large and more fluttering form of pennon is to be seen in fig. . an example of a pennon charged with a badge, in the shape of the percy crescent, occurs on the seal of henry percy earl of northumberland, who is shown with it in his hand (pl. xxix a). [illustration: fig. . knights with pennons, from an illumination in royal ms. b xv in the british museum.] [illustration: fig. . armed knights carrying pennons, temp. edward i, from an illumination in arundel ms. f. .] in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries it was not unusual to set up on gables, pinnacles, and other high places figures of animals holding banners as vanes or ornaments. heraldic beasts as finials began to be used even in the thirteenth century, and an example so early as is noted on the pipe roll of henry iii, when a charge occurs 'for making and setting up a certain lion of stone upon the gable of the king's hall'[ ] within the castle of windsor. examples of the fourteenth century are hard to find, but in the fifteenth century and first half of the sixteenth they are common enough. in most of these later examples the creatures sit up and support shields with arms or badges; some, like the fine groups at mapperton in dorset, once held vanes as well. [ ] 'et in quodam leone de petra faciendo et erigendo super gabulum in eadem aula.' early vanes from their tendency to decay are rare. in - s. were spent 'upon a vane of copper painted with the king's arms, bought to be put upon the top of the hall of the king's college'[ ] in windsor castle; and a delightful example, also of copper, pierced with the arms of sir william etchingham, its builder (_ob._ ), still surmounts the steeple of etchingham church in sussex (fig. ). a simple specimen of an iron vane may yet be seen on cowdray house in the same county. the octagonal steeple of fotheringay church, northants, built at the cost of richard duke of york _c._ , is surmounted by a fine representation in copper of his badge, the falcon within a fetterlock. [ ] 'et in una vane de cupro picta de armis regis empta ad ponendum super summitatem aule collegij regis ibidem, xiiij s.' pipe roll, edward iii. [illustration: fig. . armorial vane on etchingham church, sussex.] the employment of a creature to hold up a banner of arms was already no novelty in the fifteenth century, and examples have been noted above of those on the tomb of lewis lord bourchier (_ob._ ) and on the seal of margaret lady hungerford (_c._ ); to which may be added the banner-bearing lion on the seal (_c._ ) of henry percy, eldest son of henry second earl of northumberland. the conversion therefore of the sitting beast into a vane-holder came about quite naturally. a good instance of the end of the fifteenth century forms a charming finial to the well-known kitchen at stanton harcourt in oxfordshire, but the griffin which sits aloft there has, alas, no longer a vane to hold (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . vane formerly upon the finial of the kitchen roof at stanton harcourt, oxon.] quite an array of such vane-holders was set up early in the sixteenth century upon the pinnacles of the nave clerestory of st. george's chapel in windsor castle, and the contract made in for completing the quire in like fashion provides for 'as well the vautte within furth as archebotens, crestys, corses, and the king's bestes stondyng on theym to bere the fanes on the outside of the said quere, and the creasts, corses (and) beasts above on the outsides of maister john shornes chappell.' the contract made in for finishing the adjacent lady chapel also includes 'making up crests, corses, and the king's bestes stondyng on theym to bere furth squychons with armes.' these beasts holding their glittering vanes seem to have been completed only so far as the great chapel was concerned, and are plainly shown in hollar's engraving of the building; but they were all taken down in by the advice of sir christopher wren, who suggested that pineapples be set up in their stead! another mention of figures with vanes occurs in the contract made in for the building of the coventry cross: and further to set on every principall pinnacle in the lowest story of the same new crosse, the ymage or a beast or a foule, holding up a fane, and on everie principall pinnacle in the second story the image of a naked boy with a targett, and holding a fane.[ ] [ ] t. hearne, _liber niger_, ii. . these beasts, fowls, and boys obviously performed a double duty, like the creatures on mapperton manor-house. the exact nature of the 'king's bestes' at windsor and elsewhere is illustrated by the accounts for the building of the great hall of hampton court in - . these include payments 'for the workyng and makyng of a lyon and a dragon in stone, standyng at the gabull ends of the said hall'; 'for two pynnys of irne for stayes for the two bests of freston, standyng at the gabyll endes of the haull'; and 'for gylding and payntyng of two vanys, servyng the bests of freston stondyng at the endes uppon the haull, oon of the kynges armys, the other of the quenys, wrowghte wyth fyne golde and in owyle.' further payments are 'for makyng of of the kynges bestes to stand upon the new batilments of the kynges new hall, and uppon the femerell of the said hall' and 'for vanys for the bestes standyng upon the battylment of the hall.' also 'for the payntyng of great lyons, standyng abowght the bartyllment, of tymber worke, uppon the kynges new hall, theyre vaynys gylte with fyne golde and in oyle,' and for the painting 'of great dragons & of grewhounds servyng the same barttylment.' there are also payments to a 'karver, for karvyng and coutting of grewhondes, oon lybert, servyng to stande uppon the typpis of the vycys abowght the kynges new haull,' and to a 'paynter, for gyldyng and payntyng of grewhondes, oon lybert, syttyng upon basys baryng vanys, uppon the typys at the haull endes'; likewise 'for gyldyng and payntyng of vanys with the kynges armes and the quenes badges.'[ ] [ ] ernest law, _the history of hampton court palace_ (london ), i. - . the free use of external colouring should be noted. the use of the king's beasts as heraldic adjuncts was not confined at hampton court to the building only, but they were made to do duty, in an equally delightful manner, as garden decorations. thus the payments already quoted include charges for makyng and entaylling of of the kynges and the quenys beestes, in freeston, barying shyldes wythe the kynges armes and the quenys; that ys to say, fowre dragownes, seyx lyones, fyve grewhoundes, fyve harttes, foure innycornes, servyng to stand abowght the ponddes in the pond yerd; for cuttyng and intayling of a lyon and grey-hound in freestoon, that is to say, the lyon barying a vane with the kynges armes, &c. servyng to stand uppon the bases of freeston abought the ponds; for pynnes servyng the pyllers of freestoon that the beastes standyth uppon abowght the ponds in the pond yerd; for payntyng of stoon bests standyng uppon bases abowght the pondes in the pond yerd, for workmanship, oyle, and collers. also for payntyng off postes wyth white and grene[ ] and in oyle ... standyng in the kynges new garden; also for lyke payntyng of powncheones wyth white and grene, and in oyle, wrought wyth fyne antyke uppon both the sydes beryng up the rayles in the sayd garden; also for lyke payntyng of yerdes in leyngthe of rayle.[ ] [ ] white and green were the livery colours of king henry viii. [ ] law, _op. cit._ i. , . the quaint aspect of such an heraldic garden has been preserved to us in the large picture at hampton court itself of king henry viii and his family. this has at either end archways in which stand will somers the king's jester and jane the fool, and behind them are delightful peeps of the garden, with its low brick borders carrying green and white railings, and its gay flower beds from which rise tall painted posts surmounted by the king's beasts holding up their glittering vanes (figs. , ). [illustration: fig. . part of king henry viii's garden at hampton court, from a contemporary picture.] [illustration: fig. . part of king henry viii's garden at hampton court, from a contemporary picture.] before finally leaving the subject of banners, a few remarks may be offered touching our beautiful national banner which we call the union jack. this charming and interesting composition is not only, in a large number of cases when it is flown, displayed upside down, but in a still greater number of instances it is made quite incorrectly. the first union jack, that in use from to , combining as it did only the cross of st. george for england and the saltire of st. andrew for scotland, presented little difficulty, since there was practically no excuse for not drawing the st. andrew's cross straight through from corner to corner. but the present union jack is a much more difficult banner to draw, as well as to understand, and the prevailing ignorance of its history even among so-called 'educated' people is extraordinary. the union jack consists actually of (i) the banner of st. george with its white field reduced to a narrow edging on all sides of the red cross, to enable it to be superposed, without breaking the heraldic rule of colour upon colour, upon (ii) the blue banner of st. andrew with his white cross; but since the union with ireland there has been combined with these (iii) the banner of st. patrick, which has a red saltire upon a white field. this combination, in order to meet scottish susceptibilities, has been effected in a very peculiar but ingenious way, first by treating the irish banner like that of england, and reducing its white field to a narrow edging about the saltire, and then by slitting this down the middle of each arm, and joining the pieces to the opposite sides of st. andrew's saltire similarly treated, yet so that the scottish pieces are uppermost next the staff. it thus comes about that whatever be the shape of the flag, whether square or oblong, two straight lines drawn across it diagonally from corner to corner should always equally divide the scottish and irish crosses, and if this cannot be done the flag is not correctly built up (pl. xxxi). [illustration: plate xxxi. right and wrong versions of the union jack.] it also happens that unless the flag is exactly square the blue sections of the field must differ more or less in size. ignorant flag-makers try to correct this, but only by dislocating in the middle the diagonal lines that ought always to be straight and continuous. the right way up of a union jack is indicated by the scottish, that is, the broader white, half of the diagonal members being always uppermost in the two pieces next the staff. chapter x marshalling of arms arms of husband and wife; dimidiating; impaling; 'scutcheons of pretence; impalement with official arms; arms of ladies; heraldic drawing; mottoes; use and misuse of the garter; lettering and mottoes. in gathering up for practical consideration some of the points already discussed, as well as others that are suggested by them, something may first be said on the ways of combining the arms of husband and wife. this was done originally by simply setting them side by side, a plan which of course may still be followed whenever it is thought desirable. for a short time during the latter part of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth century the arms of husband and wife were combined in one shield by the curious device of halving or 'dimidiating' them, by joining the half of the one to the opposite half of the other, as in the arms of aymer of valence and mary de seynt pol, still borne (since ) by the lady's foundation of pembroke college at cambridge. owing however to the many inconveniences which this plan involved, it was soon exchanged for the more simple way of 'impaling' or placing the entire arms of both parties side by side in one shield (fig. and pls. viii c, xviii a, b), a practice that has continued ever since, except when the wife is an heiress. in that case the lady's arms are usually drawn upon a smaller shield and placed upon the middle of the husband's arms (pl. v a). this ugly and most inconvenient plan, though of considerable antiquity, might very well be amended by the more ancient way of quartering the arms together, as is still done by the children of the heiress. for rules for the combination of the arms of a husband who has married two or more wives, or the cumbrous regulations as to quartering, the student may, if he wishes, consult the various manuals of heraldry. [illustration: fig. . shield of bryen impaling bures, from a brass in acton church, suffolk.] when a man is a member of any order, such as the garter or the bath, only his own arms should be encircled by the insignia of the order. exceptions to this rule can of course be found, but it is otherwise a general one that ought strictly to be followed. bishops are entitled to bear their personal arms only impaled with those of their bishopstool or cathedral church, and the same rule applies to deans, heads of colleges, and regius professors (like those at cambridge) who have official arms. the chancellor of a university presumably may impale its arms with his own. it has already been shown that the arms of ladies, all through the medieval period, were borne in precisely the same way as their fathers' or their husbands', that is, upon a shield, lozenge, or roundel, and that the present inconvenient restriction to a lozenge did not come into use much before the middle of the sixteenth century, when heraldry and heraldic art were already on the down-grade. the present custom seems to be for the arms of married ladies to be borne upon shields, and of widows and spinsters upon lozenges. from the artistic standpoint it would certainly be desirable, whenever it is thought advisable, to revert to the freedom of pre-elizabethan times. enough has already been said as to the elasticity of drawing shields, helms, crests, and mantlings, and as to the proper use of supporters, but a few words may be added as to the proper way of drawing the various creatures that are used in heraldry. since heraldry is a survival of what was once a living thing, it is clear that if modern work is to look well, animals and birds ought to be drawn in a more or less conventional manner (figs. , ). some, such as elephants, dogs, falcons, etc. may be drawn almost directly from nature; but others, especially lions, if so represented, would manifestly be unfit to consort with the leopards, the wivers, the griffins, the two-headed eagles, and other delightful creatures of the early heralds which they borrowed from the bestiaries. the conventional treatment should not, however, be carried to excess, nor should natural forms be too closely copied. here, as in other matters connected with heraldry, a comparative study of good ancient examples will soon show what are the best types to follow. [illustration: fig. . lion with a forked tail, from a brass at spilsby in lincolnshire, .] [illustration: fig. . shield with three pheasants, from a brass at checkendon, oxon, .] [illustration: fig. . shield of the arms of sir humphrey littlebury, from his effigy at holbeach in lincolnshire, _c._ , with fine examples of heraldic leopards.] it would be an advantage, too, if artists would revert to the old ways of representing the furs known as ermine and vair. the ancient ermine tails did more or less resemble the actual tail of an ermine, but the modern object with its three dots above has no likeness to it whatever (fig. ). so too with regard to vair, which represents the skins of grey squirrels, the modern treatment of it as rows of angular eighteenth century shields is far removed from the conventional forms of the real skins seen in the best old work (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . early and modern versions of ermine-tails.] [illustration: fig. . early and modern versions of vair.] it has already been pointed out that there are no strict rules as to the particular shades of colour allowable in heraldry, and it is one of the surprises of the student to find what dull and cold tones were anciently used that yet look quite right. the apparently bright reds, for example, of the enamel in the early stall-plates at windsor are actually brick-colour, and the apparent fine blues a cold grey; but their combination with gilding and silvering makes all the difference in the ultimate beautiful rich effect. one thing that ought to be most scrupulously avoided in all modern heraldic decoration is the indicating of the gilding and colouring by the pernicious 'dot-and-dash' system. this is all very well as a kind of shorthand in one's own notes or memoranda, but it is utterly destructive of artistic effect if applied in actual work. ancient shields in relief were no doubt invariably painted, like those still to be seen behind the quire at westminster; but let any one try to imagine the fine series at york or st. albans scored and pecked to indicate the colour and gilding. if the heraldic carvings are not to be painted, at any rate do not let their surfaces be disfigured. they may always be relieved by diapering. the treatment of mottoes may not, at first sight, seem to fall within the scope of this work, but actually it is one of very real importance. there is much to be said for the theory that mottoes are derived from the war cries of early times, and hence their frequent association with the crest worn upon the helm. reference has already been made to examples upon seals and other authorities. the association of a motto with a shield only was not common anciently, and when it is so found it is generally placed on a scroll, like the well-known examples on the tomb of edward prince of wales at canterbury (fig. ). in later times, when shields began to be encircled by the garter of the famous order (fig. ), mottoes were often arranged about the shield in a similar way. [illustration: fig. . the garter, from the brass of thomas lord camoys, k.g. at trotton in sussex.] there was however always this very important and noteworthy difference and distinction, that the buckled band now so commonly used for mottoes was anciently never allowed for any but the motto of the order of the garter. other mottoes were written on a band which was fastened in a different way, or merely disposed garter-wise round the shield. the earliest known representation of the garter is on a singular lead or pewter medallion (fig. ) commemorative of edward prince of wales, first prince of the order, now in the british museum. in this the prince is kneeling bare-headed before a personification of the holy trinity, with his gloves on the ground before him, and an angel standing behind him and holding his crested helm. the whole is enclosed by a buckled band inscribed ~hony soyt ke mal y pense~, with a cloud overlapping its upper margin, from which issues an angel holding down the prince's shield of arms. [illustration: fig. . pewter medallion with edward prince of wales, now in the british museum.] it has been customary from within a few years of the foundation of the order in for the knights-companions to encircle their personal arms with the garter. in a wardrobe account of king edward iii, from th february - to th september , payments are entered for the making 'of two pencells of sindon _de triple_, each having in the midst a garter of blue sindon with a shield within the same garter of the king's arms quartered, and beaten throughout the field with eagles of gold'; but representations of such a usage are hard to find. a good early example is afforded by the monumental brass at trotton in sussex of thomas lord camoys (_ob._ ) (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . shield of arms (_a chief and three roundels on the chief_) encircled by the garter, from the brass of thomas lord camoys (_ob._ ).] in illustration of the care above referred to of distinguishing the garter motto from any other, two concrete examples may be cited: one on the brass at constance of robert hallam bishop of salisbury (_ob._ ), where the king's arms are encircled by the garter, and the bishop's own arms by an open scroll with a scripture (fig. ); the other on the west porch of the cathedral church of norwich, where the arms of king henry vi have the garter about them, and the arms of the builder of the porch, bishop william alnwick ( - ), are surrounded by a scroll with his motto. [illustration: fig. . shields encircled by the garter and a scroll, from the brass of bishop hallam (_ob._ ) at constance.] this distinction was carefully borne in mind when the insignia of british orders, other than that of the garter, were devised, and in every case their mottoes are displayed on plain and not buckled bands. in the albert medal for bravery, however, the encircling motto has been most improperly placed on a buckled band like the garter, and the people who supply 'heraldic stationery' are notorious offenders in the same direction. the lettering of a motto must of course depend upon the circumstances of its use. nothing looks so well as the so-called 'old-english' or small black-letter, especially if the height of the words is as nearly as possible the same as the width of the band or scroll, and the capitals are not unduly prominent; but the form of capital known as lombardic is always preferable to those of the black-letter alphabet. when capitals alone are used, fanciful types should be avoided; a good roman form such as is often found in tudor inscriptions being far better. if the motto to be set about a shield is a short one it can often be extended conveniently, if necessary, by a judicious use of ornamental devices like roses or other flowers between the words. the ends of scrolls with mottoes have a more satisfactory appearance if shown partly curled up and partly pulled out spirally than if forked and waved, as may so often be seen nowadays. scrolls always look better if not bordered or edged in any way, but this does not apply to the narrow bounding line that may be necessary in enamelled work. [illustration: fig. . royal arms of king henry vii within the garter, of english work, from the king's tomb by torregiano at westminster.] [illustration: fig. . arms of st. george within the garter, from the brass of sir thomas bullen, k.g. earl of wiltshire and ormond, , at hever in kent.] chapter xi crowns, coronets, and collars crowns and coronets; introduction of coronets; coronets of princes, dukes, and earls; bequests of coronets; illustrations of coronets and crowns; collars and chains; collars of orders; lancastrian collars of ss; yorkist collars of suns and roses; tudor collars of ss; other livery collars; waits' collars; collars and chains of mayors, mayoresses, and sheriffs; the revival of collars; inordinate length of modern collars. at the present day it is the habit of divers ladies of rank to surmount their hair, when occasion allows, with diamond tiaras of surpassing splendour. the ladies of olden time were not free from a similar weakness, but the diamond mines of south africa being then unknown, and other gems too costly, they encouraged the goldsmiths to make them beautiful crowns and crestings, with which they adorned their heads and headgear. a reference to the accurate drawings and details published by stothard in his _monumental effigies_ will show not only the high artistic excellence of these ornaments, but also how becoming they were to the ladies who wore them. they varied greatly in design, from the simple circlet of fleurons and trefoils of queen eleanor of castile (fig. ) to the sumptuous piece of jewellery beset with pearls and stones, which is represented on the alabaster effigy of queen joan at canterbury (fig. ) and reflects so worthily the yet more splendid crown of her husband, king henry iv (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . crowned effigy of queen eleanor at westminster.] [illustration: fig. . crowned effigy of queen joan at canterbury.] attention has already been drawn to the decorative use of crowns in heraldry, and a reference promised to the coronets of peers and peeresses. coronets, as they are now called, originated as early as , when edward duke of cornwall and earl of chester was created prince of wales, and invested by his father with a circlet (_sertum_) on his head, a gold ring on his finger, and a golden verge which was placed in his hand. the circlet in question passed into the possession of his brother, lionel duke of clarence, who in left in his will 'a golden circlet with which my brother and lord was created prince' as well as 'that circlet with which i was created duke.' this latter event happened in , at the same time that his brother john of gaunt was created duke of lancaster, when king edward girded his son with a sword and put upon his head a fur cap and over it 'un cercle d'or et de peres,' a circlet of gold and precious stones. this investiture with a coronet was for some time restricted to dukes, but in king richard ii bestowed upon richard earl of oxford the new dignity of marquess of dublin, and invested him with a sword and a circlet of gold. the investing of an earl with a coronet does not seem to have become customary before the reign of edward vi, but earls had worn coronets in virtue of their rank for a long time previously. in april , when henry beauchamp earl of warwick was created premier earl by henry vi, the letters patent of his appointment empower him 'to wear a golden circlet upon his head and his heirs male to do the same on feast days in all places where it is convenient as well in our presence as of others.' but the practice can perhaps be carried still further back, for selden in his _titles of honour_ (p. ) quotes a receipt dated by william of lavenham, treasurer of aymer of valence earl of pembroke, of 'a gold crown of the said earl.' by his will dated richard fitzalan earl of arundel leaves to richard his son 'my best crown (_ma melieure coroune_) charging him upon my blessing that he part not with it during his life, and that after his death he leave it to his heir in the same manner to descend perpetually from heir to heir to the lords of arundel in remembrance of me and of my soul.' he also leaves to his daughter joan 'my second-best crown' and to his daughter alice 'my third crown,' under similar conditions. the earl's best crown may be that shown upon the alabaster effigy at arundel of his grandson thomas earl of arundel; to whom it was bequeathed by his father (fig. ). it has alternate leaves and pearled spikes, similar to, but richer and better in design than, the earls' coronets of to-day. sir n. h. nicolas suggests that earl richard's second and third coronets were bequeathed to his daughters because both were countesses; joan being wife to humphrey bohun earl of hereford, and alice to thomas holand earl of kent. there are other bequests of coronets to ladies: edmund mortimer earl of march and ulster left in to his daughter philippa, afterwards wife to ( ) john hastings earl of pembroke, ( ) richard earl of arundel, and ( ) john lord st. john, 'a coronal of gold with stones and two hundred great pearls (_un coronal a'or ove perie et deuz cents grands perles_) and also a circlet with roses, with emeralds and rubies or alexandria in the roses (_un cercle ove roses emeraudes et rubies d'alisaundre en les roses_).' michael de la pole earl of suffolk also left in to his wife katherine the diadem or coronet which had belonged to her father hugh earl of stafford, who died in . the swan's head crest of richard beauchamp earl of warwick (_ob._ ) on his effigy at warwick is encircled by a crown of stalked pearls, not unlike those of an earl's coronet of the present day (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . helm and crest, and bust, of richard beauchamp, earl of warwick (_ob._ ,) from his gilt-latten effigy at warwick.] among stothard's engravings are two of effigies of quite early date of ladies wearing crowns or coronets. one, at scarcliffe in derbyshire (fig. ), cannot be later than about , and the crown in this case is composed of some twenty simple leaves set upright upon the edge of a narrow band. the other, at staindrop in durham, is about a century later, and represents a widowed lady, probably margery, second wife of john lord nevill, wearing a crown of curled leaves with points between (fig. ). the next illustration is of special interest since it represents thomas earl of arundel (_ob._ ) wearing presumably the coronet mentioned above in his grandfather's bequest (fig. ); his countess beatrice has a slighter coronet of similar character. the great alabaster tomb, also at staindrop, or ralph earl of westmorland (_ob._ ) and his two countesses furnishes the next example. in this case the earl is in armour, but both ladies wear delicate coronets, formed of rows of points with triplets of pearls and intervening single pearls, rising from narrow ornamental circlets (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . effigy of a lady (_c._ ) in scarcliffe church, derbyshire.] [illustration: fig. . effigy of a lady in staindrop church, durham.] [illustration: fig. . thomas earl of arundel (_ob._ ), from his alabaster effigy at arundel.] [illustration: fig. . joan beaufort, countess of westmorland (_ob._ ), from her alabaster effigy in staindrop church, durham.] the tomb of another earl of arundel, william fitzalan (_ob._ ), and of his countess joan, further illustrates the use of coronets. the earl's coronet is in this case composed of a continuous row of leaves with a jewelled band (fig. ); the countess wears a similar coronet, but curiously distorted behind, evidently because it was thought to be more becoming when so worn (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . william fitzalan, earl of arundel (_ob._ ), from his effigy at arundel.] [illustration: fig. . joan countess of arundel, from her effigy at arundel.] the monument in st. peter's church, in sheffield, of george earl of shrewsbury (_ob._ ) and his two wives represents him in armour, with the mantle and collar of the garter, and a coronet, now broken, about his head. his wives also have coronets, which are happily complete, and are composed of continuous series of twelve short points tipped with pearls. the earl's coronet seems to have had similar points, but with sixteen pearls instead of twelve. the effigy _circa_ at whitchurch in salop of that famous warrior, john talbot earl of shrewsbury, who was killed in , also represents him in the mantle of the garter over his armour and a coronet about his head. this is unfortunately badly broken, but seems to have resembled that on the sheffield figures. besides these examples of coronets of earls and their countesses a few illustrations of those worn by dukes and duchesses may be cited. it has been already noted that the shields on the monument of humphrey duke of gloucester (_ob._ ) at st. albans are surmounted alternately by crested helms and by caps with coronets. these coronets have a richly jewelled circlet on which is set, instead of leaves, a series of what seem to be cups full of daisies, with small triplets of pearls between. another good coronet is to be seen on the effigy of thomas holand duke of exeter (_ob._ ) on the monument formerly in st. katharine's hospital by the tower, now in the chapel in regent's park. the duke's coronet here is quite narrow, and composed of some eighteen or twenty trefoils set close upon a band (fig. ); but his two duchesses have coronets of triplets of pearls with intermediate single pearls, like those of the countesses of westmorland at staindrop (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . john holand duke of exeter (_ob._ ), from his effigy at st. katharine's hospital, regent's park.] [illustration: fig. . head of a duchess of exeter, from the monument at st. katharine's hospital, regent's park.] the alabaster effigy at ewelme of alice, widow of william duke of suffolk (_ob._ ), shows her in a beautiful coronet of fleurs-de-lis alternating with small clusters of pearls (fig. ), and similar coronets once adorned the effigies at wingfield in suffolk of her son john de la pole duke of suffolk (_ob._ ) and his wife elizabeth. [illustration: fig. . alice duchess of suffolk (_ob._ ), from her alabaster effigy in ewelme church, oxon.] the privilege of wearing coronets was not extended to viscounts until the reign of james i, and to barons until . the official patterns of coronets to which peers and peeresses are now restricted have, as may be seen from the examples above cited, practically no relation to the older forms, which exhibited the usual delightful medieval elasticity of design. the present coronets too are rendered uglier than ever by the modern rule forbidding them to be jewelled in any way. this was not formerly the case. among the stuff remaining in the palace of westminster in , and delivered to lady jane grey, was 'a coronet for a duke, set with five roses of diamonds, six small pointed diamonds, one table emerald, six great ballases, seven blue sapphires, and thirty-eight great pearls, with a cap of crimson velvet and a roll of powdered armyns about the same'; and a beautifully ornamented coronet of much earlier date than the painting is shown in a portrait of john marquess of winchester, the defender of basing house, who died in . it is the custom now for ladies of rank to wear their coronets only at coronations, and to display them on their note-paper, their spoons and forks, and on the panels of their carriages and motor-cars. such coronets cannot however be considered artistic objects, even when depicted apart from the crimson velvet bonnets which they encircle, and there is no reason why ladies should not devise and wear coronet-like ornaments of their own invention. a little research will show that crowns of every form and fashion have always been freely used in heraldic decoration, both by themselves and as ensigning letters or other devices, and so long as care be taken not to infringe what may be called official patterns, there are really no limits to a continuance of the ancient practice. the lady margaret beaufort, countess of richmond and mother of king henry vii, has left us a delightful series of coronets. first, on a seal newly made for her on the accession of her son, her shield of arms is ensigned with a coronet or crown of roses and fleurs-de-lis placed alternately along the edge of a narrow band (pl. xxx). shortly after the lady margaret began to build christ's college at cambridge, and both the gatehouse (fig. ) and the oriel of the master's lodge (fig. ) are rich in heraldic decoration. in this case both her arms and her portcullis badge are ensigned with coronets set with a continuous row of triplets of pearls.[ ] in the lady margaret's later foundation of st. john's college, her arms, etc. again are displayed upon the stately gatehouse; in this case with a coronet of roses and fleurs-de-lis over the shield, as in her seal (fig. ). her portcullis badge, on the other hand, has over it a fine coronet formed of clusters of roses, which recalls the circlet of roses set with emeralds and rubies of alexandria mentioned earlier in this chapter. it is quite easy to conjure up visions of coronets or circlets formed of lilies or marguerites, or of roses red and white, or of any other suitable flower or device, wrought in gold or gilded silver, and either jewelled or bright with enamel. and let designers take heart when so recent and yet so picturesque an object as the so-called 'naval crown' can be produced, with its cresting of sterns and square sails of ships. this was used most effectively some years ago as one of the decorations encircling the nelson column in london on trafalgar day. [ ] on the gatehouse the coronet over the arms has been restored. [illustration: fig. . armorial ensigns and badges of the lady margaret beaufort, from the gatehouse of her foundation of christ's college, cambridge.] [illustration: fig. . arms of the foundress, the lady margaret beaufort, with yale supporters, from the base of an oriel in christ's college, cambridge.] [illustration: fig. . armorial panel on the gatehouse of st. john's college, cambridge.] [illustration: plate xxx.--crowned shield with supporters and badges of the lady margaret beaufort, .] it may be as well to point out that the royal crown has been composed, from the fifteenth century, of crosses alternating with fleurs-de-lis, and since the coronation of king henry iv it has been distinguished by being arched over cross-wise. the splendid open crown shown on the effigy of the king at canterbury (fig. ) is not that wherewith he was crowned, but another worn with the parliament robes in which he is represented. beautiful examples of crowns of simpler type are afforded by the effigies of king henry iii (fig. ) and king edward ii (fig. ). when the lady elizabeth wydville became the queen of edward iv, she ensigned her arms with a beautiful crown or coronet of alternate large crosses and fleurs-de-lis with smaller fleurs-de-lis between, rising from a richly jewelled band (pl. xxv), and a rich example of the crown of king henry viii so treated is to be seen on the great carved panel with his arms, etc. at new hall in essex (fig. ). crosses and fleurs-de-lis are now used only in the coronets of those of royal blood. [illustration: fig. . king henry iv, from his alabaster effigy in canterbury cathedral church.] [illustration: fig. . king henry iii, from his gilt-latten effigy at westminster.] [illustration: fig. . king edward ii, from his alabaster effigy at gloucester.] from ornaments for the head it is easy to pass to those for the neck. the wearing about the neck of something which was considered decorative or becoming has been customary with the fair sex in every part of the world and in all ages of its history, and necklaces of every form, material, and fashion are as popular to-day as ever. but less attention is now paid to the decorative collars that once were worn not only by women but by men. it has always been a mark of distinction or dignity to wear about the neck a chain or collar of gold, silver, or silver-gilt, either as an ornament, or a decoration of honour, or as a badge of partizanship; and the most noteworthy of these to-day are the collars of the various orders of knighthood, such as the garter (fig. ), the thistle, and the bath. [illustration: fig. . crowned initials of king henry vii, from his lady chapel at westminster.] [illustration: fig. . thomas howard third duke of norfolk ( (?)- ) with the collar of the order of the garter, from the picture by holbein at windsor castle.] the history and characteristic features of these are well known, and representations of them abound; moreover the wearing of them is confined to a few privileged persons. it is therefore hardly necessary to discuss them further in a work like the present. the case is however different with regard to the so-called livery collars, since these may properly be regarded as models for the formation and construction of such similar collars as may freely be worn to-day. the most notable of such decorations during the medieval period was the collar of ss which formed the distinctive cognisance of the house of lancaster (figs. , ). it was worn by persons of every degree, from the king and queen to the knight and his esquire, and it was likewise worn by their wives and even conferred on civilians. [illustration: fig. . collars of ss. . from the brass of lady camoys, , at trotton in sussex. . from the brass of sir william calthorpe, , at burnham thorpe in norfolk.] the collar of ss was apparently invented by king henry iv before his accession, and quite a number of important entries that throw light upon its history occur in his household accounts while he was only henry of lancaster earl of derby. [illustration: fig. . collar of ss from the effigy of william lord bardolf (_ob._ ) at dennington in suffolk.] in - a gold signet was engraved for him 'cum j plume et j coler,' of which unhappily no impressions are known. in - there was made for him a 'coler' of gold 'with seventeen letters of s after the manner of feathers with scrolls and scriptures in the same with a swan in the tiret.' this recalls the badge upon one of henry's own seals as earl of derby ( ) described above (p. ), an ostrich plume entwined with a scroll and the scripture ~souvereyne~ (pl. xxiv c), and we know from other sources of henry's favour towards the bohun swan, which device he used in right of his first wife, the lady mary bohun. the collar of ss, moreover, on the effigy of john gower the poet (_ob._ ) in southwark cathedral church has a swan on the pendant of it, and no doubt represents the collar actually given to him by henry of lancaster in - . the initial letter, too, of the charter granted to the city of gloucester by henry as king in , contains a crown encircled by a collar of ss ending in two lockets between which is a pendant charged with a swan. the earl's accounts for - mention the purchase of the silver 'of a collar made with rolled esses and given to robert waterton because the lord had given the collar of the same robert to another esquire.' in - a charge is entered 'for the weight of a collar made, together with esses, of flowers of ~soveigne vous de moy~[ ] hanging and enamelled weighing eight ounces.' [ ] in sir john bigod lord of settrington left to his daughter a covered cup 'pounset cum sovenez de moy'; perhaps a gift to him from henry of lancaster. _testamenta eboracensia_ (surtees soc. ) i. . what these flowers were is uncertain. charges for making 'flores domini' occur in - and other years, and in - three hundred leaves (?flowers) _de souveine vous de moy_ of silver-gilt were bought for one of the earl's robes. in henry of lancaster as king ordered payment to be made to christopher tildesley, citizen and goldsmith of london, of the huge sum of £ _s._ _d._ 'for a collar of gold worked with this word ~soveignez~ and letters of s and x enamelled and garnished with nine large pearls, twelve large diamonds, eight balases, and eight sapphires, together with a great nouche in manner of a treangle with a great ruby set in it and garnished with four large pearls.'[ ] [ ] p.r.o. issue rolls (pells) mich. henry iv ( ). most of these entries suggest that the mysterious ss stand for _soveignez_, and possibly at one time this was the case, but henry's seal as earl of derby in containing the feathers with the scripture ~souvereyne~ must not be overlooked. there is moreover, on a fragment which has fortunately survived in a tattered and burnt mass of fragments of a jewel account of henry's reign in the public record office, the important entry of a payment to christopher tildesley of 'a collar of gold made for the king with twenty-four letters of s pounced with ~soverain~, and four bars, two pendants, and a tiret with a nouche garnished with a balas and six large pearls (the balas bought of the said christopher for £ and the price of the pearls at _s._, being £ ) weighing oz. troy at _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._ also a black tissue for the same collar _s._ _d._ and for the workmanship of it £ .'[ ] the king's word ~soverayne~ also occurs many times, with the queen's word ~a temperance~, on the tester over their monument at canterbury, which has likewise the shield of arms for the king, the king and queen, and the queen alone, encircled in each case with a collar of ss with golden eagles placed upon the tiret. gold eagles also form stops between the repetitions of the word ~soverayne~. [ ] accounts, exch. k.r. / . another example of a collar of ss with an eagle as a pendant is to be seen on the monument of oliver groos, esquire (_ob._ ), in sloley church, norfolk (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . spandrel of the tomb of oliver groos, esq. (_ob._ ), in sloley church, norfolk, with collar of ss.] examples of effigies in stone or brass of men and women wearing the collar of ss are common throughout the lancastrian period. the ss seem in most cases to be represented as sewn or worked upon a band of silk, velvet, or other stuff,[ ] which usually ends in buckled lockets, linked by a trefoil-shaped tiret, from which is hung a small ring (fig. ). [ ] notice of the theft of a collar of black silk dotted (_stipatum_) with silver letters of ss is entered on the patent roll of henry iv ( ), part ii. m. . [illustration: fig. . collars of ss from ( ) the effigy of queen joan at canterbury, and ( ) the effigy of robert lord hungerford at salisbury.] several other interesting occurrences of the collar of ss may be noted. in one of the windows in the chapter house at wells is a shield of the arms of mortimer, and next to it a gold star within the horns of a crescent party blue and silver, encircled by a collar of ss also half blue and half white. as there are associated with these the arms of the king and of thomas duke of clarence (_ob._ ), they probably commemorate edmund mortimer earl of march, who died in . in a receipt given to the steward of southampton by the prior of the shene charterhouse, which was founded by king henry v, bears a seal with ~ihs~ within a collar of ss; and in st. mary's church at bury st. edmunds the ceiling over the tomb of john baret, an ardent lancastrian, who died in , is painted with collars of ss surrounding his monogram. there is also in a ms. in the british museum,[ ] written probably for john lord lovel (_ob._ ), a painting of the arms of holand quartering lovel surrounded by a collar, one half of which is white and the other half blue, with gold letters of ss, having for a pendant a gold fetterlock, party inside of red and black. [ ] harl. ms. , f. . on a brass _c._ at muggington in derbyshire the beaufort portcullis appears as a pendant to the collar of ss. with the rise to power of the yorkists on the accession of edward iv a rival collar to that of the lancastrian livery came into vogue, composed of blazing suns and york roses disposed alternately (fig. ). it may be seen in various forms on a number of monumental effigies and brasses, usually with the couchant white lion of the house of march as a pendant, but on the accession of richard iii the lion was replaced by his silver boar. on the wooden nevill effigies at brancepeth the earl has a collar of rayed suns with the boar pendant, while the countess has a collar of alternate suns and roses. joan countess of arundel, on her effigy at arundel (fig. ), shows another variation by interpolating the fitzalan oak leaves between the suns and the roses. [illustration: fig. . collars of suns and roses from ( ) the effigy of a knight of the erdington family at aston, warwickshire, and ( ) from the effigy of sir robert harcourt, k.g. , at stanton harcourt, oxon.] after the accession of henry vii the collar of ss was again revived, but with variations and different pendants. the effigy, for example, at salisbury of sir john cheyney, k.g. (_ob._ ), has appended to his ss collar a large portcullis charged with a rose. a collar of gold weighing over ounces is recorded to have been given in to adorn the image of the holy trinity in norwich cathedral church, and is described as containing twenty-five letters of s, two tirets, two 'purcoles' (portcullises), and one double r(?) with a red rose enamelled.[ ] a similar collar, but all of gold, is shown in the portrait of sir thomas more, painted by holbein in (fig. ). on a brass _c._ at little bentley in essex the collar of ss has a portcullis pendant, and on the manners effigy (_c._ ) at windsor and the vernon effigy ( ) at tong the pendant to the knight's collar is a large double rose. [ ] norwich sacrist's register, xi. f. . [illustration: fig. . sir thomas more wearing the collar of ss, from an original portrait painted by holbein in , belonging to the late mr. edward huth.] the collars on the salkeld effigies ( ) at salkeld in cumberland are composed of ss and four-leaved flowers alternately, and that worn by sir george forster (_ob._ ) on his tomb at aldermaston in berkshire is of ss laid sideways and alternating with knots, and has a portcullis and rose pendant. in sir john alen, sheriff in and lord mayor in and , bequeathed for the use of the lord mayor of london, and his successors for ever, his collar of ss, knots, and roses of red and white enamel; and a cross of gold with precious stones and pearls was given to be worn with it in . an effigy of a lisle _c._ at thruxton in hants has a similar collar of ss, knots, and roses, also with a cross as a pendant. sir john alen's collar, somewhat enlarged, and with a modern 'jewel' as a pendant, is still worn by the lord mayor of london, and is the only medieval collar of ss that has survived. after the reign of king henry viii the wearing of the collar of ss gradually became restricted to judges and other officials, and has so survived to the present day, when it is still worn in england by the lord chief justice, the kings-of-arms, heralds, and pursuivants, and by the serjeants-at-arms. the lord chief justice's collar, like all those formerly worn by the judges, is composed of ss and knots; the others of ss only. beside the livery collars above mentioned, others have been worn from time to time. in the exquisitely painted diptych or richard ii and his avowries, now at wilton house, the king has about his neck a collar formed of golden broom-cods, and the gorgeous red mantle in which he is habited is covered all over with similar collars enclosing his favourite badge, the white hart. a collar of gold 'de bromecoddes' with a sapphire and two pearls occurs in the great inventory taken on the death of king henry v, and a collar formed of ss and broom-cods was also made for king henry vi in july .[ ] [ ] john anstis, _the register of the most noble order of the garter_ (london, ), ii. note. on his effigy at ripon (_c._ ) sir thomas markenfield displays a collar formed of park palings, which widen out in front to enclose a couchant hart (fig. ). if this were not a personal collar, it may have been a livery of henry of lancaster as earl of derby. [illustration: fig. . head of the effigy in ripon minster of sir thomas markenfield with livery collar of park-palings.] a brass of the same date of a knight, formerly at mildenhall, showed him as wearing a collar apparently once composed of scrolls with scriptures, joining in front upon a large crown with a collared dog or other beast within it. the brass at wotton-under-edge of thomas lord berkeley (_ob._ ) shows him with a collar sown with mermaids, the cognisance of his house (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . thomas lord berkeley (_ob._ ) with a collar of mermaids, from his brass at wotton-under-edge, gloucestershire.] in his will dated william stowe the elder, of ripon, a retainer in the household of the earl of northumberland, bequeaths his silver livery _anglice cressaunt_ and his livery _anglice coller_ to the shrine of st. wilfrid.[ ] possibly the 'cressaunt' was an object similar to that here figured (now belonging to the duke of northumberland), and the collar like that formed of ~p's~ and crescents enclosing ~p's~ linked together which is engraved upon it (fig. ). [ ] 'item ego liberaturam meam argenteam anglice cressaunt, et liberaturam meam anglice coller. ad feretrum sancte wilfridi.' _test. ebor._ ii. . [illustration: fig. . silver badge belonging to the duke of northumberland.] the earlier collars, as has already been noted, were composed of devices sewn upon a band of stuff, but in later examples a more open treatment is found wherein the devices are linked together by short pieces of chain, as in the collar of ss shown in sir thomas more's portrait. the yorkist collar of suns and roses on an effigy at erdington is so treated, as is the collar of ss and flowers on the salkeld effigies, which may perhaps be a personal and not a livery collar. collars of similar construction, but always of silver, with pendent scutcheons of the town arms, were worn by the little bands of minstrels called waits, formerly in the employ of most towns of importance (fig. ). in london the six waits appointed in had silver collars of ss with scutcheons of the city arms. at exeter the four waits' collars, dating from about , still exist, and are formed of roundels with ~x~'s and ~r's~ alternately (fig. ). two beautiful waits' collars at norwich (_c._ ) are composed of silver castles and gilded leopards alternately, like those in the appended shield (fig. ). the waits' collars at lynn were formed of scrolled leaves alternating with dragons' heads pierced with crosses, like those in the town arms, which are allusive of st. margaret (fig. ). at york the collars are formed wholly of little silver leopards, and at beverley of eagles and beavers alternately. the waits' collars at bristol date from the reign of queen mary, and are composed of pierced roundels containing alternately the letters cb. and a rose dimidiating a pomegranate. [illustration: fig. . waits' collars of exeter, king's lynn, and norwich.] the wearing of collars, or chains as they are called, by mayors, mayoresses, and sheriffs is comparatively modern. it was formerly the custom for every person of any dignity to wear a chain, and it was only when chains began to go out of fashion that the wearing of them survived among persons of particular dignity such as mayors and sheriffs. the collar of ss worn by the lord mayor of london is an exceptional example, and the only other early mayor's chain is that given to kingston-on-hull in and remade in . a plain gold chain was bequeathed to the city of york in , and 'a fayre chayne of gold double linked with a medall of massy gold' was given to the town of guildford in . in a gold chain for the mayor was given to the city of norwich, but passed on for the use of the deputy mayor on a new chain being given in . yarmouth bought itself a chain in , and seven other towns became possessed of mayors' chains towards the end of the eighteenth century. down to some fifteen more mayors' chains came into existence, mostly of simple type, like the older chains, with one or more rows of plain or ornate links. since practically every town that can boast of a corporation has likewise got a chain for its mayor, and appalling creations many of them are, with rows of tablet links, and armorial pendants as large as saucers. a simple gold chain to be worn by the sheriffs of norwich was given in , but those at chester, newcastle, exeter, and other places are quite recent. in london it has been the custom for the friends and admirers of the sheriffs to present them with elaborate gold collars on their accession to office, but these are happily private property and not official insignia. the same description applies to them as to the recent mayors' chains. chains for mayoresses have not yet become general, but they are being multiplied yearly. the mayoress of kingston-on-hull had an official chain as early as , but it was sold as being 'useless' in . the lady mayoress of york has a chain of plain gold links given in , which is regularly weighed on its delivery to and return by the wearer. all other mayoresses' chains are quite recent, and in most cases of the same fearsome design as those worn by their husbands. the unfortunate mayors, mayoresses, and sheriffs are practically at the mercy of ignorant and inartistic tradesmen for the designing and making of the collars they are called upon to wear officially, but that is no reason why people with more enlightened ideas should not invent, design, and wear collars or chains that are beautiful in themselves. the examples already quoted and the many illustrations of others that are accessible will show what comely ornaments the old heraldic collars were, and many a lady would look well in a collar to whom a necklace is most unbecoming. flowers, letters, and devices of heraldic import can easily be embroidered in gold, or struck out of metal and enamelled, and then be sewn down on velvet or silk stuff, or linked together by fine chains. but let every wearer of a chain or collar avoid the error of making it too long. the ancient collars were quite short, and therefore rested comfortably and easily upon the shoulders. official collars have however grown to so preposterous a length that they have to be tied with bows of ribbons upon the shoulders to hinder them from slipping off the wearer altogether! the reason of this is curious and instructive. the old collars were, as aforesaid, of sensible dimensions, but the introduction of wigs in the seventeenth century necessitated the collars being lengthened to be worn outside them. wigs had their day and at last disappeared from general wear, but the lengthened collars remain, and it has not occurred to any one in authority that they might now advantageously be shortened. so the inconvenience goes on. chapter xii heraldic embroideries the introduction of armorial insignia in embroidered vestments: on robes: on beds, etc. no one who has had occasion to examine any series of old wills and inventories, especially those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, can fail to have noticed what a large part was played by heraldry in the household effects of our forefathers. in the vestments and other ornaments of the chapel, the hallings, bankers, and like furniture of the hall, the hangings and curtains of the beds and bedchambers, the gold and silver vessels and utensils of the table, or in carpets and cushions and footstools, shields of arms, badges, mottoes, and quasi-heraldic devices of all sorts were as common as blackberries in autumn. and the evidence of illuminated pictures and monumental effigies is equally strong in showing that heraldry was quite as much in vogue for personal adornment. as a matter of fact heraldry had its very origin in a system of devices to be worn on shields and banners and coats-of-arms to distinguish the wearer in battle, and from the coat-of-arms of the knight it was but a step to the armorial gown or mantle of his lady. [illustration: fig. . part of an embroidered altar frontal with a rebus at baunton in gloucestershire: date, late fifteenth century.] it would be somewhat tedious to extract from the authorities just cited, especially since they are easily accessible, every entry relating to an heraldic ornament or piece of furniture. but with regard to hangings and embroideries the case is somewhat different, inasmuch as numbers of ladies are engaged nowadays in stitch-work of every kind, amongst which heraldic embroidery ought certainly to have a place. as might be expected, the inventories of church stuffs furnish us with some of the earliest examples of heraldic embroideries, and often in sufficiently precise terms to enable us to realize what the things looked like. thus an inventory taken in of the ornaments at christchurch, canterbury, enumerates such things as a chasuble and five copes, the gift of katharine lovel, sewn with arms of divers persons; a white cope of the arms of the king of scotland; a cope of peter bishop of exeter (_ob._ ) of baudekyn 'with biparted shields' (an early example); a cope of john of alderby bishop of lincoln, and another of thomas burton bishop of exeter, of green cloth embroidered with shields; an albe with apparels of blue velvet embroidered with shields and fleurs-de-lis; two albes sewn with shields and black letters, and a third of red samite embroidered with shields and popinjays; an albe sewn with lozenges with the arms of the king of england and of leybourne; an albe sewn with shields and embroidered with letters; an albe sewn with the arms of northwood and poynyngs in quadrangles; and an albe, stole, and fanon sewn with divers arms in lozenges with purple frets. the same inventory mentions a vestment of philip king of france, made, quite properly, of blue cloth with fleurs-de-lis; and a number of vestments with orphreys of the arms of the king of england and of france. the inventory of the vestry of westminster abbey taken in also contains some interesting heraldic ornaments, such as a frontal with the arms of england and france in red and blue velvet woven with golden leopards and fleurs-de-lis, from the burial of king edward iii; six murrey carpets woven with the new arms of the king of england and of the count of hainault (in other words, the quartered shield adopted by edward iii in , and the arms of his queen, philippa of hainault); four carpets of the arms of the earl of pembroke; four carpets of red colour woven with white shields having three red fleurs-de-lis, of the gift of richard twyford, whose arms they were; five black carpets having in the corners shields of the arms of st. peter and st. edward; two green silk cloths sewn with the arms of england, spain, and queen eleanor; a bed with a border with the arms of the king of scotland; three new copes of a red colour of noble cloth of gold damask, with orphreys of black velvet embroidered with the letters t and a and swans of pearl, the gift of thomas duke of gloucester, whose wife was eleanor bohun, and her family badge a white swan; a cope of red velvet with gold leopards and a border of blue velvet woven with gold fleurs-de-lis, formerly the lord john of eltham's, whose fine alabaster tomb in the abbey church has the same arms on his shield. a st. paul's inventory of also contains a few choice examples: a cope of red velvet with gold lions, and orphreys of the collars of the duke of lancaster and a stag lying in the middle of each collar; a suit of blue cloth of gold powdered with gold crowns in each of which are fixed two ostrich feathers; six copes of red cloth of gold with blue orphreys with golden-hooded falcons and the arms of queen anne of bohemia; three albes and amices of linen cloth with orphreys of red velvet powdered and worked with little angels and the arms of england, given by queen isabel; three albes and amices with apparels of red cloth of gold powdered with divers white letters of s and with golden leopards, given by john of gaunt; two great cushions of silk cloth of blue colour with a white cross throughout, and in each quarter of the cross the golden head of a lion. the secular documents carry on the story. some quite noteworthy items may be found in the account of the expenses of the great wardrobe of king edward iii ( - - ): for making a bed of blue taffata for the king powdered with garters containing this word ~hony soit q mal y pense~; for making a jupe of blue taffata for the king's body with garters and buckles and pendants of silver-gilt; for making clouds for divers of the king's garments, embroidered with gold, silver, and silk, with an ~e~ in the middle of gold, garnished with stars throughout the field; for making six pennons for trumpets and clarions against christmas day of sindon beaten with the king's arms quarterly; for making of a bed of red worsted given to the lord king by thomas de colley powdered with silver bottles having tawny bands and curtains of sindon beaten with white bottles; for making a harness for the lord david king of scotland of 'blu' velvet with a pale of red velvet and within the pale aforesaid a white rose; for making a harness of white bokeram for the king stencilled with silver, namely, a tunic and shield wrought with the king's word ~hay hay the wythe swan; by godes soule i am thy man~ and a crupper, etc. stencilled with silver; for making a doublet for the king of white linen cloth having about the sleeves and bottom a border of green long cloth wrought with clouds and vines of gold and with the king's word ~it. is. as. it. is.~ in edmund mortimer earl of march leaves 'our great bed of black satin embroidered with white lions (the badge of the house of march) and gold roses with scutcheons of the arms of mortimer and ulster'; and in joan princess of wales leaves to king richard her son 'my new bed of red velvet embroidered with ostrich feathers and leopards' heads of gold with branches and leaves issuing from their mouths.' in william pakington archdeacon of canterbury leaves 'my halling of red with a shield of the king's arms in the midst and with mine own arms in the corners'; and in margaret, the wife of sir william aldeburgh, leaves (i) a red halling with a border of blue with the arms of baliol and aldeburgh, (ii) a red bed embroidered with a tree and recumbent lion and the arms of aldeburgh and tillzolf, and (iii) a green bed embroidered with griffins and the arms of aldeburgh. the inventory of thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester, taken in , also contains some interesting items: a white halling (or set of hangings for a hall) consisting of a dosser and four costers worked with the arms of king edward (his father) and his sons with borders paly of red and black powdered with bohun swans and the arms of hereford; a great bed of gold, that is to say, a coverlet, tester, and selour of fine blue satin worked with gold garters, and three curtains of tartryn beaten with garters to match; and a large bed of white satin embroidered in the midst with the arms of the duke of gloucester, with his helm, in cyprus gold. a number of other items in the list are also more or less heraldic: a bed of black baudekyn powdered with white roses; a large old bed of green tartryn embroidered with gold griffins; twelve pieces of tapestry carpet, blue with white roses in the corners and divers arms; a large bed of blue baudekyn embroidered with silver owls and gold fleurs-de-lis; fifteen pieces of tapestry for two rooms of red worsted embroidered with blue garters of worsted with helms and arms of divers sorts; three curtains of white tartryn with green popinjays; a green bed of double samite with a blue pale (stripe) of chamlet embroidered with a pot of gold filled with divers flowers of silver; an old bed of blue worsted embroidered with a stag of yellow worsted; a red bed of worsted embroidered with a crowned lion and two griffins and chaplets and roses; a bed of blue worsted embroidered with a white eagle; a coverlet and tester of red worsted embroidered with a white lion couching under a tree; a single gown of blue cloth of gold of cyprus powdered with gold stags; and a single gown of red cloth of gold of cyprus with mermaids. in william lord latimer leaves 'an entire vestment or suit of red velvet embroidered with a cross of mine arms,' and in sir ralph hastings bequeathed 'a vestment of red cloth of gold with orphreys before and behind ensigned with maunches and with colours of mine arms,' which were a red maunch or sleeve on a gold ground. among the chapel stuff of henry bowet archbishop of york, in , were a sudary or veil of white cloth with the arms of the duke of lancaster on the ends, and two costers or curtains of red embroidered with great white roses and the arms of st. peter (the crossed keys). in helen welles of york bequeathed a blue tester with a couched stag and the reason _auxilium meum a domino_. in thomas morton, a canon of york, left a halling with two costers of green and red say paled with the arms of archbishop bowet; and in the inventory of dan john clerk, a york chaplain, mentions two covers of red say having the arms of dan richard scrope and the keys of st. peter worked upon them. to the examples worked with letters may be added a bed with a carpet of red and green with crowned m's, left about by a beverley mason, who also had another bed with a carpet of blue and green with katharine wheels; a vestment left in , by robert est, a chantry priest in york minster, of green worsted having on the back two crowned letters, namely, r and e; and a bequest in by thomas duke of norfolk of 'our great hangede bedde palyd with cloth of golde whyte damask and black velvet, and browdered with these two letters t. a.,' being the initials of himself and his wife. there is of course nothing to hinder at the present day the principles embodied in the foregoing examples, which could easily be extended _ad infinitum_, from being carried out in the same delightful way; and a small exercise of ingenuity would soon devise a like treatment of one's own arms, or the use of a favourite device or flower, or the setting out of the family word, reason, or motto. the medieval passion for striped, paned, or checkered hangings might also be revived with advantage, and the mention in of 'a bed of white and murrey unded' shows that waved lines were as tolerable as straight. chapter xiii tudor and later heraldry decorative heraldry of the reign of henry viii; the decadent change in the quality of heraldry; examples of elaborated arms; survival of tradition in heraldic art; elizabethan heraldry; heraldry in the seventeenth century and under the commonwealth; post-restoration heraldry. in the foregoing chapters practically nothing has been said or any illustration given of heraldry later than the reign of henry viii, chiefly because little that is artistic can be found afterwards. there are however certain points about both elizabethan and stewart heraldry that are worthy of notice, especially when the old traditions have been followed. in the second quarter of the sixteenth century decorative heraldry may be said to have reached its climax, and such examples as can be seen at hengrave hall, hampton court, athelhampton house, cowdray house, st. george's chapel in windsor castle, king's college chapel at cambridge, and henry vii's lady chapel at westminster, or in the beautiful panel of henry viii's arms at new hall in essex (fig. ), are quite the finest of their kind. then comes a falling off, and though sporadic cases in continuation of tradition may be found, with the advent of the renaissance english heraldry underwent a complete change. [illustration: fig. . carved panel with the crowned arms, supporters, and badges of king henry viii at new hall in essex.] one of the most notable differences between the older and the later heraldry is in the quality of the heraldry itself. in the days when men devised arms for themselves these were characterized by a simplicity that held its own all through the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and well down into the fifteenth century. but following upon a privilege that had hitherto been exercised by the king as a mark of special honour, and in some rare cases even by nobles, the heralds then began to assign arms to such of the newly-rich who came to the front after the wars of the roses and were willing to pay for them. henceforth the artistic aspect of heraldry entered upon a continuous decadent course. the beginning is visible in the extraordinary compositions devised and granted to all sorts and conditions of men during the reign of henry viii. such arms as had been granted by henry vi or edward iv, or even by the kings-of-arms in the fifteenth century, still followed ancient precedent, but the tudor members of the newly incorporated heralds' college seem to have struck out a line for themselves. [illustration: fig. . paving tile with arms and initials of john lyte (_c._ ), from marten church, wilts.] a notable example is furnished by the arms devised for cardinal thomas wulcy. these, in token of his suffolk origin, have for basis the engrailed cross upon a sable field of the uffords (to whom he was not related), charged with the leopards' heads of the de la poles and a lion passant (perhaps for england); to which is added a gold chief, with a red lancastrian rose, and two of the cornish choughs from the posthumous arms of st. thomas of canterbury in allusion to his christian name! the arms granted by christopher barker, garter, in to the city of gloucester afford another example. they consist of the sword of state of the city, with the sword-bearer's cap on the point, set upright on a gold pale, and flanked on either side by a silver horseshoe and a triad of horsenails on a green field; there is also (as in wulcy's arms) a chief party gold and purple, with the silver boar's head of richard iii (who granted a charter to the city) between the halves of a lancastrian red rose and of a yorkist white rose, each dimidiated with a golden sun! a reference to bedford's _blazon of episcopacy_ will show that the arms of a considerable number of the bishops appointed during the reigns of henry viii and edward vi were characterized by overcharged chiefs like those just described, and these may be taken as typical of the arms then being granted by the kings-of-arms. the same passion for crowding the shield is seen even in many of the less elaborate arms that were occasionally granted. things did not improve under mary and elizabeth. simple arms continued to be issued from the college, but mixed with such extravagant bursts as that of laurence dalton, norroy, who granted in january - to the famous physician doctor john caius these arms: golde semyd w^{th} flowre gentle in the myddle of the cheyfe, sengrene resting uppon the heades of ij serpentes in pale, their tayles knytte to gether, all in proper color, resting uppon a square marble stone vert, betwene theire brestes a boke sable, garnyshed gewles, buckles gold, and to his crest upon thelme a dove argent, bekyd & membred gewles, holding in his beke by the stalke, flowre gentle in propre color, stalked verte, set on a wreth golde & gewles. this precious composition is further described in the grant as betokening by the boke lerning: by the ij serpentes resting upon the square marble stone, wisdom with grace founded & stayed upon vertues stable stone: by sengrene & flower gentle, immortality y^t never shall fade, etc. the way in which matters went from bad to worse is shown by the case of the company of 'barbours & chirurgeons' of london, to whom had been granted in paly argent and vert, on a pale gules a lyon passant gardant golde betweene two spatters argent on eche a double rose gules and argent crowned golde. the united genius of garter, clarenceux, and norroy 'improved' these arms in into: quarterly the first sables a cheveron betweene three flewmes argent: the second quarter per pale argent and vert on a spatter of the first, a double rose gules and argent crowned golde: the third quarter as the seconde and the fourth as the first: over all on a crosse gules a lyon passant gardant golde. such compositions as these could not but fail to bring heraldry into contempt, and men soon ceased to revel in and play with it in the same delightful way as before. here and there, as in sir thomas tresham's market house at rothwell, or in sir henry stafford's great mansion of kirby hall, tradition has been held fast, and play is made upon the former with the tresham trefoils, and in the latter with stafford knots and with crests treated as badges in quite the old style. at kirby hall, despite its date ( - ), and at cadhay in devon, sitting figures of beasts with shields of arms were set upon the gables, and at kirby upon the pinnacles that surmounted the pilasters about the court. a good panel with the arms and badge apparently of sir john guldeford (_ob._ ) is to be seen in east guldeford church, sussex (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . arms, with crested helm and badge (a blazing ragged-staff) of, apparently, sir john guldeford of benenden (_ob._ ) in east guldeford church, sussex.] a remarkably fine specimen of elizabethan heraldic decoration is also to be seen in the great chamber of gilling castle, yorks, as finished by sir william fairfax about . here the beautiful inlaid wall-panelling is surmounted by a frieze nearly four feet deep, painted with hunting scenes and a series of large trees, upon which are hung according to wapentakes the shields of arms of yorkshire gentlefolk. the chimney piece displays the armorial ensigns of the builder, with those of his queen above, and four other shields, and between the frettings of the plaster ceiling are the fairfax lions and goats, and the stapleton talbot. the rich effect of the whole is completed by the contemporary heraldic glazing with which the windows happily are filled. but in elizabethan buildings generally, heraldry made but a poor show. supporters and other creatures had descended from the gables to stand or squat upon gateposts, and occasionally a square panel filled with heraldry was inset above a doorway or a porch; or the family crest, divorced from its helm, was carved upon the spandrels of the entrance. but the former glory had disappeared, and shields of arms were often replaced by initials and dates of owners and builders, presumably because they were 'non-armigerous persons.' within doors matters were somewhat better. such gorgeous rooms as the great chamber at gilling were quite exceptional, and heraldic display was usually confined to the elaborately carved overmantels of the chimneys, which served as a frame for the family arms and crested helm with grand flourishing of mantlings. these were often repeated upon the cast-iron fire-backs. the art of the plasterer was extended to the inclusion of crests and other devices among the ornaments of the moulded ceilings, and the glazier continued to fill the windows with beautiful coloured shields of alliances. occasionally too the family arms were woven into carpets or table covers; or embroidered by the ladies of the house on the hangings of the state bed, within charming wreaths of flowers copied from those in the garden (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . part of a bed-hanging embroidered with the arms of henry and elizabeth wentworth, _c._ , formerly in the possession of sir a. w. franks, k.c.b.] the monuments of the dead continue as before to be adorned with heraldry, but in a different way, and for the beautiful simple arms and devices of the medieval memorial began to be substituted the concentrated shield of the family quarterings, with crest and mantled helm, and such supporters as the college of arms allowed or approved. despite the inevitable consequent formality, there is often much that is good about the treatment of elizabethan and jacobean heraldry, and it would not be easy, even at an earlier date, to beat the delightful lions upon the shields on the lennox tomb at westminster (fig. ), or to fill up more satisfactorily a shield like that above the monument of sir ralph pecksall (fig. ). the effective way in which the shield itself is treated in this case is also praiseworthy, and both shields are models of heraldic carving in low relief. [illustration: fig. . arms of cotes, from a mazer print of - .] [illustration: fig. . shield from the tomb of margaret countess of lennox (_ob._ ) in westminster abbey church.] [illustration: fig. . achievement of arms from the monument of sir richard pecksall (_ob._ ) in westminster abbey church.] the lennox and pecksall shields are likewise indicative of another characteristic change, the desire to illustrate ancient descent by the multiplication of quarterings. the disastrous consequences of this practice, even in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, have already been pointed out, but in the reign of elizabeth it was carved to such an excess as to produce at times a mere patchwork of carved or painted quarters, in which the beauty of the heraldry was entirely lost. in the great hall of fawsley house, northants, there hangs a coloured achievement of the knightley family containing actually quarterings, which have been rightly described by mr. j. a. gotch as ' too many for decorative effect.' the heraldry of the seventeenth century is in general but a duller version of that of the later sixteenth century, with a tendency to become more commonplace as time goes on. under the commonwealth every vestige of regality was ordered to be put down and done away; a very large number of representations of the royal arms were defaced and destroyed; and the leopards of england were for a time 'driven into the wilderness' along with the lion of scotland. it was nevertheless thought desirable that the united kingdom should still have arms, and on the great seale of england/ in the first yeare of freedom by god's blessing restored, that is, , the cross of st. george appears for england, and a harp for ireland. the royal crown was at the same time superseded, on all maces and other symbols of kingly power, by another which curiously reproduces all its elements. it had a circlet inscribed the freedom of england by god's blessing restored, with the date, and for the cresting of crosses and fleurs-de-lis there was substituted an intertwined cable enclosing small cartouches with the cross of st. george and the irish harp. the new crown was also arched over, with four graceful incurved members like ostrich feathers, but wrought with oak leaves and acorns. these supported a pyramidal group of four handsome cartouches with the cross and harp surrounded by an acorn, instead of the orb and cross.[ ] perfect examples of this singular republican crown still surmount the two maces of the town of weymouth. [ ] a curious variant of this crown, with a jewelled instead of an inscribed band, heads a drawing of the city arms of the date in the dormant book of the corporation of carlisle. on the obverse of the new great seal of the commonwealth, designed and engraved by simon and first used in , the field is filled with an heraldic achievement of some interest (fig. ). this includes a shield with the cross of st. george in the first and fourth quarters, st. andrew's cross in the second quarter, and the irish harp in the third quarter, with the lion of cromwell on a scutcheon of pretence. this shield of the state's arms is supported by a lion with a royal crown on his head, and by a dragon, standing upon the edge of a ribbon with the motto pax qvÆritvr bello, and is surmounted by a front-faced helm with much flourished mantling, with a royal crown and the crowned leopard crest above, set athwart the helm. [illustration: fig. . obverse of the great seal of the republic of england, scotland, and ireland, .] the seal furnishes an excellent illustration of the heraldic art of the period, but it is singular that under a nonconformist domination the arms selected for england and scotland should consist of the crosses of their patron saints. it is also interesting to note that the expunged arms of england and scotland had evidently been regarded rightly as personal to the murdered king. a further curious point is the reappearance on the seal of the royal crown of england above the helm and on the leopard crest and the lion supporter. on the reverse of the seal just noted the state's new arms are repeated on a cartouche behind the equestrian figure of the protector. of the heraldry of the restoration and later it is hardly necessary to make mention, so lifeless and dull is the generality of it. a good specimen _c._ with the arms of the trinity house (fig. ), and a later one (fig. ) with the arms, etc. of the trevor family, are to be seen in the victoria and albert museum. reference is due, too, to one other notable example. this is the beautiful panelled ceiling set up over the chapel (formerly the great hall) of auckland castle, by doctor john cosin bishop of durham (fig. ). it was in making from to , by a local carpenter, and consists for the most part of a series of square panels containing alternately the cross and four lions that form the arms of the bishopric of durham, and the fret forming the arms of cosin. in the middle bay the bishop's arms are given in an oval, and flanked by similar ovals with the eagle of st. john in allusion to his name. no earlier wooden ceiling could be finer in conception, and the effect of the whole was originally enhanced by colour and gilding, but this was most unhappily removed by order of bishop barrington ( - ). [illustration: fig. . arms, etc. of the trinity house, london. from a wood carving _c._ in the victoria and albert museum.] [illustration: fig. . limewood carving with the arms and crest of the trevor family, _c._ , in the victoria and albert museum.] [illustration: fig. . part of the carved oak ceiling of the chapel, formerly the hall, of auckland castle, durham, with the arms of bishop john cosin, date - .] with so notable a late survival of medieval tradition this book may fitly end. chronological series of illustrations the following series of illustrations is an attempt to gather up into chronological order such of the more typical examples in this book as serve to show the development and various applications of heraldic art from the thirteenth to the eighteenth century. the series could, of course, have been extended indefinitely, but the present collection is probably sufficient for its purpose. [illustration: _c._ _c._ tiles _c._ from the chapter-house and shield _c._ from the quire aisle of westminster abbey] [illustration: shields _c._ from the quire aisles of westminster abbey church] [illustration: the syon cope, a late thirteenth-century work with armorial orphrey and border in the victoria and albert museum] [illustration: quartered shield of queen eleanor of castile, from her tomb at westminster, ] [illustration: seals from the barons' letter of of ( ) hugh bardolf and ( ) henry percy] [illustration: diapered shield from the monument of the lady eleanor percy (_ob._ ) in beverley minster] [illustration: diapered shield from the monument of the lady eleanor percy (_ob._ ) in beverley minster] [illustration: shield of the arms of sir humphrey littlebury, from his effigy at holbeach in lincolnshire; _c._ ] [illustration: shields from brasses at new romney, kent, and at salisbury, ] [illustration: shield modelled in boiled leather, from the tomb of edward prince of wales, _ob._ , at canterbury] [illustration: shield and crested helm with simple mantling from a brass at southacre, norfolk, ] [illustration: stall-plate of ralph lord bassett, , showing simple form of mantling] [illustration: shields with lions from ( ) felbrigge, norfolk, _c._ , and ( ) from spilsby, lincs, ] [illustration: shields from brasses at chipping campden, glos. , and great tew, oxon, ] [illustration: arms of st. edmund the king and st. edward the confessor, from the tomb of edmund duke of york, _ob._ , at king's langley] [illustration: seal of richard beauchamp earl of warwick, in , and early fifteenth-century heraldic tiles from tewkesbury abbey church] [illustration: shields from brasses at checkendon, oxon, , and boughton-under-blean, kent, ] [illustration: shields from brasses at kidderminster, worcs, , and whitchurch, oxon, _c._ ] [illustration: part of the chancel arcade in wingfield church, suffolk, with badges of michael de la pole earl of suffolk, _ob._ , and his wife katherine stafford] [illustration: stall-plate of walter lord hungerford, after ] [illustration: stall-plate of humphrey duke of buckingham as earl of stafford, _c._ ] [illustration: tomb of lewis robsart lord bourchier, _ob._ , in westminster abbey church] [illustration: banner stall-plate of richard nevill earl of salisbury, _c._ ] [illustration: banner stall-plate of sir john grey of ruthin, _c._ ] [illustration: spandrel of the tomb of oliver groos, esq., _ob._ , in sloley church, norfolk] [illustration: chimney-piece in tattershall castle, lincs, built by ralph lord cromwell between and ] [illustration: print from a mazer at all souls college, oxford, _c._ , and shield from a brass at stanford dingley, berks, ] [illustration: seals of edmund duke of somerset, _c._ , and john tiptoft earl of worcester, ] [illustration: seal of cecily nevill, wife of richard duke of york and mother of king edward iv, ] [illustration: _c._ _c._ shields from the chantry chapel of thomas ramryge abbot of st. albans, _c._ , and from a brass at stoke poges, bucks, ] [illustration: oriel window in the deanery at wells, with badges of king edward iv and rebuses of dean gunthorpe, _c._ - ] [illustration: armorial panel, _temp._ king edward iv, from the george inn at glastonbury] [illustration: chimney-piece in the bishop's palace at exeter, with arms and badges of bishop peter courtenay, - ] [illustration: gateway to the deanery at peterborough with arms and badges of king henry vii and others, built by robert kirkton, abbot - ] [illustration: heraldic candle-holder, etc. from the bronze grate about the tomb of king henry vii at westminster] [illustration: bronze door with york and beaufort badges from henry vii's chapel at westminster] [illustration: crowned initials of king henry vii from his chapel at westminster, and crowned portcullis and rose from king's college chapel at cambridge] [illustration: crowned arms and supporters of king henry vii in king's college chapel at cambridge] [illustration: carved panel with the crowned arms, supporters, and badges of king henry viii at new hall, essex] [illustration: gatehouse of christ's college at cambridge, built by the lady margaret beaufort after ] [illustration: base of an oriel on the master's lodge at christ's college in cambridge with the armorial ensigns of the lady margaret beaufort, foundress, _c._ ] [illustration: armorial panel with the arms, etc. of the lady margaret beaufort, on the gatehouse of st. john's college in cambridge] [illustration: head of a doorway, now in norwich guildhall, _temp._ king henry viii] [illustration: paving tile, _c._ , from marten church, wilts; and shield of st. george in the garter from the brass of thomas earl of wiltshire and ormond, , at hever in kent] [illustration: lozenge of arms from the monument at westminster of frances brandon duchess of suffolk, _ob._ ] [illustration: part of an embroidered bed-hanging, _c._ ] [illustration: arms with crested helm and badge of (apparently) sir john guldeford of benenden, _ob._ , in east guldeford church, sussex] [illustration: armorial ensigns from the monument of sir richard pecksall, _ob_. , in westminster abbey church] [illustration: shield from the tomb of margaret countess of lennox, _ob._ , in westminster abbey church] [illustration: obverse of the great seal of the republic of england, scotland, and ireland, ] [illustration: part of the carved oak ceiling of the chapel of auckland castle, durham, with the arms of bishop john cosin. date, - ] [illustration: arms, etc. of the trinity house, london. from a wood-carving _c._ in the victoria and albert museum] [illustration: limewood carving with the arms and crest of the trevor family, _c._ , in the victoria and albert museum] index index academy, royal, heraldry at exhibitions, acton church (suffolk), brass in, africa, south, albans, saint, , , , ; abbey church of, , albemarle, richard earl of, _see_ beauchamp; william earl of, _see_ forz albert medal for bravery, aldeburgh arms, aldeburgh, margaret, ; sir william, alderby, john of, bp. of lincoln, aldermaston (berks), alen, sir john, , alexandra, queen, banner of, alexandria, rubies of, , alnwick, william, bp. of norwich, andrew, saint, cross or saltire of, , , , angoulême, arms of, anne of bohemia, queen, , , , anstis, john, anthony, cross of saint, antiquaries, society of, aquitaine, duchy of, arms, rolls of, arundel (sussex), effigy at, , arundel, beatrice countess of, ; edmund earl of, _see_ fitzalan; joan countess of, , ; richard earl of, _see_ fitzalan; thomas earl of, , ; sir edmund of, ; sir william, , ; william earl of, _see_ fitzalan ashmole, elias, astley, sir john, aston (warw), effigy at, athelhampton house (dorset), auckland castle (durham), ceiling in, , aveline, countess of lancaster, badges, - badlesmere, bartholomew, ; maud, , baliol arms, ballard arms, banastre, sir thomas, banner, the king's, , , , , banners of arms, , , - bar, the, barbours and chirurgeons, company of, bardolf, hugh, seal of, ; william lord, _see_ phelip baret, john, barker, christopher, garter, barons' letter of - , , , , , , , , , , , , , barre, henry count of, ; joan dau. of, barrington, bishop, barron, mr. oswald, barry, ; number of bars, bartholomew, hospital of saint, arms, basing house (hants), bassett, ralph lord, , , baston, the, bath, collar of the, ; order of the, bath and wells, thomas bp. of, _see_ beckington batour, john, battled, baunton (glos), frontal at, bayeux, seal for town of, , beatrice countess of arundel, beauchamp arms, , , , ; badges, , , ; family, beauchamp, henry, earl of warwick, ; john, of hacche, ; margaret, , ; richard, earl of warwick and albemarle, , , , , , , , , , , ; thomas, earl of warwick, , beaufort, edmund, duke of somerset, , ; henry, bp. of winchester, ; joan, countess of westmorland, , ; john, duke of somerset and earl of kendal, , ; the lady margaret, , , - beaufort portcullis, , , beaumont, john lord, ; margaret, beckington, thomas, bp. of bath and wells, rebus of, , bedale (yorks), effigy at, bedford, jasper duke of, _see_ jasper bedford, john duke of, _see_ john bedford's _blazon of episcopacy_, bek, antony, bp. of durham, arms of, bend, the, , ; bendy, benenden (kent), bensted arms, bensted, sir john, ; parnell, bentley, little (essex), brass at, berkeley arms, , ; badge, ; mermaid collar, , berkeley, thomas of, ; thomas lord, , bermingham, walter, berners arms, beverley (yorks), ; waits' collars, beverley minster, heraldry in, , , , bigod, sir john, boar, silver, of king richard iii, bohemia, anne of, _see_ anne bohun, eleanor, , , ; humphrey, earl of hereford and essex, , , , , ; john de, earl of hereford, ; mary, , , bohun of hereford, arms of, ; of northampton, arms of, bohun swan badge, , , , , , bordeaux, john seneschal of, _see_ nevill border, the, boroughbridge roll, botreaux, margaret lady of, _see_ hungerford; william lord, , boughton-under-blean (kent), brass at, bourchier arms, ; knot, - , ; water-bougets, bourchier, henry, earl of essex, ; henry lord, ; hugh lord, _see_ stafford; john lord, , ; lewis lord, _see_ robsart; sir humphrey, , ; thomas, abp. of canterbury, boutell, rev. c., bowet, henry, abp. of york, , brabant, arms of, brancepeth (durham), effigies at, brandon, frances, duchess of suffolk, braose, william de, bristol waits' collars, british museum, , , , bromfleet, sir thomas, arms of, brooke, george, lord cobham, broom-cods, collar of, brotherton, _see_ thomas bryen, arms of, bryen, guy lord, , , buch, the captal de, buckingham, duke and earl of, _see_ stafford; henry duke of, , buckingham, earldom of, arms of, buckingham palace, memorial in front of, bullen, thomas, earl of wiltshire and ormond, bures, arms of, burgh, john of, ; sir thomas, stall-plate of, ; william of, earl of ulster, , burghersh, barony of, ; sir bartholomew, burlington house, _see_ london burnell, hugh lord, , burnham thorpe (norfolk), brass at, burton, thomas, bp. of exeter, bury st. edmunds, st. mary's church at, cadhay (devon), caius, doctor john, calais, arms of, ; seal of mayoralty of, , calthorpe, sir william, cambridge, arms of regius professors, ; rebus on name, cambridge, christ's college, , , , ; king's college chapel, , , , , ; pembroke college, ; st. john's college, , , camoys, lady, brass of, ; thomas lord, , ; arms of, candle-holder, heraldic, canterbury, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , canterbury, christchurch, , canterbury, john abp. of, _see_ morton; thomas abp. of, _see_ bourchier; william abp. of, _see_ courtenay; william archdn. of, _see_ pakington cap of estate, the, carlisle dormant book, carnarvon, edward of, castile, arms of, , ; castle of, ; kingdom of, castile and leon, castles and lions of, chamberlayne, sir william, charles iv, emperor, chaucer, geoffrey, arms of, chaworth, arms of, checkendon (oxon), brass at, checky, ; number of checkers, chester, arms of, ; sheriff's chain, chester, edward earl of, _see_ edward prince of wales _chevaler au cing_, cheveron, the, , cheyney, sir john, chief, the, , chipping campden (glos), brass at, chronological series of illustrations, - cinque ports, arms of the, clare arms, , , , ; black bulls of, , ; label of, clare, elizabeth de, ; gilbert de, earl of gloucester, , clarence, duke of, _see_ lionel; george duke of, _see_ george; thomas duke of, _see_ thomas clehonger (heref), clerk, dan john, clifford, robert de, clopton arms, , clun, arms of, cobham (kent), , cobham, george brooke, lord, , ; raynald, lord, cockermouth, henry percy, lord of, _see_ percy colchester, arms of, college of arms, _see_ heralds' college colley, thomas de, constance, brass at, , constance of castile, corfe castle, dorset, cornwall, earl of, _see_ richard; edmund earl of, ; edward duke of, _see_ edward prince of wales coronets, introduction and history of, - cosin arms, cosin, john, bp. of durham, , cotes, arms of, cotises, counter-coloured, courtenay dolphin, courtenay, hugh, earl of devon, ; peter, bp. of exeter, , ; sir peter, ; william, abp. of canterbury, coventry cross, cowdray house, sussex, , crests, origin and treatment of, ; use of, by bishops, - cromwell lion, cromwell, ralph lord, cross, the, ; varieties of, , crosslets, crowns, heraldic, - crusily, cyprus gold, , d'abernoun, sir john, dabrichecourt, sir sanchet, , dalton, laurence, norroy, d'amory, roger lord, daunce, the, david, king of scotland, dennington (suffolk), , derby, henry earl of, _see_ henry; thomas earl of, _see_ stanley despenser arms, , despenser, henry le, bp. of norwich, , ; richard lord, _see_ beauchamp; thomas lord, devon, hugh earl of, _see_ courtenay deynelay, robert, diapering, - differencing of arms, - dimidiation, dorking, rev. e. e., rebus of, dorset (county of), dover (kent), arms of, dreux arms, dublin, richard marquess of, _see_ oxford durham, arms of bishopric of, ; bishops of, durham, cuthbert bp. of, _see_ tunstall; john bp. of, _see_ cosin, fordham; robert bp. of, _see_ nevill; thomas bp. of, _see_ hatfield, langley; walter bp. of, _see_ skirlaw easton, little (essex), edmund earl of kent, ; earl of lancaster, edmund of langley duke of york, , , , , , , , edmund, saint, arms of, edward i, king, , , , , , , edward ii, king, , , , , , edward iii, king, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , edward iv, king, , , , , , , , , , edward v, king, edward vi, king, , edward prince of wales, , , , , , , , , , , , , , edward, saint, arms of, , , , , eleanor, daughter of king edward i, eleanor of castile, queen, , , , , , , , elizabeth, queen, , , elsefield, elizabeth, ; sir gilbert, elsing (norf), brass at, , eltham, john of, _see_ john embroideries, heraldic, - engayn, john, england, , , , ; arms of, , , , , , , ; leopards of, , , ; lion supporter of, england, king of, , , ; supporters of, engrailing, erdington family, knight of, , ermine, , erpingham, sir thomas, essex, earl of, _see_ stafford humphrey; henry earl of, _see_ bourchier; humphrey earl of, _see_ bohun essex, earldom of, arms of, est, robert, esturmy, henry, _see_ sturmy etchingham church (sussex), , etchingham, sir william, eton college arms, ewelme (oxon), effigy at, , exeter, bishop's palace at, , ; brass at, ; sheriff's chain, ; waits' collars, , exeter, duchess of, ; edward bp. of, _see_ stafford; peter bishop of, ; peter bp. of, _see_ courtenay; thomas bp. of, _see_ burton; thomas duke of, _see_ holand; thomas duke of, _see_ thomas fairfax lions and goats, fairfax, sir william, falstaff, sir john, farnham, sir robert, arms of, fauconberg, william lord, fawsley house (northants), felbrigge (norf), brass at, , felbrigge, sir simon, , fer-de-moline, , ferrers, thomas earl, _see_ thomas; william de, fesse, the, fetterlock-and-falcon badge, , firedogs, heraldic, fitzalan, alice, , ; brian, arms, ; edmund, earl of arundel, ; joan, , , ; richard, earl of arundel, , , ; william, earl of arundel, fitzalan, arms, , ; oak-leaf badge, fitzgerald, emmeline, fitzhamon, robert, arms of, fitzhugh, henry lord, fitzhugh and marmion, william lord, fitzjohn, john, fitzpain, robert, fitzwalter arms, fitzwalter, walter lord, fitzwarin seal, fitzwaryn, sir william, flanches, foljambe arms, foljambe, roger, fordham, john, bp. of durham, forster, sir george, forz, william of, earl of albemarle, fotheringay church (northants), france and normandy, richard, governor of, _see_ richard france, arms of, , , , , , , , ; label of, france, john, marshal of, _see_ talbot; john, regent of, _see_ john france, king of, , , france, old, arms of, france, philip king of, franks, sir a. w., furnival, thomas, garter, collar of the, , , ; mantle of the, , ; order of the, , , garter, knights of the, banners of, , , ; stall-plates of, , , , , , , , garter, the, - gaunt, _see_ john of gemell-bars, george duke of clarence and lord of richmond, , , , george, saint, arms or cross of, , , , , , , , , gilling castle (yorks), , glamorgan, lordship of, glass, heraldic, glastonbury, george inn at, , gloucester, city of, ; arms, ; effigy at, gloucester, duke of, _see_ thomas; gilbert earl of, _see_ clare; richard duke of, gobony, goldsmiths' company, arms, goldwell, james, bp. of norwich, , gonvile arms, gotch, mr. j. a., gower, john, grapenell, h. de, ; parnel, graunson, katharine, ; margaret, grevel, william, brass of, grey, lady jane, grey of codnor, richard lord, , , , grey of ruthin, sir john, , groos, oliver, guienne, duchy of, guildford (surrey) mayor's chain and medal, guldeford, east (sussex), , guldeford, sir john, , gunthorpe, dean, , , gyronny, hainault, arms of, ; house of, hales, sir stephen, hallam, robert, bp. of salisbury, , halle, peter, brass of, halving of arms, hamlake, _see_ roos hampton court, ; heraldry at, - harcourt, sir robert, harewell, bishop, effigy of, harsick brass at southacre, , hastings arms, hastings, john, earl of pembroke, ; john lord, ; sir hugh, arms, brass, and crest of, , ; sir ralph , ; william lord, , hatfield, thomas, bp. of durham, hatfield broadoak (essex), effigy at, , hearne, t., helmsley, _see_ roos hengrave hall (suffolk), henry iii, king, , , , , henry iv, king, , , , , , , , , , , henry v, king, , henry vi, king, , , , , henry vii, king, , , , , , , , , , henry viii, king, , , - , , , - henry duke of lancaster and earl of derby, , , , , , , , , henry earl of lancaster, heraldic beasts as finials and vane holders, - , - heraldic colours, , ; furs, heraldry, definition of, heralds' college, , , , , hereford, arms of, earldom of, , hereford, duke of, ; earl of, _see_ stafford, humphrey; henry duke of, _see_ henry; humphrey earl of, _see_ bohun; john earl of, _see_ bohun herne (kent), brass at, heslerton, alice, ; thomas of, heslerton arms, hever (kent), brass at, hexham, regality of, seal of, heytesbury, banner of, holand, joan, ; thomas, duke of exeter, ; thomas, earl of kent, , , , ; thomas de, holand, lordship of, holand and wake, thomas lord, holbeach (lincs), effigy at, holbein, the painter, , , hollar (wenceslaus), holyngbroke, william, arms of, hope rebus, howard, thomas, duke of norfolk, , humphrey duke of gloucester and earl of buckingham, , , hungerford and botreaux, margaret lady of, , , hungerford, robert lord, , ; sir robert, ; walter lord, , , , , , hungerford sickle, , hussey arms, , ; banner of, huth, mr. edward, ich diene, the motto, illustrations, chronological series of, - impalement of arms, indenting, ireland, ; harp of, , isabel, sister of richard duke of york, isabel, queen, , islip, john, abbot of westminster, rebus of, , james i, king, jane the fool, jasper duke of bedford, jerusalem, kingdom of, arms of, joan, countess of arundel, , , joan, dau. of king edward i, joan princess of wales, , joan, queen, , ; effigy of, , john duke of bedford and regent of france, , john of eltham, the lord, , john of gaunt duke of lancaster, , , , , , , , , , john, saint, eagle of, john, saint, john lord, katharine, saint, hospital of, , kendal, john earl of, _see_ beaufort kensington, south, kent, earl of, _see_ edmund; thomas earl of, _see_ holand keys, roger, and thomas, arms of, , kidderminster (worcs), brass at, king's langley (herts), king's lynn waits' collars, , kingston-on-hull, mayor's and mayoress's chains, kirby hall (northants), kirkham priory (yorks), heraldry on gatehouse, kirkton, robert, abbot of peterborough, ; rebus of, , knightley family, knots as badges, label, the, laci, henry de, arms of, ; henry de, earl of lincoln, , lacy arms, ladies, arms of, lancaster, aveline countess of, ; henry of, lord of monmouth, , , , ; thomas earl of, _see_ thomas lancaster, duke of, _see_ john of gaunt lancaster, earl of, _see_ edmund lancaster, house of, langeton, canon william, langley, _see_ edmund of langley, thomas, bp. of durham, latimer, william lord, , lavenham church (suffolk), lavenham, william of, law, ernest, legg, l. g. wickham, leicester, thomas earl of, _see_ thomas lennox, margaret countess of, tomb of, , , leon, arms of, , ; lion of, leybourne arms, , , , leybourne, juliana, ; roger, , ; thomas, lincoln, henry earl of, _see_ laci; henry de laci earl of, ; john bp. of, _see_ alderby lincoln minster, heraldry in, lionel duke of clarence, , lisle effigy at thruxton, little device, the, littlebury, sir humphrey, effigy of, london, ; arms of, ; banner of the lord mayor of, , , ; collar of ss of lord mayor, , ; sheriff's chains, ; waits' collars, london, burlington house, ; mansion house, , ; national portrait gallery, ; nelson column in, ; st. paul's cathedral church, , , ; templars' church in, ; trinity house, arms, , longespee, emmeline, ; stephen, , longespee lions, ; longswords, , long melford (suffolk), lord, our, arms of, lovain arms, lovel badge, lovel, francis viscount, ; john lord, ; katharine, lovel and holand, william lord, lowick church (northants), , lozenges of arms, use of, lozengy, lucy arms, ; pike, lullingstone (kent), , lupton, robert, provost of eton, rebus of, lyhart, walter, bp. of norwich, lyte, john, arms of, macclesfield, thomas, seneschal of, magnavilla, geoffrey de, man, isle of, manners effigy at windsor, mansion house, _see_ london mantlings, - mapperton manor-house (dorset), , march, earls of, ; edmund earl of, _see_ mortimer; richard earl of, _see_ richard; roger earl of, _see_ mortimer march, white lion of, , , , , margaret, saint, markenfield, sir thomas, , marmion, william lord, _see_ fitzhugh marni, sir robert de, , , martel family, marten church (wilts), tile from, mary i, queen, , mary, queen, banner of, masons' company, maud of lancaster, , mauley arms, mauley, peter de, iv, seal of, ; peter de, vi, , mayors' collars or chains, michael, st., and st. george, order of, , mildenhall (suffolk), brass formerly at, monmouth, henry lord of, _see_ lancaster montagu griffin, montagu, john lord, _see_ nevill; simon lord of, , ; sybil, ; william, earl of salisbury, , , , , more, sir thomas, , , mortimer arms, , , mortimer, edmund, earl of march and ulster, , , , , , ; philippa, ; roger, earl of march and ulster, morton, john, abp. of canterbury, ; thomas, canon of york, moulton, thomas de, moun, john de, mounci, walter de, mugginton (derbys), brass at, multon, elizabeth de, nanfant, sir richard, nelson column in london, nevill, alexander, abp. of york, ; cecily, , ; john lord, ; john, lord montagu, ; john, lord of raby, ; margery, wife of john lord, ; ralph, earl of westmorland, ; richard, earl of salisbury and warwick, , , , , , , , ; robert, bp. of durham, , ; sir william, nevill, effigies at brancepeth, ; family, newburgh, arms of, newcastle sheriff's chain, new hall (essex), , , , nicolas, sir n. h., norfolk, thomas duke of, _see_ howard normandy, duchy of, , northampton, earl of, _see_ stafford, humphrey northumberland, duke of, , ; earl of, ; henry earl of, _see_ percy northwood arms, , norwich arms, ; mayor's chain, ; sheriff's chain, ; waits' collars, , norwich cathedral church, , , norwich guildhall, doorway in, , norwich, henry bishop of, _see_ despenser; james bp. of, _see_ goldwell; walter bp. of, _see_ lyhart; william bp. of, ockwells (berks), heraldic glass at, oldhalle, sir william, ordinaries, the, formation of, , orle, the, ormond, thomas earl of, _see_ bullen ostrevant, comté of, ostrich-feathers badge, oxenbridge, john, rebus of, oxford, rebus on name, oxford, all souls' college, ; magdalen college, ; queen's college, seal of, oxford, john earl of, _see_ vere; richard earl of, and marquess of dublin, ; robert earl of, _see_ vere pakington, william, archdn. of canterbury, pale, the, paly, ; number of pales, park-palings, collar of, , party, ; party-bendwise, ; party-fessewise, ; party-saltirewise, passion, instruments of the, patrick, saint, ; cross or saltire of, paul, saint, sword of, pavely, sir walter, paynel, william, peche, sir john, ; rebus of, , pecksall, sir ralph, , , pelham, sir john, badge of, pembridge, effigy of a, pembroke, earl of, ; _see also_ valence pembroke, john earl of, _see_ hastings pennons, - perche, earl of, _see_ stafford, humphrey percy arms, ; badge, ; crescent badge, , , ; lion, etc., percy, henry, , ; henry, earl of northumberland and lord of cockermouth, , , ; the lady eleanor, , , peter, bishop of exeter, peter, saint, arms of, , , peterborough (northants), deanery gateway at, , , , phelip eagle, , phelip, william, lord bardolf, , , philip, king of france, philippa, queen, , , pile, the, ; pily, pol, seynt, mary de, , , pole, de la, arms, ; badges, pole, de la, john, duke of suffolk, ; michael, earl of suffolk, , , ; william, earl of suffolk, , ponthieu, arms of, poynyngs, arms of, , quarter, the, , quartering, quarterly, raby, john lord of, _see_ nevill ramryge, abbot thomas, rebus, the, - redvers arms, regent's park, , richard i, king, richard ii, king, , , , , , , , richard iii, king, , , richard duke of gloucester, seal of, richard duke of york and earl of march, , , , , , , richard earl of cornwall, arms of, richmond, george, lord of, _see_ george; margaret countess of, _see_ beaufort richmond, label of, ripon (yorks), , rivers, richard lord, _see_ wydvile robsart, lewis, lord bourchier, , , , , , rochester (kent), roll, the great, , , , , rolls of arms, romans, richard, king of the, romney, new (kent), brass at, roos, thomas lord, of hamlake, rothwell (northants), roundels of arms, use of, royal society, salisbury cathedral church, , , , salisbury, earl of, _see_ nevill, richard; william earl of, _see_ montagu salisbury, robert, bp. of, _see_ hallam salkeld (cumb), effigies at, salkeld family, effigies, , saltire, the, , savernake forest, lord of, _see_ sturmy; tenure horn of, scales family, scales, sir roger, scarcliffe (derbys), effigy at, , scotland, , ; arms of, , , ; lion of, , ; tressure of, ; unicorn supporter of, scotland, king of, , scrope crab or _scrap_, scrope, john lord, , ; dan richard, scutcheon, the, seals, heraldic, selden's _titles of honour_, settrington (yorks), sheffield, st. peter's church, effigies in, , shene charterhouse, prior of, shield, divisions of the, , ; the, and its treatment, shorne, maister john, shrewsbury, george earl of, ; john earl of, _see_ talbot simon the engraver, skirlaw, walter, bp. of durham, sloley church (norf), tomb in, somers, will, somerset (county of), somerset eagle, , somerset, edmund duke of, _see_ beaufort; john duke of, _see_ beaufort souche, alan la, , southacre (norf), brass at, southampton, arms of, , ; steward of, southwark cathedral church, , _souvereyne_, _soverayne_, or _soverain_, the word, , , , sovereign, the, , spain, arms of, spilsby (lincs), brass at, ss, collar of, - stafford arms, stafford, earl of, _see_ stafford, humphrey stafford, edward, bp. of exeter, ; edward, earl of wiltshire, , ; hugh, earl of, ; hugh, lord bourchier, , , ; humphrey, duke of buckingham, , , , , ; joan, countess of kent and lady of wake, ; katharine, , , ; sir henry, , stafford knot, , , , staindrop (durham), , , standard, the royal, , standards, - stanford dingley (berks), brass at, stanley, thomas lord, , , stanton harcourt (oxon), , stapleton, sir miles, stapleton talbot, state's arms, , , stoke d'abernoun (surrey), stoke poges (bucks), brass at, stothard's _monumental effigies_, , stowe, william, the elder, sturmy, henry, suffolk, alice duchess of, , ; duchess of, _see_ brandon; elizabeth duchess of, ; john duke of, _see_ pole; michael earl of, _see_ pole; william duke of, ; william earl of, _see_ pole suns-and-roses, collar of, , supporters, origin and uses of, - surrey, john earl of, _see_ warenne swynburne family, syon cope, , , talbot, john, earl of shrewsbury, , , , , , talbot and furnival, john lord, , tallow-chandlers' company, tankerville, john earl of, tattershall castle (lincs), heraldic chimney-piece in, tew, great (oxon), brass at, tewkesbury abbey church, , , , thistle, collar of the, tildesley, christopher, , tillzolf arms, tiptoft, john lord, thomas duke of clarence, thomas duke of exeter, thomas (beaufort) duke of exeter, thomas earl of lancaster, leicester and ferrers, , , thomas of brotherton, thomas of woodstock duke of gloucester, , , , , , , , , , thomas, saint, of canterbury, thruxton (hants), effigy at, tong (salop), toni, robert de, torregiano, trau, the soudan de la, tresham, sir thomas, tresham trefoils, tressure, the, trevor family arms, trinity, the holy, , trinity house, london, arms, , trotton (sussex), , , trumpington family, tunstall, cuthbert, bp. of durham, twyford, richard, tylney, elizabeth, arms of, ufford arms, ufford, sir ralph, , ulster arms, , ; badge of, ; label of, ulster, richard earl of, ; roger earl of, _see_ mortimer; william earl of, _see_ burgh union jack, , , , union of crowns of england and scotland, vair, , ; vairy, valence arms, , valence, aymer of, earl of pembroke, , , , ; william of, , , veer, hugh de, verdon, theobald lord, vere arms, , , ; boar, ; molet, , vere effigy at hatfield broadoak, vere, john de, earl of oxford, , , ; robert de, earl of oxford, vernon effigy at tong, victoria, queen, memorial to, victoria and albert museum, , , , , victory, figure of, vipont, isabel, voided scutcheon, the, waits' collars, wake knot, ; lordship of, waldby, robert, abp. of york, walden, de, library, walworth, sir william, walysel, thomas, brass of, warde, robert de la, warenne, john de, earl of surrey, warenne and surrey, earl of, arms, warenne estates, warre, john la, warwick, , , warwick bear, warwick, earl of, _see_ beauchamp; henry earl of, _see_ beauchamp; richard earl of, _see_ beauchamp; thomas earl of, _see_ beauchamp waterford, john earl of, _see_ talbot waterton, robert, wavy, wax-chandlers' company, welles, helen, of york, wells chapter-house, wells (somerset), , , , ; oriel in deanery, , wentworth arms and family, westminster, , westminster abbey, arms of, ; abbey chapter-house, tiles in, ; vestry of, westminster abbey church, heraldry in, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , westminster, palace of, , westmorland, joan, countess of, _see_ beaufort; ralph earl of, _see_ nevill whatton (notts), effigy at, whatton, sir richard, whitchurch (oxon), brass at, whitchurch (salop), white hart badge, wilfrid, saint, willoughby d'eresby, william lord, wilton house (wilts) diptych at, wiltshire, edward earl of, _see_ stafford; thomas earl of, _see_ bullen winchester, henry bp. of, _see_ beaufort; john marquess of, windsor castle, chapel of st. george in, , , , , , , , , , , ; king's hall in, , ; picture in, windsor, sir william, wingfield church (suffolk), , , woodstock, thomas of, _see_ thomas wotton-under-edge (glos), brass at, , wreath or torse, - wren, sir christopher, wulcy, thomas, cardinal, , wydvile, richard, lord rivers, , , , wymington (beds), brass at, wyvil, robert, bp. of salisbury, arms of, yale or eale, the, , yarmouth (norf), mayor's chain, york, , ; chains of lord mayor and lady mayoress, ; waits' collars, york, alexander abp. of, _see_ nevill; henry abp. of, _see_ bowet; robert abp. of, _see_ waldby york, duke of, _see_ edmund of langley; richard duke of, _see_ richard york falcon, , , ; fetterlock, ; house of, , ; roses, york minster, heraldry in, , , yorkist collar of suns and roses, - , zouch badge, zouch, william lord, printed at the ballantyne press london * * * * * _by special_ [illustration] _appointment_ artists' colourmen to their majesties the king and queen and to h.m. queen alexandra winsor & newton ltd. manufacturers of finest water colours for heraldic blazoning, illuminating, etc. cake colours, moist colours in glass pots. gold and silver shells, saucers and tablets, gold paper, vellums, brushes, and all requisites for the art boxes fitted with colours and materials [illustration: illustration of "guinea" box of moist colours in glass pots, with materials] larger and more complete boxes ½, , and guineas winsor & newton's colours and materials may be obtained from the principal dealers throughout the world. _offices_: rathbone place, london, w. * * * * * government contractors w. m. wheatley & sons (established a century) gold and silver beaters and bronze powder manufacturers [illustration] = devonshire street queen square london, w.c.= _gold leaf in all shades. speciality for bookbinders._ telephone: central registered trade mark * * * * * new volume in the press costume: its essentials and possibilities, based on historic examples. by talbot hughes. a handbook on historic costume from early times, containing over figures, collotype reproductions of specimens of genuine dresses, besides scaled patterns, taken from antique apparel, together with over illustrations of head-dresses and foot-wear. john hogg paternoster row, london * * * * * the artistic crafts series bookbinding and the care of books. by douglas cockerell. drawings by noel rooke. pages collotype reproductions. pp. s. net. (_third edition._) extract from _the times_. "... a capital proof of the reasoned thoroughness in workmanship, which is the first article in the creed of those who ... are attempting to carry into practice the industrial teaching of ruskin and william morris." * * * * * silverwork and jewellery. by h. wilson. diagrams by the author. pages of collotype reproductions. pp. s. d. net. (_second edition._) containing special chapters, fully illustrated, based on demonstrations and with notes by professor unno bisei and professor t. kobayashi, of the imperial fine art college at tokyo, giving the traditional method of casting, damascening, incrustation, inlaying, engraving, and metal colouring still practised in japan, also on niello, the making of boxes and card cases, with chapters on egyptian and oriental methods of work. _by the same author._ "on workmanship." a lecture. s. d. net. john hogg, paternoster row, london _see following pages._ * * * * * the artistic crafts series woodcarving: design and workmanship. by george jack. drawings by the author. pages of collotype reproductions. pp. s. net. extract from _the builders' journal_. "undoubtedly the best guide to woodcarving extant.... a practical work, written with clearness and literary power by a practical man ... of great artistic talent.... the illustrations are excellent." * * * * * stained glass work. by c. w. whall. diagrams by two of his apprentices. pages of collotype reproductions. pp. s. net. extract from _the scotsman_. "it provides an exposition at once instructive and interesting of the workshop practice of the craft ... of stained glass, animated throughout by an encouraging and cheerful sense of the dignity and the elevating influence of such an occupation." john hogg, paternoster row, london * * * * * the artistic crafts series embroidery and tapestry weaving. by mrs. a. h. christie. diagrams and illustrations by the author. pages of collotype reproductions. pp. s. net. (_third edition._) extract from _the pall mall gazette_. "mrs. christie has performed her task to admiration, ... and her lucid explanations of various kinds of stitches ... should be of value to all workers at embroidery or tapestry weaving and to novices anxious to learn." * * * * * writing and illuminating, and lettering. by edward johnston. illustrations and diagrams by the author and noel rooke. pages of examples in red and black. pages of collotype reproductions. pp. (_fifth edition._) extract from _the athenæum_. "... this book belongs to that extremely rare class in which every line bears the impress of complete mastery of the subject. we congratulate mr. johnston on having produced a work at once original and complete." john hogg, paternoster row, london _see next page_ * * * * * the artistic crafts series hand-loom weaving. by luther hooper. drawings by the author and noel rooke. coloured and collotype reproductions. pp. s. net. extract from _the morning post_. "... every phase and process in weaving is described with so clear and careful an exactitude, that, helped as the text is by the author's sketches and diagrams, the reader should have no difficulty in conquering with its aid the rudiments of the craft." * * * * * portfolios (in the series) already issued. school copies and examples. selected by w. r. lethaby and a. h. christie. drawing copies ( in colours), with descriptive letterpress. s. d. net. manuscript and inscription letters. for schools and classes and the use of craftsmen. by edward johnston. with plates by a. e. r. gill, plates in all. full notes and descriptions by the author. s. d. net. (_second edition._) (_plaster casts of the originals of plates , and can be had of the publisher. write for prospectus._) other volumes and portfolios in preparation. john hogg, paternoster row, london * * * * * transcriber's note changes to the text are limited to corrections of typographical errors and are listed as follows: page (index of text illustrations) # : changed "s'afford" to "stafford" (edward stafford bishop of exeter) page : changed "wootton-under-edge" to "wotton-under-edge". this same mis-spelling is also corrected in the caption to figure and in the list of illustrations on page . note that it was spelled correctly in the index. page : changed "a" to "at" (printed at the ballantyne press) plate xxix caption: changed "ob," to "ob." (justice in eyre of forests, ob. .) 'mr. punch's' book of arms. "m^{r.} punch's" book of arms drawn & written by e t reed london bradbury, agnew & c^{o.} tonbridge printed by bradbury, agnew, & co. ld. mdcccxcix. contents. first baron russell of killowen i the right hon. sir william vernon harcourt, p.c. m.p. iij joseph, first earl of birmingham vj sir henry campbell-bannerman, g.c.b. m.p. viij horatio herbert, first viscount kitchener of omdurman xj m. le president, felix faure xiij lord kipling of mandalay xvj the earl of barnato xviij viscount stanley of the congo xx oom paul, first earl of krugersdorp xxij viscount gatti of the strand xxiv the london county council xxvj the marquis of hooley xxviij mr. justice darling of deptford xxx the duke of rhodes xxxij hall caine, first lord manxman xxxiv baron maple of tottenham court xxxvj louis, first baron island de rougemont xxxviij 'appy 'ampstead xl lord leno xlij prince kumar shri ranjitsinhji, duke of sussex xliv marie, countess corelli xlvj baron lecky of dublin xlviij viscount labouchere of twickenham l george nathaniel, first earl curzon of the pamirs +specially granted+ lij thomas, viscount bowles of the bosphorus liv baron bartlett of sheffield lvj henry, first baron hawkins of tryham fairleigh and sentensham lviij mr. punch lxj [illustration] [illustration: haricones ad mendicos debentur (i'd give the beggars beans)] first baron russell of killowen. =arms= / quarterly / =i= emergent paly from a legal orle of reception, a civic beak newly chained or, robed and garnished proper with bullion, slightly debruised with thunderbolts issuant from a chief justifiably rampant in invective robed and wigged proper with sleeves turned up ermine gorged with a choler of justice / =ij= at a bend of the field on a turf vert under the heraldic rose a sporting veteran wary to the last putting a bit proper on a likely mount turning up trumpy on the post / =iij= several salted guinea-pigs debrettees richly gilt and voided of scruple charged with marketable coronets bartered in lure / =iiij= on a ground of promotion a partisan of renown semee with shamrocks and shillelaghs and wreathed with laurels elevated and erased all proper. =crest= / rising from a bar barry a tower of strength armed at all points and charged with a snuff-box of resort furtively employed for solace. =supporters= / dexter, a female figure of justice scaly on the pounce reguardant sundry bubbles of finance issuant in fraud / sinister, an irish disunicorn, brogued proper, chronically rampant in quest of autonomy. [illustration: sors dulcis, tam premens (nice lot! so pressing!)] the right hon. sir william vernon harcourt, p.c. m.p. =arms= / quarterly / =i= on a ship party-coloured, shattered, dismasted and waterlogged, a crew prone to mutiny reguardant in complacence over the side a tried and weather-beaten chief avoirdupois proper, incontinently jettisoned without scruple or remorse / =ij= on a ground of grievance two tents of achilles, freely canvassed in the press, conjoined morly in tension and possibly somewhat overstrained / =iij= a masterly heraldic bouget of finance, charged with a fleece of gold lifted proper from sundry millionaires gorged or, collared in transit on the hop / =iiij= on a ground protestant kensittee a veteran campaigner statant single-handed "on his helmet the motto 'ut veniant omnes!'--'let 'em all come!'" bearing a plume mordant guttee de l'encre transfixing several anglican traitors foxy to the last but exposed proper in mummery. =crest= / emergent from a crown of the plantagenets, a rogue-elephant of the forest jumbonee, thwarted circumvented and finally ousted with alacrity. +=motto= / 'contra dexter et audax'--'skilful and bold in opposition.'+ =supporters= +'otherwise engaged!--mainly in accepting resignations by return of post--but in place thereof possibly the following will answer the purpose'+ / dexter, an eminent litterateur similarly isolated and unique in courtesy, and gratitude, charged with a colossal biography proper / sinister, an heraldic sun luluois radiant in geniality, exemplarily staunch and filial to the core. =second motto= +welsh translation+ / 'lyddthe ryfraf, dydd yu effyr, nod yff y nowydd!' [illustration: "how is m^{rs} kruger?". (reply paid)] joseph, first earl of birmingham. =arms= / quarterly / =i= an antique boer in his glory regarding a lion spotted over a bordure 'chartered' componee, partly white-washed / =ij= an heraldic bartlet cuffed and erased under a chapeau doubled up carmine / =iij= an irish shamrock, barred in perpetuity on a ground orange of prejudice / =iiij= a mysterious libel voluntarily erased sable, rendered more or less illegible after the manner of the new journalism / over all, on an escutcheon of pretence, several ministerial billets of the best, clawed and collared in advance. =crest= / a lion of debate langued mordant, bearing in dexter paw the union flag flowing to the sinister, dropping in his progress a phrygian or republican cap of liberty 'turned up' and refaced ermine. =supporters= / two highly crusted pillars of the constitution +sang-+azure in a demi-furious state of suppression. [illustration: amans nosae easi toget forut!] sir henry campbell-bannerman, g.c.b. m.p. =arms= / quarterly / =i= on a sea of turbulence vert a jovial commodore, braided and epauletted proper in bullion, and wearing the insignia of the grand cross of the bath, mounting nimbly the bridge of a fighting-ship, drifting derelict and awash, barnacled, scuttled, riddled, and gutted / =ij= under a chief radiant in suavity, several heraldic partibores urgent, armed with queistions perennially brandished out of season, diplomatically exorcised, muzzled, and suppressed / =iij= on a ground semee of thistles, an elder of the auld licht lichtsome, kaily canny pawky silvendy to the fu', bearing an heraldic weebit cruizey or scottish lantern, findin' salvation in the langsyne proper / =iiij= a rugged elephant of the new forest on the war-path, sturdy in protestantism, and fully versed in the rubric, insulated by instincts antijingonee, turned up passee by the rest. =crest= / a scottish knight-in-armour, reluctant in temperament, but cedant under stress of suasion, haled, elected and ensconced proper in a cul-de-sac, conjoined kimberley in opposition, portly for the nonce, but will probably gobony in harness. +=motto= / 'locus dulcis!'--'cheerful post, eh!.'+ =supporters= / dexter, a typical antique radical of retrenchment, straitened in view +kindly lent by the british museum+, arrayed gudee gudee exeterallois to the last reguardant paly in dismay the trend gory of the times / sinister, a modern liberal of imperialism fashodee, statant sanguine on a stricken field, acquiescent in annexation, charged with a shamrock of home-rule slipped vert and demi-erased. =second motto= / 'cordate si non cordite!'--'wisely if without high explosives!' [illustration] [illustration: going up higher] horatio herbert, first viscount kitchener of omdurman. =arms= / quarterly / =i= a series of cataracts neatly and punctually surmounted while you wait / =ij= a gallic cock marchant in chicane and emergent theatrical in advance collared in trespass and +we trust+ given the chucque proper / =iij= a british lion radiant in his glory sheathing an avenging sword rusted with age but trenchant to the full / =iiij= several stars of journalism rampant and purpure with fury incontinently ordered to cairo. =crest= / on a mount urgent with the hump a caliph proper of the soudan imbrued gory to the last, dropping in his flight on a ground sable sundry spouses reluctant puffy without mules. =supporters= / dexter, an egyptian soldier drilled armed and furnished with a backbone made in england, crowned with laurels and bearing in his right hand the black banner of the khalifa / sinister, a british trooper in triumph similarly charged and wreathed with laurels in augmentation, holding in his left hand a lance and in the right a return ticket proper to khartoum available for a month. =second motto= / 'dwell as if about to depart'--ahem! proper. [illustration: moi et nicolas] m. le president, felix faure. =arms=/ quarterly / =i= on a ground virulent two crosses of the legion of honour couped by a presidential hand sinister from the breast of two dreyfusards of repute, steadfast in rectitude / =ii= under the shield of the chief of the state tainted with bias, several dapper heraldic scoundrelles of the staff, plumed proper, braided gold to the waist, all banded together and rampant in tort / =iij= a series of highly-strung journalistic lyres in parry on the garble proper falsette in unison / =iiij= on a rock of degradation, interned in exile, a military scapegoat charged with treason, loaded with chains of evidence designed forged and welded in fraud, on the horizon, the first rays of a dawn of hope breaking through clouds of fury. =crests= / =i= on a cap of liberty query, stained spotted and ensanguined gules, a peacock in pride proper, his head slightly turned, charged with the riband and star of the order of st. andrew and a penchant for display verging on puerility / =ii= on a bend of the upper nile a tricolourd african interlope of civilisation, dumped down squatty on the bank, collared eradicated and reflexed in agony. =supporters= / dexter, a russian bear sable, imperially crowned and gorged with loans hysterically courted and caressed ad nauseam, simpery bowy bendy to the last, but reluctant in committal / sinister, a double-faced eagle of muscovy reguardant azure in dismay a kettle of fish a la parisienne. =second motto= / 'felix fortunatus caesaris sociusque amicus.' =additional motto= / 'felix ill-egalite.' [illustration] [illustration: the idea of a-st-n being--but thats another story!] lord kipling of mandalay. =arms= / quarterly / =i= a review laudatory richly deserved quite proper / =ij= an heraldic jungle-bok rampant under several deodars or mem-sahibs or words to that effect / =iij= a lordly elephint a pilin' teak / =iiij= an argot-nautical vessel +in verse+ in full sale, classed a at lloyds, charged with a cargo of technicalities all warranted genuine. =crest= / on a charger argent the head of a publisher urgent. =supporters= / dexter, a tommy atkins in all his glory, arrayed proper by a plain tailor from the hills / sinister, a first-class fighting man or fuzzy wuzzy of the soudan, regardant sable on a british square charged with an elan effrontee. [illustration] [illustration: i am building a house] the earl of barnato. =arms= / quarterly / =i= +of the month+ a regal cheque in advance proper / =ij= fretty but checky / =iij= a boer rampant and bristled / =iiij= grand quarters +in park lane+, behind heraldic scaffolding a castle garnished all proper. =crest= / south african lion rampant ducally gorged or. =supporters= / dexter, a bull / sinister, a bear, both proper, plain collared +celluloid+ and chained or. [illustration] [illustration: eminent travellers rescued while you wait--with expedition and despatch] viscount stanley of the congo. =arms= / quarterly / =i= two dwarfs of the forest of perpetual night proper, journalistically exploited to the nines / =ij= a continent sable, crossed by a small white band issuant from the interior / =iij= a new york herald blowing a trumpet of his own in exultation over repeated columns of copy sensational to the last / =iiij= a missionary of renown discovered in solitude near u-jiji sable. =crest= / out of a demi-terrestrial globe +southern hemisphere+ a spread-eagle proper emergent in his glory gorged with honorary degrees +south latitude+, bearing in dexter claw an american flag, in sinister an union-jack. =supporters= / dexter, a neutral monarch crowned, sceptred, and habited proper in a can't-go-free state / sinister, a publisher radiant charged in the arms with a colossal profit on the books of the present viscount. =second motto= / 'mr. speaker, i presume?' +on very rare occasions+. [illustration] [illustration: dontje uischje maget het!] oom paul, first earl of krugersdorp. =arms= / quarterly / =i= two british cage-birds still vulning themselves on a ground of excessive patriotism / =ij= a pair of scales-of-justice patent controllable and adjustable at will proper / =iij= a lion in cachinnation roaring over a boar charging to absurdity for moral and intellectual damage / =iiij= a dog's-eared 'hym-bok' bound in veldt with covert designs. =crest= / a reform tortoise of the rand emergent couped at the neck proper disarmed and voided of assets. =supporters= / dexter, a burgher rampant in piety armed to the teeth / sinister, an antique dopper also in piety habited proper in broadcloth home-made and moth-eaten to the last / both singing in unison falsette the indermiddel from 'simplicita rusticana.' =second motto= / 'who said rhodes?' [illustration] [illustration: always ready] viscount gatti of the strand. =arms= / quarterly / =i= argent a cruet charged extra / =ij= a magnum or tres sec / =iij= six native oyster-shells all passable / =iiij= a cotelette de mouton charged twice over. =crest= / =i= a waiter passant charged with a salver argent, sinister arm a serviette / =ij= a demi-customer rampant holding in the sinister hand a parapluie vert. =supporters= / two jeunesses dorees flippant regally gorged or. [illustration] [illustration: let your (sub) ways be open and only your parks be shady!] the london county council. =arms= / quarterly / =i= three music-hall stars blatant voided of guile charged with double-entendres studded azure / =ij= issuant from a 'ring' sinister spotted and exposed proper a balance-sheet doctored and distinctly fichee to the last, all under a cloud sable / =iij= a civic turtle pommelled and affronted proper charged in the middle for betterment with a belabour member poignant in satire or battersea cough-drop rampant / =iiij= two party-coloured fighting-cocks dancette in fury chronically embroiled proper on a ground litigious in the main. =crest= / a prude vigilant on the pounce armed with pince-nez and reticule highly proper / in her bonnet an heraldic bee rampant. =supporters= / on either side an antique civic effigy habited proper up to date, the dexter bearing a special globe gules, and the sinister a star extra-special vert. [illustration] [illustration: be(ef) firm and no side-slips] the marquis of hooley. =arms= / quarterly / =i= an ecclesiastical service of plate richly chased and displayed or / =ij= a gratuitous advertisement under editorial protest erased quite improper / =iij= a scotch moor sable dancette the ballet hooley or hieland hoolichan / =iiij= two rural advowsons legally acquired over the counter on a human hand proper. =crest= / an heraldic bovricycle urgent, tyred and inflated all proper, except driving-wheel sinister, which shows signs of puncture on a flint passe. =supporters= / dexter, a full page puffy in advance announcing new company on a capital of two millions / sinister, a dean complaisant and recipient sable. [illustration] [illustration: all good things come from above!] mr. justice darling of deptford. =arms= / quarterly / =i= on a bench tory under a chapeau-de-soie glossy a mannikin caustic and mordant in retort / =ij= a ground-plan proper of guidance of the royal courts of justice +enabling a complete stranger to find his way proper to his own court+ / =iij= a fountain of honour spotted and displayed proper on the hop / =iiij= on a ground shady to the last several old hands barry passed over rampant. =crest= / a legal spark +or 'scintilla juris'+ dapper in his glory elevated ermine. =supporters= / dexter, the junior b+ar wigged and gowned rampant in frenzy / sinister, the senior b+ar similarly enfuriated arrayed silk for difference. [illustration] [illustration: remember krugersdorp] the duke of rhodes. =arms= / sable, a british lion trippant, collared, chained, and muzzled / charged with a raid over a bordure all improper bearing the british flag depressed. =crests= / =i= a boer's head couped at the neck / =ij= a hand grasping a sword sinister. =supporters= / dexter, a blackamoor semee of pellets and guttees de sang +loben+gules / sinister, a chartered company trooper gorged with laurels. [illustration] [illustration: through the press to the front!] hall caine, first lord manxman. =arms= / quarterly / =i= three human legs conjoined at the thigh and flexed in a triangle garnished and hygienically knickered proper running galy through several editions / =ij= under a flourish proper of trumpets a christian in broadcloth issuant pele-mele from a printing-press / =iij= sable a scapegoat preceded in triumph by a bondsman more or less accurately portrayed / =iiij= two manx cats passant with sensational tales sported and displayed specially contributed by the present holder of the title. =crest= / an author of distinction aesthetically habited proper, charged in outrecuidance with a sprig of the ma+n+x beerbohm effrontee for reclame. =supporters= / dexter, an ancient statesman void of guile inveigled drawn and exploited to the full / sinister, a dignitary of the church radiant in approbation scenting purple patches for delivery in a rural diocese arrayed proper to the nines. =second motto= / 'and the harvest shall be mine.' [illustration] [illustration: my country is dear, but liberty is dearer] baron maple of tottenham court. =arms= / quarterly / =i= five dining-room chairs +a bargain+ / =ij= three race-horses sable just rounding tottenham cour--no, tattenham corner / =iij= a winter sale +at greatly reduced prices+ proper / =iiij= an art sofa of the very latest, vert, azure, or gules. =crest= / a pegasus rampant, new wings furnished throughout by maple & co. =supporters= / two shop-walkers monstrant frock-coated sable. [illustration] [illustration: modesty forbids me to bare these arms] louis, first baron island de rougemont. =arms= / quarterly / =i= a thorough-bred riding-turtle naiant and ridden on the curb, thereon a swiss gentleman rouge-monte proper in nudity dirigeant with the big toe / =ij= a flight of wombats volant, soaring in desuetude on the wing across a setting sun / =iij= under a chief nunes, adept and ubiquitous in reclame, several gulls of science landed and exploited proper ad nauseam / =iiij= looking up a genealogical tree shady or insufficiently endorsed, an enquiring editor spectacled or +massingham+ chronically reguardant in scepticism a series of travellers' tails artistically garnished and flaunted in the press. =crest= / emergent from a southern hemisphere, a lion of adventure jaded and fretty, charged in the mane with a hatchet of romance slung proper. =supporters= / dexter, a private of the royal marines, traditionally facile in credulity, gently closing the alternate eye proper / sinister, an australasian blackamoor rampant in cannibalism bearing a long bow drawn and flexed to the full. [illustration] [illustration: 'appy 'ampstead] =arms= / quarterly / =i= a pyrotechnic carnival displayed proper / =ij= three tropical cocoa-nuts statant sable +three shies a penny+ / =iij= an ancient british barrow, supposed to be charged with body of queen boadicea / =iiij= an arry issuant from three bars blatant on a field dotty. =crest= / an ass's head regardant reproachful, probably charged on the body with a juggins rampant. =supporters= / dexter, an arriet plumed and garnished somethink like, i tell yer / sinister, a coster arrayed pearly to the nines, charged with a concertina all proper. =second motto= / 'a regular beno.' [illustration] [illustration: ubique et semper viridis (all over the shop and always flourishing)] lord leno. =arms= / quarterly / =i= three bars wait fretty in the wings / =ij= an heraldic pavilion, or changing-tent proper, outside a pair of heraldic dancing-pumps also fairly accurate / =iij= inside three 'alls a +k+night / =iiij= a professional's brougham passant between two 'alls 'eraced. =crest= / a lion comique rampant in garb base to the last degree, holding in dexter hand an heraldic parapluie slightly out of repair all proper. =supporters= / dexter, one of the 'gods' regardant, inclined to repartee / sinister, a denizen of the fauteuils d'orchestre cachinnatory to the last, charged on the breast for distinction with a solitaire of the first water. [illustration] [illustration: i beat even abel with the cane] prince kumar shri ranjitsinhji, duke of sussex. =arms= / quarterly / =i= sable a star of india radiant in splendour / =ij= on a field vert several long hops volleyed and despatched proper to the boundary / =iij= on a ground semee with centuries under an heraldic pavilion a champion of renown reguardant in envy bearded to the full and inclined to embonpoint / =iiij= two canards conjoined or double duck proper collared with an eastern coronet wanting employment. =crest= / an indian panther of agility capped and sashed azure glancing furtively to leg sinister. =supporters= / two umpires smocked and habited for distinction proper. =second motto= / 'ad canga runem ibit rangit singe.' [illustration] [illustration: "non hÃ�c sine numine." (these things are not done without inspiration!!)] marie, countess corelli. =arms= / quarterly / =i= on a ground sable of reserve, invincible to the last, a log proper constitutionally averse to being rolled under a column and a half / =ij= in a servants' 'orle, a dog's-eared volume melodramatic and transpontine to the full, circulating urgent / =iij= two wild horses at speed, trainant from a studio a startling portrait of a talented authoress, painted under protest, and exhibited with obvious reluctance by the victim +members of the press and aristocracy most welcome, . to + / =iiij= hidden under a bushel proper +of plate-glass+ a light of literature, shining in reclame / over all, on an escutcheon of reticence, a trumpet of glory, usually blown automatically, but quite at the service of the press, gratis. =crest= / a startled fawn, proper, of timidity, seeking shelter urgent, from a wreath of laurels issuant from the suburbs. =supporters= / dexter, a curate habited sable proper, and guileless to the verge of inanity passant in perusal proper of 'the botherations of beelzebub' / sinister, a cook-general proper guttee-de-larmes palpitant in pathos absorbent the 'sorrers o' syt'n.' =second motto= / 'if i am forgotten, it won't be my fault!' [illustration: i hope i don't intrude!] baron lecky of dublin. =arms= / quarterly / =i= a highly cultured fish out of water guttee de larme / =ij= on a field+-night+, five lozenges emollient for the voice / =iij= on a ministerial bench highly proper a sage of renown souffrant under a surfeit of bores rampant / =iiij= on ground repugnant fretty a lecky-daisy or irish sensitive plant verdant +green+. =crest= / an irish harpy surcharged financially on the pounce proper. =supporters= / dexter, a british lion +ll.d.+ of literature indented sable, and suitably arrayed in gants-de-suede and shoes elastically sided / sinister, an heraldic camelopard sejant flexed at all joints, academically habited, collared, capped, and gowned. [illustration] [illustration: without truth no household is complete!] viscount labouchere of twickenham. =arms= / quarterly / =i= spotted before a beak several crafty mendicants exposed proper / =ij= inside a westminster orle a british lion of rectitude dancette on a charter componee, charged with little games sinister under a cloud proper / =iij= on a ground party-coloured of revolt a primrose of nobility barred and erased / =iiij= in a pillory an heraldic pigott displayed in contumely / over all, on an escutcheon the family coat of baron taunton. =crest= / issuant from a club +national liberal+, a hawk-eyed lynx rampant in his glory, gorged with a banquet for popularity. =supporters= / dexter, a classical figure representing little england suitably attired, her defences somewhat neglected perhaps, statant on the pale of civilisation / sinister, an elector of northampton proper. =second motto= / 'britannia needs no bulwarks--they come too expensive!' [illustration] [illustration: why drag in pitt and canning?] george nathaniel, first earl curzon of the pamirs 'specially granted'. =arms= / quarterly / =i= under a chief wavery ermine charged with a marquess's coronet for hauteur, a popinjay rising on a ground of undoubted ability / =ij= a cretan lyre employed during the european concert charged with 'wires' strained improper 'probably wholly inaccurate' / =iij= a sun +of a peer+ in his meridian glory who declines to set upon the british dominions / =iiij= a lion erased, muzzled and depressed, regarding on a bastion the flags of the powers flowing in futility / over all, on an escutcheon of pretence 'as a minister of the crown' a slip verdant. =crest= / a peacock in pride ruffled and displayed proper rising from a ministerial bench. =supporters= / on either side an heraldic superior purzon erect omniscient pluming himself on a garb highly proper lined silk throughout. =second motto= / 'd.v. i shall go higher.' [illustration] [illustration: 'but its thank you m^r g-bs-n b-wl-s when the liberals are in power'!] thomas, viscount bowles of the bosphorus. =arms= / quarterly / =i= an heraldic cap'en or cuttle-fish sapient, holding in sinister tentacle a master-mariner's certificate / =ij= two pairs of ducks, worn alternately for distinction, displayed proper / =iij= on a mount arabesque a diminutive cavalier in his glory urgent +motto, 'noctem in rotingro'+ / =iiij= an eastern khalif or sultan on a field sanguine, charged with a halo for benevolence. =crest= / a demi superior purzon erect collared, semee of hurts displaying regal hauteur, charged in the middle with a nautical telescope effrontee. =supporters= / two sea-dogs or antique 'saults' regardant timbretose, arrayed all proper, couped at the elbow and knee, and the limbs replaced by artifice. [illustration] [illustration: we came over with the cunarders] baron bartlett of sheffield. =arms= / quarterly / =i= sable a turkish imperial star and crescent quixotically flaunted +motto, 'without stain'+ / =ij= a swazi chieftain dancette, labelled 'silomo,' armed and accoutred proper, and habited--well, ahem!--suitably to a tropical climate / =iij= on an heraldic provincial platform a knight rampant and demonstrant charged with a peroration grandiloquent to the last / =iiij= a private chart proper, showing the principal ports and soundings on the coast of poland, discovered and surveyed by the present baron. =crest= / an american or spread-eagle bearing the union-jack displayed, over all a sun in splendour which never sets. =supporters= / dexter, a more or less british lion in fury bearing a fire-arm proper periodically discharged at random / sinister, a russian bug-bear passe and out at elbows, suitably bound for transport to the wilds of hysteria. =second motto= / 'oh, swaziland! my swaziland!' [illustration] [illustration: ludusculis omnibus suppar! (i'm pretty well up to all their little games!)] henry, first baron hawkins of tryham fairleigh and sentensham. =arms= / quarterly / =i= in a paddock vert, under a chapeau-de-soie jauntily poised with a rake chirpy, a seasoned sportsman of bonhomie endossed turfy to the last +motto, 'frustum rectissimum!'--'a little bit of all right!'+ / =ij= an historic claimant adipose ortonee, brazen and effrontee in perjury, punctured, pilloried and exposed proper by counsel / =iij= under a judicial bench cosy but ennuyee and chafy in the dark, a fox-terrier proper of renown +since deceased+ constant in fidelity +suggested epitaph, 'nox et foxterea nihil'+ / =iiij= under a sword of justice suspended in imminence by a hair proper a sinister scoundrel of criminality, chained cringeant and paly, appraised proper from the first, justly doomed and handed over damnee in charge to the jury. =crest= / out of a wreath of laurels vert, a veteran hawk-eyed eagle of the law, robed sanguine and wigged proper poudree in horse-hair, collared, furred and laced, reguardant in pince-nez. +=motto= / 'aquila non capit muscas!'--'flies don't settle on him!'+ =supporters= / dexter, a typical counsel of the common-law bar guttee de larmes, robed silk, fairly prostrate in bereavement, and wielding with laudable vigour an heraldic mouchoir / sinister, an old bailey, gorged proper with causes celebres lurid and transpontine to the full, collared freely in advance for preference. [illustration] [illustration: 'ubique-et-Ã�re perennius!' (on all the bookstalls-and-for the old ridiculous sum in coppers!)] mr. punch. =arms= / quarterly / =i= in a field of drollery of his own, unique in satire and fertility, an artistic leech of renown / =ij= a knight-veteran of the pencil, or heraldic tenniel proper cartonee, historic in achievement and masterly in technique, most ably seconded sambornois / =iij= two hemispheres proper representing all the world and his wife purpure in mirth, reguardant hilarious a charivari of the town, under a dexterous editorial baton urgent burnandy, going strong / =iiij= in a gallery of the press an alert dog-tobee fleur-de-lucee reguardant watchful and wary a party-coloured parliament-house embattled nightly in session. =crest= / leaning on a staff of permanence all jules, gorged weekly in conclave and rompy in debate, a hunch-backed polichinelle proper of embonpoint rosy and humpy to the full. =supporters= / two publishers of geniality arrayed gaudy in their splendour / dexter, a thorough-bassed sportsman agnulee garbed chasy to the nines, adept in counterpoint / sinister, a connoisseur bras-de-buree in heraldry, ardent in golf, conversant with stymies, cleeks, and brassies with an occasional bunker for difference. +=motto= / 'sentio eadem!'--''e 'ave my sympafy!'+ =additional motto= / 'si monumentum quaeris circumspice.' * * * * * transcriber's notes italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and bold text by =equal signs=. obvious punctuation errors repaired. the original is in a pseudo black-letter font. some of the original text is in a red color. the caption with each illustration is the motto on the coat of arms. [illustration: i. english jack--st. george's crosse scotch jack--st. andrew's crosse irish jack--st. patrick's crosse] history of the union jack and flags of the empire their origin, proportions and meanings as tracing the constitutional development of the british realm, and with references to other national ensigns by barlow cumberland, m.a. past president of the national club, and of the sons of england, toronto; president of the ontario historical society, canada with illustrations and nine coloured plates third edition, revised and extended, with index toronto william briggs booksellers' row, richmond street west copyright, canada, , by barlow cumberland. to the flag itself this story of the union jack is dedicated with much respect by one of its sons. preface to second edition. this history of the union jack grew out of a paper principally intended to inform my boys of how the union jack of our empire grew into its present form, and how the colours and groupings of its parts are connected with our government and history, so that through this knowledge the flag itself might speak to them in a way it had not done before. a search for further information, extended over many varied fields, gathered together facts that had previously been separated, and grouped them into consecutive order; thus the story grew, and having developed into a lecture, was afterwards, at the suggestion of others, launched upon its public way. the chapters on the history of the jacks in the thirteen american colonies and in the united states are also new ground and may be of novel interest to not a few. the added information on the proper proportions of our union jack, and the directions and reasons for the proper making of its parts, may serve to correct some of the unhappy errors which now exist and may interest all in the observation and study of flags. an index has been added, and a record of the "diamond anthem" is also appended. i would acknowledge the criticisms and kindly assistance of many, particularly of mr. james bain, public librarian of toronto, who opened out to me the valuable collection in his library; of mr. j. g. colmer, c.m.g., secretary to the canadian high commissioner, london, who assisted in obtaining material in england; and of mr. w. laird clowes, sir james le moine, sir j. g. bourinot and dr. j. g. hodgins, historiographer of ontario, who have made many valuable and effective suggestions. barlow cumberland. toronto, _october , _. preface to third edition. the celebration of empire day and of other national and historic anniversaries, accompanied by appropriate addresses, has greatly developed at home and abroad. the instructing value of flags as the visible evidences of the progressive periods of national history, and the concentration of patriotic remembrance, having become more appreciated, have led, no doubt, to the request for a re-issue of this book, which had been for some time out of print. for such purposes, and as an assistance to readers and teachers, the material has been practically recast and new matter incorporated, so that with the collations in the index the phases of the various portions of the flags, both of the british and other nationalities, may be more conveniently traced and connected. much additional information, particularly in the designing and creation of the flags, has been sought out and, with additional illustrations, recorded with a view that the intentions expressed in their forms may be more clearly evidenced, their meanings realized, and their connection with constitutional movements developed. the suggestions and assistance of many correspondents, to this end, has been much availed of and is thankfully acknowledged. during the interval since the last issue the liberties and methods of the british constitution have still further expanded. additional daughter-parliaments in the dominions over-seas have been empowered, and their union flags created. to these, as also added information on other ensigns, is due the addition to the title. the references in stating the progress of our national flag are, of necessity, much condensed, but the writer trusts that with the instructing aid and narrations of its exponents, the information here put together may be found of help in causing the study of flags, and the stories which they voice, to be of increasing interest, and their union jack and ensigns more intimately known to our youth as the living emblems of our british history and union. port hope, _september, _. contents. chapter page a poem--the union jack notes on flags i. emblems and flags ii. the origins of national flags iii. the origin of the jacks iv. the english jack v. the supremacy of the english jack vi. the scottish jack vii. the "additional" union jack of james i. viii. the english jack restored ix. the evolution of the red ensign x. the sovereignty of the seas--the fight for the flag xi. the sovereignty of the seas--the fight for the trade xii. the union jack of queen anne, xiii. the two-crossed jack in canada xiv. the irish jack xv. the jacks in the thirteen colonies of north america xvi. the union flags of the united states xvii. the jack and parliamentary union in britain xviii. the jack and parliamentary union in canada xix. the union jack of george iii., xx. the lessons of the crosses xxi. the proportions of the crosses xxii. under the three crosses in canada xxiii. the flag of freedom xxiv. the flag of liberty xxv. the union jack as a single flag xxvi. the jacks in red, white and blue ensigns xxvii. the union ensigns of the british empire appendix a. the maple leaf emblem appendix b. letters from the private secretary of his majesty king edward vii. appendix c. canadian war medals appendix d. a record of the "diamond anthem" index list of illustrations. no. page . assyrian emblems . eagle emblems . tortoise totem . wolf totem . the hawaiian ensign . a red cross knight . colours of th royal grenadiers, canada . st. george's jack . the borough seal of lyme regis, . brass in elsing church, . the _henri grace à dieu_, . st. andrew's jack . scotch "talle shippe," th century . royal arms of england, henry v., , to elizabeth . royal arms of james i., . jack of james i., . the _sovereign of the seas_, . commonwealth twenty-shilling piece . commonwealth boat flag . the _naseby_. charles ii. . medal of charles ii., . whip-lash pennant, british navy . union jack of anne, . draft "c," union jack, . the red ensign in "the margent," . fort niagara, . the assault at wolfe's cove, quebec, . st. patrick's jack . labarum of constantine . harp of hibernia . seal of carrickfergus, . royal arms of queen victoria . medal of queen's first visit to ireland . the throne of queen victoria in the house of lords, . arms of the fitzgeralds . medal of louis xiv., "_kebeca liberata_," . new england ensign . the louisbourg medal, . the first union flag, . the pennsylvania flag, . arms of the washington family . washington's book-plate . washington's seals . fort george and the port of new york in . royal arms of george ii. . the great seal of upper canada, . upper canada penny . draft "c" of union jack, . royal arms of george iii., . union jack of george iii., . outline jack--the proper proportions of the crosses . the union jack and shackleton at farthest south . square union jack . oblong union jack . flag of a french caravel, th century . the colonial jack, . jack of england, . jack in carolina, . the combat between _la surveillante_ and the _quebec_, . ensign of th royal fusiliers, . "king's colour," . the war medal, - . the service medal, canada, - . the north-west canada medal, . flag of the governor-general of canada . flag of the lieutenant-governor of quebec . australian emblems . australian federation badge . suggested canadian union ensign coloured plates. plate i. _frontispiece_ . english jack--st. george's crosse. . scottish jack--st. andrew's crosse. . irish jack--st. patrick's crosse. plate ii. . germany. . italy. . greece. . hawaii. . champlain, . . french from . plate iii. . the percys' ensign, . . union jack of james i., . . colonial union jack, . plate iv. . commonwealth ensign, . . cromwell's "great union," . . ensign red--charles ii., . plate v. . union jack of anne, . . red ensign of anne, . . union jack of george iii., . plate vi. . grand union, . . united states, . . united states, . plate vii. . present union jack upside down. . jack wrongly made. . jack wrongly made. plate viii. . red ensign. . white ensign. . blue ensign. plate ix. . canadian union ensign. . australian union ensign. . new zealand union ensign. [illustration: st. george.] the union jack. "it's only a small bit of bunting, it's only an old coloured rag, yet thousands have died for its honour and shed their best blood for the flag. "it's charged with the cross of st. andrew, which, of old, scotland's heroes has led; it carries the cross of st. patrick, for which ireland's bravest have bled. "joined with these is our old english ensign, st. george's red cross on white field, round which, from king richard to wolseley, britons conquer or die, but ne'er yield. "it flutters triumphant o'er ocean, as free as the winds and the waves; and bondsmen from shackles unloosened 'neath its shadows no longer are slaves. "it floats over cypress and malta, o'er canada, the indies, hong kong; and britons, where'er their flag's flying, claim the rights which to britons belong. "we hoist it to show our devotion to our queen, to our country, and laws; it's the outward and visible emblem of advancement and liberty's cause. "you may say it's an old bit of bunting, you may call it an old coloured rag; but freedom has made it majestic, and time has ennobled the flag." --"st. george." notes on flags. names of parts. particular names are given to the several parts of a flag. the part next the flagstaff, or width, is called the "_hoist_." the outer part, or length, is termed the "_fly_," and also the "_field_." these parts are further divided into "_quarters_," or "_cantons_": two "_next the staff_," two "_in the fly_." these descriptive terms should be noted, as they will be in constant use in the pages which follow. usage. a flag at half-mast is a sign of mourning. a flag reversed is a signal of distress. the lowering of a flag is a signal of surrender. the raising of the victors' flag in its place is a signal of capture. the nationality of a country is shown by its flag. the nationality of a vessel is made known by the flag she flies at the stern. to hoist the flag of one nation under that of another nation, on the same flag-staff, is to show it disrespect. history of the union jack and flags of the empire. chapter i. _emblems and flags._ there is an instinct in the human race which delights in the flying of flags--a sentiment which appears to be inborn, causing men to become enthusiastic about a significant emblem raised in the air, whether as the insignia of descent, or as a symbol of race, or of nationality; something which, being held aloft before the sight of other men, declares, at a glance, the side to which the bearer belongs, and serves as a rallying point for those who think with him. the child chortles at a piece of riband waved before him; a boy marches with head erect and martial stride as bearer of the banner at the head of his mimic battalion; the man, at duty's call, rallies to his national standard, and leaving home and all, stakes his life for it in his country's cause; and when the battle of life is closing and steps are homeward bound, the gray-beard, lifting his heart-filled eyes, blesses the day that brings him back within sight of his native flag. at all ages and in all times has it been the same. the deeper we go into the records of the past the more evidence do we find that man, however varied his race or primitive his condition, however cultured his surroundings or rude his methods, has universally displayed this innate characteristic instinct of delighting and glorifying in some personal or national emblem. to search for and discover the emblems which they bore thus discloses to us the eras of a people's history, and, therefore, it is that the study of a nation's flag is something more than a mere passing interest, and becomes one of real educational value, meriting our closest investigation, for _the study of flags is really the tracing of history by sight_. in ancient africa, explorations among the sculptured antiquities on the nile have brought to light a series of national and religious emblem-standards, which had meaning and use among the egyptians long before history had a written record. the fans and hieroglyphic standards of the pharaohs are the index to their dynasties. the israelites, at the time of the exodus, had their distinctive emblems, and in the book of numbers (ch. ii. ), it is related how moses directed that in their journeyings, "_every man of the children of israel shall pitch by his own standard, with the ensign of their father's house_." so it came that to every jewish child, in all the subsequent centuries, the emblem on the standard of his tribe recalled the history and the trials of his ancestors and fortified his faith in the god of their deliverance. from the lost cities of nineveh have been unearthed the ensign of the great assyrian race, the "twin bull" ( ), sign of their imperial might, and the records of their warriors are thus identified. [illustration: . assyrian emblems.] in europe in later times there were few parts of the continent which did not become acquainted with the metal ensigns of the great roman empire. the formidable legions of their armies, issuing from the centre of the realm, carried the imperial eagle at their head, and setting it in triumph over many a subjugated state, established its supremacy among the peoples as a sign of the all-conquering power of their mighty empire. to this eagle of the roman legions may be traced back the crop of eagle emblems ( ), which are borne by so many of the nationalities of europe at the present day. the golden eagle of the french battalions, the black eagle of prussia, the white eagle of poland, and the double-headed eagles of austria and russia, whose two heads typify claim to sovereignty over both the ancient eastern and western sections of the roman empire, are all descendants from the imperial eagle of ancient rome. [illustration: . eagle emblems. _austrian._ _roman._ _russian._ _prussian._ _french._] as these nationalities of modern europe have successively arisen and developed into their separate existence, the emblem of their ancient subjugation has been raised by them as the emblem of their power, just as the cross, which was once the emblem of the degradation and death of the christ, has been accepted as the signal and glory of the nations which have come under the christian sway. as on the eastern, so also on the western hemisphere. on all continents the rainbow in the heavens is a perpetual memorial of the covenant made between god and man--the sign that behind the wonders of nature dwells the still more wonderful first cause and author of them all. the peruvians, far back in the centuries of existence on the continent of south america, had preserved a tradition of a great event which, although it had taken place on another hemisphere, yet had been, by some means, transmitted to theirs, and, tracing from it the story of their national origin, they carried this emblem as sign of the lineage which they claimed as being, as they called themselves, "_the children of the skies_." thus it was that under the standard of a "_rainbow_" the armies of the incas of peru valiantly resisted the invasions of pizzaro when, in the sixteenth century, the south american continent came under the domination of spain. national emblems were borne farther north on the northern continent by another nation, even yet more ancient than the peruvians. embedded in the ruins of buried cities of the aztecs, in mexico, are found the memorials of a constructive and artistic people, whose emblem of the "_eagle with outstretched wings_," repeated with patriotic iteration in the stone carvings of their buildings, has thus come down to us the mute declarant of their national aspirations. the nation itself as a power has long since passed away, but the outlines of their emblem still preserve the ideals of the vanished race. [illustration: . tortoise totem.] a living instance of much interest also evidences the adherence to national emblems among the earlier inhabitants of north america. long before the invading europeans first landed on the shores of the north atlantic coasts, the nomad red indian, as he travelled from place to place through the fastnesses of the forests, along the shores of the great lakes, over the plains of vast central prairies, or amid the mountains that crown the pacific slope, everywhere attested the story of his descent by the "totem" of his family. this sign of the tortoise ( ), the wolf ( ), the bear, or the fish, painted or embroidered on his trappings or carved upon his weapons, was displayed as evidence of his origin, and whether he came as a friend or advanced as a foe, its presence nerved him to maintain the reputation of his family and the honour of his tribe. [illustration: . wolf totem.] to-day the red man slowly yields to the ever-advancing march of the dominant and civilizing white; his means of sustenance by the chase, or of livelihood by his skill as a trapper, have been destroyed. the indian tribes are, under the indian treaties, required to remain within large blocks of territory called "reserves," so that now in his poverty he is maintained upon these "reservations" solely by the dole of the peoples by whom his native country has been absorbed; yet, though so changed in their circumstances, his descendants still cling with resolute fortitude and pathetic eagerness to these ancient insignia of their native worth. these rudely-formed emblems, in outline and shape mainly taken from the animals and birds of the plain and forest, are the memorials in his decadence of the long past days when his forefathers were the undisputed monarchs of all the wilds and possessors of its widest domains. they are the indian patents of nobility, and thus are clung to with all the pride of ancient race. this instinct in man to attach a national meaning to some vital emblem, and to display it as evidence of his patriotic fervour, is thus found to be all-pervading. the accuracy of its form may not be exact--it may, indeed, be well-nigh indistinguishable in its outlines--but whenever it be raised aloft, the halo of patriotic meaning, with which memory has illumined it, is answered by the flutterings of the bearer's heart; self is lost in inspiring recollection; clanship, absorbing the individual, enfolds him as one of a mighty whole, and the race-blood that is deep within him springs quick into action, obedient to the stirring call. the fervour of this manifestation was eloquently expressed by lord dufferin in narrating some incidents which had occurred during one of his official tours through canada, when governor-general of the country, the greatest daughter-nation among the children of the union jack: "wherever i have gone, in crowded cities, in the remote hamlets, the affection of the people for their sovereign has been blazoned forth against the summer sky by every device which art could fashion or ingenuity invent. even in the wilds and deserts of the land, the most secluded and untutored settler would hoist some cloth or rag above his shanty, and startle the solitude of the forest with a shot from his rusty firelock and a lusty cheer from himself and his children in glad allegiance to his country's queen. even the indian in his forest and on his reserve would marshal forth his picturesque symbols of fidelity in grateful recognition of a government that never broke a treaty or falsified its plighted word to the red man, or failed to evince for the ancient children of the soil a wise and conscientious solicitude."[ ] [ ] lord dufferin, toronto club, . of all emblems, a flag is the one which is universally accepted among men as the incarnation of their intensest sentiment, and when uplifted above them, concentrates in itself the annals of a nation and all the traditions of an empire. a country's flag becomes, therefore, of additional value to its people in proportion as its symbolism is better understood and its story is more fully known. its combinations should be studied, its story unfolded--for in itself a flag is nothing, but in its meaning it is everything. "what is a riband worth? its glory is priceless!"[ ] [ ] bulwer lytton. so long, then, as pride of race and nation exists among men, so long will a waving flag command all that is strongest within them, and stir their national instincts to their utmost heights. chapter ii. _the origins of national flags._ with such natural emotions stirring within the breasts of its people, one can appreciate the fervid interest taken by each nation in its own national flag, and understand how it comes that the associations which cluster about its folds are so ardently treasured up. flags would at first sight appear to be but gaudy things, displaying contrasts of colour or variations of shape or design, according to the mood or the fancy of some enterprising flagmaker. this, no doubt, is the case with many signalling or mercantile flags. on the other hand, there is, in not a few of the flags known as "national flags," some particular combination of form or of colourings which, if they were but known, indicates the reason for their origin, or which marks some historic memory. there has been, perhaps, some notable occasion on which they were first displayed, or they may have been formed by the joining together of separate designs united at some eventful epoch, to signalize a victorious cause, or to perpetuate the memory of a great event. these great stories of the past are thus brought to mind and told anew by the coloured folds each time they are spread open by the breeze; for of most national flags it can be said, as was said by an american orator[ ] of his own, "it is a piece of bunting lifted in the air, but it speaks sublimity, and every part has a voice." it is to see these colours and hear these voices in the british national flags that is our present undertaking. [ ] sumner. before tracing the history of our british union jack, some instances may be briefly mentioned in which associations connected with the history of some other nations are displayed in the designs of their national flags. the colours of the german national banner are black, white and red (pl. ii., fig. ). since , when, at the conclusion of the french war, the united german empire was formed, this has been the general standard for all the states and principalities that were then brought into imperial union; although each of these lesser states continues to have, in addition, its own particular flag. this banner of united germany introduced once more the old german colours, which had been displayed from until the time when, in , the empire was broken up by napoleon i. tradition is extant that these colours had their origin as a national emblem at the time of the crowning of frederic i. (barbarossa) in , as ruler of the countries which are now largely included in germany. on this occasion the pathway to the cathedral at aix-la-chapelle was laid with a carpeting of black, gold and red, and the story goes that after the ceremony this carpet was cut by the people into strips which they then displayed as flags. thus by the repetition of these historic colours in their ensign the present union of the german empire is connected with the early history of more than seven centuries before. [illustration: plate ii. germany italy greece hawaiian champlain french from ] the national ensign of united italy (pl. ii., fig. ) is a flag having three parallel vertical stripes, green, white and red, the green being next the flagstaff. upon the central white stripe there is shown a red shield, having upon it a white cross. this national flag was adopted in , after the italian peoples had risen against their separate rulers, and the previously separated principalities and kingdoms had, under the leadership of garibaldi, been consolidated into one united kingdom under victor emmanuel, the then reigning king of sardinia. the red shield here displayed on the centre of the italian flag designates the arms of the house of savoy, to which the royal house of sardinia belonged, and which had been gained by the following ancient and honourable event: the island of rhodes, an italian colony in the eastern mediterranean, had, in , been in deadly peril from the attacks of the turks. in their extremity the then duke of savoy came to the aid of the knights hospitallers of st. john, who were defending the island, and with his help they were able to make a successful resistance. in record and acknowledgment of this great service the knights of st. john granted to the house of savoy the privilege of wearing upon their royal arms the white cross on a red shield, which was the badge of their order of st. john. so it happened when, nearly six centuries afterwards, the sardinians again came to the aid of their southern brethren, and the king of sardinia was crowned as ruler over the new united italian kingdom, the old emblem won in defence of ancient liberties was further perpetuated on the banner of the new kingdom of liberated and united italy. the colours of the greek flag preserve the memory of a dynasty. in , the greeks, after rising in successful rebellion, had freed their land from mohammedan domination and the power of the sultan of turkey. the several states formed themselves into one united kingdom, and seeking a king from among the royal houses of europe, obtained, in , otho i., a scion of the ruling house of bavaria. the dynasty at that time set upon the throne of greece has since been changed, the bavarian having parted company with the kingdom in . the throne was then offered to prince alfred of england, but declined by him. the present king, chosen in , after the withdrawal of his predecessor, is a member of the royal house of denmark; yet, notwithstanding this change in the reigning family, the white greek cross upon a light blue ground in the upper quarter, and the four alternate stripes of white on a light blue ground in the field, which form the national flag of greece (pl. ii., fig. ), still preserve the blue and white colours of bavaria, from whence the greeks had obtained their first king. the tri-colour as displayed by the present republic in france (pl. ii., fig. ) has been credited with widely differing explanations of its origin, as its plain colours of blue, white and red admit of many different interpretations. one story of its origin is, that its colours represent those of the three flags which had been carried in succession in the early centuries of the nation. the early kings of france carried the plain blue banner of st. martin. to this succeeded, in a.d. , the flaming red flag, or oriflamme, of st. denis, to be afterwards superseded, in the fifteenth century, by the white "cornette blanche," the personal banner of the heroic joan of arc. it was under this royal white flag (pl. ii., fig. ), bearing upon it the lilies of ancient france, that cartier, in , had sailed up the st. lawrence, and champlain, in , had founded quebec. under this flag canada was colonized; to it belonged the glories of the jesuit fathers and dollard; with it la salle and marquette explored the far west, planting three _fleur-de-lis_ as the sign of their discoveries. under it frontenac, montcalm and levis[ ] achieved their renown, and all the annals of early canada are contained under its régime until, in , after the assault by wolfe, it was exchanged, at the cession of quebec, for the british union flag. [ ] the colours carried by the royal french regiments are described by capt. knox to have been: "a white silk flag with three _fleur-de-lis_ within a wreath or circlet in the centre part of gold." ("the fall of new france"--hart.) the tri-colour of republican france was never carried by the forefathers of the french canadians of the province of quebec, nor has it any connection with the french history of canada. in fact, it did not make its appearance as an emblem until the time of the revolution in france in , or thirty years after the original french régime in canada had closed its eventful period. more detailed evidence of the origin of this flag states that the creation of the tri-colour arose from the incident that, when the revolutionary militia were first assembled in the city of paris, at the revolution of , they had adopted blue and red, which were the ancient colours of the city of paris, for the colours of their cockade; between these they placed the white of the soldiery of the bourbon régime, who afterwards joined their forces, and thus they had combined the blue, white and red in the "tri-colour" as their revolutionary signal.[ ] [ ] thiers: "history of the french revolution," vol. i., p. . whether or not its colours record those of the three ancient monarchical periods, or those of the revolution, the tri-colour as a french ensign for use by the people of france, as their national flag both on land and sea, was not regularly established until a still later period, in . then it was that the republican convention passed the first decree[ ] authorizing an ensign and directing that the french national flag (pl. ii., fig. ) shall be formed of the three colours placed vertically in equal bands--that next the staff being blue, the centre white, and the fly red. [ ] decree of feb. , . this was the flag under which napoleon i. won his greatest victories, both as general and emperor; but whatever glories may have been won for it by france, yet many years before it had been even designed, or the prowess of napoleon's armies had created its renown, the french canadian had been fighting under the union jack as his patriotic ensign and adding to the history of its valiant glory by victory won by himself in defence of his own canadian home.[ ] when in canada the tri-colour is seen flying it is raised solely out of compliment and courtesy to the french-speaking friends in modern france. the fact that the tri-colour has received any acceptance with the french-speaking canadian may have arisen from the reason that, side by side with the union jack, it had participated in all the struggles and glories of the crimea, when the two flags, the tri-colour and the union jack, were raised together above sebastopol. [ ] defence of quebec, . it is interesting to note how it is stated to have first arrived.[ ] the _canadiens-français_ being, by lineage and temperament, monarchists, had shown no regard or liking for the early revolutionary and republican emblem, and had never raised it in canada. [ ] benjamin suite: "le drapeau tri-colore en canada." in , under victoria and napoleon iii., an _entente cordiale_ had been established between england and france, and in that same year arrangements had been completed with the allan line to build new steamers and perform a regular service direct between liverpool and montreal. actuated, no doubt, by the prevailing fervour, they had selected as the distinguishing, or "house," flag of their line one of the same shape and colours as the french flag, but with the broad bands reversed, the red being next the mast instead of the blue as in the french ensign. in the spring of , as their first steamer was seen entering the st. lawrence, this flag so nearly resembled the french ensign as to cause surprise to be expressed. "what," said the older heads, "the flag of the revolution on an english ship!" it was a novel sight, but great were the rejoicings over the establishment of the new line. their second ship came in dressed with many french and english flags, for war had been declared by the alliance of england and france against russia, this being the first announcement in canada, for there were no telegraph cables in those days. following this came the exploits of the allied armies in the crimea, bringing with them the consequent profusion and intertwining of the english and french flags with which ships and business buildings were decorated to celebrate their combined victories. such was the entry of the tri-colour into canada, not being introduced by the canadians, speaking french, but by their english friends. a quaint suggestion has been made to the writer by no less an authority than sir james le moine, the historian of quebec: "the french canadian is very partial to display, but is primarily economical. while the simple colours of the tri-colour can be conveniently made by the most inexperienced, the details of the union jack are very difficult to cut and to correctly sew together. the _bonne mère_ can easily provide out of her household treasures the materials for the one, but she must purchase the other, and this, therefore, is the reason why the tri-colour is so frequently seen in french-speaking quebec." the tri-colour, having never been the flag of his forefathers, carries neither allegiance nor loyalty to the french canadian. his people have never fought under it, while many a gallant french canadian son has poured out his blood for the union jack at home in defence of canada or upon foreign shores in service in the british armies. it has never brought him liberty or protection as has his union jack, which has been his british flag for a century and a half, and for more than a quarter of a century before the tri-colour of the european french ever came into existence. another flag--although it has ceased to be a national flag, and is now the flag of a possession of the united states--should yet be mentioned by reason of the history which was told in its folds. the hawaiian national ensign ( ) was at first composed of nine horizontal stripes of equal width, alternating white, red and blue, the top stripe being white and the bottom blue.[ ] [ ] preble: "history of the flag of the united states," p. . afterwards the lowest stripe was taken off and the new flag (pl. ii., fig. ) adopted, in which there are eight stripes, the bottom stripe being red and the british union jack placed in the upper corner. the sandwich islands, made known to the world mainly by the tragic death of captain cook, in , and now known as the hawaiian islands, had been fused into a single monarchy by the impetuous valour of king kamehama, who, in , admitted christian missionaries to his kingdom. its existence as an independent monarchy was thereafter maintained and was recognized by the great powers. internal difficulties having arisen in the kingdom and an insult been given to a british consul, the islands were ceded and the sovereignty offered to great britain in , when, on th february, the union jack was raised on all the islands, the understanding being that the natives were to be under the protection of the flag of great britain, and internal order to be guaranteed pending the final disposition which might be arrived at in england between the representatives of the hawaiians and the british government.[ ] [ ] the annual register, , vol. . [illustration: . the hawaiian ensign.] the british did not accept the proffered transfer of the islands, but returned the sovereignty to the native government, which was thereafter to continue as an independent monarchy under the protection of great britain; and by an accompanying treaty all british manufactures and produce were to be admitted duty free. on july st, , the british flag was lowered and the new hawaiian ensign raised in its place.[ ] it was in recognition of this event that the union jack was placed in the hawaiian ensign. [ ] bird: "six months among the sandwich islands," . in the same year france and england agreed never to take possession of the islands either by protectorate or in any other form. the natives steadily decreased in number and in power, and the trade and commerce of the islands had passed almost entirely into american hands. dissensions had afterwards arisen under the subsequent native sovereigns, and in the queen, liliuokalani, was deposed by a revolution, and a republican government formed under president dole, an american citizen. cession of the islands was offered in to the american government and was refused, but in the islands were finally annexed to the united states and the american ensign raised; but the hawaiian flag, with its union jack in the upper corner, continued as a local flag, and was so displayed on june th, , at the inauguration of president dole as governor of the new-formed "territory of hawaii," among the territories of the united states. these instances of the origin of some of the national flags of other nations show how history is interwoven in their folds, and how they perpetuate the memories of past days or of the men who have dominated vital occasions. a singularly similar origin is associated with the creation of the stars and stripes, the ensign of the united states of north america (pl. vi., fig. ), which is treated of in chapter xvi. chapter iii. _the origin of the jacks._ it is quite evident, then, that national flags are not merely a haphazard patchwork of coloured bunting, nor by any means "meaningless things." their combinations have a history, and, in many cases, tell a story; but of all the national flags there is none that bears upon its folds so interesting a story, nor has its history so plainly written in its parts and colourings, as has our british "union jack." our present enterprise is to search out whence it got its name, how it was built up into its present form, and what is the meaning of each of its several parts. this is not only an enquiry of deepest interest, but is of practical and educational value, for to trace the story of the successive combinations of our national flags is to follow the history of the british race. the flags of other nations have mostly derived their origin from association with some dominant personage, or with a particular epoch. they are, as a rule, the signal of a dynasty or the record of some revolution; but our british union jack records in its folds the steady and continuous growth of a great nation, and traces, by the changes made in it during centuries of adventure and progress, and by the flags in which it has been successively combined, the gradual extension of its union and methods of constitutional government over a world-wide empire. the origin of the name "union jack" has given rise to considerable conjecture and much interesting surmise; in the proclamation of charles i., , it is called the "union flagge"; in the treaty of peace made with the dutch in , in the reign of charles ii., it is mentioned as "his majesty of great britain's flag or jack," and in the proclamation of queen anne, in , as "our jack, commonly called the union jack." the most generally quoted suggestion given for the origin of the name is that it was acquired from the fact that the first proclamation which authorized a flag, in which the national crosses of england and scotland were for the first time combined, was issued by james vi. of scotland, after he had become james i. of england, and that as king james frequently signed his name in the french manner as "jacques," this was abbreviated into "jac," and thus his new flag came to be called a "jack." the derivation suggested is ingenious and interesting, but cannot be accepted as correct, for the simple reason that there were "jacks" long before the time and reign of james i., and that their prior origin may be clearly traced. in the earliest days of chivalry, long before the time of the norman conquest of england, both the knights on horseback and the men on foot of the armies in the field wore a surcoat or "jacque" (whence our word "jacket"), extending over the body from the neck to the thighs, bearing upon it the blazon or sign either of their lord or of their nationality. numberless examples of these are to be seen in early illuminated manuscripts, or on monuments erected in many cathedrals and sanctuaries. in the time of the crusaders, during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when the christian nations of europe were combined together to rescue jerusalem and the holy land from the rule of the mohammedan, the warrior pilgrims, recruited from the different countries, wore crosses of different shapes and colours upon their surcoats, to indicate the nationalities to which they belonged, and to evidence the holy cause in which they were engaged. it was from wearing these crosses that they gained their name of "crusaders," or cross-bearers. the cross worn by each of the nationalities was of a different colour--that of france being red; flanders, green; germany, black, and italy, yellow. in the earlier crusades the cross worn by the english was white, but in later expeditions the red cross of st. george was adopted and worn upon the jacque as the sign of the english, in the same way as shown in the accompanying knightly figure ( ). the continuing use of this st. george cross, and the reason for wearing it as an identification of english forces is well shown in the following extracts from the "ordnaunces," issued to the army with which richard ii. of england invaded scotland in : "... also that everi man of what estate, condicion or nation thei be of, so that he be of oure partie, bere a signe of the armes of saint george, large, bothe before and behynde upon parell, that yf he be slayne or wounded to deth, he that has so doon to hym shall not be putte to deth for defaulte of the crosse that he lacketh, and that non enemy do here the same token or crosse of saint george, notwithstanding yf he be prisoner upon payne of deth."[ ] [ ] harleian mss. [illustration: . a red cross knight.] a fuller understanding is afforded of the character of this "parell," as also of the early adoption of its name by references to it given in : "at those days the yoemen had their lymmes at lybertie, and their jackes were longe and easy to shote in."[ ] [ ] fabyan, . the sailors of the "cinque ports" of hastings, sandwich, hythe, romney and dover, on the east of england, to which winchelsea and rye were subsequently added, and by whose municipalities, in consideration of certain privileges granted them, the royal navies were in early days principally manned, are recorded to have worn as their uniform, in , "_a cote of whyte cotyn, with a red crosse and the armes of ye ports underneathe_." in the time of queen mary the continuation of the custom is further evidenced by entries in a contemporary diary of : "... the x day of january hevy news came to london that the french had won cales _(calais)_, the whyche was the hevest tydings to england that ever was herd of. "the xj day of january the cete of london took up a thousand men and made them whytt cotes and red crosses and every ward of london found men. * * * * * "the xviij day of may there was sent to the shyppes men in whytt cotes and red crosses, and gones to the queen's shyppes."[ ] [ ] machyn's diary. these "surcoats" or "jacques" came in time to be known as the "jacks" of the various nationalities they represented, and it was from the raising of one of these upon a lance or staff at the bow of a ship, in order that the nationality of those on board might be made known, that a single flag bearing on it only the cross of st. george, or the cross of st. andrew, came to be known as a "jack." from this origin, too, the small flag-pole at the bow of a ship is still called the "jack-staff," and similarly the short flag-pole at the stern of vessels, upon which the distinguishing ensign of the nationality of the ship is displayed, is called the "ensign-staff." this custom of wearing the national jack at the bow had not only been early established by usage, but had also been officially recognized. on the great seal of the first lord admiral of england, in , under henry iv., a one-masted galley is shown.[ ] at the stern of the ship is the royal standard of the king, and at the bow a staff bearing on it the square banner or jack of st. george, the sign of england. [ ] bloomfleld: "the national flag." another instance of the use of these national jacks as a sign of national union is to be noted. during the feudal period of european history, when armed forces were called into the field, each of the nobles and leaders, as in duty bound, furnished to the cause his quota of men equipped with complete armament. these troops bore upon their arms and banners the heraldic device or coat-of-arms of their own liege lord, as a sign of "the company to which they belonged"; and in such way the particular locality from which they came, and the leadership under which they were marshalled could at once be recognized. the sovereigns also in their turn displayed the banner of the kingdom over which each reigned, such as the fleur-de-lis for france, the cross of st. george for england, the cross of st. andrew for scotland; and this banner of the king formed the ensign under which the combined forces of the royal adherents and their supporters served. as the forces collected together came to be more the national army of the nation and less the personal adherents of their chief, it was provided in england that the liege lord of each local force should bear on his banner the cross of st. george, as well as his own coat-of-arms, the ordinance being: "every standard, or guydhome, is to hang in the chiefe the crosse of st. george and to conteyne the crest or supporter and devise of the owner."[ ] [ ] harleian mss. an excellent example of this is given in the standard or ensign of the forces of the earls of percy in the sixteenth century (pl. iii., fig. ). in the chief is the red cross of st. george, as the sign of allegiance to king and nation; in the fly is the crest of the percys, a blue lion with other insignia, and their motto, "_esperance en dieu_," the signs of their liege lord and local country. this flag declared its bearers to be the men of the percy contingent, englishmen, and soldiers of the king. [illustration: . colours of the th royal grenadiers, canada.] a survival of this ancient custom exists to this day in our british military service, both in the colonial and imperial forces. rifle regiments do not carry "colours," but all infantry regiments are entitled, upon receiving the royal warrant, to carry two flags, which are called "colours" ( ). the "first," or "king's colour," is the plain "union jack," in sign of allegiance to the sovereign, and upon this, in the centre, is the number or designation of the regiment, surmounted by a royal crown. the "second," or "regimental colour," has a small union jack in the upper corner. the body of the flag is of the local colour of the facings of the regiment. if the facings are blue, as in all "royal" regiments, the flag is blue; if they are white, then the flag is white, having on it a large st. george's cross in addition to the small union jack in the upper corner. on the body of this colour are embroidered the regimental badge, the names of actions in which it has taken part, and any distinctive emblems indicating the special history of the regiment itself, and in territorial regiments the locality from which they are recruited. in this way both the national and local methods of distinction are to-day preserved and displayed in the same way as they were in original times; the union jack of the present day having been substituted for the st. george's cross of the first period. such, then, was the origin of the name jack, and it is from the combination of the three national "jacks" of england, scotland and ireland, at successive periods in their history, into one flag, that the well-known "union jack" of our british nation has gradually grown into its present form. chapter iv. _the english jack._ a.d. - . the original leader and dominant partner in the three kingdoms, which have been the cradle of the british race throughout the world, was england, and it is her flag which forms the groundwork upon which our union flag has been built up. the english jack (pl i., fig. ) is described in simple language as a white flag having upon it a plain red cross. [illustration: . st. george's jack.] this is the banner of st. george ( ), the patron saint of england, and in heraldic language is described as "_argent, a cross gules_" (on silver-white a plain red cross). the great christian hero, st. george, is stated by those who have made most intimate search into his legend and history[ ] to have been descended from a noble cappadocian christian family, and to have been beheaded for his faith on the rd april, a.d. , during the persecution of the christians by the emperor diocletian. the anniversary of that day is for that reason celebrated as st. george's day. he was a soldier of highest renown, a knight of purest honour, and many exploits of his heroism and courage are narrated in ancient prose and poetry. [ ] gordon: "saint george, champion of christendom." about three miles north along the shore of the mediterranean, from the city of beyrut (beyrout), there was in the time of the crusaders, and still remains, an ancient grotto cut into the rock, and famous as being the traditional place where the gallant knight st. george, "y' cladd in mightie armes and silver shielde, as one for knightly giusts and fierce encounters fitt."[ ] [ ] spenser: "faerie queene." was reputed to have performed one of his most doughty deeds, and had "_redeemed the king's daughter out of the fiery jaws of a dreadful dragon_.[ ] [ ] ludovicus patricius: "book of travels." the memory of st. george has always been greatly revered in the east, particularly by the christian greek church, by which he was acclaimed as the "victorious one," the "champion knight of christendom," and early accepted as the protector saint of soldiers and sailors. one of the first churches erected by constantine the great, about a.d. , and many other eastern churches, were dedicated to him. it is to be noted, however, that st. george has never been canonized by the roman church, nor his name placed in her calendar of sacred saints. his name, like those of st. christopher, st. sebastian and st. nicholas, was only included in a list issued in a.d. , by pope gelasius, as being among those "_whose names are justly reverenced among men, but whose actions are known only to god_.[ ] [ ] jameson: "sacred and legendary art." the form of his cross is that known as the greek cross, the four arms being at right angles to each other, and in this form is displayed in the upper corner of the national greek ensign, in this case as a white cross on a blue ground. (pl ii., fig. .) this greek religious connection has also caused the adoption of the cross of st. george in the insignia of other nations. the czar of russia is not only the "autocrat of the people of the empire of all the russias," but he is also the "supreme head of the orthodox faith," which in russia is represented by the greek church. his imperial standard is a yellow flag upon which is displayed a black two-headed eagle bearing upon its breast a red shield on which is emblazoned in white the figure of st. george slaying a dragon. this same colouring, white on red, is followed in the decoration of the order of st. george, which is the second order of knighthood in russia, and in the white cross of st. george, as shown in the official flags of the russian ambassadors. on the royal arms of austria the black two-headed eagle bears on its breast a shield with a red ground having on it a white st. george's cross. the insignia of eight nations bear the greek cross of the st. george shape, but in four different colours on grounds of three different colours: greece a white cross on a blue ground. russia a " " " red " austria a " " " " " denmark a " " " " " switzerland a " " " " " norway a blue " " " " sweden a yellow " " blue " england a red " " white " england is, however, the only nation which has adopted the _red cross of st. george_ as its special national ensign. the cry of "st. george for merrie england" has re-echoed through so many centuries that his place as the patron saint of the kingdom is firmly established. wherever ships have sailed, there the red cross of st. george has been carried by the sailor-nation who chose him as their hero. the incident from which came his adoption as patron saint is thus narrated in the early chronicles. in , richard i., _c[oe]ur de lion_, of england, had joined the french, germans and franks in the third great crusade to the holy land; but while the other nations proceeded overland to the seat of war, richard built and engaged a great fleet, in which he conveyed his english troops to palestine by sea. his armament consisted of " talle shippes and about three score galliots." sailing down the eastern shore with these and arriving off the coast, he won a gallant sea-fight over the saracens near beyrut, and the grotto of st. george, and by this victory intercepted the reinforcements which their ships were carrying to the relief of acre, at that time being besieged by the combined armies of the crusaders. st. george, the redresser of wrongs, the protector of women, the model of christian chivalry, and the tutelary saint of england, was not a seafaring hero, nor himself connected with the sea, but it was after and in memory of their sailors' victory near the scene of his exploits that the seafaring nation adopted him as their patron saint. the red cross emblem of st. george is stated by the chroniclers to have been at once thereafter adopted by richard i., who immediately placed himself and his army under the especial protection of the saint, raised his banner at their head, and is reported to have introduced the emblem into england itself after his return in . further evidence of its introduction and its continued use is given by the record that in st. george's day was ordered to be kept as a holiday in england.[ ] [ ] butler: "lives of the fathers and martyrs." some aver that the emblem was not generally accepted until under edward i., in . this prince, before his accession to the throne, had served in the last crusades, and during that time had visited the scene of the victory and the grotto of the saint. it is pointed out that this visit of prince edward to palestine coincided with the change made in their badge by the english order of the knights of st. john of jerusalem from an eight-pointed maltese cross to a straight white greek cross, and that at the time of this change came the appearance upon the english banners of the st. george's cross, but of the english national colour red,[ ] therefore they deduce that the further employment of the emblem as the national flag was then additionally authorized by edward i. [ ] bloomfield: "the national flag." [illustration: . the borough seal of lyme regis, .] from this last date ( ) onward the st. george's cross and the legend of "st. george and the dragon" in england are, at all events, in plain evidence. an early instance is that found in the borough of lyme regis, in dorset, to which edward i., in , granted its first charter of incorporation and its official seal. a photo reproduction of a wax impression of this borough seal ( ), taken from an old "toll lease" is here given. the flag of st. george is seen at the mast-head, and below it the royal standard of richard i., with its three lions for england, carried by edward in palestine during the lifetime of his father. at the bow of the ship is the figure of the saint represented in the act of slaying the dragon, and having on his shield the st. george's cross. "and on his breast a bloodie crosse he bore, the deare remembrance of his dying lord, for whose sweete sake that glorious badge he wore, and dead, as living, ever him adored: upon his shield the like was also scor'd, for soveraine hope which in his helpe he had. right faithful true he was in deede and word."[ ] [ ] spenser: "faerie queene." the religious and christian attributes of st. george are commemorated on the seal by the representation of the crucifixion and by the saint, the head of whose spear is a st. george's cross, being shown as in angel form. the sea tradition of his adoption is also sustained by the characteristic introduction of the "galley" into the design. around the edge of the seal is the rude lettering of the inscription in latin: "_sigillum: comune: de: lim_" ("the common seal of lyme"). near the top may be seen the "star and crescent" badge of richard i., adopted by him as a record of his naval victory, and which is still used as an "admiralty badge" upon the epaulettes of admirals of the british navy. this seal of lyme regis is said to be the earliest representation of st. george and the dragon known in england. the same form of cross was placed by edward i., in , upon the monumental crosses which he raised at cheapside, charing cross and other places, in memory of his loved queen eleanor, to mark the spots at which her body rested during the funeral procession when her remains were carried from lincoln through northampton to london. another instance of a later date is found on a "sepulchral brass" ( ), placed to the memory of sir hugh hastings in elsing church, norfolk, and dated . these plates of engraved brass, inserted in the stone coverings of so many graves in the interior of the churches in england, are most interesting examples of early memorial art. the figure of the deceased is usually drawn in full length upon them in lines cut deeply into the metal, and is accompanied by an inscription setting forth his deeds and his name. in the upper part of the architectural tracery surrounding the figure on the brass in question is a circle - / inches in diameter, in which the figure of st. george is as shown. the saint here appears as a knight, clad in full armour and mounted upon horseback, representing him in his character as the leader of chivalry and knightly manhood. a further development of the attribute of manly vigour will be noted in that, instead of being shown as piercing, as previously, the fiery dragon of the ancient legend, he is now represented as slaying the equally typical two-legged demon of vice. this representation still further exemplifies the teaching and allegory of the emblem of "st. george and the dragon." [illustration: . brass in elsing church, . ] st. george represents the principle of good, the dragon the principle of evil. it is the contest between virtue and vice, in which the knight by his virtues prevails--a splendid emblem for a christian people. this photo reproduction is from a "rubbing" in black lead recently taken from the brass, and shows, so far as the reduced scale will permit, the st. george's crosses upon the surcoat and shield of the knight and the trappings of his horse. in , on st. george's day, the "most noble order of the garter" was instituted by edward iii., with magnificent ceremony in the st. george's chapel, windsor castle. this is the highest order of knighthood in the kingdom. its jewel, called "the george," is a representation of st. george and the dragon, and in the centre of the "star" of the order is the red cross of st. george. so onward through all the centuries, and now st. george is the acclaimed patron saint of england and all englishmen. it was under this red cross banner of st. george that richard i., the lion-hearted, after proving their seamanship in victory and giving his men their battle-cry, "saint george--forward!"[ ] showed the mettle of his english crusaders in the battles of the holy land, and led them to the walls of jerusalem. with it the fleets of edward i. claimed and maintained the "lordship of the narrow seas." under this single red cross flag the ships of england won the epochal naval victory of _sluys_, where the english bowman shot his feathered shafts from shipboard as blithely as when afterwards on land the french battlefields resounded to the cry of "england and st. george," when the undying glories of cressy and poictiers were achieved, and again at agincourt when henry v. led on his men to victory. under it, too, cabot discovered cape breton, drake sailed around the world, frobisher sought the northwest passage, raleigh founded virginia, and the navy of elizabeth carried confusion into the ill-fated spanish armada. [ ] orton: "saint george." this is a "glory roll" which justifies the name of england as "mistress of the seas." her patron saint was won as a record of naval victory. with this red cross flag of st. george flying above them, her english sailors swept the seas around their white-cliffed coasts, and made the ships of all other nations do obeisance to it. with it they penetrated distant oceans, and planted it on previously unknown lands as signs of the sovereignty of their king, making the power of england and england's flag known throughout the circle of the world. all this was done before the time when the sister-nations had joined their flags with hers, and it is a just tribute to the seafaring prowess of the english people, and to the victories won by the english jack, that the single st. george's cross is in the british fleets the _admiral's flag_, and flies as his badge of rank; that it is in the _command pennant_ of all captains and officers in command of ships, and that the english red cross flag is the groundwork of the white ensign of the british navy (pl. viii. , fig. ). this is the "distinction flag" of the british navy, allowed to be carried only by his majesty's ships-of-war, and restricted, except by special grant, solely to those bearing the royal commission.[ ] [ ] a special permission has been granted to the yachts of the "royal yacht squadron," of england, to use the white ensign. a penalty of £ may by law be imposed for hoisting on any ship or boat belonging to any of his majesty's subjects any flag not permitted in accordance with the admiralty's regulations. (see art. , "admiralty instructions.") thus has the memory of richard i. and his men been preserved, and all honour done to the "mariners of england," the sons of st. george, whose single red cross flag, the english jack, has worthily won the poet's praise: "ye mariners of england! that guard our native seas, whose flag has braved a thousand years the battle and the breeze. * * * * * "the meteor flag of england shall yet terrific burn, till danger's troubled night depart, and the star of peace return."[ ] [ ] campbell. chapter v. _the supremacy of the english jack._ a.d. - . while it is true that flags and banners had grown up on land from the necessity of having some means of identifying the knights and nobles, whose faces were encased and hidden from sight within their helmets, yet it was at sea that they attained to their greatest estimation. there the flag upon the mast became the ensign of the nation to which the vessel belonged, and formed the very embodiment of its power. to fly the flag was an act of defiance, to lower it an evidence of submission, and thus the motions of these little coloured cloths at sea became of highest importance. the supremacy of one nation over another was measured most readily by the precedence which its flag received from the ships of other nationalities. national pride, therefore, became involved in the question of the supremacy of the flag at sea, and in this contest the english were not behindhand in taking their share, for the supremacy of the sea meant to england something more than the mere precedence of her flag. it meant that no other power should be allowed to surpass her as a naval power; not that she desired to carry strife against their countries, but esteemed it more for the protection of her own shores at home, and the preservation of peace along the confines of her island seas. this faith in the maintenance of the supremacy of the seas remains potent to this present day, as is shown by the demand of the british people that their navy shall be maintained at a two-power standard, and so be equal in strength to the navies of any other two of the nations which sail the oceans. it is no new ardour, nor the outcome of any modern development or exigency, but is the outgrowth of the determination of the nation from its earliest days to maintain the supremacy of its flag, and is strengthened by the lessons learned in those centuries. alfred the great of england ( - ) was the first to establish any supremacy for the english flag, and to him is attributed the first gathering together of a royal navy, the creation of an efficient force at sea being a portion of that sea-policy which he so early declared, and which has ever since been the ruling guide of the english people. the true defence of england lay, alfred considered, in maintaining a fleet at sea of sufficient power to stretch out afar, rather than in trusting to fortifications for effective land resistance when the enemy had reached her shores; that it was _better to beat the enemy at sea before he has a chance to land_, and thus to forestall invasion before it came too near--a policy which in these days of steam is simply being reproduced by the creation of "dreadnoughts," swift and strong, to hit hard on distant seas. the bulwarks of england were considered in his time, as they are still considered, to be her ships at sea rather than the parapets of her forts on land. "britannia needs no bulwarks, no towers along the steep; her march is o'er the mountain waves, her home is on the deep."[ ] [ ] campbell. introducing galleys longer and faster than those of the danes,[ ] alfred kept his enemies at a respectful distance, and, dwelling secure under the protection of his fleet, was thus enabled to devote himself with untrammelled energy to the establishment of the internal government of his kingdom. [ ] "sax. chron." his successors followed up his ideas, and under athelstane ( ) the creation of an english merchant navy was also developed. every inducement was offered to merchants who should engage in maritime ventures. among other decrees then made was one that, "_if a merchant so thrives that he pass thrice over the wide seas in his own craft he was henceforth a thane righte worthie_."[ ] thus honours were to be won as well as wealth, and in pursuit of both the merchants of england extended their energies to wider traffic on the seas. [ ] "canciam," iv. king edgar ( - ), by virtue of his navy, won and assumed the title of "supreme lord and governor of the ocean lying around about britain." thus did the english flag, carried by its navies, sail the seas. but harold, the last of the saxon kings, instead of maintaining his ships in equipment and fitness to protect his shores, allowed them, for want of adequate provisions, to be dispersed from their station behind the isle of wight, and so, forgetting the teachings of alfred, left his southern coasts unguarded and let the norman invader have opportunity to land, an opportunity which was promptly seized. the norman monarchs of england held in their turn to the supremacy which the early saxon kings had claimed for her flag at sea. when the conquest of england, in , had been completely effected by the norman forces, the shores on each side of the "narrow seas" between england and normandy were combined under the rule of william the conqueror, communication by water increased between the two portions of his realm, and the maritime interests of the people were greatly extended and established. richard i. showed england to the other nations, during the crusades, as a strong maritime power. king john followed in his footsteps, and in , the second year of his reign, issued his declaration directing that ships of all other nations must honour his royal flag: "if any lieutenant of the king's fleet in any naval expedition, do meet with on the sea any ship or vessels, laden or unladen, that will not vail and lower their sails at the command of the lieutenant of the king or the king's admiral, but shall fight with them of the fleet, such, if taken, shall be reported as enemies, and the vessels and goods shall be seized and forfeited as the goods of enemies." the supremacy which king john thus claimed, his successors afterwards maintained and extended, so that under edward i., spain, germany, holland, denmark, and norway, being all the other nations, except france, which bordered on the adjacent seas, joined in according to england "possession of the sovereignty of the english seas and the isles therein,"[ ] together with admission of the right which the english had of maintaining sovereign guard over these seas, and over all the ships of other dominions, as well as their own, which might be passing through them. [ ] southey: "british admirals." edward ii. was given, in , the title of "lord of the seas."[ ] [ ] sir harris nicholas. edward iii., himself a sailor-king and commander of his fleets, was fully imbued with the force of the alfred maxim, so that when invasion threatened england he said, "_he deemed it better with a strong hand to go seek the enemy in his own country than wait ignobly at home for the threatened danger_."[ ] putting his maxim into action he led his fleet across the channel, and his victory over the french fleet at sluys, off flanders, on the th june, , was the trafalgar of its day, and the resulting supremacy of the english jack on the narrow seas enabled him to land his forces on the foreign shores, when he subsequently invaded france to establish his claim to the french throne. the prowess of himself and of his seamen in their victory over the french and spanish fleets won for edward the proud title of "king of the seas," in token of which he was represented upon his gold coinage standing in a ship "full royally apparelled."[ ] [ ] rymer. [ ] aubrey: "gold noble, ed. iii." during the wars of the roses less attention was given by the nation to maritime matters, and while the english were so busily engaged in fighting amongst themselves, the dutch of the netherlands, under the duke of burgundy, developed a large carrying trade, and so increased their fleets that, in , at the accession of henry vii., they had become a formidable shipping rival of england, and were a thorn in the side of france. over the ships of the french the dutch so lorded it on the narrow seas that, to quote philip de commines, their "navy was so mighty and strong, that no man durst stir in these narrow seas for fear of it making war upon the king of france's subjects and threatening them everywhere." two flags, the striped standard of the dutch and the red cross jack of the english, were now rivalling each other on the adjacent seas and on the atlantic. the contest for the supremacy which had begun was continued for nearly two hundred years thereafter. in the time of henry vii. more attention was given to merchant shipping and foreign adventure. cabot carried the english flag across the atlantic under the license which he and his associates received from henry vii., empowering them "to seek out and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they might be; and set up his banner on every isle or mainland by them newly found." with this authority for its exploits the red cross of st. george was planted, in , on the shores of newfoundland and florida, and the english jack thus first carried into america formed the foundation for the subsequent british claim to sovereignty over all the intervening coasts along the atlantic. under henry viii. england began to bestir herself in making provision for a regular navy. a drawing in the pepysian library gives the details of the _henri grace à dieu_ ( ), built in by order of henry viii., which was the greatest warship up to that time built in england, and has been termed the "parent of the british navy." at the four mastheads fly st. george's ensigns, and from the bowsprit end and from each of the round tops upon the lower masts are long streamers with the st. george's cross, very similar in form to the naval pennants of the present day. the castellated building at the bow, and the hooks with which the yards are armed, tell of the derivation of the nautical terms "forecastle" and "yard arm" still in use. with such improved armament the cross of st. george continued to ruffle its way on the narrow seas, and widened the scope of its domain. the supremacy claimed for the english jack never lost anything at the hands of its bearers, and an event which occurred in the reign of queen mary gives a vivid picture of the boldness of the sea-dogs by whom it was carried, and of how they held their own over any rival craft: [illustration: . the "henri grace À dieu," . (from the pepysian collection.)] the spanish fleet, of one hundred and sixty sail, was escorting philip ii., of spain, when coming to his marriage with the english queen, in . it was met off southampton by the english fleet, of twenty-eight sail, under lord william howard, who was then "lord high admiral in the narrow seas." the spanish fleet, with their king on board, was flying the royal flag of spain, and was proceeding to pass the english ships without paying the customary honours. the english admiral promptly fired a shot into the spanish admiral's ship, and the whole fleet was obliged to strike their colours and lower their topsails in homage to the english flag. not until this salute had been properly done would howard permit his own squadron to salute the spanish king.[ ] [ ] preble: "flag of the united states." under elizabeth seamanship mightily increased. her merchant fleets, from being mere coasters, extended their ventures to far distant voyages, in some of which the queen herself was said to have had an interest; and while before her time soldiers had exceeded seamen in numbers, the positions were now reversed. the defeat of the spanish armada, in , was one of the crowning achievements of the supremacy of the english jack, yet it would almost seem as though the glorious flag had, in the never-to-be-forgotten action of the undaunted _revenge_, kept for the closing years of its single cross period the grandest of all the many strifes in which it had been engaged. england and spain were then at open war. the english fleet, consisting of six queen's ships, six victuallers of london, and two or three pinnaces, was riding at anchor near the island of flores, in the azores, waiting for the coming of the spanish fleet, which was expected to pass on its way from the west indies, where it had wintered the preceding year. on the st september, , the enemy came in sight, numbering fifty-three sail, "the first time since the great armada that the king of spain had shown himself so strong at sea."[ ] [ ] monson. the english had been refitting their equipment, the sick had all been sent on shore, and their ships were not in readiness to meet so overwhelming an armament. on the approach of the spaniards, and to save the fleet from being penned in by them along the coast, five of the english ships slipped their cables, and together with the consorts sailed out to sea. sir richard grenville, in the _revenge_, was left behind to collect the men on shore and bring off the sick, and so, after having done this duty, came out alone to meet the enemy, which was marshalled in long extended line outside the port. he might have sailed around their wing, but this would have been an admission of inferiority, and, bold to recklessness, he thrust his little ship right through the centre of their line. rather than strike his flag, he withstood the onset of all the spanish fleet, which closed in succession around him, and thus this century of the red cross jack closed with a sea-fight worthy of its story, and one which has been preserved by a poet laureate in undying verse, whose lines ought to be known by every british boy: "he had only a hundred seamen to work the ship and to fight, and he sailed away from flores till the spaniard came in sight, with his huge sea-castles heaving upon the weather bow. 'shall we fight or shall we fly? good sir richard, tell us now, for to fight is but to die! there'll be little of us left by the time this sun be set,' and sir richard said again: 'we be all good english men. let us bang these dogs of seville, the children of the devil, for i never turn'd my back upon don or devil yet.' * * * * * and the sun went down, and the stars came out far over the summer sea, but never a moment ceased the fight of the one and fifty-three. ship after ship, the whole night long, their high-built galleons came, ship after ship, the whole night long, with her battle-thunder and flame; ship after ship, the whole night long, drew back with her dead and her shame. for some were sunk, and many were shatter'd, and so could fight us no more-- god of battles, was ever a battle like this in the world before?"[ ] [ ] tennyson: "the revenge." in such way, audacious in victory and unconquered in defeat, the english sailors, beneath their english jack, held for the mastery of the oceans from alfred to elizabeth, and laid the foundations of that maritime spirit which still holds for great britain the proud supremacy of the seas. chapter vi. _the scottish jack._ from a very early period st. andrew has been esteemed as the patron saint of scotland, and held in veneration quite as strong as that entertained in england for st. george. the "saltire," or diagonal cross of st. andrew ( ), shaped like the letter x is attributed to the tradition that the saint, considering himself unworthy to be crucified on a cross of the same shape as that on which his saviour had suffered, had, by his own choice, been crucified with legs and arms extended upon a cross of this shape, and, therefore, it has been accepted as the emblem of his martyrdom. [illustration: . st. andrew's jack.] the "scottish jack" (pl i., fig. ) is a white oblong cross upon a blue ground. this is the banner of st. andrew ( ), and in heraldic language is described as "_azure, a saltire argent_" (on azure blue, a silver-white saltire). how st. andrew came to be adopted as the patron saint of scotland is a subject of much varying conjecture. it is said that in the early centuries, about a.d. , some relics of the apostle st. andrew were being brought to scotland by some greek monks, and although the vessel carrying them was wrecked and became a total loss, the sacred bones were brought safe to shore at the port in the county of fife, still called _st. andrews_, where a church was erected to his memory. the most favoured tradition as to the date of his authorized adoption as a patron saint is that it occurred in a.d. , when hungus, king of the picts, was being attacked by athelstane, the king of the west saxons,[ ] achaius, king of the scots, with , of his scottish subjects, came to the relief of hungus, and the two kings joined their forces to repel the southern invaders. the scottish leaders, face to face with so formidable a foe, were passing the night in prayer to god and st. andrew, when upon the background of the blue sky there appeared, formed in white clouds, the figure of the white cross of the martyr saint. reanimated by this answering sign, the scottish soldiers entered the fray with enthusiastic valour, and beset the english with such ardour as to drive them in confusion from the field, leaving their king, athelstane, behind them dead among the slain. since that time the white saltire cross, upon a blue ground, the banner of st. andrew, has been carried by the scots as their national ensign. [ ] sir harris nicholas: "history of the order of the thistle." this was the flag carried by the great scottish national hero, robert-the-bruce, whose valour won for him the crown of scotland, and whose descendants, the earls of elgin, still bear his banner on their coatof-arms. at bannockburn, in , this emblem of bruce rose victorious over edward ii. and his stolid englishmen. its use was continued in , when the scots, stirred up and aided by charles vi. of france, invaded and despoiled the border counties of england, in which expeditions both they and their french auxiliaries wore a white st. andrew's cross upon their jacques, both before and behind, in order that they might distinguish the soldiers of their combined companies from the forces of the foe.[ ] [ ] perry: "rank and badges." but st. andrew's flag was not always victorious. at chevy chase and flodden field it suffered defeat, but only in such wise as to prove the truth of the warning motto of the prickly scotch thistle, "_nemo me impune lacessit_"--(no one may touch me with impunity). the scottish jack in all these early centuries, unlike its english compeer, does not appear to have been carried by scotsmen far afield, nor in expeditions across the seas. on land, the scots used it mainly as a sign of recognition during the forays which they kept up with unceasing vigour on the neighbouring kingdoms of england and ireland; and at sea its scene of action was kept measurably near to their own shores. scotland, being so far removed from the fleets of the southern nations of europe, did not need a regular navy, and never had one of any size,[ ] but her far northern coasts, indented with deep bays and bordered by wild fastnesses, adapted themselves admirably to the use to which they were mainly put, of being the lair from which hardy, venturesome freebooters, in those times called "sea rovers," sailed forth in their "talle shippes" ( ), and pounced down upon the vessels of the passersby. the exploits of some of these sailors, under the st. andrew's jack, crop out from time to time with splendid audacity in the history of the centuries. one "mercer, a scottish rover," during the reign of richard ii. of england, so harried the merchant shipping of england that, in , alderman john philpot, "a worshipful citizen of london," equipped an expedition at his own expense to cramp the energies of the marauder, and meeting mercer and fifteen spanish ships, which were acting with him, brought the whole fleet, "_besides great riches which were found on board_," in triumph into port at scarborough in yorkshire. philpot was haled before the english royal authorities for having dared "_to set forth a navy of men-of-war without the advice of the king's council_," but the end was considered to have justified the means, and the bold citizen, who by his own action had put down the annoyance with which the officers of the realm should have dealt, was, after having himself stoutly berated the council for their sluggishness, let go free. [ ] in , when, at the time of the completed union under queen anne, the whole navy of the scots was transferred to the navy of great britain, it consisted of only "three small ships." [illustration: . scotch "talle shippe," th century. (from a painting by vandyck.)] sir andrew wood, of leith, who for a long time pillaged the english ships and set the navy of henry vii. at defiance, was another doughty champion of the st. andrew's cross. growing bolder in his defiance, he challenged the english royal navy to a contest. the challenge was accepted, and three chosen ships were sent to meet him. these he overmastered, and carried off his prizes and their crews to dundee, from where, after the wounded had been cared for, and the damages of the vessels repaired, james iv. of scotland returned the ships and their men to henry, saying, "_the contest had been for honour, not for booty_."[ ] [ ] pinkerton: "history of scotland." but the greatest hero of them all, the one whose deeds have woven themselves into the folklore of the scottish race, was sir andrew barton, who in the time of henry viii. not only plundered his english neighbours, but also took toll of the ships of all other nations without regard to their flag, making himself the terror of the north seas. an old ballad tells in quaint style what an english merchant of newcastle, whose ships had fallen into the hands of barton, is said to have reported to the english admiral, who was in charge of the "narrow seas": "hast thou not herde, lord howard bold, as thou hast sailed by day and by night, of a scottish rover on the seas? men call hym sir andrewe barton, knyte? "he is brasse within and steel withoute, with bemes on his toppe-castle strong, and eighteen piece of ordnaunce he carries on each side along. "and he hath a pinnace derely dight, st. andrew's cross yat is his guide; his pinnace bereth nine score men and fifteen cannons on each side. "were ye twenty ships and he but one, i swear by kirk, and bower and hall, he would overcome them every one if once his bemes they do down fall." sir andrew was the last of the freebooters, as the rise of the navy of henry viii., and the union of the two kingdoms of england and scotland by james i. under one crown, put an end to these reprisals by the subjects of the one nation on the other; yet, as we shall see, it was the remnants of these very rivalries thus engendered between the single cross flags of st. andrew and st. george which led to these national jacks of the two nations being afterwards joined together to form one flag. st. andrew is also venerated by the russians as a national saint, their tradition being that it was through the apostle st. andrew that the gospel of christianity had been brought to their people. their highest order of knighthood, created by peter the great, in , is the order of st. andrew, and the national flag of russia, borne by all their people and on their imperial navy, is the st. andrew's cross. it is also used on the masthead of their war vessels to indicate the rank of an admiral. it will be remembered that the russians have transposed the colours of the banner of st. george from a red cross on a white ground, as on the english jack, to be on theirs a white cross on a red ground. so also they have transposed the colours on their st. andrew's flag to be a blue cross on a white ground instead of a white cross on a blue ground as on the scottish flag. chapter vii. _the "additional" union jack of james i._ a.d. - . [illustration: . royal arms of england, henry v., , to elizabeth.] the kingdoms of england and scotland had passed through their centuries of dissension and conflict when at length, in march, , upon the death of his second cousin, elizabeth, queen of england, james vi., king of scotland, succeeded to her throne, and became also king james i. of england. before entering upon the subject of the joining of the two national jacks in one flag, it may be well to consider the changes then made in the royal standard in consequence of this union of the crowns. the royal standard is the special personal flag of the sovereign, and wears upon it his royal arms emblazoned with "devise" or insignia of the kingdoms over which he rules. james, upon ascending the throne of england, immediately issued a proclamation instructing a change to be made in its then existing form ( ). richard i., _c[oe]ur de lion_, had displayed on his royal standard the three golden lions on a red ground, the sign of england. to these henry v. had added three golden _fleur-de-lis_ on a blue ground, typifying his right to the throne of france. this standard was used thereafter by all his successors, the sovereigns of england, and by elizabeth. a change was now made by james to represent his additional sovereignties. to the standard of elizabeth he added the lion rampant of scotland and also the harp of ireland, which had not previously been included in the royal arms ( ), thus placing the three lions for england and three _fleurs-de-lis_ for france in the first and fourth quarters; the lion rampant for scotland in the second, and the harp for ireland in the third quarter. [illustration: . royal arms of james i., .] while he changed the english royal standard, no change was instructed to be made, nor was evidently considered to be necessary, in the english national flag of st. george, which continued to be used as previously on the english ships by his new subjects. thus in the early years of the reign of james, the english and scotch ships continued to use their respective "red crosse" and "white crosse" jacks, exactly as they had done prior to his accession to the english throne. the nations had now been brought into closer contact, and the movement of shipping along their shores much increased as each was relieved from any fear of attack by the other. each nation, no doubt, retained a predilection for its own national flag--a preference which its adherents expressed each in their own way, and most probably in terms not untinged by caustic references to controversies and contentions of previous days. when james had ascended the throne of england, it was his great desire to be styled king of "great britain," as well as of "france and ireland." he had caused himself at the outset to be so proclaimed, and afterwards used the phrase in his proclamations, but without due authority. during the first year of his reign opinions on the point were asked of the judges of the courts, and also of the lords and commons of england, but the replies of all were unanimously against his right to the assumption of any such title, as being one which might seem to indicate a fusion of the two kingdoms. the fact was, that although the two kingdoms of scotland and england had been joined in allegiance to the same sovereign, who was equally king of each, yet as each kingdom still retained its own separate parliament, their union had not been made adequately complete. the king had particularly desired to complete this union. in a proclamation he issued, he states he had found among the "better disposed" of his subjects "a most earnest desire that the sayd happy union should be perfected, the memory of all preterite discontentments abolished, and all the inhabitants of both the realms to be the subjects of one kingdom." he says he will himself use every diligence to have it perfected, "with the advice of the states and parliament of both the kingdoms, and in the meantime till the said union be established with due solemnite aforesaid, his majesty doth repute, hold and esteem both the two realms as presently united, and as one realm and kingdome, and the subjects of both the realms as one people, brethren and members of one body." but charm he never so wisely, the king could not get his subjects to see matters in the same light as himself, nor was he able to get their parliaments to unite. thus it occurred that in , in the fourth year after the joining of the two thrones, the king, finding that difficulties kept arising about their flags between the subjects of his two adjacent kingdoms, considered it advisable to issue a proclamation declaring the manner in which they were in future to display their national jacks, and also authorizing a new flag, which was to be used by each in addition to their own national flag. this flag was the "additional" jack of james i. ( ). [illustration: . jack of james i., .] it is probable that the english sailor had objected to seeing the scottish cross raised on the mast above his english flag, and the scotsman, on his part, too, did not like to see st. andrew below st. george. the additional flag was designed for the purpose of meeting this difficulty, and was ordered to be raised by itself upon the mainmast. it is evident that some ships had been flying both the national flags, for, as a further precaution, particular instruction was given that each ship should fly only one national cross, and this was to be only the cross of its own nationality. all controversy as to the precedence of the respective jacks was thus intended to be brought to an end. this proclamation of , as copied from an original issue in the british museum, reads as follows: "_a proclamation declaring what flagges south and north britaines shall beare at sea._ "by the king: "whereas, some difference hath arisen between our subjects of south and north britaine travelling by seas, about the bearing of their flagges: for the avoiding of all such contentions hereafter wee have, with the advice of our councell, ordered: that from henceforth all our subjects of this isle and kingdome of great britaine, and all our members thereof, shall beare in their _maine toppe_ the red crosse, commonly called st. george's crosse, and the white crosse, commonly called st. andrew's crosse, _joyned together according to the forme made by our heralds_, and sent by us to our admerell to be published to our subjects; and in their _fore-toppe_ our subjects of south britaine shall weare the red crosse onely as they were wont, and our subjects of north britaine in their _fore-toppe_ the white crosse onely as they were accustomed. "wherefore wee will and command all our subjects to be conformable and obedient to this our order, and that from henceforth they do not use to beare their flagges in any other sort, as they will answere to contrary at their peril. "given at our palace of westminster, the twelfth day of april, in the fourth yere of our reine of great britaine, france and ireland, etc. god save the king." this king's jack, which subsequently came to be commonly known as the "union flagge," was, it will be noted, not intended to supersede the existing national jacks, for it was directed to be displayed in addition to, and at the same time with, the jack of each nation. the new flag of the king was to be raised by itself on the mainmast, and the old national flag on the foremast, so that each of these flags should be kept separate from one another. the reason for this separate use of two flags is evident, one which is fully confirmed in the creation of the union jacks which succeeded one another in subsequent reigns. the reason was that the two parliaments of the nations had not been united in one, and, therefore, it was that each nation continued to retain its own distinctive national cross, which it flew on the flagstaff as the sign of its own particular nationality, and which was, therefore, not displaced by the king's newly created flag. [illustration: plate iii. the percys' ensign union jack of james i- colonial union jack- ] the position of the flag was, in , regulated to be: a.d., . royal navy-- maintop, king's jack. merchantmen-- _english subjects_--maintop, "additional" king's jack. foretop, english jack. _scottish subjects_--maintop, "additional" king's jack. foretop, scottish jack. the construction of the new flag presents some peculiarities. in this "additional" jack of james i. (pl. iii., fig. ), the red cross of st. george and its white ground, being the "st. george's crosse," had been ordered by the proclamation to be united with the white cross of st. andrew and its blue ground, being the "st. andrewe's crosse," the two flags being "_joyned together according to the forme made by our heralds_." in this "joining" the white ground of st. george's flag was reduced almost to a nullity. as the form was the creation of heralds, it was made according to the strict heraldic rules of their highly technical craft. in heraldry, a narrow border of white or gold, termed a "fimbriation," is always introduced where colour would otherwise touch on colour for the purpose of keeping the colours separate, the technical statement of the rule being, "metal cannot be placed upon metal, nor colour upon colour." the heralds, therefore, in conformity with their tendencies, reduced the white ground of the st. george flag until it became only a narrow margin of white, just sufficient to keep the red of the cross of st. george from touching the blue ground of st. andrew's flag upon which it was laid, or so that the white ground became simply "_a fimbriation to the red cross of st. george_." the union of the two flags resulted in the scotsman getting a good share of all that was going. it is true the crosses of the two flags were given equal display, but the white ground of the st. george's english jack had entirely disappeared, while the blue ground of the st. andrew's had been left in occupation of all the remaining space. no wonder that an english admiral of the "narrow seas," hankering after his old st. george jack, says, a few years afterwards, of this new flag: "though it may be more honour to both the kingdoms to be thus linked and united together, yet, in view of the spectators, it makes not so fair a show, if it would please his majesty."[ ] [ ] sir william monson. the scotsmen also raised objection to the cross of st. george having been placed over and in front of that of st. andrew.[ ] with, what appears to us now, much quaintness of language, the scottish privy council made its formal complaint to his majesty in a letter of th august, , saying that, "the forme and patrone of the flagges of schippis sent down heir and commandit to be ressavit and used be the subjectis of both kingdomes is vereie prejudicial to the fredome and dignitie of this estate, and wil gif occasion to reprotche--becaus as your sacred majestie may persave, the scottis croce, callit sanctandrois croce, is troyse dividit, and the english croce, called sanct george, drawne through the scottis croce, which is thereby obscurit." [ ] hulme: "flags of the world." either one or the other of the crosses had to be in front, but as the whole of their blue ground had been retained, while the englishman had lost all the white ground of his flag, the objection was not entertained. this two-crossed jack of james i., , continued in use in the royal navy for over a century, with the exception of its retirement during the changes which, as we shall hereafter note, were made under cromwell. during its term the british kingdom, which had already under the english jack colonized the mainland of america from massachusetts to virginia, became more than ever an american power; for, under this new jack, the islands which surrounded the coast, namely, the west indies, barbadoes, bermuda, the bahamas, antigua and jamaica, were added to the british crown. on the continent of europe as well, the victorious movements of the flag did not slacken, for under it gibraltar was pounced upon and taken by admiral rooke, and blenheim, the master victory of the great marlborough, was won. this was a record and "glory roll" on both the continents worthy of the two races, whose forces had been joined at its creation. its position was, however, not throughout continuous, for successive changes were introduced in the regulations regarding its use during the century within which it achieved its varied career. all these changes, its alternating disappearances and reappearances, show that this king's jack of james i. was not a flag which denoted a completed union, although by habit it came to be called the "union flagge," and subsequently the "union jack," of the nations, but was one which was introduced for another purpose, and carried a different signification, being that of the union of the thrones in one sovereign. usage has, however, so long attached the name to this two-crossed flag of james i., that it may be well to consider it our first union jack. chapter viii. _the english jack restored._ as a single jack - in the corner of the ensign red - the new two-crossed flag of king james had, in , been authorized to be used by the ships of all his subjects, by the merchantmen as well as on the men-of-war. this order caused many heart-burnings among the admirals of the royal navy, and especially to the admiral of the narrow seas, whose particular right it was to fly his majesty's ensign on these much-frequented waters, and whose principal prerogative it was to see that the ships of other nations observed the courtesies and accorded the privileges due to the british flag in its claim to the sovereignty of the seas. under this new arrangement other ships, as well as the ships of the royal navy, were carrying the king's jack at the main, and the officers of the navy felt that their official prominence was thereby much diminished, for, as they said, how were foreigners to distinguish a merchantman from a man-of-war? sir john penington, narrow seas admiral, in , sent in his remonstrances, and pressed for the "altering the coullers, whereby his majestie's own ships may be known from the subjectes." it will be remembered that the ships of foreign nations were required, when meeting any of the royal ships of the king of england, to dip their colours and topsails. this change the admiral, therefore, considered, "to bee very materiale and much for his majestie's honour; and, beside, will free dispute with strangers; for when they omitt doing theyr respects to his majestie's shippes till they be shott att, they alledge they did not know it to be ye king's shippe." the royal navy kept up a constant agitation for the repeal of the order, until at length, in , being the thirty-eighth year of the flag from its first establishment by james i., their claim was acceded to by charles i., and a proclamation was duly issued: "by the king: "_a proclamation appointing the flags as well for our navie royall as for the ships of our subjects of south and north britaine._ "we taking into our royal consideration it is meete for the honour of oure shipps in our navie royall and of such other shipps as are or shall be employed in our immediate service that the same bee, by their flags distinguished from the shipps of any other of our subjects doe herebye straitly prohibite and forbid that none of our subjects of any of our nations and kingdoms shall from henceforth presume to carry the union flagge in the maintoppe or other part of any of their shipps that is the st. george's crosse and the st. andrew's crosse joyned together upon pain of our high displeasure; but that the same union flagge be still reserved as an ornament proper for _our owne shipps_ and shipps in our immediate service and pay and none other. and likewise our further will and pleasure is that all the other shipps of our subjects of england or south britaine bearing flags, shall from henceforth carry the _red crosse_ commonly called _st. george his crosse_ as of olde time hath been used; and also that all the other shipps of our subjects of scotland or north britaine shall from henceforth carry the _white crosse_ commonly called _st. andrew's crosse_. whereby the several shippes may be distinguished, and wee thereby better discerne the number and goodness of the same; wherefore wee will and straitly command all our subjects foorthwith to be conformable and obedient to this our order, as they will answer the contrary at their perill. "given at our court at greenwich this th day of may in the tenth yeare of oure reigne of england, scotland, france and ireland, defender of the faith, etc. god save the king." imprinted at london by robert barker, printer to the king's most excellent majestie, and by the assignee's of john bill, . this proclamation of charles i. made a very great change in the position of the "union flagge" of james, by restricting its use to one class of ships. that it had never been intended at that time to serve as a "national" flag is again clearly evidenced by the renewed declaration that it was the special signal of the sovereign, to be used exclusively on the ships of the royal navy. further, the merchant vessels owned by "subjects of any of our nations and kingdoms," which had thus lost the "additional" jack, were ordered to continue to use, as of "olde time hath been used," their distinctive national flags. for the continued preservation of the peace, it was again required that each ship should display only the flag of the nation to which it belonged, namely, the st. george's crosse, or old english jack, on english merchant ships, and st. andrew's crosse, or scotch jack, on the scotch merchant ships. the position of the three flags at this time was thus clearly distinguished: a.d. . _the royal navy_ the two-crossed jack. _english merchantmen_ the st. george crosse. _scotch merchantmen_ the st. andrew crosse. this first change in the position in the using of this first two-crossed jack is shown in a drawing given of the "king's ships." the battleship _sovereign of the seas_, which was built in , was the glory of the fleet of charles i., and proved herself, during her sixty years of active service, one of the best men-of-war of the time, and "so formidable to her enemies that none of the most daring among them would willingly lie by her side."[ ] [ ] phineas pett: "journal," . [illustration: . the "sovereign of the seas," . (from a painting by vandervelt.)] the drawing ( ) here shown of this ship is copied from a contemporary painting by vandervelt. at the stern is the royal standard of charles i.; on the two masts ensigns with royal ciphers; and the two-crossed "union flagge," which from was to be the "ornament proper for our owne shipps," is flying on the "jack staff" at the bow. it was the "king's flag" calling for the obeisance of foreign vessels. but another change was yet to come, and after fourteen more years had passed away another jack was flying at the bow, and the royal standard of the king had disappeared from the stern of the gallant vessels. premonitory symptoms of this impending change had been given even so early as january, , when the headings of the official lists of the ships of the navy had been altered by order of parliament, so that the ships were officially entered as "the parliament's ships," instead of being described, as previously, "his majesty's ships."[ ] [ ] hallam. in february, , the revolutionary parliament of england abolished the office of king, and by this and the subsequent execution of king charles they cancelled the allegiance of scotland and dissolved the connection between the kingdoms. a change was made in the jacks which were to be worn on the men-of-war. the parliament did not consider the stuart kingdom of scotland to be a portion of their state, and ordered that its recognition should be removed from the flags then used on their ships. an order of the council was therefore passed, february rd, , signed by john bradshaw, "in ye name of ye counsell of state," which was communicated in a letter to the commissioners of the navy, directing the change and ordering that "_the ships that are in the service of the state shall beare the red crosse only in a white flagg, quite through the flagg_." up to that time carvings of the royal arms had been carried on the stern of all royal ships, so the order further directed that these also should be altered, and that "_upon the sterne of the shippes there shall be the red crosse in one escotcheon and the harpe in one other, being the armes of england and ireland, both escotcheons joined according to the pattern herewith sent unto you_." [illustration: . commonwealth twenty-shilling piece.] the form of these escutcheons is well shown in the twenty-shilling piece ( ) issued during the commonwealth, and also on a parliamentary flag ( ) then in use which had on the fly the same two emblems. one of these flags is still preserved in the house of the admiralty superintendent at chatham, the colour of the ground of the flag being red.[ ] [ ] w. laird clowes: "history of the english navy." thus the two-crossed union jack of james ceased to be used and disappeared from the navy, as it already had from the merchantmen, and the single red cross jack of england was restored to its position as the only jack carried on the men-of-war of the state, or on any english ship sailing the seas. the merchant vessels of the two nationalities continued to use their english and scottish national jacks as before, but the scottish ships were especially warned that they must not carry either the king's arms or the red cross of st. george, and in case any of these scottish ships should be met so doing, the state's colonel-admirals were ordered to "_admonish them not to do it in future_." [illustration: . commonwealth boat flag.] the position of the jacks was now: a.d. . _the state ships_ the st. george crosse. _english merchantmen_ the st. george crosse. _scottish merchantmen_ the st. andrew crosse. this position the english st. george jack continued to hold on the ships of the state navy until , when another change took place, and, at the "restoration" of charles ii., the two-crossed "union flagge" returned, without any proclamation, to the places where it had been displayed before the change made by the commonwealth parliament. on the _naseby_ ( ) it will be noticed that the two-crossed jack is flying at the bow and on the mizzen, instead of the single red cross flag ordered by parliament. how this came about is told in the next chapter. here, then, ended the period during which the english jack, having been restored as a single flag, had continued to be, from to , the only jack authorized to be used on the men-of-war. after the return of the king his subjects evidently began, in their enthusiasm, to make such indiscriminate use of this "king's jack" instead of the single st. george jack that they needed, a few years afterwards, to be reminded of the special instructions respecting the flag which had been given in the previous reign. in consequence of this, in , another proclamation was issued, under charles ii., from which the following extract is made: "_a proclamation for the regulating the colours to be worn on merchant ships.--charles r._ "whereas by ancient usage no merchants' ships ought to bear the jack, which is for distinction appointed for his majesty's ships: "his majesty strictly charges and commands all his subjects, that from henceforth they do not presume to wear _his majesty's jack, commonly called the union jack_, on any of their ships or vessels, without particular warrant for their so doing from his majesty, or the lord high admiral of england. and his majesty doth further command all his loving subjects without such warrant they presume not to wear on board their ships or vessels any jacks made in imitation of his majesty's, or any other flags, jacks or ensigns whatsoever, than those usually heretofore worn on merchants' ships, viz., the flag and _jack white_, with a red cross, commonly called st. george's cross, passing quite through the same, and the _ensign red_ with the like cross in a canton white at the upper corner thereof next to the staff." the distinctive order of the flags was this time arranged to be: a.d. . the royal navy-- "his majesty's jack," commonly called "the union jack." all merchantmen-- i. the "jack white," or plain st. george jack. ii. the "ensign red," or red flag, with the "jack white" in the upper corner. from the time of this proclamation of charles ii. the jack of king james regained its officially authorized position, but only as a single flag, and even then was ordered to be used only on the royal men-of-war. the merchant ships, however, began again so frequently to fly this jack instead of their single-cross jacks, that in the reign of william iii., and again in the reign of queen anne (prior to the creation of her own two-crossed jack), it was found necessary to issue special proclamations reiterating the official restriction of this two-crossed jack of james to the ships of the royal navy, and forbidding any other ships to use it. although the merchantmen were not always using the single st. george jack, which had been restored to them, and it had given way in the royal navy to the two-crossed jack, yet it had always continued to be used in the ensign red referred to in the proclamation. the creation of this ensign flag, in , is told in the next chapter, and in this form the restoration of the english jack was extended for a further period to , and reserved for a special further honour in later times. in the british navy of the present day the st. george jack has become, and is ordered to be, the distinctive flag of an admiral. according to the mast upon which it is raised his rank is indicated, and the ship on which it is carried is termed the "flag ship." these flags are displayed as follows: admiral st. george at main. vice-admiral st. george at fore. rear-admiral st. george at mizzen. thus has the english jack been once more restored, and being the signal of command in the british navy, it is a continuing memorial of the prowess of the seamen of england, whose ships so early won the sea command for the united empire. chapter ix. _the evolution of the red ensign._ the history of the jacks as single flags having been traced through these periods, we may revert to the changes brought about by their being made part of a larger flag, and note how the exalted position at the stern of the ships was transferred to a new flag, a national ensign, in the upper corner of which the english jack was placed alone, when this flag was first created. under james i. and charles i., as also under the previous sovereigns of england, the flag flown at the stern of the men-of-war had been the royal standard of the sovereign, of which an example is given in the drawing of the _sovereign of the seas_ ( ). the royal standard bearing upon it then, as it does now, the armorial bearings or "arms" of the sovereign, was the banner of the king, and, as then placed at the stern of the ships, signified his direct management and control of the royal fleet. before the close of the reign of charles i. the money control of the royal navy had been jealously assumed by parliament, and the ships had been enrolled as "the parliament ships." with the advent of the commonwealth the ships of the navy were no longer the ships of the king, but became the ships of the state. [illustration: plate iv. commonwealth ensign cromwell's "great union" ensign red--charles ii.-- ] it was to take the place of the king's standard at the stern that the commonwealth parliament created a flag, called the commonwealth ensign (pl. iv., fig. ), to be carried on their men-of-war. this was a red flag, having in the fly a yellow irish harp, and in the upper corner next the staff the st. george cross upon a white ground. ireland had early been overrun by the commonwealth armies, so her emblem was included in the flag, but scotland had warmly espoused the cause of the stuarts, and was, therefore, not recognized. cromwell, after he had been raised to the position of protector, and had dragooned scotland into submission, put out, in , another flag as the "great union," or banner of the commonwealth (pl. iv., fig. ), in which the crosses of st. george and st. andrew were shown for england and scotland, and the harp, on a blue ground, for ireland; but they were each placed in separate quarters of the flag, instead of being joined together in one union, and on a black shield in the centre he caused to be displayed a lion rampant, as representing his own coat-of-arms and himself. this "great union" of cromwell does not appear to have entered into much use, although it certainly was displayed at his funeral. the fleets of the navy were then flying ensigns of three different colours--red, blue and white--according to the rank of the admirals who were in command, red being the colour of the admirals of highest rank and the typical colour of england.[ ] [ ] langton: "heraldry of the sea." contemporary paintings also show that red, blue and white ensigns were in use under the commonwealth, with a single harp in the fly, and a dutch medal, struck to commemorate the death of admiral tromp, also shows the same design of flag. the "commonwealth ensign," now having the irish harp inserted in the flag, was the official flag flown at the stern of the ships of the states navy during the period of the commonwealth. the rule of the commonwealth party having, shortly after the death of cromwell, come to its sudden termination, the royalist supporters of the absent king did not take time or wait for any formal proclamation authorizing a change in flags which had come into existence under the order of the commonwealth council. pepys tells in his "diary" of how this change was begun. being "clerk of the acts of the navy," he had been deputed to read the proclamation of parliament declaring the restoration of the king to the crews on board those ships of the navy which had been appointed to cross over to the hague and bring charles ii. to england. under the commonwealth successful generals and officers on land had been appointed to commands as admirals and officers in the navy, and the military titles were still retained, the official title of the officers in highest command in the navy of the commonwealth being "admirals and generals at sea." while lying at anchor in the downs, waiting for the high officials who were to accompany the fleet, pepys records how the "general of the fleet" went from ship to ship in a small boat, telling them to "alter their arms and flagges." [illustration: . the "naseby." charles ii. (from a painting by vandervelt.)] on th may, , being on board the _london_, one of the ships of this squadron, he makes the following entries of his day's doings, and tells of the making of these changes: "to their quarterdeck, at which the taylers and painters were at work, cutting out some pieces of yellow cloth in the fashion of a crown and 'c.r.' to be put up instead of the state's arms." he also records that meetings of the officers were held, and that he had attended "in the afternoon a council of war only to acquaint them that the harp must be taken out of all their flags, it being very offensive to the king." when, therefore, the harp had been removed from their flags, there remained the simple "ensign red," having the st. george cross in the upper white canton. the _naseby_ ( )--afterwards re-named the _royal charles_--was one of the ships of the squadron which crossed to the hague, and the actual ship on which charles ii. came over to england. the drawing shows the ensign red flying at the stern. there had not been sufficient opportunity for the obtaining of new flags, and, therefore, those which they had in use were altered on board the ships, as pepys has told, and this flag is a commonwealth "ensign red," with the irish harp cut out (pl. iv., fig. ). a very great deal of dependence cannot, as a rule, be placed on the form of the flags introduced into their pictures by artists even of the highest rank. when painting flags more attention is frequently given by them to the colour effect desired to be produced than to the accurate drawing of the details. some instances of unworthy errors in the drawing of national flags may be mentioned. in a painting by leutze, now in the metropolitan museum of art, new york, a representation is shown of "washington crossing the delaware, on december th, ." in this a flag with the stars and stripes is prominently shown, although no such flag had any existence until a year and a half afterwards,[ ] an error which has been perpetuated by a copy of this painting on a series of the national bank-notes issued by the united states government. in the capitol of the united states at washington there is a picture of the "battle of lake erie," fought in , in which the flag on commodore perry's boat has only thirteen stars and thirteen stripes, although the united states ensign had been changed twenty years before, in , to have fifteen stars and fifteen stripes. on the walls of the commons corridor in the british houses of parliament at westminster is a fresco representing the landing of charles ii., in , in which the union jack is depicted as having three crosses, the red cross of st. patrick being included, although it was not entered in the flag until , or years afterwards. [ ] the united states national ensign has at the different dates been composed as follows: --the union jack of queen anne and thirteen stripes. --thirteen stars and thirteen stripes. --fifteen stars and fifteen stripes. --fifteen stars and thirteen stripes. thereafter an additional star was added as each new state was created out of the western territories, the stripes for the original thirteen colonies remaining the same. --forty-five stars and thirteen stripes. --forty-six stars and thirteen stripes. in each of these instances the artist was painting from his imagination, but vandervelt, who painted the picture from which our illustration of the _naseby_ is taken, was himself present on the occasion he recorded, and, seeing that he was the most celebrated marine artist of his day, the details of the flags can be taken to be correct. the subsequent proclamation of charles ii., in (page ), shows that this flag not only continued to be used on the royal ships, but that also all the merchant ships had adopted it and were flying the "ensign red" at the stern in the same way as on the _naseby_, and thus it was that this flag, having become established by usage as the national ensign, was then confirmed in its position by the proclamation of the king. [illustration: . medal of charles ii., .] further confirmation of its use is given by the medals issued in by charles ii., which he granted to his followers in recognition of service. one of these is given in fig. . on the reverse is a ship in full sail. on the flag at the mainmast head are the letters "c.r.," being the abbreviation of carolus rex, and intended to indicate that the flag was the royal standard; at the bow the two-crossed jack, and at the stern the red ensign with the st. george jack in the upper corner. the place of distinction at the stern had been occupied, as under charles i., by the royal standard of the reigning kings. to this position the commonwealth ensign had been installed as being the ensign of the state, and then by the unpremeditated transition at the "restoration" the red ensign succeeded to the post of honour as the ensign of the nation. the story of this flag again exemplifies its harmony with the peculiar genius of the british constitution, for it attained to its position, not by a single verbal enactment, but by force of unwritten usage, and its gradual acceptance by the will of the people, after which it was confirmed by the act of the sovereign. it will also be noted in the drawing of the _naseby_, and on the medal, that the royal standard of charles ii. is shown flying at the main. this was the position at which it had, under previous sovereigns, been displayed by the lord high admiral of the navy to indicate his rank. the earl of warwick, who was lord high admiral under charles i., continued to fly it at the main even after the death of the king; but when warwick was dismissed from his post by the commonwealth, the royal standard was no longer used as the distinction flag of the royal high admiral. when the commonwealth ended and a new king returned, it was again raised to the place where it had been displayed by the last royalist admiral. at the present day the royal standard, being the personal flag of the sovereign, is only shown to indicate the royal presence or that of some member of the royal family, or raised in recognition of some special royal day. on shipboard it is raised on the mainmast immediately the royal personages come alongside, and is lowered the moment that they leave, the national ensign being still displayed at the stern. it was the st. george cross which had been placed in the upper corner of the commonwealth ensign; from here it had passed into the ensign red of charles ii., thereafter borne at the stern on both merchantmen and men-of-war. in the paramount ensign of the nation the single-cross english jack was thus carried from to , when its place in the national ensign was taken for the first time by a two-crossed jack, and then only by the first _real_ union jack, the jack of queen anne. in all the series of changes mentioned in this and the previous chapter direct evidence is given that the "commonly called union jack" of james was only an "additional" flag; that having been considered the "king's jack," it had not officially displaced the local national jacks, and that, although it had superseded them as a single flag on the royal navy, it had never been introduced into the paramount and national ensign of the nation. such, then, was the origin and evolution of the ensign red, the national ensign of the british people, and which formed, with the changes made in the jack in the subsequent reigns of queen anne and george iii., the basis of the present "red ensign" of the british empire. our national ensign tells us how from its very origin it signified the progress of constitutional rule. the royal standard of charles i. at the stern was the expression of absolute rule by the king without the control of parliament; the commonwealth ensign told of the absolute rule of parliament without the king; the ensign red at the stern recorded the coming of constitutional government by both king and parliament; and so our red ensign still tells the story of british constitutional rule by sovereign and people, represented in their united power by this union ensign flying at the stern of all british ships and over all the british lands which bear it united allegiance. chapter x. _the sovereignty of the seas._ the fight for the flag. at the close of the first historic period of the st. george jack we saw it reigning supreme upon the seas around the shores of england. the great armada had, in , been met and shattered, and its squadrons so relentlessly pursued around the british isles that but a remnant remained to struggle back to spain and tell the story of their defeat. after such a victory as this the red cross flag of the "navie royall" sailed the narrow seas with more assurance than ever, claiming and receiving the obeisance of all vessels that were passing by. the ancient policy of alfred and of john had been as much esteemed during this elizabethan period, and its principles adhered to as earnestly and for the same reason as in the earliest days; but the increase of merchant shipping and the rise of the business fleets of england now gave a new reason for its being maintained beyond the old one of self-defence. with the advent of long-distance voyages riches were now to be found beyond the confines of the narrow seas. sir walter raleigh stated the new reason with a terseness which four centuries of phrase-making has not since excelled. said he: "_whosoever commands the sea commands the trade; whosoever commands the trade of the world commands the riches of the world, and consequently the world itself_." the sovereignty of the seas had in this way developed a trade value; yet, whatever may have been the real and underlying causes, the contests for the supremacy which for the next hundred years kept simmering between the nations, bursting out at times into blasts of open war, arose ostensibly from disputes between the guardians of the rival fleets regarding the honourable precedence to be accorded to their respective flags. the sea-rovers of elizabeth had developed into something very like "gentleman-buccaneers." they ranged the oceans, preying upon the spanish and portuguese ships wherever they were to be found, and returned in joyousness, bringing home their booty. the maritime eagerness of the people was whetted by these prizes, and it is said that even the queen herself was not averse to accepting from her good subjects, drake and hawkins, a share of the proceeds of their prowess. the reign of the jack of james i. had scarce begun when a neighbouring maritime rival arose to assume formidable proportions. nurtured in the hardy school of their fishing fleets, and practised in distant voyages by traffic with their possessions in the east indies, the dutch merchantmen not only copied the english methods of preying abroad on the ships of other nations, but also began to employ themselves actively in carrying the water-borne business of their own merchants, and next, which was an intrusion much more objectionable, to enter into competition with the english ships in carrying the merchandise for the other nations of europe. thus the passage of the dutch fleets along the coasts of europe greatly increased. as soon as the spanish war was over, sir william monson, the admiral of the narrow seas, demanded that the ships of all other nations should, as of old, lower their flags in the presence of his own, "a courtesy which could not," he announced, "be challenged by right, but now that the war was ended, his majesty james i. demanded the full recognition of such rights and duties as belonged to his predecessors."[ ] [ ] monson's "naval tracts." these old rights the admiral and his officers accordingly proceeded to enforce. the spirit of the british sailors under the king's new two-crossed jack was still the same as under the english jack, and one is reminded of the old pride in the flag by an instance which is narrated as having occurred under james i. one of the ministers of henry iv. of france had embarked at calais to cross to england in a french ship wearing the french flag at the main. the commander of the english despatch boat, which had been sent to escort him, on meeting him in the channel, ordered the french ship to lower her flag. "the duke of sully, considering that his quality freed him from such an affront, boldly refused, but this refusal was followed by his receiving three cannon shots which pierced his ships. might forced him to yield what right forbade, and for all the complaints he made he could get no better reply from the english captain than this: '_that just as his duty obliged him to honour the ambassador's rank, so it also obliged him to exact the honour due to the flag of his master as sovereign of the seas_.'"[ ] [ ] richelieu. the "rufflings" increased in frequency, and the contest went merrily on, as the dutch, increasing in enterprise and volume of shipping, chafed still more under the domination of the english admirals. in this restlessness they were encouraged by the differences which were raging between king charles i. and his parliament. the latter thwarted the king's efforts at sea and refused to contribute to the levy of "ship-money," declaring it to be an "insufferable tax"; while he, without their concurrence, was attempting to strengthen the navy, which he had created to assert the king of england's right to the sovereignty of the seas and for the protection of his shores, by the maintenance of the old alfred policy. the king's sailors felt keenly the increasing insolence of the passing dutch ships, as wrote one old salt: "what affront can be greater, or what can make a man valianter, than a dishonour done to prince and country, especially by a people that was wont to know no more than how to catch, pickle, and feed fish."[ ] [ ] monson. notwithstanding the parliament's objections, an english navy was at one time collected of sufficient strength that, when the dutch and french fleets joined together in with the avowed intention of contesting the command of the sea, its simply sailing out to meet them overawed their forces, as reports monson: "it is to be observed that the greatest threateners are the least fighters; and so it fared with them; for they no sooner heard of our readiness to find them, but they plucked in their horns and quitted our coast, never more repairing to it." the king's opponents averred that the quarrels with the dutch over the honour due to the flag were fomented only for the purpose of forming an excuse for extorting more money by the objectionable ship-money, whose proceeds, they alleged, were expended for very different purposes than the maintenance of the navy. so the people resisted, while the king persisted. later on, during the civil war, english ships, manned by royalist supporters of the king, were engaged in fighting against english ships manned by supporters of the parliament, and each party was preying upon the merchant adherents of the other. meantime, the dutch maritime power continued to grow. the struggle between the parliament and the king resulted in the defeat and execution of charles, and the weakening of the fleet by these dissensions brought on the humiliation of the english flag during the first dutch war. under cromwell, in , the st. george cross had been restored. the council of state took heart, and showed by their actions that once more the homage due the national flag was held by them in as great esteem as it had been by the king and his party in the royal days. the orders to their naval commanders were explicit: "and, whereas, the dominion of these seas has, time out of mind, undoubtedly belonged to this nation, and the ships of all other nations, in acknowledgment of that dominion, have used to take down their flags upon sight of the admiral of england, and not to bear it in his presence, you are, as much as in you lies, to endeavour to preserve the dominion of the sea, and to cause the ships of all other nations to strike their flags and not to bear them up in your presence, and to compel such as are refractory therein by seizing their ships and sending them to be punished, according to the laws of the sea, unless they yield obedience and make such repair as you approve."[ ] [ ] bloomfield: "the national flag." the commonwealth of england, in self-defence of their shipping, and as a direct blow against the dutch, enacted the celebrated navigation act of , directing that all goods imported into the kingdom of britain, or into her colonies, must be carried either in english ships or in those of the country whence the cargo was obtained. the dutch and english navies sailed the seas watching the movements of each other's flags, and minding the welfare of their merchant marine. bickerings were frequent, but in may, , off dover, tromp brought the right to salute to a crisis. the nations were then at peace, when the dutch fleet bore down in strength upon the english without lowering their colours. as soon as tromp was within musket-shot the english admiral gave orders to fire at his flag. at the third shot tromp answered by a broadside. in such way, through an episode regarding a flag, the first dutch war began.[ ] although the parliament had become alive to the value of a navy, yet the unpreparedness of the previous years now told its tale, for when the season of had closed, the dutch had swept the english flag from the narrow seas, and tromp is traditionally reported to have triumphantly carried a broom at his masthead as a sign of his complete success. [ ] hannay: "short history of the royal navy." [illustration: . whip-lash pennant, british navy.] tromp's glory was of but short duration, for the roundhead dragoon, blake, nicknamed "the cavalryman at sea," soon clipped his wings. in return for the compliment of the previous year, blake, after his victory, ran up a pennant on his mast, long and narrow like a whiplash, to show that he had in his turn driven the dutchman off the seas; and the whiplash masthead pennants, with the st. george cross in the white ground at the head ( ), borne on all his majesty's ships in commission, serve as reminders of the story of this exploit to the present day.[ ] [ ] these masthead pennants, with the st. george cross at the head, are worn on all his majesty's ships in commission. they vary in length from to feet, and in width - / inches to inches, and are worn as a sign of command both night and day. peace followed in . in this treaty of peace the dutch agreed that: "the ships of the dutch--as well in ships of war as others--meeting any of the ships of war of the english commonwealth in the british seas, shall strike their flags and lower their topsail in such manner as hath ever been at any time heretofore practised under any form of government." thus had the old sea supremacy of the nation of england, claimed by king john, been again acknowledged; but on this occasion it was for the first time accorded to england by the terms of a formal treaty. it was the red cross jack of st. george, introduced by richard i., and raised as his "royal flag" by king john, which had in previous times received the honour of the "sovereign lordship of the seas." we have seen how for a while its place had been shared by the additional two-crossed jack of james: but now, by the incident of the temporary dissolution with scotland under the commonwealth, the english jack was once more reigning in sole possession of the flag-staff, to receive by the terms of this treaty the renewal of that proud homage which its single red cross had received four centuries before. it was a happy coincidence which the flag of the seafaring englishman most fully deserved. afterwards when the jack of queen anne had taken its place in the union ensign, the same claim of supremacy was upheld. under george iii. the instructions issued to the british navy for salutes to be given and received stated: "when any of his majesty's ships shall meet with any ship belonging to any foreign prince or state within his majesty's seas (which extend to cape finisterre), it is expected that the said foreign ships do strike their topsail, and take in their flag in acknowledgment of his majesty's sovereignty in those seas."[ ] [ ] regulations and instructions relating to his majesty's service at sea, . this sovereignty so valiantly for so many centuries maintained was again gloriously achieved when nelson at trafalgar swept the combined forces of the french and spanish navies from the seas, and made his nation the dominant power on the oceans--a dominance since maintained, not by conflict in attack, but by power and preparation for defence, in which the parent kingdom is now being joined by the daughter dominions in the outer empire for maintaining inviolate the supremacy of the seas. chapter xi. _the sovereignty of the seas._ the fight for the trade. notwithstanding the check which they had received in their career, the marine power--both naval and merchant--of the dutch kept on increasing. the hostilities against spain, conducted under cromwell, had transferred the spanish carrying trade to the dutch from the english ships, which had previously enjoyed it. the dutch had also challenged the english merchantman in his own carrying trade, as well as becoming general carriers for all europe; so much so that they were termed "the wagoners of all the seas." it was the contest for the money value of the "command" of the seas which was really being waged, and the commerce of distant continents was the prize which would fall to the victor's share. vessels of the dutch and other nations were ordered to heave to, or were stopped by a shot across their bows, not only to compel observance of the supremacy of the flag, but also for opportunity to search their holds for the goods which the searchers might consider should have been carried in english ships. the dutch had agreed to acknowledge the english flag in the british seas, but the english claimed it should be saluted on all. in , de ruyter and admiral lawson had almost come to cannon shots in the mediterranean over salutes claimed for the flag, and recriminations and searchings had extended to the waters of the far east indies, where the dutch, who had taken the cape of good hope from the portuguese, were competing with the english ships for the merchant trade. soon, under charles ii., another dutch war ( - ) blazed out, during which de ruyter sailed up the thames to gravesend and destroyed the ships at chatham and in the medway, and london was for the first time startled by the sound of an enemy's guns. again the success was but temporary, for at the close of the war new amsterdam in america, and with it the command of the hudson river, was ceded to the english. the name of the new territory then obtained was changed to new york, in honour of the duke of york, the king's brother, which english and royal name it still retains, although now forming the principal maritime city of the republic of the united states. with the booty came, in the articles of peace, the old-time ascription of sovereignty to the british flag. it was again agreed by one of the articles of the treaty: "that the ships and vessels of the so united provinces, as well men-of-war as others, meeting any man-of-war of the said king of great britain in the british seas, shall strike their flag and lore the topsail in such manner as the same hath been formerly observed in any times whatsoever."[ ] [ ] treaty of breda, . but the rivalry was too intense to continue much longer without coming to a definite climax. the "command" foreseen by raleigh was at stake. both nations had the maritime instinct, and both the genius of colonizing power, so that one or the other of them must give place and leave to the survivor the supreme possession of all that this command implied. formal negotiations between the governments had been rife, but the vital test was the supremacy due to the flag. an english royal yacht was ordered to sail through the dutch men-of-war in the channel and to fire on them if they did not strike their flags. an ultimatum was sent summoning holland to acknowledge the right of the english crown to the sovereignty of the british seas and to order its fleets to lower their flags to the smallest english man-of-war.[ ] [ ] mahan. thus the third and final war came on in and continued until . the plain red fighting flag of the english navy of the day was flying at the fore on the men-of-war as the signal to "engage the enemy," and the ensign red was at the stern of both men-of-war and merchantmen as the national ensign. war immediately commenced, and while the royal navy was battling with its guns, the merchant navy of england was cutting into the carrying trade of the dutch, so much so that at its close the british merchant ships had captured the greater part of the foreign business of the enemy, and by thus exhausting their earnings, and reducing the fighting resources of the dutch, contributed to the final victory almost equally with the exploits of the men-of-war. the contest, though short, was very sharp. the strife had been for the merchant carrying trade of the world, and when it was won, whole colonies were transferred with it to the victorious english. during the interval which had followed since the previous war the english had returned to the dutch their newly-acquired possession of new york in exchange for the dutch possessions in guiana, the boundaries of whose territories then transferred formed the subject of the venezuela excitement of ; but now they took both these countries back, while the island of st. helena, which, in the beginning of the war had been captured by the dutch by an expedition sent from their colony at the cape of good hope, was again recovered to the british flag. these possessions formed only a portion of the victor's spoil. above all of these and other great money results, the old sea spirit again asserted itself, and setting into inferior position the additions to the realm, or the compensations exacted for the expenses of the war, the final treaty declares among its first clauses the lordly renewal of the centuries-old right of the respect and salute due to the nation's flag: "in due acknowledgment on their part of the king of great britain's right to have his flag respected in the seas hereafter mentioned, shall and do declare and agree, that whatever ship or vessels belonging to the said united provinces, whether vessels of war or others, or whether single or in fleets, shall meet in any of the seas from cape finisterre to the middle point of the land van staten, in norway, with any ships or vessels belonging to his majesty of great britain, whether these ships be single or in great number, if they carry his majesty's of great britain flag or jack, the aforesaid dutch vessels or ships shall strike their flag and lower their topsail in the same manner and with as much respect as hath at any time, or in any place, been formerly practised towards any ships of his majesty of great britain or his predecessors, by any ships of the states general or their predecessors."[ ] [ ] treaty of westminster, charles ii. and holland, . the "jack" of his majesty charles ii., which was the sign of his majesty's ships, was the two-crossed "additional" jack of his father, which had been restored to the navy at the restoration, and as shown on the _naseby_ ( ). this jack was flying at the bow and on the mizzen of the ships of war, and at the stern was the sign of nationality, the "ensign red" with the st. george cross. the ensign red which the ships of that royal navy bore when they thus won the final supremacy of the sea from the navy of holland, was the flag worn also by the british merchantmen of the time, and on them witnessed the obtaining of that other command, then won from the dutch, "_the command of the trade, which is the command of the riches of the world_." to this victory the merchant mariner, by his seamanship and energy, had done his full share, and had won his right to wear it as his own. worthily, therefore, at this present day do the merchant ships of britain wear the red ensign on every sea, in every clime, in rightful acknowledgment of the part their predecessors played in the gaining of the supremacy of the sea. this supremacy, and still more the spirit of sea supremacy, has ever remained dominant in the souls of british seamen. when in march, , the harbour of apia, in samoa, was devastated by a terrific cyclone, and all the ships of other nations dragged their anchors and were driven ashore, it was with this native spirit that the british sailors slipped their cables and set out for their ocean home on the open sea. as the british man-of-war breasted the hurricane and battled through the breakers at the harbour mouth, the american sailors on their flagship _rodney_, sinking with fires extinguished[ ] inside the bar, cheered her as she passed, a cheer which rang round the world, and the bold _calliope_, with her british ensign above her, and her "hearts of oak" within, won her way to safety far out in the wildest storm. [ ] r. l. stevenson: "letters from samoa." with such widespread venture in her people, such spirit in her ships and record in her flag, no wonder is it that the british navy and the british merchant marine exceed in number and in power those of any other nation on the globe. well, therefore, with lusty throats and cheerful hearts, britannia's children sing: "_rule, britannia; britannia rules the waves!_" chapter xii. _the union jack of queen anne, ._ the second union jack. the story of the flag now brings us to the creation of the second two-crossed jack, being the first _real_ "union jack" ( ). [illustration: . union jack of queen anne, .] in the year , being the sixth year of the reign of queen anne, the parliaments of england and scotland were at length brought into union in one parliament. up to this time there had not been one distinctive "union jack" to represent both the kingdoms--no one flag taking the place of the separate national jacks of st. george and st. andrew, which the english and scotch subjects of the sovereign had each been instructed and continued to use, according to their nationality. in acts of parliament which had been passed in the parliaments of england and scotland, prior to their ceasing to act and becoming merged in the one "union parliament of great britain," authority had been given to the queen to create a flag, in which the two national flags, the "_crosse of st. george_" and the "_crosse of st. andrew_," should be joined together to form a _union flag_. [illustration: plate v. union jack of anne-- red ensign of anne-- . union jack of george iii.-- ] the queen accordingly called her councillors together, and a committee of the lords of the privy council was appointed "_to consider of several matters in execution of the act lately pass'd for the uniting of the two kingdoms of england and scotland_." instructions were given by this committee to the right honourable the earl of bindon, deputy earl marshal of england, "to give direction to the kings of arms and ye heralds to consider of the alterations to be made in the ensigns armorial and the conjoyning the crosses of st. george and st. andrew to be used in all flags, banners, standards and ensigns at _sea and land_, and that they lay before the committee drafts of the present flags of england and of scotland, and of such alterations as they propose for the flags of the united kingdom."[ ] [ ] minute of council, march, . these directions were carried out and various designs prepared by the heralds and the committee were thereafter presented for final adjudication and authority at a meeting of the privy council, as recorded in the minutes: "at the court at kensington, the day of april, . "present: "the queen's most excellent majesty in council: "whereas upon a report from the lords of her majesty's most honourable privy council appointed to consider of divers matters in execution of the late act for uniting the two kingdoms, who were attended by the kings of arms and heralds with divers drafts proposed by them relating to the ensigns armorial for the united kingdom and for adjoining the crosses of st. george and st. andrew pursuant to the said act, her majesty is pleased to approve of the following particulars, viz.: "that the draft marked a be made use of for the manner of bearing arms for the said united kingdom. * * * * * "that the flaggs be according to the draft marked c, wherein the crosses of st. george and st. andrew are conjoyned."[ ] [ ] minute of the privy council, april, . copies of the minute and of the drafts were transmitted under seal to the college of arms, london. a careful copy of the drawing of draft c, as attested by a certificate of the york _herald_, is given (fig. ). formal and important promulgation of the orders and flags was ordered by another paragraph of this same minute of april: "and her majesty is pleased to order, that these minutes be put into the hands of her majesty's principal secretarys of state, who are to receive her majesty's pleasure thereupon, and to signify the same within the united kingdom of great britain and in ireland, her majesty's plantations in america, the islands of jersey and guernsey and all other her majesty's dominions."[ ] [ ] minute of the privy council, april, . [illustration: . draft "c," union jack, .] this _draft c_, so prepared by the committee and heralds, and selected and approved by her majesty the queen and her privy council, was duly transmitted to be the form of the new "_flagg_," which was to be used on all "_flags and ensigns at sea and on land_," and not only by her majesty's subjects in the home kingdoms, but in all the islands and dominions beyond the seas. thus was formed the "union jack" of queen anne, which, taking the place of the jack of james i., "_commonly called the union jack_," was the second two-crossed jack, and the first fully authorized "union jack." in the july following, the queen issued a proclamation regarding "our jack" and the "ensign" of the now completely united kingdom, and defining more particularly how these flags were to be used at sea: royal arms. _three lions for england_, _red lion for scotland_, _harp for ireland_, _three fleurs-de-lis for france_, _and the motto, "semper eadem."_ "by the queen. "_a proclamation_--_declaring what ensign or colours shall be worn at sea in merchant ships or vessels belonging to any of her majesty's subjects of great britain and the dominions thereunto belonging._--anne r. "whereas, by the first article of the treaty of union, as the same hath been ratified and approved by several acts of parliament, the one made in our parliament of england, and the other in our parliament of scotland, it was provided and agreed that the ensigns armorial of our kingdom of great britain be such as we should appoint, and the crosses of saint george and saint andrew _conjoyned in such manners as we should think fit_, and used in all flags, banners, standards and ensigns both at sea and land; we have, therefore, thought fit, by and with the advice of our privy council, to order and appoint _the ensign described on the side or margent hereof_, to be worn on board all ships or vessels belonging to any of our subjects whatsoever; and to issue this, our royal proclamation, to notifie the same to all our loving subjects, hereby strictly charging and commanding the masters of all merchant ships and vessels belonging to our subjects, _whether employed in our service or otherwise_, and all other persons whom it may concern, to wear the said ensign on board the ships or vessels." after creating the _ensign_, which was to be used by all ships, warning was given, so that her majesty's ships might be the more easily distinguished, against the using of the single jack, or of any of the distinctive flags of the royal navy, without permission. "and whereas, divers of our subjects have presumed on board their ships to wear our flag, jacks and pendants, which, according to ancient usage, have been appointed as a distinction for our ships, and have worn flags, jacks and pendants in shape and mixture of colours so little different from ours as not without difficulty to be distinguished therefrom. we do, therefore, with the advice of our privy council, hereby strictly charge and command all our subjects whatsoever, that they do not presume to wear in any of their ships _our jack, commonly called the 'union jack_,' nor any pendants, nor any such colours as are usually worn by our ships without particular warrant for their so doing from us." the proclamation then stated that no other ensign was to be used, and that it was to take the place of the ensign red up to that time used by merchant ships: "and to hereby further command all our loving subjects that without such warrant as aforesaid they presume not to wear on board their ships _any other ensign_ than the ensign described on the side or _margent hereof_, which shall be _worn instead of_ the ensign before this time usually worn on merchant ships. "given at our court at windsor, the th day of july, in the sixth year of our reign. "_god save the queen._" [illustration: . the red ensign in "the margent," .] here, then, we have the establishment of a new flag in accordance with the intention of the treaty of union. in this flag the "crosses" of st. george and st. andrew were conjoined; the new flag was called "our jack" (pl. v., fig. ), which in its simple form, as a single jack, was not to be used afloat on any other ships than her majesty's royal navy without particular warrant. a notable change was now made in the ensign. we have seen how, in , the english st. george cross had remained alone in possession of the upper corner of the "ensign red." although the st. george cross continued, as it still does, in the "command pennant" of all officers of the royal navy, its place in the ensign was now taken by the new "union jack," in the form as shown "in the margent" ( ). the "red ensign," thus formed, was authorized to be worn thereafter on all ships, both merchantmen and those in her majesty's service; and, further, that no other ensign was to be worn except this "red ensign," with the new union jack in the upper corner, which was to take the place of the separate national jacks and of the "ensign red" previously used on the merchant ships of the subjects of the sovereign. here, then, ceased the official authority on ships as national flags of the separate crosse-flags of st. george and st. andrew, and began the reign of the first "union jack" of the united kingdoms. then, too, was first raised the british union ensign, the "meteor flag" of the realm, to be worn by all subjects of britain's queen, whether on land or on sea, at home or abroad, on merchant ships or on men-of-war, so that wherever the blood-red flag should fly the world would know the nation to which its bearers belonged. in this _red ensign_ (pl. v., fig. ), the paramount flag of the nation, the new "union jack" was placed; a position which, although so long enjoyed by the "english jack," had never been occupied by the "additional" jack of james i., whose term was now brought to a close. the proclamation and drawing of the ensign, as shown ( ), are taken by photo reproduction from the upper corner of an original in the british museum, london, and verified with the copy of the flag in the college of arms. a very noticeable difference will be seen to exist between "our" new jack of queen anne, of , and the "additional" jack of james, of , as usually given. the white border surrounding the st. george cross has been enlarged, and is no longer a mere margin or "fimbriation," but has become a broad white border, distinctive in size and appearance. in the king james i. flag the crosses were "_joyned according to the forme made by our heralds_";[ ] in the queen anne flag they are to be "_conjoyned in such manners as we should think fit"_,[ ] in accordance with the request of the parliaments of the two kingdoms. this time the designers of the "drafts," to whom the two then "_present flags of england and of scotland_"[ ] had been committed, were not thinking so much of heraldry as of making, as they were instructed, a union flag, and, while combining the two crosses, of making the two flags into one. [ ] proclamation, p. . [ ] proclamation, p. . [ ] instructions, p. . we have seen with what carefulness the combined committee of the privy council and of the heralds had proceeded, and when the new flagmakers thus broadened the white, they did it, it has been considered, for the purpose of representing in the union flag a part of the white ground of the st. george jack, which had previously been entirely effaced, but which by the broad white border was now given its place in the new "union," as well as, and in company with, that of the blue ground of the st. andrew flag. [illustration: . fort niagara, . (reproduced from an old print.)] a confirmation of this intention will be found in the annals of the next change in the union jack, which was made almost a century later. it is possible, too, that the views of the designers were affected by the relative proportions of some of the king james jacks, which were in official use and will be referred to later. it may have been that some of the queen's advisers and designers were sailors, who had carried the red cross of st. george, and now that it was being withdrawn from the ensign of the nation in favour of the newcomer, felt, like the admiral of old, that it was but due to its centuries of glorious service that evidence of the whole english jack--its white ground as well as its red cross--should be displayed in the new national emblem. there the broad white band appeared in this two-crossed jack, and has ever since remained, showing the red cross and white ground of st. george's jack, combined, with the white cross and blue ground of st. andrew's jack, into one "union jack," which was hereafter to be the "sole ensign" of british rule. it was this two-crossed union jack of queen anne which was raised at plassey, when clive won india, and at pondicherry and at seringapatam. nova scotia and newfoundland were early ( ) transferred to it from the _fleur-de-lis_, and sir william johnson raised it in canada above the old fort niagara, on the shores of lake ontario[ ] ( ), when [ ] the artist would appear to have altered the flag shown on the flagstaff in a sketch which he had made the previous year. the sketch was made in , and the fort taken in . a "colonial escutcheon" will be noted in the centre union. "the last day came, and bois le grand beheld with misty eyes the flag of france run down the staff, and that of england rise."[ ] [ ] kirby: "spina christi." under it wolfe stormed _louisbourg_, the key fortress of cape breton, and, following up his victory, climbed the heights, and died victorious on the plains of abraham ( ), when, in , _quebec_ was gained and all canada came under the realm of british law. [illustration: . the assault at wolfe's cove, quebec, . (from an old print published in london, .)] the youthful nelson saw it fly aloft when he served as captain's coxswain on a british man-of-war searching for the north pole, and twenty-five years later when in glorious action he won his title as baron nelson of the nile. the _cape colony_ was first acquired, and the _west coast of africa, new south wales and vancouver island_ were all added under its display, showing how the mariners of britain were carrying it far across the distant seas, more distant then than now, for those sea-dogs of the "sceptred isles," boldly raising their new union jack upon the mast, braved the unknown oceans, and sailed their ships wherever billows rolled or winds could waft them. so it came that, as its "glory roll" so vividly tells, it was under this second union jack the colonial possessions which dot the world around were either occupied by doughty britons or were wrested from the flags of other nations to form the foundation of that greater britain which, from these beginnings, has since grown up in all the regions beyond the seas. chapter xiii. _the two-crossed jack in canada._ although the union jack has been built up on the local jacks of the three island kingdoms, its greatest glories have been won in expeditions sent far across the seas to other lands. the people of the parent isles have never needed to raise it as their signal in driving invaders from their own shores, and in this way it does not bear that added vitality to them which it bears to the resident canadian, that of being associated with brave defence of home and native land. to the englishman, irishman or scotsman, in his own island home, it is an emblem of foreign conquest; to the immigrant and to the canadian-born it is much more, as being the patriot signal of his national defence. after the events of and of , when levis at st. foy nearly won back quebec, and the cession of the rule of france in canada had been agreed upon, canada had settled down into the paths of peace; soldier and _habitant_ vied in binding up one another's wounds, and evidencing all the pleasantries of reconciliation.[ ] [ ] the nuns of the convents of quebec sewed together blankets to make trousers for the th fraser highlanders, who otherwise would have had no protection against the snows during the first winter of their occupation of the citadel of quebec. the soldiers of this regiment were given grants of land, and settled on the north shore of the st. lawrence, below quebec, where they intermarried with the french canadians. it is a striking instance of the amalgamating influence of the _habitant_ that the descendants of the frasers are now _frasiers_, and speak french as their native tongue. a memorial, the like of which has never been known elsewhere, either in history or the world, has been erected in the square of "the governor's garden," at quebec, to the two heroes, montcalm and wolfe, equal in valour, equal in fame. a united sentiment raised this single monument to their united memory, bearing upon it the noble inscription: mortem, virtus, communem famam, historia monumentum, posteritas dedit. "valour gave them a common death, history a common fame, posterity a common monument." as the glory of their champions was thus intertwined, so the patriotism of the old french occupants and of the newcomers to canada began from this splendid example to blend more closely in fraternal union. the treaty of paris, in , confirmed the union jack in its position of being the successor to the _fleur-de-lis_ of france and the three castles of castile of spain over all the territory on the continent of america, stretching from labrador along the atlantic coast southward to florida, and inland westward as far as the waters of the mississippi from their highest sources to its mouth on the shores of the gulf of mexico.[ ] [ ] the treaty of paris was concluded at paris, th february, , by george iii. of great britain, louis xv. of france, charles iii. of spain, and joseph of portugal. france ceded to britain all countries east of the mississippi except the town of new orleans; and spain, in consideration of the return to her of havana and the island of cuba--which had been captured during the war by the english--ceded florida with the bay of pensacola and all her territories in north america to the east or south-east of the mississippi. in pursuance of this treaty, king george iii. issued his proclamation (october, ) creating four provinces and governments, named quebec, east florida, west florida, and granada, this last consisting of the islands of the west indies. of these four the province of quebec comprised the territory lying adjacent to the st. lawrence river system, along its whole length to the head waters on the watersheds of the farthest inland lakes. by this proclamation french canada ceased to be a conquered country, and became a fully established colony of the british king. it was to be governed by a governor and an assembly, entitled to arrange its own taxation, have control of its own internal welfare and local government, and empowered to institute its own courts of law; but to every subject, new or old, of the king, there was reserved the right of appeal to the foot of the throne itself in the privy council of great britain, should any person think himself aggrieved by the decision of his own locally appointed courts.[ ] [ ] royal proclamation under treaty of paris, . the french canadian subject soon began to find for himself the beneficent character of british rule. he was no longer harried by an irresponsible governor nor a grasping "intendant" for the enrichment of a far-distant court, but was assisted in every way in the local development of his country. his personal property was assured, and he soon became sensible of the certainty of english law. an act of parliament followed, formally and still further guaranteeing to the french-speaking subjects the quiet continuance of their most cherished customs.[ ] [ ] quebec act, , section . the quebec act of confirmed the _habitant_ in the free exercise of his roman catholic religion, and restored to him his old french civil law (_code civile_), but provided that in all criminal matters the law of england, which had been found so satisfactory, was to remain in force. content with his lot, secure in his home, and sure that good faith would ever be kept with him and his descendants, the french canadian proved loyal to the trust which was now confided to him. after having been for sixteen years an english colony, canada was invaded in by the forces of the thirteen older english colonies to the south, which, after a series of altercations and misunderstandings, due largely to their refusal in the past days to contribute toward the expense of the military forces which had been maintained on their frontiers "at england's cost to defend her american children against the french and their indian allies",[ ] had consorted together in revolution against their parent state. after entering montreal, which had been abandoned to them, the revolutionary forces concentrated around the walls of quebec for an assault upon the citadel. below were the rebels against the british crown; above, upon the king's bastion on cape diamond, flew the two-crossed union jack, and within the fortress, under sir guy carleton, the friend and fellow-soldier of wolfe, was a garrison of , men, one-third of whom were french canadian militia, headed by colonel lecompte dupré. the invaders from new york were, however, reckoning without their host. they had expected to find the french canadians dissatisfied with their lot; but, instead, they found them standing side by side with their british friends, and joining with them in common defence of their native canadian land. [ ] goldwin smith: "the united states' political history." the assault commenced on the night of december st, . at the point of attack at près-de-ville, in lower town, the guard was under the command of captain chabot and lieutenant picard, of the french canadian militia, and the guns were served by sailors from the british ships, with sergeant hugh mcquarters, of the royal artillery, in charge. the attack was boldly met. general montgomery, the leader of the united states forces, was killed; general arnold, his second in command, wounded, and the whole invading force was put to rout. thus were the historic heights and ramparts of old quebec again crowned with a british victory, but this time with one in which the french canadians were themselves the brave defenders of the union jack. no wonder the french-speaking canadian looks upon his british flag with pride, and, as one of his compatriots, sir adolphe chapleau, the lieutenant-governor of quebec in , has so well said, "is french in nationality, but british in patriotism"--for beneath the union jack he dwells secure in possession of his dearest rights, and under it has victoriously driven the united states invaders back each time they have ventured to attack his loved canadian soil. while such loyalty to the national flag was shown in eastern canada, so was it also displayed later on in nova scotia and new brunswick, and in the country of canada yet farther to the west. the thirteen southern colonies had completed their revolution in . immediately thereafter the "coming of the loyalists" had commenced to the districts of nova scotia and new brunswick, but was principally directed to the western province of upper canada, all three of these provinces being now in the dominion, or union, of canada. these western lands were then uninhabited save by the native indian tribes and a few white settlers who had been attracted to the districts by the chances of trapping for furs or of trading with the indians. the gallantry of the french-speaking britons at quebec, in , had kept the union jack flying above canadian soil, and to canada's unbroken forests the english-speaking loyalists therefore came, leaving the old colonies because they would have their loved flag once more float above them. never does history relate such devoted loyalty to a flag as was shown by this migration of the u. e. loyalists[ ]--men giving up homes, farms, companionship and wealth, and with their wives and little ones following a flag for conscience' sake into an undeveloped and almost unknown land. [ ] "united empire loyalists," so called because they preferred to remain united with the parent empire rather than become citizens of another state. "right staunch and true to the ties of old, they sacrificed their all, and into the wilderness set out, led on by duty's call. the aged were there with their snow-white hair, and their life-course nearly run, and the tender, laughing little ones whose race had just begun."[ ] [ ] jakeway: "the lion and the lilies." it was enough for them that the union jack was the flag of canada; so they followed it to the far north. here they lived out the balance of their days, and, dying, have been buried in the sacred soil beneath its folds. certain it is that their descendants will ever prove true to their loyal faith, that no other realm shall possess their bones nor other nation's flag fly above their graves. such, then, was the esteem in which canadians of both races held the two-crossed union jack. before the century of had commenced, the french-speaking loyalist of quebec had laid down his life in its defence; and having, by this loyalty, preserved it to the country, the english-speaking loyalist here sought a new home in the far-off forests of canada, so that he and his loved ones might continue to live again beneath its sway. truly was this two-crossed union jack the flag of canada and the canadians, and as truly is its three-crossed successor, our present union jack, the native birthright of the sons of its defenders and the successors of those patriot pioneers. chapter xiv. _the irish jack._ the lineage of the irish jack is not so clearly defined as is that of the other jacks. although "paddy" has always been so ready for a shindy that fighting has come to be considered his "natural diversion," he has never found himself particularly at home on the sea. it is on land that he has found play for his fierce delight in mingling where the fray is thickest. it is as a soldier that the irishman has always excelled. wellington, wolseley and roberts attest his power in command, and in many a forlorn hope the wild energy of the irish blood in the ranks has scaled the breach and carried the stormers past the anxious moments of the onset, displaying that same "eager, fierce, impetuous valour" with which, in the charge of the heavy brigade at balaclava, the "inniskillings went into the massive russian column with a cheer."[ ] [ ] kinglake: "invasion of the crimea." it may be that as ireland was at no time distinguished as a maritime nation, and its local shipping not developed to any great extent, the display of her national jack had not been so much in evidence among the sailors of the early days as were the jacks of the two sister nations. the banner of st. patrick ( ), which is the "irish jack," is a white flag, having on it a red cross of the same saltire or diagonal shape as st. andrew's cross, the heraldic description being, "_argent, a saltire gules_," red saltire cross on a white ground (pl. i., fig. ). [illustration: . st. patrick's jack.] st. patrick was the christian apostle of the irish, and thus became their traditional patron saint. the story of his life is that he was born in scotland, at kilpatrick, near dunbarton on the clyde, and being taken prisoner by pirates when a child, was carried into ireland and sold there as a serf. having acquired the native language, he escaped to the continent, and afterwards becoming a christian and having been ordained to service in the church, returned to ireland for the purpose of converting the people. the british name said to have been given him in his youth was _succeath_ (valiant in war), a temperament which he certainly impressed upon the irish. this name was afterwards, when he returned to ireland, changed to _patricius_, in evidence of his noble family descent, and to add importance to his mission.[ ] [ ] smith: "religion of ancient britain." the legends of the saint date back to a.d. , when he is reported to have commenced his mission, and to have afterwards devoted his life to the increase of the well-being of the people and the spread of christianity throughout ireland. tradition reports, although some do not put much faith in it, that the saint suffered martyrdom upon a cross of the shape of this red cross, and thus, when he became the patron saint of ireland, it was held in recognition as his emblem, and for that reason was adopted as the irish cross. on the other hand, some people declare that the cross of the saltire shape is sacred only to st. andrew. [illustration: . labarum of constantine.] another suggestion is that the shape of the saltire cross, both of the irish and the scotch, is derived from the labarum ( ), or sacred standard, which was raised by constantine the great, the first christian emperor of rome, as the imperial standard of his armies. on this he had placed a monogram composed of the first two letters, [greek: chr] (chr), of the greek form of the sacred name of christ ([greek: christos]), and the saltire cross is reputed to be the repetition of the [greek: ch] of the lower part of the christian emblem. the labarum was the official standard of the emperor of rome, and upon it were displayed the "insignia" of the emperor of the day. constantine, after his conversion to christianity, had changed his previous insignia to the christian emblem. should this latter suggestion of the origin of the cross of the saltire shape be accepted as the preferable one, this saltire cross has yet a most interesting and particular connection with the early history of ireland. the roman governor of britain, under the emperor diocletian, when, in a.d. , the pacification of ibernia (ireland) had been completed, was constantius chlorus, the father of constantine. [illustration: . harp of hibernia.] the goddess of the pagan islanders was the goddess hibernia, whose emblem was a harp, and this hibernian irish harp ( ) constantius had in testimony of his success adopted as the insignia for his standard. after the resignation of diocletian, constantius chlorus and galerius were created joint emperors of rome, and, dividing the empire between them, galerius took the east and constantius the west. the death of constantius occurred soon afterwards in england, at the city of york (eboracum), and there he was succeeded as emperor of rome by his son constantine. constantius had in some degree restrained the persecution of the christians in britain, which had raged under diocletian, but it was now completely suppressed by the new emperor. carrying with him his faith in christianity, which he had learned in britain, constantine removed to the continent to engage in the contest for the command of the empire to which he had fallen heir, and in the battle of the milvian bridge, near rome, in a.d. , he defeated the opposing eastern forces under maxentius, and entered into undisputed possession of his position as sole emperor. it was just before this engagement that constantine is reported to have seen a cross shining in the heavens at midday, having on it the inscription, [greek: en toutÔ nika] ("in this conquer"--"_in hoc signo vinces_"), and, therefore, recognizing the christian emblem, he adopted the christian cross as his standard and placed the sacred monogram upon his labarum. this victory resulted in the official recognition of the christian religion, and the attaching to it of all the political power of the emperor of rome. constantius had lived, and constantine the great had been born and brought up, in the north of england, which, during the roman occupation, had been converted to christianity by missionaries from scotland, whence st. patrick afterwards also went to ireland; and as it was to constantine that the christians owed their rescue from persecution, his insignia would, therefore, be heartily received. the early christians, through this source, may have adopted the x cross, the lower part of constantino's christian monogram, as their emblem, and thus it had become associated in ireland with the christian labours of st. patrick, their apostle and patron saint. in this "story of the irish jack," it is a notable transition that the harp emblem of hibernia, carried by constantius, and transmitted by him to his son, and by constantine changed to the christian labarum, should in this diagonal cross of st. patrick have been returned to become the emblem of ireland. whichever may have been the source of its origin, the saltire cross, in its form of the red cross of st. patrick, is by both lines of descent intimately associated with the history of ireland, and is rightfully claimed as one of its national emblems. the harp, too, has its story much later than that of st. patrick's cross, but yet bringing an interesting connection with the patron saint. the ancient arms of ireland, from the time of henry ii., in , had been three golden crowns set upon a blue ground.[ ] [ ] "the book of public arms." these ancient arms of ireland are the arms of the province of munster, and are now worn on the helmet plate and glengarry of the royal munster fusiliers regiment of the british army. henry viii. was the first english king who used an irish emblem. when he was proclaimed king of ireland, he placed the harp of hibernia upon the coinage which he then issued, instead of the "three crowns" which had been used under his predecessors, but he did not introduce the harp into his royal arms, nor place the red cross of st. patrick upon his banner. the first english monarch to insert an irish emblem in the official insignia of the sovereign was queen elizabeth, who introduced one in the design of her "great seal." instead of using the three irish crowns, she inserted a harp as the emblem of the irish nation, and among the banners displayed at her funeral ireland was represented by a blue flag having upon it a golden harp surmounted by a crown.[ ] james i., her successor, was the first king to introduce an irish emblem into the "royal standard," and from that time onward the golden harp of hibernia, on the ancient blue ground of the three irish crowns, has been shown in one of the quarters of the british standard as the emblem of ireland. in the arms of all the sovereigns, from james i., ( ), to and including william iv., , the front of the harp was formed by the female figure representing the goddess hibernia. during the victorian period a change was introduced in the shape of the harp, which has been altered to that of the ancient irish harp, connected in form and legend with king brian boru (boroimhe). [ ] hulme: "flags of the world." the exploits of this most noted of the early kings of ireland had been mainly devoted to the defence of his kingdom against the invasions of the danes during the period when, under canute, they had well-nigh conquered all england. although in the main successful, he was slain in battle, according to some, in ,[ ] or, as others report, in the hour of victory over the danes at clontarf, near dublin, in .[ ] [ ] king: "national arms." [ ] "hadyn's index." the king, having accepted christianity, presented, in , a golden votive offering upon the altar of the church at armagh, and here, in accordance with his dying request, his body was buried after the battle of clontarf.[ ] [ ] "ulster journal of archæology," vol. i., september, . this city of armagh is reputed to have been founded about a.d. , by st. patrick, and to this account is accredited the ecclesiastical pre-eminence which has always enshrined the city, for the bishop of armagh is the "archbishop and primate of all ireland" of the protestant church, and it is the see city also of the "primate of ireland" of the roman catholic church. of all the traditional patrons of irish music, king brian boru was the most renowned, and thus in poetry and song his name became identified with the irish harp. the minstrelsy of the irish harper has held sway and been cherished through all the ages by the irish people, whose temperament may have been affected, or else has been most touchingly expressed, by its strange and mystic cadences. the sweet pathos of these ancient melodies has given tone and inspiration to most of the irish songs, markedly to those of the sweet singer moore, whose music has installed in affectionate memory, "the harp that once through tara's halls the soul of music shed." in the old seal of carrickfergus ( ), granted by james i., the form of this ancient harp of brian boru is excellently displayed. within the circle are the initials of the king, i.r. (_jacobus rex_), and the date , and on the shield in the centre are three irish harps, having the rounded front pillar and the curious upper sweep of the neck, termed the "harmonic curve," of the type known as the irish harp of brian boru. [illustration: . seal of carrickfergus, .] although this irish harp was introduced in the seal of the irish city during his reign, the emblem which had been placed in his royal arms by james i. as the emblem of ireland was the angelic harp of hibernia, and in this form it remained on the royal standards of all the succeeding sovereigns until queen victoria, in whose royal arms ( ) the irish harp was displayed. [illustration: . royal arms of queen victoria.] in , when queen victoria first visited ireland, being the first occasion upon which a british queen had ever visited the island, a medal was struck to commemorate the event. on this are the profiles of her majesty the queen and the prince consort, and on the reverse ( ) is the old irish harp surmounted by the royal crown. it is true that the angelic harp is frequently to be seen upon the flags flown as royal standards, but the irish harp is most beautifully shown in the coat-of-arms upon the back of her majesty's royal throne in the house of lords at westminster ( ). as the harp of the pagan goddess hibernia had been changed to the christian cross of st. patrick, so now again it had been followed by the irish harp of the christian king, brian boru, and through his grave at st. patrick's ancient city of armagh is again connected with ireland's patron saint. thus, whether it be cross or harp, both the official emblems of ireland are associated with st. patrick. [illustration: . medal of queen's first visit to ireland.] during only one period in the early story of our flag had ireland been represented on its folds, as is shown in cromwell's jacks and in the commonwealth ensign (pl. iv., figs. and ), but it had not been by a cross, as were the other nationalities, but by a golden harp on a blue ground. another emblem of ireland, the green shamrock, is also connected in legend with st. patrick, as having been used by him, through the lesson of its three leaves joined in one, in explaining the doctrine of the trinity. thus both the shamrock and the red saltire cross form the salient features of the insignia of the "most illustrious order of st. patrick," the irish order of knighthood. [illustration: . the throne of queen victoria in the house of lords, .] the irish red cross on a white ground had been the ancient banner of the irish family of the fitzgeralds before the time of the conquest of ireland under henry ii., and it still appears in the arms of their descendants ( ). it appears to have been used as a flag at cromwell's funeral, but notwithstanding its still earlier associations the red cross of st. patrick does not seem to have been formally recognized as the general national emblem for ireland until about the close of the seventeenth century. its entrance into the union jack had long been delayed for reasons which will be pointed out. [illustration: . arms of the fitzgeralds.] though the kings of england had, since henry ii., in , been "lords paramount," and since henry viii. been "kings of ireland," the national jack of ireland had not been joined with the other jacks. when the crosses of st. george and st. andrew were combined in the "additional" jack of james, in , it was not included, nor was it afterwards, in the first union jack of queen anne, in ; so that for all these centuries the red cross of st. patrick had continued alone. at length, the time was coming when another change was to be made in the union jack, and it was in , under george iii., that the red saltire cross of ireland first joined the two sister crosses. for the immediately previous two hundred years the irishman had gallantly contributed his prowess to the glories won under the two-crossed jack, in which his nation had not been represented; but from this time onward his own irish cross entered into its proper place in the national union jack, and received its acknowledged position as the emblem of the irish kingdom. chapter xv. _the jacks in the thirteen colonies of north america._ we now turn to the history of the jacks in the country to the south of canada, where immigration from england had been building up the thirteen english colonies which subsequently became the united states of america. the spanish flag had been planted in by columbus upon san salvador in the bahamas. in , cabot had placed the st. george cross, the english jack of henry vii., on the north atlantic shores, and the english claim by right of first discovery was thereafter laid to newfoundland, labrador, and the coast of america, from cape breton to maine. under elizabeth, raleigh, in , expanded the claim of the st. george cross in virginia far to the south, and in , under the same flag, bartholomew gosnold, sailing out for the merchant adventurers of bristol, exploited the shores of nantucket, martha's vineyard, and elizabeth, which still retain the names he then gave them. other adventurers, too, there were, who were searching the unknown resources of the new continent. jacques cartier, in his second voyage, had, in , occupied stadacona (quebec), and the french flag had been established on the shores of the st. lawrence, the permanent settlement at quebec being founded by champlain, in . for more than two hundred years the cross of st. george had been prospecting along the atlantic coasts and laying claim to their possession, but no settlements were permanently established on these shores by any except the frenchman, de monts, who raised the white flag of france at port royal, on the bay of fundy, and laid the foundations of the town in , and from this time on began the contest for their final ownership. the sovereigns of france and england had with profuse liberality given royal grants of american territory to their venturesome merchant seamen, and in this manner james i., in , partitioned off the larger part of these shores to the two merchant-adventurer companies of london and plymouth. the plymouth company was granted the country between what is now known as new brunswick and long island, to be called northern virginia, and the london company from the potomac to cape fear in carolina, to be called southern virginia--the two hundred miles intervening between them being left unoccupied in order to separate their boundaries, and so ensure peace between the rival companies, each company being warned not to make any occupation beyond the limits of the territory so allotted to them. the london company in established themselves in virginia, where their capt. newport, after a weary and wave-tossed voyage, named their first shelter and landing place "point comfort," and the river the "james," and their settlement "jamestown," in honour of his king. it was into this interval between the two english companies that hendrick hudson sailed in , and planted the dutch flag, with its three lengthwise stripes of orange, white and blue, the orange being the uppermost, over new amsterdam (now new york). to these english colonists fell the honour of the first contest for the flag. the french had occupied acadia, and were quietly extending southward, when, in , commander samuel argall, of southern virginia,[ ] finding them trading off mount desert, in what is now maine, captured and destroyed their new shore settlement of st. sauveur, and next year, heading an expedition sent out by his colony, advanced farther northward, and destroyed their headquarters at port royal. thus the colonists of virginia, acting for their nation, defended the english claim, and repelled the interference made with the cross of st. george in its rights of prior discovery under cabot. [ ] afterwards governor of virginia in . the plymouth company had not been so energetic as were the london company in the occupying of their "plantations," but, in , captain john smith, on their behalf, settled a port which he called "new plymouth," and gave the name of "new england" to the surrounding country. while these things were going on in america the migration of the puritans from england to holland had taken place. these non-conforming independents left their homes in england, in , not from any disloyalty to their native land, but because their religious views forbade them to bend to what they considered were the unbiblical church requirements of james i. to his ritual regulations they would not conform, so they removed themselves and their families to holland. strong in their english nationality they remained for ten years at leyden, an isolated and unsettled colony in a foreign land. to england they could not return, no place in europe was open to them for settlement without losing their language and changing their flag, and they must, therefore, leave holland and seek the new world lands across the ocean. the dutch offered them assistance and favourable arrangements for colonization in their dutch possessions in america. they were also offered inducements by the london company to settle on the delaware, in their colony of virginia. as it was considered that complications might arise if an english colony were to proceed across the seas under the dutch flag, they declined the offer of holland and accepted the english proposition, and the consent of king james was obtained to their repatriation in the english territory in america without conforming to the religious conditions to which they had so devotedly objected in the old land. thus they sought the new land, not as rebels, but as loyalists returning in gladness to their nation's flag. forming the "pilgrim company," in which they all took shares, a vessel named the _speedwell_ was purchased at delft-haven in holland, and another named the _mayflower_ in london. the two parties joined at southampton. after leaving the shores of england the _speedwell_ was found to be unseaworthy, and the two vessels, therefore, returned to england, when it was determined that the _mayflower_ should proceed alone. there not being sufficient accommodation on the one ship for the combined expeditions, a number were left behind. the _mayflower_, a vessel of only tons, sailed from plymouth with about of the "pilgrims" crowded on board. on reaching the shores of america in november, , after a voyage of two months and five days, they found that they were far to the north of the virginia colony to which they had been commissioned. tired of the sea, but being hopeful that they would receive, as they subsequently did, a grant of land from the plymouth company, and being without a charter for the territory on which they were about to land, it became necessary to make a new agreement between themselves for the government of their colony. a "_compact_" was accordingly drawn up on board the _mayflower_ "off cap-codd," and signed by all the heads of families. in this document they described themselves as " ... the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne lord king james by the grace of god of gt. britaine, france and ireland, king-defender of ye faith, &c., having undertaken for the glory of god, and advancement of ye christian faith and honour of our king & countrie a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye northerne parts of virginia," and the date of the year is given as "the eighteenth of 'our soveraigne lord king james.'"[ ] [ ] macdonald: "charters illustrative of american history, - ." as the _mayflower_ was an english ship she would carry the st. george cross flag on the foremast, and as they declared themselves to be loyal subjects of king james it is most probable that the "additional" union jack of james i. was also displayed at the main. such was the beginning of the migration of the puritans from england, which, following this first colony, continued during the remainder of the century. that the pilgrims carried the english jack is plainly shown by the controversies which arose from time to time in this "new england" district upon the subject of the use of the cross of st. george, not for want of any loyalty to it, but from their strict religious views. john endicott, and the puritans who subsequently settled at salem, objected to the cross in the flag as being an "_idolatrous emblem_," and, in , "_defaced the ensign by taking out one part of the red cross_."[ ] [ ] _winthrop's journal_, november , , vol. i., p. . much discussion ensued upon these conscientious scruples, and the offenders were summoned to appear before the court of assistants, but decision was deferred for several meetings, "_because the court could not agree about the thing, whether the ensigns should be laid by, in regard that many refused to follow them_." it was, however, ordered by the commissioners for military affairs that all the ensigns should in the meantime be laid aside. endicott was finally tried at a general court held at newtown, and "_his offence found great; he judging the cross to be a sin, did not content himself to have it reformed at salem, not taking care that others might be brought out of it; also laying a blemish on the other magistrates, as if they would suffer idolatry, and giving occasion to england to think ill of us_." he was, however, lightly sentenced by suspension for one year of right to hold civil office, because "_he did it out of tenderness of conscience and not of any evil intent_."[ ] [ ] _winthrop's journal_, march, . a suggestion was made that red and white roses should be inserted in the flag, instead of the cross, as being english emblems, and the ministers were "_to write to england and consult the most wise and godly_;" but nothing came of this suggestion. opinions must have continued strong in the controversy, for at the close of the year the commissioners appointed colours for the military companies, but left out the cross in them all, leaving the space blank, but they ordered that the king's arms were to be inserted in the flag which was to be used on the fort on castle island, at boston.[ ] [ ] _winthrop's journal_, december, . in the following year ( ) much heart-burning was occasioned by the masters of several ships trading to boston declaring that because the king's colours were not displayed at the fort the colonists were all traitors and rebels. this imputation was most warmly resented by the people, and the captains were promptly tried by the massachusetts court for this defamation of the loyalty of the colony. the offenders acknowledged their error and made humble apology in open court, but in doing so suggested that the king's colours ought to be shown on the fort. to this answer was made, "_that 'we had not the king's colours'; thereupon two of them did offer them freely to us. we replied that, for our part, we were fully persuaded that the cross in the ensign was idolatrous, and, therefore, might not set it in our ensign, but because the fort was the king's and maintained in his name, we thought that his own colours might be spread there._"[ ] [ ] _winthrop's journal_, march, . the king's own colours would be the two-crossed jack of james, which charles i. had, in , declared as his majesty's jack to be the "ornament proper for our owne ships." this jack was ordered to be thereafter displayed at the fort, lest it might again be thought that the colony had abated its allegiance. in , the colonies of plymouth, massachusetts bay and connecticut formed themselves for defence against the french and the dutch into an alliance as the "united colonies of new england." that their forces had continued to use the two-crossed "king's jack" of charles i. is proved by the fact that they found it necessary, owing to the change of sovereignty in the mother country, to pass an order authorizing a change in their own flag. the commonwealth of england had, in , abolished the use of the two-crossed jack. in , the fleet of cromwell which crossed the atlantic was to be seen flying the single english jack of st. george and the new commonwealth ensign at barbadoes and in virginia. following the action of the home government, the general court of massachusetts overcame their local scruples and passed an order adopting the english ensign: "forasmuch as this court conceives the old english colours now used by the parliament of england to be a necessary badge of distinction between the english and other nations in all places in the world, till the state of england shall alter the same, which we much desire, we being of the same nation, have therefore ordered that the captain of the castle shall presently advance the aforesaid colours of england upon the castle upon all necessary occasions."[ ] [ ] massachusetts records, vol. i. order of general court at boston, may , . so the english jack took the place of the jack of james in america. under this st. george jack, with its red cross and white ground, the colonists not only organized and defended their own territories, but also carried on active operations against the french. as in its earlier years, so also throughout the century, the extensions southward of the french settlements in cape breton and acadia had been a menace to the colonies. the colony of massachusetts itself took the matter in hand, and organized an expedition which it sent out under the leadership of major sedgwick, in , when port royal was taken from the french, but, much to the chagrin of the colony, only to be restored to france, in , by the peace of breda. the old controversy about the cross in the flag had by no means been settled by the decision of the general court of massachusetts, in , and although it was so displayed officially, yet many individuals still held to the original religious objections. in , the "ensign red," with the plain red cross of st. george in the upper corner, had been ordered by charles ii. to be used. thomas singleton, master of the ship _charles_, notes (when off boston) in his diary of a voyage to the american coast in - : "_i observed that while the english flag or colour has a red ground with a small white field in the uppermost corner where there is a red cross, they have here dispensed with this cross in their colours and preserved the rest_."[ ] [ ] journal of voyage to the new netherlands, - , translated from the original manuscript, long island historical society, . the new england colonists were evidently flying the ensign red, but had taken the red cross out of the jack in its upper corner, leaving only the white ground. it was in this it had been suggested that the roses of england should be introduced, and in which the "pine-tree" emblem was afterwards placed. the importance of the particular flags which were to be used along these atlantic coasts, where the nationalities were constantly coming into contact, was eminently increased by the terms of a treaty, made in , between james ii. and louis xiv., providing "for rights and pre-eminences in the american seas." under this it was agreed that, "the british shall not trade nor fish in the havens, bays, creeks, roads, shoals or places of the french in canada," and _vice versa_, the french were not to interfere with the british; and further, "that whensoever the subjects of either king shall be forced to enter with their ships into the other's ports, they shall be obliged at their coming in to hang out their flag or colours of their nation, and give notice of their coming by thrice firing a cannon, and if they have no cannon by thrice firing a musket, which if they shall omit to do, and, however, send their boat on shore, they shall be liable to confiscation."[ ] [ ] treaty of whitehall, november, . governor andros brought out with him from england, in , his official flag as governor of new england. a drawing of this in the british state papers office[ ] shows it to have been a large st. george jack, having on the centre of the red cross a royal crown, and underneath the initials of the king, i.r. (_jacobus rex_), in gold. this governor's flag was officially used by governor andros in the colonies of massachusetts and connecticut. [ ] british state papers, new england. vol. . the united colonies of new england, moved, no doubt, by the necessities of the treaty of whitehall, passed an order-in-council, in , directing the cross to be restored to their colours. in this way the red cross of st. george came back into the blank white space which had been left in the upper corner of the ensign red. we get some glimpse of the mental difficulties of the times from the diary of samuel sewall, an officer in the colonial forces. on august th, , he writes: "i was and am in great exercise about the cross to be put into the colours, and afraid that if i should have a hand in it whether it may not hinder my entrance into the holy land." he even contemplated the necessity of retiring from the service, and enters: "sabbath day, august . "in the evening seriously discoursed with captain eliot and frary signifying my inability to hold, and reading mr. cotton mather's arguments to them about the cross, and say'd that to introduce it into boston at this time was much, seeing that it had been kept out more than my lifetime, and now the cross much set by in england and here; and it scarce could be put in, but i must have a hand in it. i fetch home the silk elizur holyoke had of me to make the cross, last friday morn, and went and discourse mr. mather. he judged it sin to have it put in, but the captain not in fault, but i could hardly understand how the command of others could wholly excuse them, at least me who had spoken so much against it in april, , and that summer and forward, upon occasion of captain walley's putting the cross in his colours."[ ] [ ] sewall papers, massachusetts historical collections, fifth series, vol. v. [illustration: . medal of louis xiv., "_kebeca liberata_," .] but the crosses were restored, and it was under this single cross ensign red that, during the war between william iii. and mary and louis xiv., the nine colonies[ ] united together, and, in , of their own motion and at their own expense,[ ] sent out a naval expedition from boston, under admiral william phips, against the french in canada. the fleet successfully attacked and again captured port royal,[ ] but arriving before quebec, above whose ramparts was flying the white flag and _fleur-de-lis_ of france, was repulsed by the redoubtable count frontenac. the records of the expedition, and of the episode of the capture of the flag of the admiral, which, being shot away from its halliards and falling into the water, was swum after and brought to shore by the venturesome french,[ ] attest that this fleet of the united colonies was sailing under the cross of st. george. a copy of the medal ( ), issued by louis xiv. of france in commemoration of the event, is given in the narrative,[ ] showing three _fleur-de-lis_ of france, and the cross of st. george on a flag reversed. [ ] massachusetts, virginia, maryland, the two jerseys, new york, connecticut, and plymouth and rhode island. [ ] sir wm. phips: "account of expedition against quebec." colonial entry books. london. [ ] acadie was restored to the french by the treaty of ryswick, th september, . [ ] it was afterwards placed, with much ceremony, in the cathedral. [ ] ernest myrand: "phips devant quebec," p. . [illustration: . new england ensign. (from a dutch publication of .)] while the forces of the united colonies thus used, in common, the english ensign, some of the colonies had distinctive flags. massachusetts at times displayed the red ensign with a "pine-tree" on the white ground in the upper corner instead of the cross to which so much objection had been made. the flag of new england ( ) was the english red ensign with the pine-tree, or else a globe signifying the new world, in the upper corner of the white canton bearing the cross of st. george. the instance given is taken from the old dutch publication of .[ ] [ ] p. schenk, amsterdam, . see p. . this new england ensign was in continuous local use from to . the change in the english flag, made under queen anne, from the cross of st. george to the two-crossed jack, brought a corresponding change in the union flag in america. the narrative of the change in massachusetts, in , is given in chapter xxvii. (page ). in , similar instructions were sent out to governor hunter for the province of new york, and the drawing of the flag[ ] which is attached to the documents is the same in as in the instructions of . [ ] new york colonial manuscripts, vol. v., p. . under this queen anne union jack, port royal was once more taken by the forces of the united colonies, sent out from boston under general nicholson, in , and its name changed in honour of their queen to annapolis, where both royal name and british ensign have ever since remained. the colonists had in all these expeditions stoutly proved their share in the prowess of the british jacks. acadia,[ ] by the treaty of utrecht ( ), had been ceded to britain, but cape breton had remained in the hands of the french, and louisbourg having been created by them the strongest fortress in the new world, the british colonists determined upon its reduction. [ ] practically our present nova scotia. [illustration: . the louisbourg medal, .] in , an expedition, entirely colonial, organized by general shirley, of massachusetts, and william vaughan, of new hampshire, sailed from boston under general pepperell. after a siege of forty days louisbourg surrendered. in , the fortress was again restored to the _fleur-de-lis_ by the treaty of aix-la-chapelle, but only to be retaken by wolfe, in , and the queen anne jack, which the united colonies had before placed above it, was restored and is shown again in the louisbourg medal,[ ] used to commemorate wolfe's victory ( ). [ ] bourinot: "island of cape breton." on yet another field the united colonists carried the union jack. in , when havana was captured from the spanish by lord albemarle, there were in his fleet of vessels, and among his land forces of , men, alongside the men from across the sea, colonial contingents sent by the colonies of connecticut, new york, rhode island, new jersey and maine.[ ] [ ] _graham's journal_, published by the society of the colonial wars, in new york. when cuba was thus gained for the union jack the colonists of america were joined with their british brothers from the old land in lowering the flag of spain, but the island was restored to spain by the treaty of paris, february th, .[ ] [ ] when, in the spanish-american war of , the forces of the united states placed the american ensign, containing the thirteen stripes of the old colonies, above the flag of spain, in cuba, great britain stood by the descendants of her men of and kept the field clear from interference by other nations. thus for over two and a half centuries ( - ) had the english jacks wrestled with the forests and battled along the shores of america, carried first by the merchant adventurers, and afterwards by the several and the united colonies, as sign of their origin and allegiance. for yet another long period was the two-crossed jack to be carried by those who had so manfully won competence and glory beneath it, so that at length, even when joining for contest with their parent realm, the thirteen colonies held its past and record in such esteem that they placed the union jack of queen anne in their new union ensign as a sign and remembrance of their common history. chapter xvi. _the union flags of the united states._ the thirteen english colonies which in succession had been planted in north america, along the shores of the atlantic from the french possessions in acadia to the spanish possessions in florida, had each its own "colony flag"; the "united colonies of new england" had devised the new england flag to distinguish their particular union; but the national flag which declared the union of all the colonies with one another, and with the motherland beyond the seas, was the "union jack" of great britain. it was under the union jack that the forces of the colonies of massachusetts, new york, pennsylvania and virginia had marshalled in , and with the english regulars had advanced, under the leadership of braddock and washington, to drive the french out of the ohio valley, but to meet with such signal disaster on the banks of the monongahela. in the same year, under the cross of st. george in their united colonies flag, the colonists of new england joined in the victories over the french, and changed the name of the lake, by whose shores they fought, from "st. sacrament" to "lake george." under the successive jacks the colonies had grown into commonwealths, had expanded their territories, and their sons had written their names in british history by gallant deed and notable achievement. thus the crosses in the union jack had a vivid meaning, and their local historic record had won for them the attachment of the people in the colonies. the occupation of quebec by wolfe in and the subsequent retirement of french rule from canada and the valley of the north mississippi had freed the colonies from conflict with the power which had hitherto opposed their expansion beyond the alleghanies. they were now free to exploit the west, which this victory of the parent realm had gained for them, and which was to be the wide field for their subsequent expansion. combining together for these adventures had brought the separate colonies more into contact with each other and created points of internal union. at length the time came when rifts in the methods of government on this continent began to show themselves. troubles had been brewing between the colonies and the home government ever since the passing of the obnoxious stamp act of , but, although the friction had at times been great, there was no intention on the part of the colonists of severing their allegiance from the parent realm. the cause of the colonists in america was largely espoused among the english people. lord effingham, upon his regiment (the nd) being ordered to america, resigned his commission in the british army, "rather than consent to bear arms against my fellow-subjects in america."[ ] [ ] letter to lord barrington, secretary of war, april , . no more ardent adherents or outspoken advocates for the self-government of the colonies were to be found in america than were chatham, burke, and charles james fox in the parliament of england, and under the later and better conditions which have since governed the relations between great britain and her outlying colonies there would, in all probability, have been no breaking of the old home ties. engaged in the throes of a great european war, britain had poured her men into spain and could spare but few of her own for service in america. forces, consisting largely of hired hanoverian and hessian soldiers, had been sent across the sea to enforce the objectionable enactments, and hostilities had broken out in june, , between the resident citizens and these imported "regulars"; but even after this entanglement, the flag, which was introduced for the "united colonies," was raised, not for the purpose of indicating any alteration in allegiance, but to evidence the local union of the still loyal colonies against the dictation of the impracticable home ministry. that these were their views towards great britain they most plainly stated in the address they sent to the king immediately after their armies had been placed in the field: "we not only most ardently desire that the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them as to perpetuate its blessings uninterrupted to succeeding generations in both countries."[ ] [ ] address of the general congress of the colonies in america to the king, september , . as in previous wars of defence or of adventure, the separate colonial forces were again brought together into one army. on their assembling at cambridge, in july, , they were mustered into one service under general washington. as was recorded in a local paper, "none of the men who have been raised by this (massachusetts) and several other colonies are in future to be distinguished as the troops of any particular colony, but as the forces of 'the united colonies of north america,' into whose joint service they have been taken by the continental congress."[ ] [ ] _new england chronicle_, july , . as early as october, washington found the necessity of having some "continental flag" which should identify the whole of the forces of "the united colonies of north america" thus assembled together under his command, instead of having the military detachment from each colony continuing to use its own individual flag. an existing ensign used by the colony of pennsylvania was at first proposed by him for this purpose, having a white ground with a tree in the middle, and the motto, "appeal to heaven."[ ] [ ] "washington letters," vol. i., p. . this was succeeded by a new design, devised for the continental union flag ( ), which, to the accompanying salute of thirteen guns, was raised by washington over the camp of his army at cambridge, massachusetts, on the st january, , being the occasion of its first appearance. [illustration: . the first union flag, .] this flag was called "the grand union" (pl. vi., fig. ). it was composed of thirteen stripes of alternate white and red--one for each colony--and in the upper corner was the british union jack of that period, displaying the two crosses of st. george and st. andrew, as introduced in . there existed at the time a flag which had been carried by the english east india company over their british possessions in india since . this was composed of thirteen stripes, red and white alternately, and had the single red cross of st. george upon a white ground (the old english jack) in the upper corner. this flag might have been seen on the vessels trading to america and exchanging products between the english east indian and the american colonies, and thus being recognized as a "colonial flag" it may, with the change of form of the union jack, have suggested the new ensign. [illustration: plate vi. grand union united states united states ] there is no direct evidence as to the flag which had been raised by general putnam at the outbreak of hostilities at bunker hill, june th, , but tradition reports[ ] that it was the ensign of the colony of new england ( ), which, like the east india ensign, had the st. george's cross on a white ground in the upper corner; but the whole fly of the flag was red. [ ] lossing. in the selection of a new flag for the combined forces of the united colonies, what design could be more reasonable or more appropriate than the selection of that union jack under which their united armies had so often fought, together with the addition of thirteen stripes to indicate the number of colonies then assembled together? this retention of the union jack in the new flag was designedly intended to signify that the american colonies retained their allegiance to their motherland of great britain, although they were contesting the methods of taxation promulgated by its government. by this flag the thirteen colonies testified that, though in arms, they still claimed to be britons, and were demanding for themselves all the rights of citizenship which such relation conferred. it was, as one of their orators has well said, "the flag of the british colonies in arms to secure the rights and liberties of british subjects."[ ] [ ] general schuyler hamilton: "addresses on the flag," p. . the first union flag raised by washington over the armies of the united colonies thus displayed the british union jack. another flag ( ) bearing the union jack is still extant.[ ] it is a crimson red flag, having a rattlesnake painted upon it, and in the upper corner is the union jack of . this was carried by a regiment of the colony of pennsylvania, and was used at the battle of trenton, december th, , and in subsequent engagements with the british regular forces. [ ] preble: "the flag of the united states." [illustration: . the pennsylvania flag, .] the intention to cure the troubles by constitutional means had become unhappily merged in the appeal to arms.[ ] as the hostilities proceeded rancour grew, and then a new flag was sought for, which should typify the changed conditions. the source from which arose the idea of this final design we shall presently see. [ ] benjamin franklin's only son bitterly resented his father's abandonment of peaceful and constitutional methods, and himself left the country in , and died a u. e. loyalist in . on july th, , the declaration of independence followed,[ ] but the "grand union" still continued to be used by the thirteen colonies, which had now become thirteen states. it was not until june th, , or almost a year after the declaration, that a new national flag was fully developed. [ ] carried in congress only by the casting vote of the chairman. the congress of the united states, then in session at philadelphia, approved of a report made by a committee[ ] which had been appointed to consider the selection of a union flag, and enacted, "that the flag of the thirteen united states be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation." [ ] franklin, adams and washington. the new enactment was not at once put in force and a still further delay ensued, but at length, on september rd, , this flag was officially proclaimed as the union ensign of the united states (pl. vi., fig. ), and was the first national flag which was officially adopted by the authority of congress. [illustration: . arms of the washington family.] as washington himself suggested the first design, and had introduced the second, it is not improbable, and, indeed, it is recorded that he actually had somewhat to do with the designing of the final one.[ ] however this last report may be, his friends and admirers most certainly had, and the similarity between the design of the final flag and the coat-of-arms of the washington family points to the source from which they deduced the completed design. [ ] preble: "ross episode." upon the tombstones of the family in sulgrave church, northamptonshire, england, and upon the old manor house occupied by them in the time of henry viii., is to be seen the shield ( ) of the weshyntons,[ ] or washingtons, an old english county family, who traced their lineage back into the fifteenth century. [ ] also spelled "wessingtons." [illustration: . washington's book-plate.] john washington, a descendant of this family, had been a loyal cavalier, standing staunchly by his king, charles i. when cromwell and the roundheads came into power, the royalist washington emigrated, in , to virginia, bringing out his family, and with them his family shield, on which are shown three stars, above alternate stripes of red and white. having settled upon considerable estates, he and his descendants kept up the old ways, and maintained the style and country standards of their english forefathers. george washington, the subsequent president, was the great-grandson of the old loyalist colonist. he, too, served in the forces of his sovereign, king george iii., and maintained the old family traditions and habits in the same way as did all the "first families" of virginia. on the panels of his carriage were painted his family coat-of-arms. it appeared on the book-plate ( ) of the books in his library, and the first commissions which, as commander-in-chief, he issued to the officers of the continental army were sealed with his family seal ( ). [illustration: . washington's seals.] thus the suggestion for the further alteration was ready to hand. the similarity of one portion of the design already existing could not fail to have been noticed, for the stripes on the washington coat-of-arms were alternately red and white, as were also those on the grand union. it had been suggested that the idea of the "new" constellation was derived from the analogy of the "old" constellation of orion containing thirteen stars, and that the form of the stars was taken from a seal said to have belonged to john adams, one of the committee for designing the flag.[ ] [ ] "magazine of american history," vol. xix., p. . reference to the details of this seal shows an eagle bearing in its claws the lyre of orion, both being surrounded by a circle of thirteen stars; but the stars on the seal are all shown as sidereal six-pointed stars, and not five-pointed as are the washington stars. the stars which were inserted in the flag when the union jack was withdrawn were not the six-pointed stars which would be used heraldically if representing a "sidereal constellation," but are the five-pointed stars of the washington armorial bearings. so it happened that the stars and stripes of the coat-of-arms of the old loyalist english family, to which the successful revolutionary general belonged, and of the seal with which he had attested the commissions which his officers had received from him, formed the basis for the design of the new american flag, and through them the memory of the great leader and first president of the united states is indissolubly connected with the stars and stripes, the national ensign (pl. iii., fig. ) of the nation which he brought into existence. the american had good right to be proud of that jack, in whose glories he had so valiantly borne his part, and when as englishmen battling for the rights of englishmen the united colonies formed their colonial ensign they had rightly placed the union jack in its upper canton as evidence of those glories and of that claim. afterwards, when their new nation had been framed, and the washington stars had marked the new allegiance, the thirteen stripes of the old thirteen english colonies still remained to attest to himself and to the world the americans' share in the preceding centuries of anglo-saxon adventure and their heritage in all the liberties and literature of the english tongue. the rights won by the barons from john, the works of chaucer, shakespeare, milton, are still theirs by hereditary right, and the thirteen anglo-saxon stripes in his national emblem proclaim this to the american of to-day as they did to his forefathers in the thirteen colonies who first placed them in his union ensign. the bitternesses arising out of a fratricidal contest fanned by the misrepresentations of fervid orators have for long decades misread the events and obscured the history of that dividing strife, but british law and the english tongue still speak in the flag of the old english colonies which continues to form part of the national ensign of the united states. chapter xvii. _the jack and parliamentary union in britain._ the history of the flag, so far as we now have followed it, has been the story of martial or naval prowess and of the extension of its power and command around the world; but there is another story told in its combinations which is even greater in power, and has still deeper meaning in the welfare of the peoples who have come beneath its sway. the kingdom of england for centuries had its own st. george's jack, and the kingdom of scotland its cross of st. andrew. these red and white crosses had been the accepted symbols of their respective nationalities. each of the kingdoms had its own separate parliament, differing, it is true, from that of the other in methods and in many details, but representing the constitutional machinery adopted in each community for consultation between the king and his subjects, who, through their representatives, were advised upon matters connected with the government of their country, whether in its internal laws or in its relations with foreign powers. in course of time the same sovereign, in the person of james i., had by virtue of his birth succeeded to the throne of england, as well as to that of scotland. the kingly office in both the kingdoms had thus been merged in the person of one and the same king. a new flag had been created representing the allegiance which had then been joined in the one sovereign. in this the crosses of the two kingdoms had been joined together in one design, but the separate national jacks of each had been still retained and their use continued in force. these separate national jacks were certainly intended to evidence the continued separate national existence of each kingdom, while the new personal jack or banner of the king would appear to have evidenced the union of the thrones in one person, and to represent the united fealty offered to the one king. yet it is fairly open to question whether this union jack of james i. was at first created to mean as much as this, or whether it was not, after all, introduced more for the purpose of avoiding trouble between the sailors of the two nations, and only intended at first to be a local convenience for the preventing of dissensions. the new union jack certainly did not represent a union of the nations, else why did the two national jacks still remain? if it had been intended to represent the fealty of his subjects to their king, why was it not introduced immediately upon his accession, and why was not the red cross of the irish included as well as the crosses of the english and scots, for the irish were equally at the time subjects of james i.? the irish had, in fact, been subjects of his predecessors for many centuries. in , after the conquest of the island had been effected by henry ii. of england, the native princes of ireland had declared fealty to the prince--not in his capacity as king, but in acknowledgment of his position as having become by conquest the "lord of ireland." the country had from very early days been governed by its own parliaments, whose meetings are recorded as having taken place as early as ; but it was not until that ireland was raised to the rank and designation of a kingdom. in this year an act was passed by the parliament of ireland declaring henry viii., the king of england, to be also the king of ireland, and it was by virtue of this act that the king of england first assumed the additional title of king of ireland. the flag of england was at this same time the single st. george jack; yet, although the crowns were thus formally united, the cross of st. patrick was not added to the red cross of st. george as a union jack in sign of fealty to the one sovereign. after this, the kingdom of ireland owned fealty to three more sovereigns of england in succession;[ ] yet under none of them were the crosses of the two national flags joined together. it was not until a scotch king, the great-grandson of henry viii., became king of england, that any of the three national crosses were combined. in , james i. became king of ireland and england, as well as of scotland; yet notwithstanding that the three sister kingdoms were thus united in allegiance under his united crown, the three separate crosses of the national jacks of each were not united in one flag. james i. on his accession had at once added the irish harp to the quarterings of his royal standard ( ), but three more years passed before he entered the red cross of st. george in the "additional" two-crossed union jack which he then created. all these incidents point, evidently, to the view that the union of the crosses of st. george and st. andrew in the new flag of did not arise as an emblem of the union of thrones, but was mainly devised, as the king's proclamation distinctly stated, for the special and local purpose of keeping the sailors of the two nations most interested in shipping at peace, and thus to prevent their crews from quarrelling with one another as they sailed their ships around the shores of great britain. [ ] edward vi., mary, elizabeth. it required, in fact, something more than a mere union of allegiance to create a real union jack, and to entitle the national crosses of the kingdoms to be entered upon its folds; and what this requirement was the history of the entry of the st. patrick cross into the union flag enables us to see even yet more clearly. it will be remembered that a change in the "additional" jack of james was made in the sixth year of the reign of queen anne, and that the occasion of this change was coincident with the union of the separate parliaments of england and scotland into one british parliament. it was so soon as this occurred, but not until then, that the flag in which the two national crosses were blended was made the sole national ensign. it was in that this first union jack was created. queen anne was at the time queen of ireland as well as queen of england and scotland. she had quartered the harp of ireland in her royal standard five years previously, at the time when she had commenced her reign; yet the queen, when forming the new flag, did not join the cross of st. patrick in her union jack any more than had king james when forming his. for ninety-four years longer the red cross irish jack continued in its separate existence. the reign of queen anne had come to its close; three more sovereigns[ ] in succession had ascended the united throne of great britain and ireland, and successive changes had been made in the emblazonings on the royal standard, yet in all these reigns the union jack, which had been declared to be the only flag of the realm to be worn by their subjects, and which was raised over the new dependencies which the united valour of all three nationalities won for the crown, contained only the crosses of st. george and st. andrew, representing but two of the kingdoms included under its rule ( ). [ ] george i., george ii., george iii. at last, in , during the forty-first year of the reign of george iii., the irish parliament was united with the union parliament of england and scotland, and then, and not till then, was the red cross of st. patrick blended with the other two national crosses. the emblem of scotland had not been blended with that of england in one union jack until their parliaments had been united; so the emblem of ireland was not added to the other two until her parliament had also been joined with theirs. so soon, then, as the three kingdoms were joined in union under one parliament, for the first time the three crosses of the three national jacks were united in one three-crossed union jack. [illustration: . fort george and the port of new york in . (from an old print.)] we thus have learned what was the necessary qualification to entitle a national cross to be entered in the union ensign. it needed a union of parliaments to create a real union jack--a flag in which the national crosses should each continue to retain their national significance, and, when joined together in union, be still accorded the same precedence which had previously attached to each when separately displayed. the history of these successive blendings shows most plainly that the triune flag arose, not from union under one sovereign, but from legislative union under one parliament. the union jack, therefore, has become the emblem of the british constitution and the british race. it is now the signal of loyalty to one sovereign and the existence of government under british parliamentary union, and, therefore, wherever displayed, it indicates the presence of british liberties and british law. chapter xviii. _the jack and parliamentary union in canada._ in addition to its harmony with the story of the union and the growth of the constitution in the motherland, the union jack has also an interesting connection with the extension of the powers and advantages of the british constitution in canada, and particularly with the establishment of responsible parliamentary government among its people. in , the seeds of the new nationality had been sown upon the plains of abraham, where the blood of wolfe and montcalm had mingled to enrich the soil, and the power of european france in canada became merged in the power of england. the french forefathers of the new subjects of king george ii. had come largely from those very portions of old france, whose people had crossed over to england with william the conqueror, and given the british their king. as says one of our french canadian historians: "the immigration of the french, extending from to , was almost entirely from among the normans of dieppe and rouen, so that the settled portion of canada was to all intents and purposes a reproduction of a norman province. the subsequent settlers were mainly selected in rochelle, poictou, paris and normandy, to the exclusion of persons from the south and east, and coming out single, they married the daughters of the settled normans. this accounts for the marked absence of any but the norman accent and form of speech throughout the french-speaking communities of canada at the present day."[ ] [ ] benjamin sulte: "the origin of the french canadians." [illustration: . royal arms of george ii.] thus the new french-speaking subjects in canada were only returning in allegiance to the sovereignty of a king whose ancestors had been placed upon the english throne by their own norman forefathers; upon whose royal arms ( ) were displayed the three _fleurs-de-lis_ as sign of his claim, through his ancestors, to the throne of france ( ); upon whose crown was the motto in their own french language, "_dieu et mon droit_,"[ ] and who by the retention of old customs still gave his consent to the laws enacted in his british parliament in the same old norman phrase, "_le roi le veult_" ("the king wills it"), which had been used by his norman forefathers.[ ] [ ] first used at gisors, in normandy, in . [ ] the custom is still continued. the consent of queen victoria to acts passed by parliament was given in norman french, "_la reyne le veult_." the french _habitant_ felt how easy was the renewal of the old relationship, and accepted the change in the way so well expressed in his canadian voyageur patois: "an' dat was de way we feel, w'en de ole régime's no more, an' de new wan come, but don't change moche; w'y its jus' lak' it be before, spikin' _francais_ lak' we alway do, an' de english dey mak' no fuss, an' our law de sam', wall, i don't know me, 'twas better mebbe for us."[ ] [ ] w. h. drummond: "the habitant." there now commenced in canada an evolution of internal government of the people similar to that which had taken place in the old land of england, but under reversed conditions, beginning here with the incoming of english rule, while there it had commenced with the norman conquest of england. an eminent french authority[ ] has stated his belief that england owed her liberties to her having been conquered by the normans, and to this we may add the statement of a no less important english author,[ ] that "assuredly england was gainer by the conquest." as the advent of norman rule to england had resulted in such privileges to the english people, so assuredly the cession of quebec and the introduction of english government into canada brought equal blessings to the descendants of those selfsame normans. [ ] guizot: "essais sur l'histoire de france." [ ] gibbon. the french canadian found that under his new union jack his property was secure. under the old régime the french canadian had practically no voice in the government of his country. there was no system of elective municipal government, no freedom for public meetings, all the legislative and executive power, even to its extremest details, being centralized through the governor and intendant in the person of the king of france, who was two thousand miles away. finding his religious faith untrammelled, his freedom unimpaired, his language preserved, the _habitant_ soon settled down without objection to his new sovereignty. in , the british parliament passed the act known as the "quebec act," which granted an increased share of local government to the people of the great province comprising all canada which was then set apart, and the greater portion of which is now within the present dominion. this measure of self-government still further assured the french-descended canadians of the protection of their liberties, so that when the english-descended colonists of the thirteen english state colonies to the south of them revolted from their british allegiance in , french canada stood firm by the british crown. the descendants of the normans in canada were true to the government which their forefathers had helped to create in england. the march of events now brought an additional set of new subjects to the british constitution as it had then been established in canada. the granting of separation to the thirteen united states, in , was followed by the immigration to canada of those loyal souls whose hearts revolted at the action of their old colonies in taking down the union jack, and who refused to separate themselves from the united empire, in whose ultimate justice they had unwavering faith. these "united empire loyalists" settled mainly in the parts now known as nova scotia, new brunswick and ontario. of the quarter of a million souls who then formed the total population of canada, about a hundred and forty thousand were of french language and descent, living in the counties adjacent to the st. lawrence river; and of the forty to fifty thousand loyalists who, it is estimated, reached the northern colonies during or immediately after the rebellion of , over twenty-five thousand had, by , settled along the western lakes. government in canada had hitherto been conducted by a governor and a legislative council appointed by the crown, there being no elected representative. a further advance in constitutional self-government was now considered desirable, and the "constitutional act of " was passed by the parent parliament in great britain. the ancient province of quebec was divided into two provinces, called lower canada and upper canada, very fairly representing the localities occupied, the one by the older or french-speaking subjects of his majesty, and the other by the newcoming english-speaking loyalists, who had followed their old flag into the forests of the northland. this act of gave the right of parliamentary government to the people of canada. a legislative council and a house of assembly were created for each province, the members of the latter house being elected by the votes of people in the counties and towns of each. the legislature of upper canada held its first session at newark (now niagara-on-the-lake) in , summoned, as said lieutenant-governor simcoe in his opening speech, "under the authority of an act of parliament of great britain, passed in the last year, which has established the british constitution in this distant country." to this he added: "the wisdom and beneficence of our most gracious sovereign and the british parliament have been eminently proved not only in imparting to us the same form of government, but in securing the benefit of the many provisions which guard this memorable act, so that the blessings of our invulnerable constitution, we hope, will be extended to the remotest posterity." as a sign of this self-government under the british crown, the king issued his warrant from the court of st. james on march th, , authorizing a "_great seal for the province of upper canada_," to be used in sealing all public instruments. the engraving ( ), which is a photo reproduction of the seal attached to the crown patent of a grant of one hundred acres of land near port hope, upper canada, made to a u. e. loyalist, shows the details of the design, being, as described in the royal warrant, "an anchor and sword crossed on a calumet of peace, encircled by a wreath of olives, surmounted by an imperial crown and the union of great britain." [illustration: . the great seal of upper canada, .] this "union," which will be seen in the upper right-hand corner of the seal, was the union jack of queen anne. the united empire loyalists sought their loved two-crossed union jack in canada. they found it not only flying on the flagstaff, but also impressed on the seals of the grants of land which were made to them in recognition of their loyalty. on these it came to them as a sign of the surety of their legal rights under british law and their full protection under the administration of british justice. the introduction of this union jack had been the result of an act passed by the british parliament, that "mother of parliaments," which continues to this day to have vested in it the ultimate political sovereignty of every local parliament which it has created. this union jack on the great seal is in this way the emblem of parliamentary union between great britain and canada, and the sign of the spread of british constitutional government to the continent of america. but the french canadian has also an interest in this same _great seal_, for on its reverse side it bore the royal coat-of-arms of the reigning sovereign, and in this were still shown the three lilies of france, in the same way as in the arms of his predecessor, george ii. ( ). what the union jack on the one side was to the english-speaking canadian, the "_fleurs-de-lis_" on the other was to the french-canadian--a visible sign of his own personal connection with the glories of his forefathers, and the evidence of his glad allegiance to the sovereign whose connection with the ancient realm of france was represented by these emblems, and with whose realm he was now reunited. in drawings of the arms of the province of ontario (the new name given to the province of upper canada at the time of confederation, in ), the jack has frequently been shown as containing three crosses. a reference to the impressions made by the seal itself upon the great pieces of white wax, four and a half inches broad by three-quarters of an inch in thickness, which were attached by bands of parchment or of tape to the official documents, shows, as is seen in the photograph, that the "union" contained two crosses only, namely, the cross of st. george and the cross of st. andrew. this union jack of was also shown in the arms of the department of education of upper canada, from to , during the régime of dr. ryerson as superintendent. in these the design was the same as on the great seal, but the union jack was removed from the upper corner and placed upon a shield in the centre, upon which the two crosses of queen anne are plainly shown. in earlier stained glass windows placed in the normal school, toronto, the head offices of the department of education of ontario, the three-crossed flag had been shown, but this, on the suggestion of the writer, has been corrected in the new windows placed in the library in . a further adoption of the national emblem is shown in the design on the early currency, which was coined for use in the province. the "penny" of the bank of upper canada ( ) shows on the one side st. george and the dragon, and on the other the arms of the great seal, having on it the union jack,[ ] which good national emblem, no doubt, made the money that the canadian loyalist earned more acceptable to him. these must have been happy reminders to the patriot, for on the coins which passed current among his people, and on the seal of the deed of the grant of land which his loyalist father or himself had received for his new home, was the imprint of the old union jack, placed there by an act of the union parliament of great britain, as the sign of his parliamentary union with that united empire which ever commanded his allegiance. [ ] the design of this bank of upper canada penny was made by f. w. cumberland, the father of the writer. [illustration: . upper canada penny.] chapter xix. _the union jack of george iii., ._ the present union jack. we come now to the formation of the first, and present, three-crossed jack, the "red, white and blue," of story and of song, being the third union jack. for forty years king george iii. had reigned as king of great britain and ireland. the union parliament, created under queen anne, had administered the affairs of england and of scotland, but the parliament of ireland had continued meeting separately, and the two-crossed union jack of had been the only union jack authorized to be raised in the british realm. in the forty-first year of the king's reign an act was passed in the parliament of ireland, whereby it became, as had the parliaments of the two other kingdoms, incorporated in the one union parliament of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland. as previously, so now again the parliamentary and completed union of the kingdoms having been arrived at, the irish jack was directed to be joined with the jacks of england and scotland. the same deliberate procedure for making an alteration in the union flag was followed as under queen anne: first, an act of parliament creating a further union, the call of the sovereign as the supreme head of the nations, the appointment of a committee of the privy council to consider the drafts of the changes to be made, then an order in council, and, finally, the issue of a proclamation by the king. the record[ ] states: "on the th november, , the king in council was pleased to approve the report of a committee of the privy council, that the union flag should be altered according to the draft marked 'c,' in which the cross of st. george is conjoined with the crosses of st. andrew and st. patrick." [ ] memorandum of the admiralty. [illustration: . draft "c" of union jack, .] this draft "c" ( ) was duly transmitted to the college of arms, london, and an exact tracing of it as recorded in the books of the college has been made.[ ] [ ] "genealogical magazine," . the designers of this new union jack of had this time to join three flags together, instead of, as in , only joining two; the problem set before them being the union of the three national jacks of the sister nations into one grand union jack (pl. v., fig. ). the three flags now to be formed into one union flag were the incoming irish jack, having a red diagonal saltire cross and white ground, to be joined with the "white crosse, commonly called st. andrew's crosse,"[ ] of scotland, with its blue ground, and the "jack white with a red cross, commonly called st. george's cross"[ ] of england, with its white ground. [ ] proclamation, charles i., , p. . [ ] proclamation, charles ii., , p. . the latter two had already been joined in the union jack of . the draft "c" ( ) gives the method in which the designers proposed the three flags should be combined, and the proportions to be given to each in the new flag, which then received the approval of the king in council. thereafter, on january st, , king george iii. issued his royal proclamation from st. james' palace, declaring his majesty's pleasure concerning the royal style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland and its dependencies, and also the ensigns armorial, flags and banners thereof. the clause respecting the royal coat-of-arms states: "and that the arms or ensigns armorial of the said united kingdoms shall be quarterly; first and fourth england, second scotland, third ireland; and it is our will and pleasure that there shall be borne therewith on an escutcheon of pretence the arms of our dominions in germany." the result of this clause was that the lilies of france, which had been quartered in the royal arms since edward iii., , were altogether removed, and the whole four quarters were appropriated--two quarters to the three golden lions of england, and one quarter each to the red lion of scotland and the golden harp of ireland--and upon a shield on the centre was to be placed the arms and white horse of hanover, to indicate the other countries over which the king also reigned ( ). [illustration: . royal arms of george iii., .] the next clause refers to the royal standard or flag of the sovereign: "... and it is our will and pleasure that the standard of the said united kingdoms shall be the same quarterings as are hereinbefore declared to be the arms or ensigns armorial of the said united kingdoms...." although the royal arms contained a recognition of the king's hanoverian kingdom, the flag to be used as the "royal standard" is ordered to have on it only the arms of the three united kingdoms of england, scotland and ireland. in the clause of this proclamation the union flag ( ), which had already been designed and approved, was described as follows: "and that the union flag shall be azure, the crosses saltires of st. andrew and st. patrick, quarterly per saltire counterchanged, argent and gules; the latter fimbriated of the second, surmounted by the cross of st. george of the third fimbriated as the saltire." this description defines, with respect to the crosses, that the white cross of scotland and the red cross of ireland were joined together quarterly and "_counterchanged_" and that the red cross of st. george is to "_surmount_"--that is, to be laid upon the surface of them both. with respect to the grounds of the flag, it is described as being blue, and that the cross of st. george is "fimbriated as the saltire." much, and almost continuous, controversy early arose upon this heraldic description of the union flag, particularly with respect to the proportion of the crosses, and specially to the width of the white border to the st. george. [illustration: . union jack of george iii., .] it is to be remembered that heraldry does not, except when specifically given, deal with exact dimensions, but gives the general appearance and particular colourings of the shield or banner. if, as in this case, the arrangement of the flag selected may have been in the opinion of some of the heraldically inclined, "an extraordinary amalgamation,"[ ] and by others not made in accord with the heraldic "blazon" or description given of it in the proclamation, yet this division of its parts is not to be attributed to the "officers of arms" of that day, for it has been expressly put on record that "in this allotment they were not allowed the exercise of their own judgment."[ ] suggestions have constantly since been made that the forms in the flag should be changed, because, as is reiterated, "the guide to all heraldic devices is the verbal blazon of the heralds," and with this, they say, the flag does not agree, for the saltire crosses do not bear the appearance of having been "counterchanged"--that is, alternated, share and share alike; and that the "fimbriation" to the red cross of st. george is wider than an "heraldic fimbriation," which on an heraldic shield is only a very narrow edging or border for the purpose of separating one colour from another. [ ] _gentleman's magazine_, january. . [ ] _naval and military magazine_, , p. . these are objections arising only from the wording of the "blazon" and not from the flag itself; to the description given of it and not to the design. we have seen that, both in and in , the changes made in the "union jacks" proceeded by a regular and formal progression of, consideration by sovereign, committee of enquiry, order in council and registration of the drafts of design then selected and approved, and the promulgation of the royal proclamation for its use. _the design of the flags preceded the blazon_, or description given of them in the proclamations. we must, therefore, refer to the flags themselves as the guide to their proportions and to the intentions of their designers. it does not appear that any "draft" of the first flag of james i., , was fyled, but a formal proclamation authorizing it was made by the king "according to the form made by our heralds." on reference to the "draft c, ," of queen anne, for the conjoining of the two flags, it will be noted that the crosses of st. george and st. andrew are of _equal width_, and that the white border to the st. george is one-third of the width of either of the crosses. the red and white crosses of the two national flags are thus represented, and the whole of the "crosse-flags" by the blue ground of the scottish flag in the angles, and the white ground of the english flag in the broad white border. queen anne and her councillors had in mind the union of the two nations, but there was no "verbal blazon" made or issued, the order being that "the flaggs be according to the 'draft marked c,'" and as "shown on the margent" of the proclamation. this authorized union jack of was the basis upon which the designers of george iii. began when, in , they were instructed to conjoin the cross of st. patrick, which was to be added to the union flag. comparison of the "draft marked c, ," shows that the broad white border of st. george is retained of the same width as in the "draft c, ," being approximately _one-third_ of the width of the red cross of st. george and of the saltire cross, both of which remain of the same size as previously. the form authorized by the order in council of was adopted and repeated by the order in council of . in the bringing in of the additional red saltire cross of ireland, the diagonal space previously allotted in "draft c, ," to a saltire cross is now equally divided between the white and the red saltire crosses of the kingdoms, and to give them equal recognition and honour, the edging of white necessary to separate the red saltire of st. patrick from the blue ground of the flag is taken from its own half of the diagonal space allotted to it instead of from the scotland's blue, and this was duly balanced by the retention of the full broad white border space around the st. george, which in the new flag represented both the white grounds of the st. patrick and the st. george, as the blue ground did that of st. andrew's flag. thus the intentions of the designers of were followed, confirmed and extended by the designers of . the drafts and orders in council issued in pursuance of them are the authority which must be recognized in the making of the flag, and not the interpretation of a description or "blazon" given of it in the proclamation issued after the union jack had already been approved and adopted. it has been said that the wording of the blazon, "the cross of st. george fimbriated as the saltire," is to be taken as indicating the "width" as well as the "colour" of the fimbriation, and that, therefore, it should be reduced to a narrow heraldic edging. others consider that as heraldry does not deal with sizes as exact dimensions, the wording means simply, "of the same _colour_ as the saltire," and has no reference to the width, and some criticisms have described the "blazon" as being "very obscure."[ ] [ ] _naval and military magazine_, . in consequence of these interpretations, proposals have, at times, been made for altering the union jack, "so as to bring it more into accordance with the blazon and with heraldic rules," but as has been well said, "flag making is not pure heraldry; it is affected by considerations of symmetry, proportion and in no small measure of usage and prescription."[ ] [ ] _times_, september , . our union jack, in its present form, has unquestionably been made as it was ordered to be made in and in , and proclaimed in , whether the description in the proclamation be correctly expressed or not. but in addition to the general form of the design, as given in the "draft c, ," there were also detailed regulations issued for the making of the flag, which are the same as the rules prescribed by the admiralty of the present day[ ] for the several proportions of the union jack as always and now issued. [ ] admiralty memorandum relative to the union jack, . from these regulations it is clearly evident that the recognition which the white ground of st. george's jack had been given in the flag of was intended to be continued. while the pattern drafts of the councils were of square form, the admiralty adopted a longer form, as "the practice has been, in regard to the dimensions of flags generally, to make the length twice the breadth at the head." this is the usual length adopted for flags which are not square, although the flag of an admiral, which is the old english st. george, still continues to be one and a half times as long as it is broad. the dimensions are given in full detail in the regulations. an outline drawing ( ) of the flag of the same form as the admiralty pattern is given for convenience of reference. the proportions of the several crosses and borders are directed in the regulations to be made according to the measurement called the "width of the flag," being the measurement on the "halliard" or "hoist," which is the side next to the flagstaff, and are as follows: regulations for the sizes of the parts of the union jack, whether square or oblong, in which latter case the length to be twice as long as the width. red cross of st. george / of width of flag. white border to st. george / of red of st. george. red cross of st. patrick / " " " white border to st. patrick / " " " broad white of st. andrew / " " " the paramount cross of st. george is to be one-fifth of the width of the flag on the flagstaff, and its width is made the factor by which the measurements of all the other parts are to be regulated in flags of varying sizes. the crosses of the two other jacks, which were to be joined, are each allotted a proportion of _one-third_ the width of the cross of st. george. the divisions of the parts for the irish jack are stated separately, being _one-third_ for the red cross of st. patrick, and _one-sixth_ for its white border; the two measurements, when added together, amounting to a proportion of one-half. the proportion of one-half allotted to the "broad white of st. andrew" comprises the due share of _one-third_ for the scotch cross, and _one-sixth_ for its border, being an exact equality to the proportions given to the irish cross and its border. [illustration: . outline jack--the proper proportions of the crosses.] at first sight it would appear that the "broad white of st. andrew" was given a larger proportion of the flag, but the measurements of the "cross" and its "border" of the scotch jack are stated in one figure, because their colours are the same, while those of the irish jack are given separately, because the colours are different, the cross being red and its border white. the saltire space of the union jack of queen anne has been divided equally, and the national banners of st. patrick and st. andrew are thus given each a proportion of _one-third_ for its cross and _one-sixth_ for its border or "fimbriation." the description given in the "blazon" respecting the red cross of st. george, stated that it was "fimbriated as the saltire." the regulations defined this as "for the white border to the cross of st. george," and there was allotted, not simply a one-sixth proportion due a "fimbriation," but the full proportion of _one-third_, equal to that of a national cross, and in this way the white border to the cross of st. george is as wide as the cross of each of the other nations. the width of the border cannot this time, as was said of the change of , be the result of the "carelessness of a draughtsman,"[ ] for it is made with premeditated carefulness, and, more than that, the measurements are set down in exact figures. thus the reason for the broadening of the border in the flag of has been justified by the flag of and its authority confirmed. [ ] mcgeorge: "flags." this broad white border, given to surround the red cross of st. george, is not only the formal recognition of the white ground of the english jack, which had been placed in the flag of , but it is also a recognition of the white ground of the irish jack, which was now for the first time entering the union jack, so that the broad border in the flag of represents the grounds of two national jacks. the practical proportions of the pattern drafts are thus fully carried out in the admiralty pattern. some twenty years ago the garter king of arms had his attention drawn to the admiralty flag as used in the navy, and he was asked to suggest an alteration. he declined, because, he said, "the flag was made according to the drawing, and it was exhibited in the same way on the colours of the queen's infantry regiments." it is a serious thing to deface or alter the national flag of a nation, and if any changes have been made in any individual instances they are the result of error, and have not been made with such paramount authority of sovereign, parliament and council, as have been the union jacks of queen anne and king george iii. in this union jack of we have, then, plainly displayed a complete representation of the three separate crosses, and of the white and blue grounds of the three national jacks which were then combined together to form our union jack. since no change had been made in this union jack of george iii., which was the first three-crossed jack of its race, and is our present union jack. from onward dates this glorious flag, in which all three nations are represented. it was born when the power of great britain seemed almost wrecked. reverses had accumulated upon her. in america many of her possessions among the west indies and on the surrounding coasts[ ] had been wrested from her flag, and thirteen of her longest established and most populous colonies, becoming the united states, and aided by men, money and fleet from the french in europe, had revolted from her sway and abandoned their allegiance. in europe the nations of france, spain and holland were united in arms against her, and she was battling almost single-handed against the power of the great napoleon; yet, undaunted by these trials, the sons of the united nation ran their new union jack up aloft, and started out to frame that marvellous career which it has since achieved. [ ] in england lost tobago, st. eustachius, demerara, essequibo, st. christopher, nevis, and montserrat. "for england's courage flames the fiercest in defeat, and in the day she stands at bay most dangerous to meet."[ ] [ ] kirby: "canadian idylls." this third union jack flew at aboukir when abercrombie drove napoleon out of egypt; with it were won the triumphs of wellington, from assaye in india, through badajoz and spain, to the crowning victory at waterloo. it was the flag which floated in the "white ensign" on all the ships at trafalgar,[ ] and on the _victory_ when nelson sent aloft his british watchword: "england expects every man will do his duty." [ ] nelson, in order to have the british ships easily recognized by one another in the action, had ordered that instead of wearing (in accordance with regulations) the flags of their respective red, white or blue squadrons, all the ships should wear the same flag (the white ensign) as himself. the halo of that signal shone around it at balaclava, when the heroes of the valley-charge proved it was "theirs not to reason why, theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die"; and again above the _birkenhead_, at sea, when five hundred steadfast men went down beneath its folds, inspired by its duty-call. [illustration: . the union jack and shackleton at farthest south. (from a photograph taken at the spot.)] in africa, melville and coghill wrapped it around their bodies at isandula, and won death to save it from the foe; for it the forty mounted riflemen of matabeleland died in their tracks, singing "god save the queen," and yet again at the call of the race the sons of the flag from all around the world hastened to help it to hold its own upon the veldt. on the continent of america the impetuous brock, facing enormous odds, and leading his canadian volunteers in defence of their native land, gave up his life for it on the cedar-clad slopes of queenston heights, and beneath it the french canadians of beauharnois knelt on the battlefield, and rising, won, with the brave de salaberry as their leader, the victory of glorious chateauguay.[ ] [ ] "captain langtin caused his men of the beauharnois militia to kneel, went through a short prayer with them, and then, rising, said: '_now that they had fulfilled their duty to their god, they would fulfil that to their king._'"--lighthall: "the battle of chateauguay." it was carried far to the arctic north by sir john franklin, in , and in october, , shackleton planted this ancient union jack, with all its crosses and broad white border,[ ] upon the farthest antarctic south ( ). [ ] a union jack given him by her majesty queen alexandra. such a flag with such a history should be held sacred and inviolable. chapter xx. _the lessons of the crosses._ the combinations of the jacks have at length been completed, and the three crosses placed together in the one flag of . if some of the heralds are not entirely satisfied with the way the divisions are made, due honour has at least been done to each of the jacks of the three kingdoms, while at the same time the historical value of the "union" has been greatly enhanced, and its beauty as a flag most certainly increased. if the object of heraldry is the teaching of lessons by the combinations of colour and of forms, then the flag as made is yet more heraldically successful. in the heraldic and traditional interpretations of colours, red indicates courage, white is the emblem of purity, and blue the emblem of truth. "red, white and blue, brave, pure and true." by this better and more equal division of the colours in the flag much additional emphasis is given to the story which those colours tell. lessons are taught which may be deeply impressed upon the minds of our children, so that by reading the history of their nation in its folds they may endeavour to live lives worthy of the ideals of their national flag, and frame their own characters and the character of their empire by its lofty teachings. that it is a beautiful and easily distinguished flag is admitted on all hands, but it has the still further quality, of immeasurable value in a national flag, that its parts and colours tell the history of the nation whose emblem it is. to those who have acquainted themselves with the story of the three separate national flags, the union jack, with its three crosses, its broad white borders and eight blue triangles, tells the story of the influences under which the present empire has been built up by the three kingdoms which were combined to make it. laid broadly upon the whole combination, and "surmounting" it, and also forming the basis for all its measurements, is the plain red cross of st. george, indicating, in such a way as the simplest mind can understand, the leading part which the english nation has taken in the creation of the union, and the powerful position which it holds in its councils. under this cross, and supporting it, are the white and red crosses of the two junior nations, which are themselves, in their turn, supported on the white and blue grounds, which form the basis foundations of the flag, the whole being embraced and bound together by the broadspread arms of the plain red cross. thus clearly does the position of the crosses and their grounds teach the vivid lesson of how the three sister nations, supporting each other, are all united by _courage_ in building their realm upon the sure foundations of _purity_ and _truth_. the position of the red cross of st. george, in front and full view, tells plainly how england was the first of the nations to enter the lists and lead the way in acquiring the glories of the empire. another lesson there is which the crosses also plainly tell respecting the relations between the scotch and irish nations themselves. the flag is divided by the cross of st. george into four quarters, in all of which the saltire crosses of st. andrew and st. patrick, as the heraldic blazon of the proclamation says, are "quarterly per saltire counterchanged." discussions have arisen between heraldic experts as to whether the descriptive word in the blazon should be "countercharged" or "counterchanged." the latter is the word given in this proclamation, and although at first sight it looks as though the red cross only had been "charged"--that is, been placed upon the original white diagonal cross--it is to be remembered that the saltire cross has been equally divided between the two nations. it will be noted that the broad white of the cross of scotland occupies the higher position in the first and third quarters, which are next the flagstaff, and the red cross of ireland is in the higher position in the second and fourth, which are the quarters at the end or fly of the flag; the relative position of the irish and scotch crosses, as they are placed in the first and third quarters, are reversed in the second and fourth quarters; that is to say, the positions of the crosses are alternately changed about, or "counterchanged." the quarters of the flag next the flagstaff are considered to be of higher importance than the others, and in these more important quarters the cross of st. andrew and its border is thus given precedence over the red cross of st. patrick and its border. the lesson intended to be taught by the position of the crosses is plain. the kingdom of scotland had entered into the union with england before the kingdom of ireland, and, therefore, as being the senior, the white cross of st. andrew is given the precedence over the red cross of st. patrick, but this, in its turn, is given the upper position in the remaining quarters. the utmost care must, therefore, be taken to see that the union jack is correctly raised on the flagstaff, with the broad white of the st. andrew uppermost. when the red ensign, or any similarly quartered flag, is reversed on the flagstaff--that is to say, displayed with the union down--it becomes a signal of distress. union jacks are often seen hoisted upside down (pl. vii., fig. ). no more distressing act can be done to the union jack than to thus carelessly reverse its crosses by putting the wrong end next the staff, with the broad white saltire down, nor greater indignity be done to its supporters than by thus reversing the correct positions of their national jacks. flags are sometimes to be seen (pl. vii., fig. ) in which the white border around the red cross of st. george is reduced to the same narrow size as the border of st. patrick, and thus the white ground of the jacks of england and ireland has been wiped out. [illustration: plate vii. present union jack upside down jack wrongly made jack wrongly made] still more often the red cross of st. patrick is set full in the centre of the diagonal cross, and thus the cross of st. andrew is completely expunged, for its white is reduced to only two narrow white margins on both sides of the irish red cross. the broad white of st. andrew has thus been entirely lost. (pl. vii., fig. ). such errors as have been mentioned cannot be too greatly lamented, or be too carefully avoided, for by them dishonour is done to the memory of the nations whose prowess has ennobled their national emblems, and the beautiful story of the union jack is utterly marred; for the positions of the crosses and borders cease to tell the consecutive history of the empire nation whose combined union emblem they form. in pl. vii., fig. , a further error will be noted, that the opposite ends of the combined saltires are not in continuous line with one another, as in the correctly made jack (pl. v., fig. ). this has occurred from the centre lines of the combined saltires having been drawn directly from the inner corners of st. george to the outer corners of the oblong flag. we have seen that as the space of the one saltire of was to be divided equally between the two saltires of , the two ends of the saltire should be in line, and the division run equally through the centre. [illustration: . square union jack.] in view of these errors it may be well to give some simple instructions by which the flags may always be correctly made, and which are in accordance with the admiralty regulations. union jacks must be made either square ( ), or oblong ( ), in which latter shape the length must always be twice the width on the staff. [illustration: . oblong union jack.] it will be noticed that in the square jack ( ) the diagonal lines drawn from the opposite corners of the flag intersect the corners of the white border of st. george and of the cross, which latter is shown in dotted lines, and that in the oblong jack ( ) they do not. it is this difference which has usually created the difficulty. having decided the size, either square or twice as long as wide ( × ), then draw two diagonal lines from corner to corner upon the shape of flag selected, then place the st. george cross and its border upon the flag according to the measurements in the "outline jack" ( ), the red of st. george being one-fifth of the height or width of the flag. the diagonal lines will be the centre and dividing lines of the saltires, as shown by the dotted lines which are thus in continuous line from one corner to the other. the st. patrick and st. andrew saltires and their borders are then to be added according to the proportions shown in ( ), the red saltire being placed touching the diagonal, below it in the first and third quarters of the flag, and above it in the second and fourth. the st. andrew, being in one colour and above the diagonal in the first and third, and below it in the second and fourth, completes the combined saltire. by following these directions the making of a union jack is much simplified. that the utmost care should be exercised in the making of our flag is beyond all question. it is the record of our history, the flag of our british nation; to display one in incorrect form is to do dishonour to it, to our history and to our nationality. no patriot would do this intentionally, and yet some may do this ignorantly. it would be well for their help and the avoidance of error that they should be taught how to make their flag correctly, and be educated in the lessons which it conveys. once these have been learned, the amount of increased interest in our flags is immeasurably advanced. each flag as it comes before the eye becomes a study and a lesson, an historic reminder and a patriotic inspiration. if those crosses could themselves but speak, what glories they could tell; and yet the outlines of the flag, when they are properly displayed, signal the stories of their colours and their crosses as plainly and as eloquently as if they voiced it in burning words. chapter xxi. _the proportions of the crosses._ the division of proportions allotted to the crosses and to the white border of st. george in the union jack has hitherto been treated solely by inference and also by comparison of the "drafts" selected and regulations which were issued for the construction of the flag. it may be well now to revert to some actual examples showing the details of flags early in use, which will further substantiate the reasons which led to the proportionate division of the spaces when the union jack of was altered in , and our present union jack was designed to record the addition of ireland to the union. it has sometimes been stated that the red cross and white border of st. george indicate the presence of two crosses, the impression, formed by those who, as they admit, were "better acquainted with heraldic definitions than historic expression," being that they give the appearance of a red english cross placed over a white french cross. as reason for this, they point out that king james i. and all his successors until king george iii. had been styled "kings of great britain, france and ireland." the successive union jacks had been created during the existence of this royal title, and, therefore, it is suggested that two crosses had been placed upon this part of the flag, one being the white cross of france, upon the face of which the red cross of st. george had been laid to thus present the ancient and long-past union of the kingdoms of france and england under the one sovereignty. the white cross of france, however, was not a straight-sided cross, such as that of st. george, but one of maltese shape, being wider at the ends than at the centre. an instance of this flag is given in the copy ( ) of the flag shown on the mainmast of a french caravel of the sixteenth century, as drawn in an old manuscript illustration.[ ] [ ] caravelle francaise tirée des "ouvres pilote du havre," mss. du xvi. siecle. [illustration : flag of a french caravel, th century.] it is quite evident that the rectangular white border to the st. george could not be formed by a cross of this shape, and, therefore, this suggestion for the origin of the white border must be taken as erroneous. further, it was not unreasonable, seeing that the royal standard is composed of the personal arms of the sovereign, that the successive kings and queens of england should have continued the _fleur-de-lis_ in one of the quarterings of their royal arms, as a sign of family succession, and as evidence of personal claim by descent to the old sovereignty of france; but the british nations brought into union did not themselves claim any such sovereignty, calais, the last foothold of england in france, won by edward iii. in his claim to the succession of the throne of france, having been lost in under queen mary. there would, therefore, be no corresponding reason for inserting the french cross in the union flag, nor any historical connection which would justify its being so used. in the illustrations given of the two-crossed jack of (pl. iii., fig. , and cut ), the white saltire of st. andrew is represented as of the full size of a wide saltire cross; so also in the jack of queen anne, (pl. v., fig. ), in which the broad white of st. george was first given its full width. this is the proportion of size which is given to it in heraldic drawings, and the way in which it is usually drawn in later representations, the white saltire cross of st. andrew being thus shown broader than the white border to st. george; but the earlier practice in the actual making of flags appears to have been different. in the allotment of the proportions in the new three-crossed jack of , when the cross of st. patrick was added to the flag, it has been pointed out that the white border to st. george was continued in its full width, as in the previous flag of , and was given the same width as each of the two national crosses, which were then first placed side by side, and between which the saltire space was then divided. it will be interesting to show, by reference to early original documents and flags, that this was the same equality as had previously existed between the cross of st. andrew and the border of st. george in the old two-crossed jacks of james i. and of queen anne. in the time of william iii. it appears that objections had been raised in england to the using of the king's two-crossed jack by merchant ships of the american colonies, permission to do this having been granted to the colonial ships by the governors of the colonies. the english lords justices in council at whitehall, on st july, , considered these objections to the using of what their report termed "the king's colours," and thereupon issued an order that the ships of the colonies shall "wear no other jack than that hereafter mentioned, namely, that worne by his majesty's ships, with the distinction of a _white escutcheon_ in the middle thereof, and that the said mark of distinction may extend itself to one-half of the depth of the jack, and one-third part of the fly thereof, according to the _sample hereunto annexed_." the lords commissioners of trade were accordingly instructed to write to the governors of his majesty's plantations, "that they do oblige the commanders of such merchant ships to which they grant commissions to _wear no other jack_ than according to what is proposed." an exact tracing of the "_sample hereunto annexed_," taken from the original manuscript report,[ ] which was sent to the then governor of the colony of massachusetts, is shown in fig. , and in colours in pl. iii., fig. . [ ] archives rooms, massachusetts. vol. , fol. - . boston. this flag is the jack of james i., which is still described in this report of july, , as it had been of old, as the "king's colours." it will be noted that the white cross of st. andrew is a narrow cross, and that the white border to st. george is of the same width as the st. andrew's cross. [illustration: . the colonial jack, .] in the centre of the jack is the "white escutcheon" described in the report, to be used on the colonial flags. this is the first instance of the creation of a special flag for the overseas colonies, and reference to it will be made in a subsequent chapter. similar instructions were sent to the governor of the colony of new york in , and the flag is repeated with an escutcheon in the same form. [illustration: . jack of england, . (from an old dutch sheet of flags.)] a coloured sheet, "schouw-cart aller scheeps vlaggen" (examples of all ships' flags), was published in by p. schenk, at amsterdam, "correcting errors in previous editions." in an old atlas[ ] of maps, which were bound together in "old amsterdam," in , there is included one of these sheets. among the flags represented on it is the "jack of england" ( ), showing the white of st. george of the same width as the st. andrew's cross. [ ] new york colonial society manuscripts, new york. references to many drawings of union jacks, as used on the american side of the atlantic, show similar proportions, of which some examples may be given. fig. is a copy of the jack on the bowsprit of a three-masted ship shown in a large three-sheet engraving, entitled "a prospect of charleston, carolina," published by r. roberts, june th, .[ ] [ ] in emmet collection, lennox library, new york. on page , a view of the port of new york ( ) shows the flag as used in . both on the ship and on the king's fort is the narrow st. andrew. [illustration: . jack in carolina, .] fig. is a portion of an old engraving of the combat between the french frigate, _la surveillante_, and the english frigate, _quebec_, th october, .[ ] this was one of the most gallantly contested actions of the many engagements between single ships during the progress of the war. the two frigates met in the english channel, and flying at one another at sight they battled hand to hand. all their masts had been carried away, both ships were on fire, more than half of the crew on either side had been killed or wounded. all the boats except one on the french ship had been destroyed, when the _quebec_ blew up, and captain farmer, her commander, went down in her with nearly all who were left alive of his crew. the french captain, de coudic, who was himself severely wounded, received the forty-three survivors, with a seaman's gallantry, on board the _surveillante_, saying that "as their ship had perished with her colours flying, they would be treated, not as prisoners, but as brothers rescued from shipwreck." [ ] in collection of chateau de ramezay, montreal. the white flag with the _fleurs-de-lis_ is at the stern of the french ship, and at the stern of the english ship is the red ensign on which the st. andrew cross and the white border of st. george are still shown of equal width. [illustration: . the combat between "la surveillante" and the "quebec," .] in addition to these instances from illustrations, reference to actual flags of these early periods, and which are still in existence, proves that the union flags carried by regiments of the british army were made on these same proportions. the drawing ( ) is reproduced from a photograph of the king's colour of the th royal fusiliers, which is stated to have been obtained at the capture of fort chambly, in , and is now deposited in the chapel of the united states military academy at west point, new york, and shows its present appearance.[ ] [ ] avery: "history of the united states," burrows bros.: cleveland, ohio. a further example is given in the drawing ( ) made from a regimental flag[ ] surrendered by the british forces at the capitulation of yorkton, by lord cornwallis, on th october, . this is the "king's colour" of one of the british regiments. these flags had most probably been given to the regiments at much earlier dates, and had still continued in use. in both the cross of st. andrew and the border to st. george are of the same width. [ ] now in the museum at alexandria, virginia, u.s.a. [illustration: . ensign of th royal fusiliers, .] these instances could not all be incorrect, and their similarity shows that the form and proportions of the union jack of james i., as given in the massachusetts document, were those which were subsequently used in the actual flags officially displayed at sea and on shore. in all these union jacks the white of st. george is of the same width as the cross of st. andrew, and from these evidences of the form of the flag, derived from such varied sources, we may fairly conclude that the allotment to the white border to st. george in the union jack, of a proportion equal to that then given to a national cross, had not only early authority, but also wide usage. [illustration: . "king's colour," .] these were two-crossed jacks. when the time came, in , for the construction of the three-crossed union jack, the designers of the "_draft_" and the committee of selection would have been acquainted with the details of those previous flags. it is, indeed, stated that the various existing flags were submitted for their inspection. when, therefore, they gave the broad white border to st. george the same width as that of each of the crosses of st. andrew and st. patrick, namely, as the instructions stated, one-third of the red cross, they were only continuing the width and proportion allotted to it in the union jacks which had preceded, and with the actual examples to which they were accustomed. the broad white of st. george, as we now see it, was not dependent upon any heraldic description, but is an heirloom of national descent, and was evidently continued by the designers of in its full proportion of the union flag, not only to represent, as previously, the white ground of the english jack, but also for the additional reason that it represents the white ground of the irish jack, which they were then adding to the union flag. by this method the proportionate representation of the jacks of the three kingdoms was intended and justified. another objection raised to the proportions of the present flag, by those on the side of the heraldic interpretation of the "blazon," is that the individual crosses are of less width in proportion to the size of the flag than they should be according to heraldic rules, and that, therefore, the dividing of the flag is incorrect. we need again to be reminded that the flag makers were not simply placing three "crosses" upon a single flag, but were joining three "jacks" into one union jack; yet it may be satisfactory to see that in the doing of this they have really fulfilled the rules of heraldry. according to the received rules of strict heraldry, in emblazoning a shield or a banner, a cross should be given one-third, and a saltire be given one-fifth of the width. on a shield this measurement of width is taken across the top, and on a banner or a flag it is measured perpendicularly along the flagstaff. applying this rule and measurement to our present union jack, and taking, as in fact they are, the red cross of st. george and its two borders as _one cross_, and the two saltire crosses of st. andrew and st. patrick and their two borders as _one saltire_, we shall find that the heraldic rules have been actually complied with by the official "draft" and by the regulations (fig. ), and that the combined cross is _one-third_, and the combined saltire _one-fifth_, of the width of the flag. sizes of the crosses according to the admiralty regulations. one combined cross: red cross of st. george, / of width / upper white border, / of / / lower white border, / of / / ---- / = / (one-third.) one combined saltire: red of st. patrick, / of / / white border of st. patrick, / of / / broad white of st. andrew, / of / / ---- / = / (one-fifth.) it may be convenient to state these proportions as they would be in a union jack, of which the width on the flagstaff is feet: red of st. george, / of feet ft. in. upper white border in. lower white border in. ----------- ft. in. or / of ft. red of st. patrick in. white of st. patrick in. broad white of st. andrew in. ----------- ft. in. or / of ft. it is possible that this form of compliance with the heraldic rules was fully intended; yet, even were it not so, it is at all events a happy coincidence which might be taken as a conformity to these rules, and thus the flag which has been confirmed in its shape by the usage and glory of centuries should be cheerfully accepted by the heraldically inclined as being completely satisfactory. it is not to the point for them to say it might look better if it were made some other way, for that would be merely a matter of opinion; or that if the heralds had had the making of it they would have made it differently, but it was not of their making, that having been settled by the council in the selected draft of which the heralds worded a description, or, as some state, a misdescription; but it cannot fail to be admitted by all, that, as now made, it has been made, in all its parts, in the way ordered by the successive councils, in whom authority was vested for its designing and issue. the proportions of the crosses and of the borders of our union jack are thus not only technically correct, but, of still higher importance, they also preserve in detailed sequence the historical proportions of the three nations and of the three national jacks, which were, in , joined together in completed union. our noble flag, with its centuries of loyal history, might well, therefore, be held sacred and free from any objections on theoretical proportions. chapter xxii. _under the three crosses in canada._ in the "new" three-cross union had entered into the upper corner of the red ensign of british rule. the canadians, both french and english, had been faithful to its two-crossed predecessor, and now again their patriotism was to be put to the test. the parent kingdom of great britain had for nineteen years been engaged in its mighty struggle with the great napoleon for the supremacy of europe, and the time seemed opportune to a section of the people of the united states for gaining an advantage over the nation from which they had separated their allegiance, and also for striking a blow at the neighbouring people who had refused to become absorbed with them, and had so successfully resisted their previous invasion. the quarrel was none of canada's making, nor was it one in which she had any share, yet, although the ostensible reason which had been alleged as the cause of offence was repealed before hostilities had been commenced, war was declared at washington on the th of june, .[ ] [ ] the british orders in council respecting the "right of search," to which the united states made objection, and had been given as their reason for war, had been repealed in england the day before war was declared. the population of the united states at that time amounted to no less than eight millions, while in canada, from end to end, there were but four hundred thousand souls, all told. the canadians did not hesitate, though their country was to be the scene of war, and their homes to be the stake for which the nations were to strive. aid they could not expect from their british friends across the sea, already strained to the utmost in the long conflict with the armies of europe; their reliance must be upon their own stout hearts and strong right arms. but this was enough, for "odds lie not in numbers, but in spirit, too." so they rallied with eagerness beneath their country's and britain's union flag. [illustration: . the war medal, - .] only four thousand five hundred regular trained soldiers were in canada in , and in them are included men of the newfoundland and glengarry regiments, recruited locally in the colonies; and thus the brunt of the defence was to fall upon the stalwart but untrained militia of the countryside. [illustration: . the service medal, canada, - .] the tide of invasion advanced north against canada from the united states. for three years, from to , the contest went on. our french canadians again bravely took up their arms, and this time, under the new three-crossed jack, again drove the united states invaders back, making the names of chateauguay and chrystler's farm ring down through history in token of the victories which they won beneath it in defence of their canadian liberties and homes. so, too, their english-speaking brothers of upper canada won equal victories for this same union jack. at mackinac, captain roberts,[ ] with his indians and canadian voyageurs, raised it above the captured american fort. at the capitulation of fort detroit to brock and tecumseh, the american soldiers laid down their arms before it, and all michigan was surrendered. at queenston heights, under the glorious brock, at stoney creek and beaver dams, niagara and lundy's lane, the american invader was sent in quick retreat from canadian soil, and at the conclusion of the three years' war, after all the varying fluctuations in reverse and success between the contending forces, there was, at its end, not a foot of canada, occupied or sullied by the foot of the foreign foe. [ ] an ancestor of lord roberts of kandahar and pretoria. thus all along their frontier shores, from mackinac to far st. john, the canadians stood shoulder to shoulder in one bold, united line, and held the larger half of north america for the british crown. again, when fenian hordes and restless soldiers, who had been disbanded from the armies of the american civil war, were assembled and drilled under the protection of the united states, and launched in raids against canadian homes, the canadian volunteers mustered around their union jack, and along the niagara frontier, in , and at eccles hill, in the province of quebec, in , again drove the southern invader back, and held their native soil inviolate beneath its three-crossed folds. "since when has a southerner placed his heel on the men of the northern zone? "shall the mothers that bore us bow the head and blush for degenerate sons? are the patriot fires gone out and dead? ho! brothers, stand to the guns! let the flag be nailed to the mast, defying the coming blast! for canada's sons are true as steel, their metal is muscle and bone, the southerner never shall place his heel on the men of the northern zone. "oh, we are the men of the northern zone, where the maples their branches toss; and the great bear rides in his state alone, afar from the southern cross. our people shall aye be free, they never shall bend the knee, for this is the land of the true and leal, where freedom is bred in the bone-- the southerner never shall place his heel on the men of the northern zone."[ ] [ ] kernighan ("the khan"): "the men of the northern zone." such was the british patriotism of which the flag was the union signal, and now another parliamentary union is to be included in the career of the union jack in canada. up to the eastern british provinces in north america had remained under separate local governments, such as had been established in the previous century; but in this year nova scotia, new brunswick and upper and lower canada were all united in the one "dominion" of canada, then extending only as far as lake superior. this "act of confederation" was passed in london, at westminster, by the parliament of great britain, and thus again the union parliament of the union jack was parent to a new union parliament established in united canada. each province continues to have its own "provincial assembly," in which legislation is conducted on matters pertaining to its own local or home rule, but all general powers are centred in the dominion parliament of canada. hitherto the spirit of the flag had been solely that of union with the motherland; thereafter it had an added and local meaning, for it became also the symbol of canadian union, the patriot flag of the new daughter nation which had thus been brought into existence in the outer british american realm. inspired by this union, the older provinces thus combined began to extend their borders, and soon manitoba and the hudson bay territories of the central prairies[ ] were added, in , and british columbia joined in , followed by prince edward island in , to make the enlarged dominion of canada, now stretching across the continent of america from sea to sea. [ ] out of a part of these the provinces of alberta and saskatchewan were created in . [illustration: . the north-west canada medal.] difficulties, of course, were met in this consolidating of the territories, but the sign of union was flying from the flagstaff, and the new-born patriotism surmounted them all. in march, , when the spirit of discontent arose among the metis of the north-west, and a rebellion broke out, the courage of the united canadians was aroused with electric flash, and the volunteer battalions from the maritime atlantic shores, from french-speaking quebec, from the great ontario lakes, and from all parts of the dominion, vied with one another in bearing the privations of forced marches across the frozen lakes, or over the pathless prairies, to reach the scene of action, and join in maintaining the supremacy of their native union. the rebellion was quickly suppressed; but the events at fish creek, batoche and on the banks of the saskatchewan left gaps in the loyal ranks. "not in the quiet churchyard, near those who loved them best, but by the wild saskatchewan we laid them to their rest; a simple soldier's funeral in that lonely spot was theirs, made consecrate and holy by a nation's tears and prayers. their requiem, the music of the river's singing tide; their funeral wreaths, the wild flowers that grew on every side; their monument, undying praise from each canadian heart that hears how, for their country's sake, they nobly bore their part." three medals[ ] have been granted by their sovereign to commemorate the gallantry of the canadians who thus fought beneath the union jack: in - , for union with the motherland ( ); in - , for service in defence of their country during the fenian raids ( ); and in , for union within canada itself ( ). such are some of the events which have given rise to the stirring patriotism evinced by canadians for their national flag, and which have kept aflame the passionate fervour of their loyalty not only at home, but when they joined hands in with their brothers-in-arms from british isles and colonies to fight and die for union in south africa. [ ] see appendix c--"canadian war medals." four times within the century--in , , , and --have canadians raised their union jack in defence of home and native land, and once, in , for maintenance of union within themselves. as canadians see it waving above their school-houses, and on the ships, or over their homes, they read in the crosses the stories that they tell, and remember that the deep red tones in its folds have been freshened and coloured by the heart-blood of canada's sons, poured out for it in ungrudging loyalty on their own loved soil. the sons of the parent nations have carried it in many a far-off strife, but in their own island homes, "compassed by the inviolate sea," they sleep secure, and never have had to fight beneath it in defence of native land. it is in this regard that canadians can cherish this flag even more than they who first carried it, and their sons may now rightly wear it as their very own, for the union jack is so bound up with love of country, defence of home, and all that is glorious in canada's history, that it is the union flag of canada itself. chapter xxiii. _the flag of freedom._ these stories of martial and constitutional advance are not all the story that this union jack tells. there is something more than mere valorous devotion which should be aroused in the expression of loyalty for a flag. such a devotion might be found even under a despot's sway, for racial and reckless valour may, with some, take the place of thoughtful allegiance. the story of an ideal flag should declare a supreme idea, an idea which has been so well expressed as being the "divine right of liberty in man. not lawlessness, not license, but organized institutional liberty--liberty through law, and law for liberty."[ ] [ ] henry ward beecher. when a flag records, by the unmistakable story of its life, how this desired freedom has been not simply alleged, but granted in actual fact to all who have reached the soil of its dominion, and, further, tells how the amplest dream of self-government is realized by those who dwell beneath its sway, then, indeed, is that flag to be cherished with the most passionate devotion, and valued in the most critical estimation. such a flag becomes an inspiration not only to the heart, but to the mind, and men may well be willing to risk their all, and life itself, for the maintenance of its unsullied honour. such a flag is the union jack in canada. this three-crossed jack in canada is not only the national ensign of the british race, but it is more, for canadians have made it the real "flag of freedom in america." it is the proudest ascription of the union jack of the empire that "though it may sink o'er a shot-torn wreck, it never flies over a slave." this fact is true to-day of the jack throughout all the british territories, but it has not always been so, and we may, with much interest, trace the condition of the slave under the flag in great britain, in the colonies, in the united states, and in canada. it has been the happy lot of the motherland, the cradle of the liberties of the earth, that freedom has been enjoyed for many centuries upon her own home soil; but even there legal doubts existed until about the position of persons who, being slaves in other lands, had reached her shores, when the notable decision of lord mansfield declared that, "_when a slave has landed on the soil of the british isles that slave is free_." although this legal definition had been reached, the abolition, by statute, of slavery under the union jack was not enacted by the british parliament until ; and even after that, as this act did not apply outside the british isles, slavery continued in the outer realms to such an extent that in there were no fewer than , slaves under british rule in the island of jamaica alone. at last, in , the glorious _act of emancipation_ was passed by the british parliament, and the same freedom which had existed on the soil of the parent kingdom was extended to all races who lived anywhere under the union jack. the people of the parent isles gave further proof that this was done, not solely in the pursuit of an ideal, but out of real good-will, for they were not content with proclaiming freedom to the slave, but themselves purchased his emancipation by paying one hundred million dollars to his owners in those colonies in which, up to that time, slavery had existed with their consent. in the true spirit of british fair-play they thus scouted the idea of exercising their own compassion and good-will at any other person's expense. number indemnity of slaves. paid. [ ]jamaica , £ , , barbadoes , , , trinidad , , , antigua, etc. , , , guiana , , , mauritius , , , cape of good hope , , , ------- ----------- total , £ , , such has been the story of freedom under the union jack on the other continents. let us see how its history compares with that of other flags on the continent of america. [ ] extract from dictionary of statistics, p. , "abolition of slavery." the stories of the flags of mexico and the republics of south america are so changing and unsettled that they may not be counted in the consideration, and the flag of spain in cuba never became an exponent of freedom. the sole competitor for the title of "the flag of the free" is the stars and stripes of the united states of north america. the thirteen colonies of north america were, at the time of lord mansfield's decision in , colonies of the british crown, and moved, no doubt, by a desire to emulate their brothers in great britain, and following their example, the representatives of the colonies met at philadelphia, on th september, , and in continental congress "declared against the slave-trade, and forbade any further importation of slaves into british america." being supporters of the union jack, and following its ideals, they made, as britons, a first step in the right direction, but no freedom was given to those already in the country. it was, no doubt, under the influence of this spirit of british freedom, and with british hearts, that, when they were separating from their british allegiance, they stated in their declaration of independence ( th july, ): "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." yet at the very time when this claim was made, that all men were born equal, well-nigh a million blacks were held in these same states in bondage,[ ] and this sounding declaration of "liberty" did not bring freedom to a single slave. [ ] in there were , , slaves in the united states, and as late as more than , , . indeed, when, eleven years afterwards, in , the representatives of the thirteen states met[ ] in federal convention, and adopted the "constitution of the united states," the existence of slavery under the stars and stripes was recognized and its continuance guaranteed. [ ] th may, , at philadelphia. the framers of the constitution were evidently conscious of the fact that the statements of their "declaration" were not in actual accordance with their actions, and therefore the provisions in their "constitution" concerning slavery were stated in a veiled and secret form, the words "slave" and "slavery" being carefully excluded. in this way the clauses of the american constitution have a different interpretation from that which their wording would apparently convey, for the existence of one class of their population in slavery was duly recognized, although not specifically mentioned. the leaven of english freedom evinced in had continued to work among some of the states, even after their separation from the crown, and emancipation had been begun in vermont in , in pennsylvania in , and was impending in some of the others, but had by no means been accepted in all.[ ] [ ] emancipation was effected in new jersey in ; new york, . in arranging the proportionate representation of the several states in the union congress it became necessary to apportion the number of members of congress to be elected by each state, and in arranging this representation a concession was made to the slave-owning states whereby their slaves were to be recognized in estimating the number of their population. the article[ ] enacts: "representatives shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." [ ] article i., section , constitution of united states, . by the apparently simple but very pregnant words, "all other persons," of whom three-fifths were to be added, were meant the slaves, who, although they were not themselves accorded any citizenship or right to vote, were thus counted in determining the number of the representatives who were to be accredited to and elected by the state in which they were held in slavery. as slavery was, in , legal in some of the states and illegal in others, it also became necessary, in order to gain the acceptance of the union by the slave-owning states, that provision should be made for the legal return to their owners of any slaves who might escape from a slave-owning to a free state, and a clause guaranteeing the rendition of fugitive slaves was therefore embodied in the constitution. it was enacted: "no person held to service or labour in one state--under the laws thereof--escaping to another shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service of labour may be due."[ ] [ ] article iv., section , constitution of united states, . it is stated on the authority of madison,[ ] "the father of the constitution," that the words used in each case in the original drafts of these clauses was "servitude," but it was afterwards changed to "service." [ ] james madison, subsequently twice president of the united states, and . the expulsion of the words, although it might appear better to the eye, did not alter the fact that the whole of the states, which then framed their union, although they did not all practise slavery, yet every one of them then consented to its perpetuation. thus it came that slavery existed legally under the stars and stripes from until , when happily it was terminated[ ] by the proclamation of lincoln and the constitutional amendment. [ ] constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, january st, . such is the story of the slave's "freedom" under the national flag of the united states. we may now turn to the story of his freedom under the union jack in canada. we have seen that slavery, excepting on the soil of great britain, was not abolished in all other parts of the british empire until , and not in the united states until . in , long before either of these dates, self-government had been granted to canada, and, under the two-crossed jack, at the first meetings which were held by the parliament in upper canada, slavery was abolished on july th, .[ ] this was before our present union jack came into existence, so that in canada alone, of all the outer lands over which this flag of has ever been raised, beginning from the very day on which it first was displayed, this three-crossed jack has always, as in the motherland, proclaimed freedom to the slave. [ ] there were a few isolated instances of slaves who continued for a short time in the possession of their previous owners, but after this date any slave who came to the country, and every child born of coloured parents, was free. canadians in this way feel added honour in the flag, and that it is more particularly their own; for on the continent of america, whether he came from the british west indies, from the southern continent, from cuba, or the united states, in all of which he was still the chattel of his owner, so soon as the slave reached the soil of canada, and came under the colours of our union jack, that moment he was free. the deep significance which this early law of canada had given to the flag has often been attested by coloured men before their fellow-citizens and the world, and particularly by frederick douglas, the great coloured orator of the united states. while dilating upon the great advantage which had come to his own people since freedom had at last been granted to them in the united states, he would nevertheless contrast their condition with that existing in the neighbouring canadian land, where the black child sits in the public schools by the side of his little white brother, and travels with him in the same carriage on the trains, and where the law is administered with impartiality for both white and black alike.[ ] [ ] speaking in the exposition hall, at the great columbian exhibition, chicago, on august th, , douglas said of his people: "to-day we number , , (coloured) people in the united states. to-day a desperate effort is being made to blacken the character of the negro and to brand him as a moral monster. in fourteen states of this union wild mobs have taken the place of the law. they hang, shoot and burn men of my race without law and without right." in telling words he would revert to the time "when there was but one flag in america under which the fugitive slave could be secure. when the slave had escaped from the control of his owner, and was making his way through the intervening states to the free land of the north, whether he gained the summit of the highest mountains or hid in the recesses of the deepest valleys, the fugitive could find no safe resting place. if he mingled in the teeming throngs of their busiest cities, he feared detection; if he sought solitude on their widest prairies, beneath the silent stars, he was in dread of being tracked; not until he had sighted the red-crossed jack, and, crossing the northern lakes, had touched the strand of canada's shore, could the slave fall upon his knees and know that at last he was free." thus pure, unsullied in its life-story, this three-crossed union jack of canada is the only flag on the continent of america which has always and ever been the "flag of freedom," a flag under which all men, as their birthright, have been born equal and free. canadians may well, therefore, be proud of their flag, for what truer glory can be claimed for any other flag--than this, which spells out freedom in its every fold? chapter xxxiv. _the flag of liberty._ there is yet the other ideal phase in which the union jack in the outer realms of the empire and in canada reigns supreme--that of "liberty to the people." the inborn hope which buds and blossoms in the hearts of a growing people as their energies evolve and their circumstances advance, finds its fruitage in the possession of mastery over their own homes, and thus a nation's desire for liberty is concentrated in the absorbing dream of self-government. it was this spirit which spoke in the old english colonies in america when they averred, in their address to king george iii., that they were "being degraded from the pre-eminent rank of _english_ freemen." the condition of a citizen in the old homeland was their highest ideal of the liberties of a people, and the only one with which, even in those times, they considered comparison could worthily be made. the history of the union jack in the parent land has been connected, as we have seen, not solely with national allegiance, but yet more with parliamentary government; and its several parts have been combined in union to evidence the advent of union under representative institutions. such, too, has been the history of its expansion among the great groups of colonies of the british empire which dot the outer world, a development of true democratic government which can best be realized by a comparison between the forms of government in canada and that in the united states. the creation of the constitution of england was not confined to a single date, nor was it the product of the men of a single period; its growth has been spread, like that of its flag, over century after century, as each successive phase of the ideal dream has become harmonized with the existing requirements of the day. formed largely upon usage and upon precedent, it reflects the current views of the people, and, therefore, has never been restricted to invariable forms of words. there are milestones such as magna charta, the petition of rights, the habeas corpus act, the act of settlement, and the other landmarks which measure the way towards constitutional liberty; but as with the union jack, so, too, with the liberties of the british form of government, the story of the combinations is not the record of a revolution, but the gradual process of a reasoning evolution. when, at the end of the eighteenth century, our neighbours in the united states framed their new constitution, they based it on the information and usages of that day when responsible government was almost unknown. creating an elective king under the name of president, they endowed him with distinct and executive powers, which, as then, he still exercises, largely of his own private will, or only in consultation with a cabinet which is nominated by and is responsible only to himself, whose members are not members of the house of representatives, nor are they elected by the people. how entirely he acts of his own motion, without the instructions or the initiation of congress, was only too evidently shown in the recent venezuela-guiana incident,[ ] when president cleveland's message was promulgated with all the individual vehemence of an autocrat, and if it had not been for the temperate forbearance of the british cabinet, war would have resulted. [ ] . the president of the united states, having been elected for a definite term of years, represents the opinion which prevailed at the time of his election; and no matter how much the opinion of the nation may change in the interval, or his policy be objected to, he continues to rule until his allotted term of four years shall have expired, even though he and his cabinet be in absolute conflict with the expressed will of the people, as indicated in the elections which are constantly in progress.[ ] [ ] in the united states the members of the senate are elected by the legislatures of the states, one for each state, and sit for six years. the members of the house of representatives are elected by popular vote of the electors, the number for each state being determined by its proportional population, and each sits for a fixed term of two years. it is true there are provisions in the constitution for checking his course, or for his impeachment, but in cases in which this has been attempted to be enforced the trial has lasted longer than his term. his appointment as chief of the nation having been the result of an election contest, the president represents not the whole people, but only the political party which happened to be in the majority at the time of his election. being, then, the elected representative of a definite political party, his acts are expected by those who have elected him to be used towards continuing their party in power, and thus the person from time to time holding the position of president becomes a distinct vehicle for the exercise of party political warfare instead of being an impartial administrator. his veto being thus supreme, all legislation has to be conducted with a view to what will meet, or will not meet, the personal views of the president, as has been most plainly shown in the framing of tariffs for customs and taxation. this written constitution of the united states, admirable though it may have been thought at the time, and an improvement upon the then existing state of things, was born over a century ago, in the times of autocratic government, and though thus out of date, it has remained ever since practically unchanged; in fact, with the exception of the amendment respecting slavery, it is identically the same. during this same hundred years, as civilization has advanced, education enlightened the masses, intelligence expanded among the people, and experience been gained, there has grown up that marvellous form of self-government under which we canadians and our brother colonists live--the british constitutional monarchy. in this british empire, in the colonial parliaments, as in the imperial parliament, the king or sovereign represents all the people, not a party, and is the permanent chairman of the nation. the will of parliament, tempered by his continued counsel, is his will. the ministers of the crown, who, with the premier as their head, form the executive, are elected by the people, and sit in the same house of commons with the other elected representatives. debating with them on the issues of the day, they are responsible to their fellow-members for the measures which they introduce;[ ] and when they fail to carry these measures, and cease to secure the support of the majority of the people's representatives, as then sitting in parliament, the ministry must resign, and is succeeded at the call of the sovereign, or in a self-governed dominion, of the governor-general, by another cabinet, which shall represent that majority; or, should the matter be considered of sufficient importance, the whole parliament is forthwith dissolved by the sovereign, or his representative, as the neutral and unbiased centre of impartial power. all the members return for re-election by their constituencies, and the question at issue is quickly submitted for decision by the ballots of the electors. thus the acts of the premier or chief minister, and of his cabinet, and also of the party of which he is leader, and the whole parliament, are at once subject to the opinion of the people without waiting for the completion of their term.[ ] [ ] no bill for the expenditure of any money or for a change in taxation can be introduced except by a member of the cabinet. [ ] the life of a parliament in canada is limited to five years, and, unless it has been dissolved in the interval, must return for re-election at the end of that term. an entire new parliament can be re-elected any time in about six weeks. further, indeed, than this, if a member of the cabinet should die or resign during the term of any parliament his successor must, upon his appointment, return to his individual constituency and be re-elected, so that the opinion of the people may be taken upon the general policy of the cabinet and upon his own special fitness for his appointment. the governor-general of canada, as also the governors in the other self-governed colonies, does not, as so many of the people of the united states imagine, govern the country, acting with absolute power under the direction of the government of great britain; for in every way, except for the purposes of imperial advice and the declaration of war, canada is practically an independent dominion, as sings the empire poet,[ ] "daughter am i in my mother's home, but mistress in my own." [ ] rudyard kipling. by virtue of his office, a governor-general represents the person of the sovereign of the empire in the local government in his portion of the british realm, and is the connecting link between the mother parliament in great britain and the parliament in the colony. he can influence but does not direct, he can advise but does not determine, for as has been well said of the british monarchy: "le roi regne mais ne gouverne pas"--the king reigns, but does not govern. as in the parent kingdom the sovereign is secured in impartiality by the grace of birth, so in the daughter realm the governor-general is dissociated from all local entanglements or party feelings by virtue of being selected for his particular abilities and appointed from another portion of the empire by the central source of honour and power. the distinctive flag ( ) of the governor-general of canada is the "union jack," having on its centre the arms of canada, surrounded by a wreath of maple leaves, the whole being surmounted by a royal crown. [illustration: . flag of the governor-general of canada.] the flag of the governor or administrator in all other british colonies and dependencies is also the union jack, having upon it the arms or badge of the colony on a white shield, surrounded by a green garland of laurel leaves, surmounted by a crown. in , as a special honour, the imperial sanction was given to canada to place a garland of maple leaves--its national emblem[ ]--instead of the laurel upon the flag of its governor-general. [ ] appendix a.--"the maple leaf emblem." the lieutenant-governors of the provinces of canada also wear the union jack as their distinctive flag, bearing upon it the arms of their respective provinces, surrounded by a similar garland of maple leaves; but as they are appointed by the government of the dominion, and not by the king, the garland is not surmounted by a crown ( ). [illustration: . flag of the lieutenant-governor of quebec.] in this governor-general's flag, with its royal crown, its maple leaves, and canadian coat-of-arms, as also in the lieutenant-governors' flags, backed up by the union jack, is symbolized the existence of british constitutional government in canada. in this the reigning king or queen is the whole canadian people, and the premier and his cabinet are the representatives of the political party for the time being in power.[ ] the cabinet is responsible to parliament for the policy which they introduce, and for which they, as well as all the other members of the parliament, are immediately answerable to the electors, who are the original source of their power. [ ] legal documents issued under legislation in canada are issued in the name of the "king," as representing the whole people, as in the united states the expression is in the name of "the people of the united states." this modern flexible system of responsible government in canada, so closely in touch with the people, in contrast with the irresponsible and rigid system in the united states, was neatly brought out by lord dufferin during his term as governor-general of canada, in a speech he delivered at toronto, in , after his visit to chicago: "more than once," said he, "i was addressed with the playful suggestion that canada should unite her fortunes with those of the great republic. (laughter.) to these invitations i invariably replied by acquainting them that in canada we were essentially a democratic people--great laughter--that nothing would content us unless the popular will could exercise an immediate and complete control over the executive of the country--renewed laughter--that the ministers who conducted the government were but a committee of parliament, which was in itself an emanation from the constituencies--loud applause--and that no canadian would be able to breathe freely if he thought the persons administering the affairs of the country were removed beyond the supervision and contact of our legislative assemblies. (cheers.)" it is, then, easily seen why canadians and our brother britons love their union jack. it is the signal of parliamentary government by british constitutional principles. it represents progress and modern ideas--the rule of the people, for the people, by the people, through their unbiased king; and, therefore, it is the evidence of their affectionate and loyal allegiance to that monarchy and system of government under whose benign sway the colonies have advanced, and canada, above all other countries on the continent of america, is the land of the self-governed and the free. these are the liberties which the union jack signals in all parts of the british empire to all the varied nations, with varied tongues, which have come beneath its sway. it is the consciousness of such liberty and the enjoyment of such equal rights that impelled canada, australia, new zealand and all the colonies of the empire to send their sons to the field of contest in south africa as a free-will offering to defend their fellow-men and to spread the blessings of liberty and freedom to the peoples of that continent. from this has come that most recent acknowledgment of its incomparable liberties that the peoples of south africa, the boers of dutch and french descent, so recently warring with their british neighbours of cape colony and natal, have now[ ] united together and, meeting as brothers, have raised it as the union sign of their united liberty in the fourth[ ] daughter parliament of the britains beyond the seas in our united empire. [ ] confederation act, south africa, . [ ] canada, new zealand, australia, south africa. the world over it is the free-will flag of liberty. chapter xxv. _the union jack as a single flag._ this union jack, so spread abroad, is in its single form a declaration and an evidence of british nationality, and is raised every day from sunrise to sunset over every one of the garrisons of the british peoples which surround the world. it is the flag which is raised and saluted whenever formal possession of any new territory is taken in the name of the sovereign of great britain, and was thus raised at khartoum, bloemfontein, and pretoria, to signify the success of the british arms and the accession of british rule, just as its predecessors had been in newfoundland, on the shores of america, and all other colonies and conquests around the seas when each was first occupied. some considerable discussions have taken place as to whether it should be called the "union jack" or the "union flag." this latter is the name usually given in the official regulations respecting the official use of a three-crossed flag of this description. there is in the navy the rank of "admiral of the fleet," corresponding to the rank of field marshal in the army. the admiralty regulations state that the proper flag of an admiral of the fleet is the "union flag," to be worn at the top masthead, and an admiralty memorandum further states: "a jack is a flag to be flown only on the 'jack' staff, _i.e._, a staff on the bowsprit or forepart of the ship." the difference in name of the same flag when carried on a ship would appear to indicate a difference in size appropriate to the different positions. in the order in council[ ] directing what flags are to be used by diplomatic and consular officers, it is stated: "the flag to be used by her majesty's consular officers ashore to distinguish their residences is the union flag." [ ] order in council, th august, . there is, however, another official name of this flag given in official instructions which must be noticed. the military regulations ( ) order to be displayed afloat, by generals and other military officers commanding stations, as their distinguishing flags, "the union, bearing in the centre as a distinguishing mark the royal initials, surrounded by a garland on a blue shield and surmounted by a crown." for commissioners and consuls-general, "the union, with the royal arms in the centre, on a white shield, surrounded by a green garland." this same name "union" is also given in directions respecting this flag when included as a part of a larger flag. the admiralty instructions directing what ensign is to be worn by all ships of the royal navy in commission state that they shall "bear a white ensign with the red st. george's cross, and the union in the upper canton." the foreign office regulations direct that "consular officers when embarked in boats or other vessels shall use the blue ensign with the royal arms in the centre of the fly of the flag, that is, in the centre of that between the union and the end of the flag." many other instances could be quoted, but these are typical and sufficient. three names are used--the "union," "union flag," and "union jack," all describing the same flag. it is interesting to note the transition of the names. under charles i., in , it was described as "the union flagge"; under charles ii., in , "his majesty's jack, commonly called the union jack." the usage of the name jack had thus early and largely spread, and it is further shown by a letter written by burchett, the secretary of the admiralty, in , regarding the flag carried by the earl of pembroke in the expedition against cadiz, in which he says: "there was some doubt as to whether his lordship should have borne at the maintop masthead the royal standard of england or the union, or, more properly speaking in maritime phrase, the jack flag commonly worn by those who have under the lord high admiral been appointed admirals of the fleet."[ ] [ ] admiral eardley wilmot: "our flags." it is not surprising, therefore, that under queen anne, in , it is again described as "our jack, commonly called the union jack." this name of the flag had, in fact, become so general that it had affectionately passed onward to give its name to the gallant sailors who bore it, as is instanced in nautical ballads: "there's a sweet little cherub that sits up aloft, to keep watch for the life of poor jack."[ ] [ ] dibdin, . used thus for centuries by sailors in song and on shore, although the name given in the proclamation of george iii., , was the "union flagge," the ancient and loving name of union jack has always prevailed among its upholders. in the issue of official instructions there is propriety and, perhaps, necessity for using the different names, but they all contain the dominant name of "_union_," and describe the same flag in its single form--the two-crossed or, in its succession, three-crossed jack of united nationality. there is another and distinctive use of the union jack. surrounded by a white border of one-fifth of its width, it becomes a "pilot jack," and in this form becomes the official signal for a pilot, and is so used on all british ships, merchantmen as well as men-of-war, in all parts of the world. this white-bordered jack is only appropriately to be used for this special signal service. the restrictions given in the early proclamations as to the flying of the union jack at sea, and the official instructions as to its use as a special distinction on shore, particularly for military garrisons and official residences, have given rise to questionings as to the right of its being used by all british private citizens on land. their authority to use it afloat has been clearly defined, but not so clearly that of their right on shore, although such has been the usage and practice of centuries. the proclamation of queen anne declared the flag which conjoyning the crosses of st. george and st. andrew, had been approved to be "used in all flags and ensigns both at sea and land," and then proceeded to state restrictions only as to their particular using as insignia at sea, where as signs of authority and signals on ships such restrictions were unquestionably necessary. no restrictions were placed upon their use on land, and thus all citizens of the united kingdom were given authority to use on land "our jack, commonly called the union jack," the loyal usage which had grown up under its predecessors being confirmed. this right was not in any way changed at the time of the creation of the present union jack, which, in , succeeded it, and so to the first century of loyal and common usage have been further added two centuries of loyal right. in more recent times additional interesting evidence and authority have been given, both as to the name of this flag and its use by private citizens. in reply to an enquiry in by the vicar of folkestone, england, as to the propriety of the display of the royal standard upon his church at the time of the coronation of his majesty edward vii., lord knollys, private secretary to the king, in reply, informed him that the standard should not so be used, but "you can always fly the union jack."[ ] the name and the propriety of the use of the jack by private citizens in the united kingdom was graciously confirmed. [ ] lord knollys, th june, . appendix b. as there had been considerable discussion as to what flags were proper to be used on land in canada, the writer addressed lord knollys, quoting the previous letter, and stating the particular attention given to the flying of flags in this and the outer realms of the empire, and received in reply, that "the union jack, being the national flag, may be flown by british subjects, private or official, on land."[ ] [ ] lord knollys, th december, . appendix b. the colonial secretary of the imperial cabinet, in reply to a question in the house of commons ( ), said that the union jack could be flown by every citizen of the empire, as well as on government offices and public buildings; that the union jack should be regarded as the national flag, and undoubtedly might be hoisted on land by all his majesty's subjects. authority has also been since given by the "home office" in england, stating "that the union jack is to be regarded as the national flag, and may be used generally by british subjects on land".[ ] [ ] letter under-secretary of state, home office, whitehall, june , . the three crosses of the three nations whose successive unions it first typified, have since expanded far beyond the united kingdom of the parent isles. the sons of the kingdoms have in centuries of prowess carried it far afield, and bringing distant continents beneath its realm, have built up the dominions beyond the seas in australia, canada, new zealand, india, south africa, and the myriad islands of the oceans, so that it has become the union jack of the british empire. a british subject, wherever he may be on british soil, may, therefore, always use the union jack. it has already been noted that when flags are to be employed for official purposes it is desirable that definite regulations shall be issued for their use. in canada we raise the union jack on our parliament and legislative buildings, as indicating the presence of government under the british constitution; by parliaments derived from and following the precedents of the original union parliaments, and on our law courts, as sign of the administration of british law. to emphasize and inculcate the world-wide duties that this flag proclaims, the union jack is raised over the public schools, so that the newcomers to our lands from other lands and other nationalities may know that they and their children have come to enjoy with us allegiance to king and country, the securities of british protection of person and property, and the rights and privileges of british citizenship, which loyal allegiance to it conveys. public education in canada is under the charge of each of the provincial governments, and in manitoba, ontario, british columbia and the maritime provinces the single union jack is the flag which has been instructed to be officially raised daily over the public schools. whatever flags may be used for other purposes and on other occasions, it is manifest that to be raised over schools this widely-spread national union jack is the most fitting; telling the children, as it does, the duties and relations they bear to the other members of their empire, and leading them to study, not only the history of the continent in which they live, but to go far back into the centuries and learn the growth of the glorious liberties which this flag has brought them, and the unity which its colours proclaim. the patriotic celebration of "empire bay," which first was originated in the schools in canada,[ ] has extended through the schools of the empire. on this day, as well as on other notable days, appropriate addresses are given, this union jack, the national flag, is reverently raised and saluted, and the national anthem and patriotic songs sung by the scholars. it has been recorded that in the public schools in canada, australasia, new zealand and great britain over , , children united in this celebration in , and it is still fast extending. [ ] initiated by mrs. clementina fessenden, of hamilton, canada, in . it is an inspiration for ourselves to have it thus brought to mind that our union flag floats on every sea, and that on one-fifth of the earth's surface it is hailed as their union emblem by four hundred millions of fellow-patriots, in every clime, of many languages, and all religious faiths, each dearly loving their own native land and devoted to its welfare, but united in loyal brotherhood with their fellow, yet far-distant, britons under one king, one flag, one empire. chapter xxvi. _the jacks in red, white and blue ensigns._ in its single form the union jack has these special duties, which have been noted, but combined in the upper corner of a larger flag it creates a general flag of the nation, and thus environed becomes a union ensign. although usage has sometimes used the name, yet it is a misnomer to call a flag of this larger combined form a union jack, this being the proper name solely for the flag containing only the three island crosses. the distinction in the names arises from the early days when a smaller flag--bearing a national emblem or the crest or coat-of-arms of a liege lord--had been inserted in a larger flag. this larger flag, bearing the emblem or insignia of its wearers, was termed an "ensign." place our smaller union flag in the upper corner of a larger flag, and it there becomes the sign of identity, of allegiance, and of the union of british patriotism with the special story which is told by the colourings and form of the other parts, or fly, of such ensign. [illustration: plate viii. red ensign white ensign blue ensign] the union jack was first quartered in the upper canton of three flags, the red, white and blue ensigns. these flags have arisen from the flags which were used of old to distinguish the ships of the respective squadrons into which british fleets were divided. lord lisle, in the time of henry viii., divided his fleet at shoreham in into three squadrons, the _vanwarde_, _battle_ and _wing_, corresponding in their position to the _van_, _centre_ and _rear_.[ ] these were the germ of the _red_, _white_ and _blue_ squadrons of the seventeenth century. [ ] hakluyt. there were at that time only two distinguishing flags used in the navy, the royal standard and the st. george jack. the admirals hoisted their flags in accordance with their rank upon their flagships, in , in the following order:[ ] squadron. admirals. . battle { royal standard at main. { st. george at fore. . vanwarde { st. george at main. { st. george at fore. . wing st. george at mizzen. the other ships of their respective squadrons displayed: squadron. ships. . battle st. george at main. . vanwarde st. george at fore. . wing st. george at mizzen. [ ] hannay: "short history of the british navy." eighty years afterwards, in the time of charles i., we learn of another change, when in the duke of buckingham divided his fleet into squadrons at the island of rhe, each designated according to the flag it carried: "himself ye admirall and general in chief and admirall particular of the bloody colours," the "vice-admiral of ye fleete bearing a blew flag in his main top and was admiral of the blew colours," and the "rear admiral bearing a white flag in the main top and was admirall of ye squadron of white colours."[ ] the admirals' flags were, in : admiral red flag. vice-admiral blue flag. rear-admiral white flag. [ ] extract from pepys' diary. it was into the upper corner of these red, blue and white flags of the squadrons that the single-cross st. george's english jack was placed, in , when the "commonwealth ensign" (pl. iv., fig. ) was formed and the red, white and blue ensigns of the navy first appeared. difficulties must have been caused by the fact that from the "restoration," in , the english merchantmen were, without authority, using the ensign red at the stern in exactly the same form as the flag of the red squadron, and still more when the general use of the red ensign on all ships had been officially authorized by queen anne in . at first the admirals holding the highest position had carried the red, but afterwards the seniority had been changed. a rank of admiral, vice-admiral and rear-admiral was appointed for each colour. promotion was made from the rank of captain to that of rear-admiral of the blue, which was the lowest, and upward through the red to admiral of the white, which had become the highest rank. there were then nine ranks of admirals carrying the three ensigns: admiral of the white white ensign. vice-admiral of the white white ensign. rear-admiral of the white white ensign. admiral of the red red ensign. vice-admiral of the red red ensign. rear-admiral of the red red ensign. admiral of the blue blue ensign. vice-admiral of the blue blue ensign. rear-admiral of the blue blue ensign. as merchant ships, which were all flying the red ensign, increased in size, it became increasingly difficult for foreigners to distinguish these from the ships of the royal navy--a difficulty which was further intensified for them by the fact that a squadron of the royal navy might be sailing on one coast under the blue ensign, while another squadron was sailing under the red, and yet another under the white, according to the rank of the admirals of their respective squadrons. confusion and possibility of mistakes in identification in action was sometimes caused by the ships of one squadron becoming intermingled with those of another. nelson solved this difficulty by directing that only the white ensign, which was the ensign of his own squadron,[ ] should be used on the ships of all the squadrons at the battle of trafalgar. [ ] he was at the time a vice-admiral of the white and the senior officer present. the three ensigns, with their successive one, two and three-crossed jacks, had continued to be used in these varying ways during more than two hundred years, until , when the positions of the three ensigns were separated and distinctive duties allotted to each.[ ] the number of the rank of admirals was at the same time reduced to three--admiral, vice-admiral and rear-admiral. all of these were to fly, as they still do, the white ensign at the stern, their seniority being indicated by the position of the st. george jack at the mast head.[ ] these ranks are in addition to the rank of admiral of the fleet, which confers the right to wear the union jack instead of the st. george. [ ] order in council, october th, . [ ] in the present day, when ironclads have not more than two, and often only one mast, vice-admirals wear the st. george with one red ball in the upper corner, and rear-admirals with two red balls, to indicate their respective rank. the ensigns were described in the order and directed to be used as follows: _the white ensign_ (pl. viii., fig. ).--a white flag, with a st. george cross through the whole flag and the union jack in the upper canton, to be used at sea only by ships of the royal navy or by yacht clubs to which special license has been given. _the blue ensign_ (pl. viii., fig. ).--a blue flag, with the union jack in the upper canton, to be used only by ships of the royal naval reserve, or by merchantmen which are commanded by officers of the reserve, and have been duly licensed, or by yacht clubs to which special commission has been granted. _the red ensign_ (pl. viii., fig. ).--a red flag, with a union jack in the upper canton, to be used as a national ensign by all british merchantmen. by the admiralty regulations, afterwards issued, instructions are given as to the relative proportions of the parts of these flags. in the red and blue ensigns the union flag in the upper quarter next the staff is to be "in length half the length of the flag, and in width half the width of the flag." in the white ensign the red cross of st. george, which runs through the whole of the white field, is to be " - ths of the width of the flag." the union is to occupy the upper quarter next the staff, leaving the whole cross intact. this was virtually adding the union jack to the original english jack of richard i. by a special act it was afterwards more particularly enacted in : "the red ensign, _usually worn_ by merchant ships without any defacement or modification whatsoever, is hereby _declared to be the proper national colour_ of all ships and boats belonging to any subject of her majesty, except in the case of her majesty's ships, or in the case of any other ships for the time being allowed to wear any other national colours in pursuance of a warrant from her majesty or from the admiralty."[ ] [ ] the merchant shipping (colours) act, . it may be that the red ensign, which was the common flag of all the people ashore and afloat and the admiral's flag of highest rank and worn by the merchant ships, in the time of the dutch wars, was given to the merchantmen in recognition of their great services in winning the supremacy of the sea; that the white ensign was given to the royal navy in recognition and memory of trafalgar; and the blue ensign to the royal naval reserve because they were the rear guard to her majesty's ships; but the union jack was the binding link between them all, and established their rank and designation as "union ensigns." the red ensign, first with its st. george cross under charles ii., afterwards with its two-crossed union jack under queen anne, and then with its three-crossed jack, had thus become the national ensign on all british ships at sea, and not being restricted to any particular services, as are the white and blue ensigns, and in its red form, authorized by queen anne for use on land, it increased in its usage, and has become the ensign of the british people on shore as well as afloat. "where is the briton's land? where'er the blood-red ensign flies, there is the briton's land." whether it be in the "right little, tight little islands" of the old land, or in the greater area of the colonies which stud the globe, the presence of this union ensign proclaims the sovereignty of the united nations and the presence and protection of the british empire. thus the three crosses in the union jack have ceased to have solely their local meanings, for their story has become merged in the larger significance which their presence now imparts to the several dominion union ensigns as being the sign of this greater british union. chapter xxvii. _the union ensigns of the british empire._ a further evolution in the union flag has come step after step, by which the distinguishing emblems of the colonies have become part, first of the union jack, afterwards of the union ensigns, and then through the red ensign to unite home and colony in one imperial union ensign. in the century of the expansion of raleigh's "trade command," the governors of the english colonies, principally of those in america, began giving commissions to their local colonial ships, authorizing them to engage in the various free and ready methods by which that trade was being obtained from foreign sources. some inconvenience seems to have resulted from this practice, as the colonial ships carrying the two-crossed jack were making prizes and taking trade under the flag which the old country merchant ships were directed not to use. objection was made by the ships sailing from the home ports, and under william iii. the matter was taken up. [illustration: plate ix. canadian union ensign australian union ensign new zealand union ensign] the english lords justices in council considered the question and reported: "_at the council chamber, whitehall, the st day of july, ._ "_present_--their excellencies the lords justices in council. "upon reading this day at the board a report from the lords commissioners of the admiralty in the words following, viz.: "their excellencies the lords justices having been pleased to refer to us a report of the lords commissioners of trade, upon a memorial from this board, representing the inconveniences that do attend merchant ships wearing the _king's colours_, in and among the plantations abroad, under colour of the commissions given them by his majesty's governours of the said plantations. we do most humbly report to their excellencies that we do agree with the said lords commissioners for trade that all such ships to whom the aforesaid governours shall, by the authority lodged in them, grant commissions, ought to wear _colours that may distinguish them from private ships_, as is done by those employed by the officers of the navy, ordnance victualling, and others, and therefore do humbly propose that all the said governours may be directed to oblige the commanders of such merchant ships, to which they grant commissions, to wear no other jack than that hereafter mentioned, namely, that worne by his majesty's ships with the distinction of a _white escutcheon_ in the middle thereof, and that said mark of distinction may extend itself to one-half of the depth of the jack, and one-third part of the fly thereof, according to the _sample hereunto annexed_. "pembroke. "haversham. "d. mitchell." directions were accordingly so issued, and of the instructions transmitted to the governors of the colonies in america originals are extant of those sent to massachusetts, in , and new york, in . fig. is from an actual tracing from the drawing of the flag on the margin of the instructions sent to the governor at boston.[ ] it will be noted that the white escutcheon on the jack is perfectly plain and without any special distinctive emblem, such as those worn on the escutcheons on the ordnance and other departmental flags. [ ] massachusetts archives, vol. , p. . the white escutcheon of the home departmental flags was thus extended to the union jacks used in the colonies, and formed the new and first "colonial flag" (pl. iii., fig. ). the governors, high commissioners or administrators of british colonies and dependencies were afterwards authorized to place upon this white escutcheon on the union jack the arms or emblem of the colony in which they served. in this way it has come that the arms of _canada_, the southern cross constellation of _victoria_, the red cross and british lion of _new south wales_, the black swan of _western australia_ ( ), and the other special distinctive emblems in each of the british colonies are now displayed upon the centre of the union jacks which form the _governor's flag_ in each. [illustration: . australian emblems. _victoria._ _new south wales._ _western australia._] in , when colonial navies were first established, the vessels of war maintained by the local governments in australia were authorized to use the blue ensign, with the seal or badge of the colony in the centre of the fly,[ ] and thus the escutcheon being transferred from the centre of the jack to the centre of the "fly," was given another position, and the local stories of the australian colonies, which established these fleets, became embodied in the british blue ensign.[ ] [ ] colonial defences act, victoria, cap. . [ ] warrant of the lords commissioners of the admiralty. a similar privilege, although they are not commissioned as vessels of war, was afterwards extended to the "fishery protection" cruisers of canada, so that these and all other vessels which are owned by the government of the dominion carry the blue ensign with the arms of canada in the centre of the fly. authority was also given to all these vessels owned and commissioned by the colonial governments to fly a blue pennant of the same shape as that of the british navy (fig. , page ), with the white ground and red cross of st. george at the head, but having the fly blue instead of red.[ ] [ ] pennants having this blue fly were worn by the english navy almost two hundred years previously, as shown in a picture, painted by vandervelt, of the action off the coast of holland on august , , between the english, french and dutch, now the property of his majesty the king. by such successive steps the imperial idea became attached to one of the ensigns of the british navy. from the plain white escutcheon in the centre of the colonial union jack, , to the special emblem in the fly of the colonial blue ensign, , was a long way, but other steps were yet to be taken. the vessels owned by the governments of the colonies had thus been given their special british union flags, but provision had not been made for those owned by private citizens. the plain red ensign has, by authority of queen anne, become the national right of all british subjects on all lands as well as on all seas. as the colonies developed in native energy so their merchant shipping increased, and in recognition of this advance, and in order that their ports of origin might be made known, all colonial-owned merchant vessels were accorded, in ,[ ] the right of wearing, _together_ with the red ensign, an _additional_ flag on which might be shown the distinguishing badge or insignia of their colony, similarly as under james i. direction had been given to raise the separate national jack of england or of scotland at the same time as the king's union jack. in order to prevent the possibility of mistakes in identification, it was further directed that any flags of this character were to be made in such a way as not to resemble any of the existing flags of the royal navy. [ ] merchant shipping (colours) act, . in some of the australian colonies local flags of excellent design had been devised, but these _additional_ flags of entirely separate design were not all that could be desired, for while the special local flag might give expression to the local patriotism represented, there might come with it also an idea of separation, and it did not succeed in expressing the dominant and prevailing sentiment of allegiance to "one empire, one flag." it fell to the lot of the statesmen of canada, who do not seem to be behindhand in developing new and imperial ideas, to suggest ( ) another step in the history of the ensign. the merchant shipping of canada stands fifth in rank in merchant shipping among the nations of the world.[ ] [ ] the order is british (home kingdom), united states, german, french, canadian. the government ships were authorized to use the blue ensign with the dominion arms as their distinguishing flag, but as no distinctive flag had been adopted for canada, her merchant marine used the same plain red ensign as worn by the merchant marine of great britain, and canadian merchant ships were unable to be recognized amidst those of the mother country. in , to meet this requirement, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, on the suggestion of the canadian department of marine, issued a warrant permitting the badge of the arms of canada to be inserted in the flag of the red ensign as well as in the blue, and this new combined red ensign was by this empowered to be used on board vessels registered in the dominion of canada.[ ] [ ] admiralty warrant, february , . thus was formed the union ensign of canada. this canadian ensign (pl. ix., fig. ) is the british red ensign, having the union jack in the upper corner and the arms of canada in the fly.[ ] [ ] the arms of the four provinces which first united are the only ones which, up to , have been officially authorized to be inserted, although the arms of the whole nine provinces, now comprising the dominion, are often to be seen. a simple maple leaf on a white escutcheon would be infinitely preferable, for which see appendix a and fig. . this restriction to its being used only afloat has, like the ancient restriction of the union jack, been modified by usage and authorized by permission. yet it is also to be remembered that the right of the red ensign had been conferred by queen anne upon all british citizens whether at sea or on land in all british dominions, and is rightfully to be raised by all canadians. the "dominion ensign" is the red ensign of the empire with the insignia of canada on the broad red of the fly, and, being accorded to canadians as an evidence of the ownership of their ships, has passed onward to be an evidence of their country over their own homes. as they have the right to use the plain red ensign everywhere, so now they may use its daughter, the canadian ensign, and although there was at first a restriction as to its use at sea, this has been merged in the more widely extended and general usage on land. [illustration: . australian federation badge.] the raising of this ensign does not, any more than the raising elsewhere of a red ensign in addition to the single union jack, suggest any idea of separation; on the contrary it was designed by the canadian statesmen to avoid any such idea which, perhaps, might be attached to an entirely different flag. the presence of the union jack in the upper corner declares inviolate fidelity to king and empire, while the canadian emblem on its folds gives a recognition of native home. when an englishman raises his st. george, the scotsman his st. andrew, or the irish the st. patrick or their crown and harp on a blue ground, it is not taken as a sign of separation, but only as a recognition and reminiscence of their old homes and ancestry; so, too, with the canadian in his special ensign, with its canadian emblem. all raise both their native and the union empire flags in united fervour. the federation badge with the stars of the southern constellation, worn during the plebiscite of in australia ( ), suggested that the union of the parliaments of the colonies on that continent might be followed by the creation of a union ensign for the new commonwealth of australia. the union came in , and following on the line of the canadian ensign, the australian ensign was created. this is the british red ensign with the union jack in the upper corner, under this jack a six-pointed star signifying the six provinces or states of the australian union, and in the fly the five stars of the constellation of the southern cross,[ ] the leading constellation of the southern hemisphere. [ ] admiralty order, th september, . by a subsequent enactment another point was added to the star, making a star of seven points,[ ] one for each of the states, new south wales, victoria, queensland, south australia, western australia, tasmania, and one for the territories of papua and norfolk island; but the rest of the ensign remained the same as previously. [ ] admiralty warrant, rd october, . colonial office despatch, th october, . thus was formed the australian ensign (pl. ix., fig. ). the union ensign of the dominion of new zealand contains in the same way the union jack in the upper corner, and a southern constellation of four stars in the middle of the red fly (pl. ix., fig. ). as the separated colonies of south africa are now joining together in a union parliament under the union jack, we may expect another union ensign to be added to the galaxy of these loyal union and native ensigns. like the expansion of the british constitution to patriot governments beyond the seas, so has come the extension, step by step, of the old union flag to the newly-created dominions. as the spirit of that constitution has been adapted to the local circumstances in each, so the red ensign with its union jack, which is the embodiment of the power and glory of the british nation, has been emblazoned with the local fervour of each young and growing people, who, ardently loving their new land, yet stand unconquerably in union with the motherland, and rejoice at seeing their own emblem set upon the mother flag. each such flag tells us its grand story in a way that a national flag ought to do; for the red ensign of the homeland, with the sign of the colony added to its folds in these far-off lands, signals to the beholder that it is an _imperial union ensign of the british empire_. these are the union ensigns of the self-governing dominions of the outer empire, which have been adopted in succession in each, as a union parliament for their dominion has been created, to embrace the several provinces or states of their continent, and endowed with powers from the union parliament of the parent realm. as in the sixteenth century the forces of the percys raised the cross of st. george in their ensign (pl. iii., fig. ), to show that of whatever district they might be they were all _englishmen_, so the younger nations of the britains over the seas raise the union jack in the upper corner of their _dominion union ensigns_ to tell that their bearers are all _britons_, sons and daughters of the family, loyal to the british crown. when the canadian sees the union crosses displayed on his canadian ensign, or the distant brother colonist on that of his colony, it speaks to each, not only as his own native flag, but yet more as his sign of brotherhood in an empire wider than his own home, broader than the continent on which he lives, for it is the visible evidence of his citizenship in the empire of great and greater britain. the fervid eloquence of daniel webster, in , described that empire as "a power dotted over the surface of the whole globe with her possessions and military posts, whose morning drum-beat, following the sun and keeping company with the hours, circles the earth with one continuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of england."[ ] [ ] speech, may , . if this heart-rousing testimony of the majesty of the empire, of which the dominions and colonies form a part, had been given by one of ourselves, it might have been tinged with the suspicion of self-glorious boasting; but springing from the lips of so distinguished a citizen of the united states, its fervid utterance is the candid acknowledgment of a nation wider than his own, whose grandeur compelled his admiration. if over half a century ago this ascription was true, how much more so is it in these later days when the ideal of the "morning drum-beat" has been transmuted into actual fact in the "continuous and unbroken strain" of the "_diamond anthem_" of the rejoicings at the jubilee of queen victoria,[ ] when, commencing at suva at p.m. on that sunday afternoon, the national anthem was taken up in the assemblies in almost every place in the outer british dominions as the sun came over them in succession around the world, until it had come back again to fiji on the following day. [ ] appendix d.--the "diamond jubilee anthem" of . those "possessions" which fired the statesman's imagination have marvellously increased; that "power" has expanded beyond his utmost dreams. since that time no nation, not even his own, has progressed like has the british nation. canada, then lost to view in a solitude of far-off forests or of pathless plains, has arisen like a young lion, and carrying the union jack in continuous line of government from the atlantic to the pacific, has gripped the american continent from sea to sea. australasia and new zealand have risen beneath the southern star, india in itself has become an empire, and africa, youngest born of all the lion's brood, is welding fast another continent beneath the imperial sway. these are the nations of the union jack, the galaxy of parliaments of free men, which have arisen round the centre isles and the throne of her who, with her statesmen, "knew the seasons when to take occasion by the hand and make the bounds of freedom wider yet." in this nation of nations, brothers join hands with their brothers around the world, and raise aloft the union jack of itself, and in their ensigns as the glad emblem of their united allegiance, a union for which the britains beyond the seas have proved their faith, and ever stand in foremost rank ready and willing to defend. there is something marvellous in the world-wide influence of this three-crossed flag of the parent nation, whose sons have followed its ideals through all the centuries. sometimes they have made mistakes, or blundered into difficulties, but undaunted, masterful and confident, have profited by the hard-won experience, and progressing with the march of time, find at the beginning of this twentieth century that they "have builded better than they knew." thus, when in the opening month of britain stood alone, as said a canadian statesman,[ ] in "_splendid isolation_," there was heard coming, not only from canada, but from every daughter nation around the seas, the same brave refrain which had been sung by a canadian poet in , when the sanctity of the flag had been violated in the stirring times of the "_trent_ affair": "when recent danger threatened near, we nerved our hearts to play our part, not making boast, nor feeling fear; but as the news of insult spread, were none to dally or to lag; for all the grand old island spirit which britain's chivalrous sons inherit was roused, and as one heart, one hand, we rallied round our flag." [ ] hon. g. b. foster, minister of finance of canada, in a speech in the house of commons, ottawa. and yet again in , when brother britons in africa were suffering injustice, when our british colonies were being invaded and the union jack attacked by a mistaken foe, the empire arose, and the bold refrain passed into chivalrous action. in ships that ploughed furrows around the world the sons of the empire came--colonists, yeomen and imperial forces--"in one united armament blent," to give their glad devotion in life or death for queen and union ensign on the south african hills and veldt. such, then, is the story, such is the meaning of our union jack; the emblem of combined constitutional government, the proclaimer of british liberty, the union sign of british rule, the signal of the realm of "_great britain and ireland and of all the britains beyond the seas_."[ ] [ ] his majesty king edward vii. caused himself to be so proclaimed at his coronation, when he added this recognition of the britains over the seas to his title, being the first of our kings to so include them. mindful of its story, happy in their lot, facing the world, its sons and their sons' sons stand up to their union colours and encircle the earth with their glad anthem, "_send him victorious, happy and glorious, long to reign over us_, god save the king." "_qu'il soit victorieux, et que son peuple heureux, le comble de ses v[oe]ux_: vive le roi." appendices. appendix a. _the maple leaf emblem._ the maple leaf emblem of canada, as compared with the rose, shamrock and thistle of the british isles, has but so recently entered into the realm of national emblems that some of the reasons for its adoption may well be given. the maple tree is found in luxuriance in every province of the dominion. varieties of it grow, it is true, in other parts of america, but the tree is in its greatest glory in the northern zones, where throughout canada, extended along her line of similar latitude, it attains to its greatest and most robust development. it flourishes in newfoundland, in the maritime provinces, and in quebec. it is the finest forest tree in ontario. manitoba maples form the foliage of the north-west, and anyone who has seen the giant maple leaves of british columbia will say the maple leaf is the natural emblem of canada. as well as being the natural emblem, it is also the typical emblem. it was held in high esteem by the early settlers of quebec, and was adopted, in , as the french canadian emblem for the festival of st. jean baptiste. it was placed on the coinage of new brunswick early in the century; a whole maple tree was shown on the coinage of prince edward island before the time of confederation, after which event maple leaves have been used on all coinage issued by the dominion. at the creation of the union in confederation it was placed in the arms of quebec and of ontario, and was heraldically recognized as the "emblem of canada." maple leaves form the wreaths on the flag of the governor-general of the dominion and on the flags of the lieutenant-governors of all the provinces. the maple leaf was the emblem placed by his royal highness the prince of wales on the colours of the "royal canadians," the th regiment, raised in canada in , and it is still worn as the regimental badge of their successors, the royal leinster regiment. it has been worn on the breasts of all the representative champions of canada--at the oar, on the yachts, on the athletic fields, in military contests, and at the rifle ranges--as the emblem of their country. it is on the "canada service" and "north-west" medals, and on the uniforms and accoutrements of the canadian militia, of the north-west mounted police and all official services. it was the distinguishing emblem on the uniforms and helmets of the lusty and loyal sons of the canadian contingents who served in south africa in , where the presence of that emblem reminded them of their far-off home and nerved their hearts for deeds of duty and devotion to canada and their queen. the wounded canadian who, lying wounded on the veldt at paardeberg, touched the maple leaf upon his helmet and said to his companion, "_if i die, it may help this to live_," spoke that which burns within the heart of every canadian lad and fires the inborn energy of his race. it has been extolled in poetry and prose; it is the theme of the songs of our children; and the stirring strains of "the maple leaf" form an accompaniment to our british national anthem. everywhere throughout the world the maple leaf has won recognition as the emblem of the canadians, and surely might well be displayed upon their national flag. if, instead of the dominion coat-of-arms, a green maple leaf were placed on the shield in the canadian ensign, the flag would be fairer to see and more easily distinguished. green is the emblem of youth and vigour, or, if the colour used were scarlet, the colour of courage, then in either case the natural and emblematic attributes of the leaf would be represented. it was suggested[ ] that in that year of the diamond jubilee a white diamond of one-third the size of the "union" should be substituted for the present shield and coat-of-arms, making a flag ( ) which would signalize an historic epoch. the single maple leaf on the white diamond in the fly of the red ensign would tell as bravely and more clearly the story of the "coat-of-arms" on the shield, and it would also be a national tribute to that queen under whose commanding influence the colonies have arisen around the empire, and be a record of that diamond jubilee of victoria which was the revelation of their union and the united testimony to their affection and allegiance. [ ] first edition, . if for similarity with the flags of other branches of the empire a white escutcheon or circle should be preferred to the diamond, the maple leaf upon it would be equally well displayed and the sign of canada on the red fly of the ensign be clearly distinguished. [illustration: . suggested canadian union ensign.] flags are signals to be used for conveying information to persons at a distance; their details should, therefore, be simple in form and be displayed in simple colours. the multi-coloured quarterings of the dominion arms, as shown on the shield upon the canadian ensign (pl. ix., fig. ), have not been found entirely efficient, for they fail in being easily recognizable. whatever the colour may be or the shape of the escutcheon, the single maple leaf on a white ground would tell at a glance that the emblem was the emblem of its people, and that the flag was the canadian ensign. appendix b. _letters from the private secretary of his majesty king edward vii._ buckingham palace, june th, . dear sir: in reply to your letter, i am afraid that the royal standard, which is the king's personal flag, can only be hoisted on the coronation. if permission were given in one case, it would be impossible to refuse it in any other. i must remind you that you can always fly the union jack. yours faithfully, f. knollys. the vicar of st. michael's, folkestone. sandringham, norfolk, dec. th, . sir: in reply to your letter of the th inst., i beg to inform you that the "union jack" being the national flag may be flown by british subjects, private or official, on land. yours faithfully, knollys. barlow cumberland, esq. port hope. appendix c. _canadian war medals._ the _war medal_ ( ) was granted in , to be worn by the men of the british forces who had served in the fleets and armies during the wars from to . among these the canadian militia was included. clasps were granted to those men who had been present at the actions of st. sebastian, vittoria, salamanca, talavera and vimiera, in the peninsular campaign; and in the canadian campaign, for the actions at fort detroit, august th, ; chateauguay, october th, ; and chrystler's farm, november th, . the medal from which the drawing is made is engraved, "a. wilcox, canadian militia," and bears the clasp "fort detroit." the _canada general service medal_ ( ) was granted in to the survivors of the canadian militia and imperial troops who had been out in active service in canada in repelling the fenian raids of and , or in the red river expedition under wolseley in . there are three clasps--"fenian raid, ," "fenian raid, ," "red river, ." upon the reverse side is the canadian ensign surrounded by a wreath of maple leaves. the drawing is made from the medal of the writer, as engraved, "f. b. cumberland, ensign, th royal reg't." the _north-west canada medal_ ( ) was granted in to all who had served in the canadian north-west in . the clasp "saskatchewan" was accorded to all who were present at the actions of fish creek, april th; batoche, may th; and frenchman's butte, may th, . the force serving in the operations of was drawn entirely from the canadian militia and the north-west mounted police, with the addition of the imperial officers on the staff. appendix d. _a record of the "diamond anthem."_ th june, . _from sons of england record._ the imaginative description given by daniel webster in of the "_morning drumbeat which, following the sun and keeping company with the hours, circles the earth with one continuous strain of the martial airs of england_" has been for many years the ideal example for estimating the world-spread area of the british empire. it seemed at the time, and was, a poetic fancy, but since that time the domiciles of the british peoples have been more amply developed and more closely spread so that the world is now encircled not simply with isolated military posts, but by a continuous line of happy british homes. the time for the celebration of the th year of the accession of her majesty queen victoria, so aptly named, by his royal highness prince of wales (now edward vii), the _diamond jubilee_, was approaching and many projects were rife to give expression to the loyalty and affection of her majesty's subjects. the official day set for the celebration was tuesday, june nd, , a date which was preceded by sunday, june th, the actual anniversary of her majesty's accession. mr. barlow cumberland was then the president, and mr. jno. w. carter the secretary, of the supreme lodge of the "_sons of england benevolent society_." this is an organization which had been initiated in canada in for the purpose of joining together colonists who had emigrated from england, or their descendants, for patriotic, benevolent and social purposes; to welcome new-comers and be of fraternal assistance to one another. the society had flourished and lodges had been formed in all parts of canada. a branch organization had been established in the colonies of south africa and connections had been opened in australia. a compact and energetic organization therefore was ready to hand in the larger parts of the colonial empire. the members of the society were actively joining in the arrangements for all the local celebrations for the nd, in which they afterwards took fullest share. mr. cumberland made the proposal that they should do something more and should in addition, organize a world-wide incident which their far-spread organization would enable them to do, and which would be the further tribute of the sons of england to their queen and a testimony of the fidelity which they had carried to their new homes beyond the seas. besides being president of this, and of other national societies, mr. cumberland had for many years been actively engaged in steamship and railway operations, so was peculiarly qualified for the requirements for completing such an enterprise. his conception and proposal was the "_diamond jubilee anthem_," to be sung around the world, following the sun, on sunday, june th, the actual anniversary day. his project was that, commencing at the time of the earliest hour in the morning on the th at windsor castle, where her majesty would be in residence, the sons and daughters in the colonies should encircle their queen with the never ceasing upraisal of their loyal acclaim and prayer by taking up the singing of the national anthem _in succession_ at their far distant homes throughout all the hours of that great day of her life. it was to be as though deputation after deputation from the colonies, each carrying the union jack, were presenting themselves minute after minute and singing below the castle walls. on the opposite side of the world from the _heart of the empire_ at windsor castle are the _fiji islands_, the colony situate nearest to longitude °, which is °, or hours, from the centre of time at the royal observatory at greenwich, and is the dividing line of the days of the world's time--where day begins and midnight ends. at these islands, being on the opposite side of the world, it is o'clock in the afternoon at the same moment at which it is o'clock in the morning of _the same day_ in england. the problem was therefore to have the national anthem commenced in fiji at the beginning of her majesty's day, and arranging to have it sung thereafter precisely at p.m., _as the sun arrived_ at that moment in succession over each place in the colonies and passed onward around the world. a form of service was devised, suitable for any sunday afternoon service to be held in any church, open air service or assembly hall, in which the national anthem should be arranged to be sung at the exact moment of o'clock. a time-table of longitudes, prepared by the meteorological department of canada, showing the meridian or _sun time_ at each place, and full descriptive circulars with forms of service and a time-table showing the hour at windsor castle and the corresponding hour at each place, were sent in multitude to friends and correspondents in these colonies and dependencies owning allegiance to the union jack. with the co-operation of the right rev. the bishop of toronto, who was a member of the order, and the heads in canada of all religious bodies, communication was opened up with the colonial bishops and clergy, and their services were enlisted. patriotic societies and the secretaries of the royal colonial institute were asked to assist, and letters were also sent to the captains of every british passenger ship which would be at sea on the th of june, asking them to sing the anthem, fire a gun, and note the position of their ship at p.m. on that day. the brethren of the society in newfoundland and canada took the service up with energy and enthusiasm. the sons of england in south africa answered with alacrity, australia and new zealand joined in heartily, and thus, by prompt and efficient action, the organization was completed and ready for the eventful day. copies of the services and time-table beautifully illuminated, were sent to her majesty, by reference to which it could be seen at any hour how far the anthem had proceeded on its way and in what colony it was at any moment being sung. in acknowledging receipt the colonial secretary, the right hon. joseph chamberlain, said to his excellency lord aberdeen: "i have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch of the th april, with its enclosures on the subject of the continuous service around the world which is being arranged by the sons of england in commemoration of the th anniversary of the queen's accession to the throne. i have to inform you that, in accordance with your request, the matter has been brought before the notice of the queen, and that her majesty was graciously pleased to express her sincere appreciation of the loyal feelings that have prompted this interesting method of commemoration." two thousand six hundred personal letters were written, , copies of the service sent out, and after months of work the th of june came and the anthem passed around the world. each one knew that they had done their duty, but had others far away done theirs so that the links might be complete? the idea when first made met with immediate acceptance as a happy conception, but many doubts were expressed as to the possibility of its being actually accomplished, for it seemed to the faint-hearted almost an impossibility to arrange for a connecting line of services, which should take place in succession around the whole circle of the earth for the space of twenty-four hours. yet the president was able to inform the grand lodge that the jubilee service had been carried out in actual fact and in completest detail. of this record it is not possible within the limits of this notice to give more than a sketch. reports and letters kept coming in for month after month from the far distant continents in reply to the request, and giving an account of the proceedings. a few extracts only can be given here as samples of many hundreds of similar character which were received from the continuous line now recorded around the world, telling of how the diamond jubilee anthem was sung at each place as shown in the time-table attached. the service commenced on sunday afternoon, th june, in _levuka_, fiji islands. dr. garner jones, headmaster of the levuka public schools, writes: "owing to geographical position--viz., ° ' e. long.--the inhabitants of levuka, fiji islands, enjoyed the unique honour of initiating 'the wave of song' that hailed the diamond jubilee of her majesty's ascension. the service was an open air one, being held in the government school grounds, rev. w. floyd, of the english church, officiating. the attendance was large and included representatives of various races who claim her majesty as their sovereign. english, scotch, irish, australian and new zealand colonials, chinese, germans, swedes, and among them the characteristic bushy hair of the fijian and other south sea islanders was prominent, there found themselves shoulder to shoulder in the antipodes of the british empire earnestly rolling forth our grand old national anthem, thus giving the keynote of thanksgiving to the entire world. the masons and oddfellows appeared in regalia and the levuka brass band was in attendance. surrounding the main body of the assembly were the levuka school boys, drawn up with their wooden rifles. punctually at five minutes to o'clock the procession of choristers left their temporary vestry and slowly approached their stand. at o'clock precisely, meridian time, the british ensign was hoisted, which was the prearranged signal, the band immediately struck up, and every throat commenced 'god save the queen,' while the public school guard stood at the 'present.' undoubtedly the occasion was unique, and levuka never forgot for a moment that her geographical position was unique also, in so far as she enjoyed the proud distinction of being allowed to start the wave of song which in its course would pass over in rotation all the british possessions on the face of the globe." at this same moment at which it was _ p.m. sunday_ in the fiji islands, and _ a.m. sunday_ at windsor castle, where her majesty was in residence, the executive of the sons of england met at shaftesbury hall, toronto, it being then precisely _ . p.m. on saturday, june th_, and sang the national anthem, commenced that same minute in levuka on sunday afternoon, and which for the next seventeen and a quarter hours was to be coming steadily nearer with the sun as it passed in succession over each of the loyal gatherings in other lands until it was over toronto at o'clock ( . standard time) on sunday afternoon, when the sons of england and britons in toronto again joined in the loyal strain as it passed by them onward toward the west. three minutes after levuka had commenced, _suva_, the fiji capital, took up the strain. mr. hamilton hunter says: "i am glad to report that the special jubilee service was a great success in this colony. it was not merely confined to the english church, but was heartily taken up by the roman catholic, presbyterian and wesleyan churches. the national anthem was sung on the stroke of four. i have to thank you for having enabled us to set 'the wave of song' in motion by your timely warning." seventeen minutes later, or before the services in the fijis had closed, the anthem was taken up in _napier, new zealand_. the report says: "the jubilee services at the cathedral yesterday will be remembered by the napier people for many a long year, and it is questionable whether a more imposing ecclesiastical spectacle was ever witnessed in new zealand. the cathedral was crowded to excess, all the friendly societies of napier being present." the dean writes: "as dean of the easternmost cathedral in the british empire, the cathedral upon which the rays of the rising sun first fall, i have to report that, in accordance with your wishes, we joined in the great circle of anthem singing, as arranged for by the sons of england, at o'clock on the afternoon of sunday last. the service was a very magnificent and enthusiastic one. i convey my most hearty good wishes to you and to the members of the great organization you represent." the wave swept across australia. at _melbourne, victoria_, b. cowderoy, esq., secretary r.c.i., reports: "both cathedrals (anglican and roman catholic) were crushingly full. in the exhibition building several thousands, after addresses by leading wesleyans, took up the national anthem at our standard time. in the town hall the anthem was sung with fervour at p.m. by , with most impressive effect. i am an octogenarian, but in this matter i am as young as my eight grandsons, and thank you, mr. cumberland, for your happy suggestion which has given added interest to all that is being done." _adelaide, south australia_, reports: "the bishops of the diocese entered heartily into the scheme. the governor and his staff were present. the national anthem was sung with intense fervour and most thrilling effect." so it passed through the other cities and over the continent of australia. across the indian ocean.--s.s. _empress of india_ marked the latitude ° ' n.; long. ° ' e.: "rockets fired and national anthem sung at p.m. off alligator rock." it first touched africa and was hailed by the lodge of the sons of england at _durban, natal_, and then in continuing line across south africa, in all the principal cities, and at _cape town_ the record was maintained. on the atlantic ocean it was taken up on many british ships at sea, among which a few only may be mentioned. r.m.s. _tantallon castle_, lat. ° ' n.: long. ° ' w., off west coast of africa: "guns fired and anthem sung at p.m." s.s. _greek_, lat. ° ' n.; long. ° ' w.: "fired rocket and sang national anthem." s.s. _numidian_: "'god save the queen' sung precisely at p.m." ship's position, lat. ° ' n.; long. ° ' w. s.s. _catalonia_: "at p.m. i had two explosive gun signals fired on my ship in lat. ° ' n.; long. ° ' w. it was blowing a south-west gale with high seas, and it was a great disappointment to me that we could not hold the service i had intended, but all classes of passengers were so seasick." by the equivalent time of . o'clock in the evening at windsor castle the anthem had crossed the atlantic, and first touched the shores of america at _st. john's, newfoundland_, when it was met by lodge dudley s.o.e. assembled, together with the governor-general and all the friendly societies in the cathedral. "the service was impressive in the extreme." from here westward through _canada_ the records of the reports in the time-table appended show how that as the sun crossed the continent the line through the villages, towns and cities of canada was so complete that the singing of the anthem in one place had not ceased before it was taken up in the next. brief extracts from the reports of a few only can be given. _charlottetown, p.e.i._: "the first methodist church was crowded to the doors with members of the orangemen, good templars, oddfellows, masons and the mayor and city officials. at the proper moment the church rang with the grand old strains of the national anthem." _halifax, n.s._: "st. paul's church was filled to its utmost. among those present were countess aberdeen, general montgomery moore and admiral erskine with their staffs. at . o'clock the anthem was sung right loyally." _montreal, que._ "services were held in four churches and all well attended. at christ church cathedral a large military church parade was held and as in the others the anthem sung at the appointed time." ottawa: "all the local societies joined in a church parade to christ church cathedral. at . o'clock the guards band struck up the national anthem, which was heartily joined in by all." _pembroke_: "the form of union service was held in the town hall, all societies joining. in order to join in the anthem at the right moment the mayor cut down his remarks." _brockville_: "every corner of the church was occupied. as the town clock struck four the entire congregation rose and sang. an indefinable emotion passed over the people as they joined in the continuous hymn of loyalty as it circled with the sun around the world. surely in the history of the world no monarch ever received such a glorious tribute of hearty affection and respect from her subjects." _orillia_: "as the familiar words were sung with lusty fervour by nearly a thousand voices, until the volume almost raised the roof, the sun passed the hour of four. in imagination the congregation could hear the strains as they rolled up from the east and died away into the west." at _toronto_: " , people were packed into the cathedral. after completion of the prayers there remained four minutes before it was our turn to take our place in the circle of song. by direction of his lordship the bishop the congregation knelt in silent prayer for her majesty and the welfare of the empire. an immense throng of , to , people filled the churchyard and the adjacent streets outside, and a regimental band had been stationed outside on the cathedral steps to lead their singing. at the first stroke of the cathedral bell, which had been arranged to strike at . p.m., being the real meridian time for p.m. at toronto, the congregation rose to their feet and at the second joined with those outside in uplifting with heart and voice their loyal prayer, '_god save our gracious queen_.' those were moments of a life-time while we waited in silence for the coming of the anthem." _hamilton_: "the biggest hall in hamilton is the armory, but it wasn't big enough to hold every one who wished to take part, although , did manage to pack inside. precisely at . o'clock the opening strains of 'god save the queen' came from the band and the immense gathering rose and sang the anthem with a vigour and earnestness never before heard. it was a time for everyone's heart to swell with pride that he or she was a britisher, although thousands of miles distant from the mother land." _collingwood_: "when at . the united choir and congregation joined in singing the national anthem every heart responded to the noble thought that a link was being formed in the chain of prayer for the queen that passed round the world that day from sunrise to sunset." _owen sound_: "it was a happy thought that suggested the gathering of the fraternal societies in the queen's park. every face in the great throng beamed with pleasure as the grand chorus swelled upon the air from many throats." _london_: "the service was a memorable one, in every feature it was remarkable. the singing of the national anthem which took place exactly at the appointed hour, . p.m., will not readily be forgotten by those present." _winnipeg, man._: "the sunday service surpassed anything ever known here before." _chilliwack, b.c._: "the great company joined enthusiastically in singing the national anthem, which took place at o'clock, astronomical time." the utmost enthusiasm was everywhere displayed, the churches were crowded, and the details of the service faithfully carried out, immense interest being taken in singing the anthem exactly at the correct moment. thus actually minute after minute the anthem strain followed the hours across this continent to the shores of the pacific at _victoria, british columbia_, where an open-air service was held in the public park at the equivalent of . midnight at windsor castle. "among those present at beacon hill park were the lieutenant-governor, the mayor, the admiral and crews of the ships in harbour. at o'clock the bugles rang out, the royal standard was run up to the masthead, and the national anthem was sung with full force by an assemblage of , people." from here, leaving the land, the anthem wafted its way back to the place of beginning, being joined as it passed by the r.m.s. _aorangi_, in lat. ° ' n., long. ° ' w., and by the r.m.s. _empress of china_, lat. ° ' n., long. ° ' w. until at length it came to the little island which is as far on one side of long. °, the central degree of longitude, as levuka, from where it had started, is on the other. here the west met the east. as it is so typical, and as the closing report, it may be well to give in full the letter received from the lighthouse keeper on the island: "wailangilala lighthouse, fiji, " ° south, ° ' west long., " th september, . "_to barlow cumberland, esq., toronto._ "my dear sir,--as you expressed a wish in your circular to hear how the anniversary of the day on which her majesty began her happy reign was observed in each locality, and also on board passenger ships at sea, i hope you will be pleased to hear that all your instructions were carried out here, as fully as circumstances permitted, my situation here being unique. as this is the connecting link between the western and eastern hemispheres it may happen that you will find by overlooking the places where the ceremony was observed, that my endeavours were successful in commencing or finishing the general celebration of the world. being only minutes west of the meridian, all ships passing either way ought to change the name of the day on their reckoning while within sight of this island. i obtained the correct astronomical time from the captain and officers of the steamer that calls here every three months. a doubt being expressed about the proper day, and as a good action could not be performed too often, i observed both the th and st june in the same way. i also had a bonfire lit on both nights, so that ships passing either eastward or westward could see that the anniversary was being kept to suit either contingency. i would have written you earlier but there has been no means of communication between this island since the th of june last until to-day. "alfred french, _lighthouse-keeper_." here the circle of the world was completed and the anthem had come back to the place of beginning. thus were the fellow-colonists, hand in hand and voice to voice, linked in one continuous line around the world, and the historic but ideal "drumbeat" of the "martial airs of england" changed into the absolute fact of the "_diamond anthem_" with which they encircled the earth and accompanied the hours throughout the diamond jubilee accession day of their beloved queen. one of the great records of her majesty's reign was the marvellous increase of her colonial kingdom. it was largely through her own personal influence that during those sixty years it had been extended and cared for. gladly has this tribute of affection been given by her grateful colonists to their queen by thus joining "_hands all round_" in their rejoicings, in a way which was impossible at the beginning of her reign, but which, by her broad-minded advance, she had herself made practicable, and which therefore marks a record of her great life-work. thus was completed in every particular the _diamond anthem_ of the sons of england. a "service" which was so universally and ardently adopted, is absolutely unique in history, and one which is capable of being carried out only by our british nation, upon whose sovereign's dominions the sun never sets. a diamond star was added to mr. cumberland's past president's jewel as a token of appreciation, and every commendation must be given to the officers of the lodges and kindred associations, to the clergy and municipal, and to the naval and military authorities who so earnestly co-operated in carrying out the celebrations which will long last in the thoughts of those who had the happiness of sharing in them. it was a memorable event. diamond jubilee of her majesty queen victoria, sunday, june th, . [illustration] directions for the sons of england jubilee service around the world. . members of societies will meet at their lodge rooms, or some convenient place, and, clad in their regalia, march in procession, _carrying the union jack at their head_, to the church selected. . where there are two or more lodges in the locality they will attend one combined service, which shall be held in a church or place selected by the joint committee. . the president shall, on arrival, deliver the union jack to the minister, to be draped upon the pulpit or upon the reading desk. . the service shall commence at . p.m. . the opening hymn shall be the "old hundredth"--"all people that on earth do dwell." . at p.m. precisely, according to astronomical time, being the time at which the sun passes over each locality, the congregation will stand and sing the three verses of the national anthem, "god save the queen," to be immediately followed by ( ) the collect of thanksgiving for her majesty's accession to the throne; ( ) the prayer for the queen and royal family, as formerly used in the thanksgiving service on th june. . the rest of the service to be a usual sunday afternoon service, but with an interval to permit of the national anthem being sung as above, at the proper time, according to the time-table herewith. . the collection shall be given, as has been desired by her majesty, to some charitable purpose. . the closing hymn shall be, "the day thou gavest, lord, is ended." no. , a. & m. . the lodges will invite the colonial and municipal authorities and all sister societies to attend the service. by request, barlow cumberland, _president sons of england in canada_. time-table compiled from the reports received of the diamond jubilee services which were held at the following places in succession at p.m. on sunday, june , . the national anthem was sung at p.m., local time, or, in australia and canada, where "standard time" is used, at the equivalent local minute as shown, being the time at which the sun passed over each place at p.m., "sun time." the day commenced at longitude °. the second column gives the equivalent time at windsor castle throughout the twenty-four hours. =================================================== | |time at place. |local time.|windsor | |castle. -------------------------------+-----------+------- | p.m. | a.m. fiji islands: | th. | th. levuka (long. ° ' e.) | . | . suva | . | . | | new zealand: | | napier | . | . auckland | . | . | | australia: | | brisbane | . | . sydney | . | . hobart | . | . melbourne | . | . adelaide | . | . perth | . | . | | | longitude | _empress of india_ | ° ' e.| . | | south africa: | p.m. | p.m. durban (port natal) | . | . addington | . | . east london | . | . king william's town | . | . graham's town | . | . port elizabeth | . | . cape town | . | . | | atlantic ocean: | | ships at sea-- | longitude | _teutonic_ | ° ' w.| . _state of nebraska_ | ° ' w.| . _tantallon castle_ | ° ' w.| . _greek_ | ° ' w.| . _lake huron_ | ° w.| . _numidian_ | ° ' w.| . _pavonia_ | ° ' w.| . _catalonia_ | ° ' w.| . _mohawk_ | ° ' w.| . _magdalena_ | ° ' w.| . _st. paul_ (u.s.m.) | ° ' w.| . _konigen luise_ | ° ' w.| . _berlin_ (u.s.m.) | ° ' w.| . | | newfoundland: | p.m. | st. john's | . | . | | canada: | | cape breton-- | | sydney | . | . | | prince edward island-- | | charlotte town | . | . | | nova scotia-- | | new glasgow | . | . truro | . | . halifax | . | . springhill | . | . stellarton | . | . windsor | . | . digby | . | . yarmouth | . | . | | new brunswick-- | | moncton | . | . st. john | . | . fredericton | . | . woodstock | . | . | | quebec-- | | sherbrooke | . | . lennoxville | . | . richmond | . | . quebec | . | . st. lambert's | . | . montreal | . | . | | ontario-- | | cornwall | . | . ottawa | . | . brockville | . | . carleton place | . | . smith's falls | . | . almonte | . | . arnprior | . | . kingston | . | . pembroke | . | . deseronto | . | . belleville | . | . campbellford | . | . peterborough | . | . port hope | . | . bowmanville | . | . burke's falls | . | . lindsay | . | . oshawa | . | . cannington | . | . whitby | . | . huntsville | . | . bracebridge | . | . orillia | . | . aurora | . | . toronto | . | . st. catharines | . | . welland | . | . niagara falls | . | . barrie and allandale | . | . grimsby | . | . hamilton | . | . orangeville | . | . collingwood | . | . guelph | . | . galt | . | . brantford | . | . simcoe | . | . paris | . | . woodstock | . | . sudbury | . | . stratford | . | . ingersoll | . | . owen sound | . | . st. thomas | . | . london | . | . goderich | . | . petrolea | . | . chatham | . | . sarnia | . | . windsor | . | . port arthur | . | . fort william | . | . rat portage | . | . | | manitoba and northwest | | territories-- | | winnipeg | . | . carman | . | . brandon | . | . russell | . | . regina | . | . medicine hat | . | . calgary | . | . | | british columbia-- | | donald | . | . revelstoke | . | . chilliwack | . | . | | | | a.m. | | st. vancouver | . | . victoria | . | . | | pacific ocean: | | | | ships at sea-- | longitude | _aorangi_ | ° ´ w.| . _empress of china_ | ° ´ w.| . | | wailangilala island | ° ´ w. | . index. a achaius adopts st. andrew cross, . acre, richard i. at siege of, . admirals, titles under commonwealth, ; three ranks, ; nine ranks, ; reduced to three, . admiral of narrow seas, , . admiral of fleet, rank and flag, . admirals' flags under henry viii., ; commonwealth, ; charles ii., ; subsequent centuries, ; present day, , , , ; on ironclads, . admiralty badge on epaulettes, . admiralty regulations, penalty for infraction, ; proportions in union jack, . alfred the great collects first navy, ; sea maxim, . allan line house flag, . ambassador's flag, russian, ; british, . armada defeated under cross of st. george, , , . arms, savoy, ; earl of elgin, ; washington, ; fitzgeralds, ; ancient of ireland, ; henry v. to elizabeth, ; james i., ; anne, ; george ii., ; george iii., first, ; altered, ; victoria, . assyrian emblems, . athelstane, first merchant navy, . australian emblems, ; ensign, . austria, eagle, , ; white cross, . aztecs, eagle emblem, . b banner, feudal period, ; percy, ; english sovereigns, ; commonwealth, ; joan of arc, ; st. martin, ; st. denis, ; st. george, ; st. andrew, , ; robert bruce, ; st. patrick, ; personal of sovereign, , . barbarossa, emperor, standard, . barton, sir andrew, . bavaria, national colours, . beyrut, grotto of st. george, . blake carries whip-lash, . blazon, heraldic, a description, ; union jack, george iii., ; controversies, , , ; design preceded, ; jack made as ordered, . blue ensign, who entitled to use, ; on colonial ships, . border to st. george, narrow under james i., ; enlarged, ; represents white ground, ; justified, . broad white st. george, in , ; in , ; same size st. andrew, , . broad white st. andrew, , . bourbon standard, , . brian boru, legend, ; harp, . british constitution, expansion told by jack, ; in canada, , ; government under, ; other colonies, . broom carried by tromp, . bruce, robert, banner, . bunker hill, flag raised at, . c cabot, , , . cambridge, grand union, . canada comes under british flag, , ; reconciliation, ; invaded, ; evolution of inhabitants, ; wars, , , , . canadian ensign, created, ; full meaning, . cantons, quarters of flag, . cape of good hope, dutch, ; british, . cappadocia, birthplace st. george, . champlain, , . chapleau, sir adolphe, . chateauguay, battle of, , . charles i., proclamation, . charles ii., proclamation, ; flags changed, ; fresco, . cockade, origin tricolour, . college of arms, draft queen anne, ; draft george iii., . colonial contingents, havana, ; south africa, . colonial flags, union jack, ; first authorized, ; white escutcheon on, ; blue ensign, ; broader significance, . colours, british regiments, ; french, ; new england companies, . commonwealth ensign, , ; salute claimed, ; in america, . constantine the great, , . constantius chlorus, harp on labarum, . constitution of united states, adopted, ; government under, . consuls' flags, . cornette blanche, joan of arc, . counterchanged scottish and irish crosses, ; controversy, . cromwell's jack, ; in america, . cross, red, st. george, , , ; red, france, ; white, france, ; white, austria, ; white, greece, , ; white, st. john, , ; yellow italy, ; black, germany, ; yellow, sweden, ; green, flanders, ; blue, norway, ; white saltire, st. andrew, ; blue saltire, russia, ; red saltire, st. patrick, . crosses, objections to use in flag, , ; requirements for entry in union jack, ; proportions in, , , ; wrongly made, ; how correctly made, . crusaders' crosses, ; of nations engaged, . d declaration of independence, united states, , . de salaberry, . designers' union jack of , ; of , . diamond jubilee anthem, accompanying the sun, ; places sung at, . dominion ensigns, additional, ; canadian, ; australian, ; new zealand, ; added meanings, . douglas, fredk., contrasts liberty, . dragon, legend st. george, , , . drumbeat following the hours, ; ideal changed to fact, . dufferin, lord, , . dutch, sea rivalry, , , . dutch flag, ; in america, . e eagle emblems, , . east india company flag, . edgar, lord of ocean, . edward i. adopts st. george emblem, ; sea titles, , . edward ii., lord of the seas, . edward iii., sea maxim, ; fleur-de-lis in arms, . egyptian standards, . elizabeth, shipping extended, ; alfred maxim maintained, ; harp and crown, . emancipation slaves in england, ; british colonies, ; united states, ; canada, . emblems, instinct for, ; evidences of patriotism, ; israelites, ; christians, , ; assyrians, ; romans, ; peruvians, ; indians, , ; english, ; scottish, ; irish, , , ; colonies, ; australian, ; canada, . empire day, union jack raised, . endicott, john, defaces flag, . england, dominant partner, ; meteor flag, . english cross, white changed, . english jack, heraldic description, ; groundwork union jack, ; glory roll, ; established claims in america, ; armada defeated, ; rivalries with scotch, ; joined in additional jack, ; taken from navy, ; restored by commonwealth, ; succeeded by his majesty's jack, ; admiral's flag, ; succeeds james i. jack in america, ; inserted in commonwealth ensign, ; red ensign, , , ; prowess recognized, ; term in ensign closed, ; white ground restored, . ensigns, percy, ; first english national, , ; ensign, red, ; first british union, land and sea, , ; union of colonies, ; united states, ; colonial, ; imperial union, ; red, , , , , , ; white, , ; blue, , . ensign staff, reason for name, . errors in painting flags, , . escutcheon in commonwealth flags, ; union jack, ; colonial flags, ; transferred to fly, . f facings, british uniforms, . field, portion of flag, . fimbriation, heraldic description, ; in union jack controversies, ; rules satisfied, . flags (_symbolical_), study of educational value, ; tell history, , , , , ; valued when meanings known, ; voices in, ; not haphazard, ; followed for conscience' sake, , ; sought by puritans, ; religious objections to cross, ; meanings of colours in union jack, ; ideals expressed, ; speak in colours, ; freedom to slave, ; liberty to people, ; raised as sign of taking possession, , , , , . flags (_actual_), technical divisions, ; measurements, jacks, ; ensigns, ; meanings of movements on flag staff, ; how use arose on land, ; importance at sea, ; penalty for infraction, ; effect of omission on shore, ; ships confiscated if not shown, ; wars caused by, , , . flag salute, john, ; edward i., ; mary, ; james i., ; charles i., ; commonwealth, ; george iii., ; accorded by dutch, , , . flag-ships, why so called, . fleur-de-lis, emblem of ancient france, ; canada colonized under, ; frontenac defends, ; succeeded by union jack, , ; introduced by edward iii., ; on arms henry v., ; george ii., ; removed, ; why in royal arms, , ; on seal, ; on arms quebec, . fly, portion of flag, . forecastle, derivation of name, . fort detroit taken by british, . france, fleur-de-lis in america, , , ; tri-colour, ; in canada, ; white cross, . franklin, benjamin, drumbeat, . french canadians never raised tri-colour, ; national flag, ; descendants of normans, ; evolution of government, ; accept changed rule, ; defend union jack, , , ; british in patriotism, . french language in english parliament, ; in canadian, . frontenac, , . g generals at sea, title of admirals, . george iii., three parliaments united, ; three-crossed union jack, . germany, standard of, . glory roll, english jack, ; jack james i., ; second union jack, ; third union jack, . governors' flags, , , , . governors of colonies, position, . grand union ensign, colonies, ; carried after independence, . great seal, elizabeth, ; upper canada, . great union, cromwell, . greek national ensign, ; church reverences st. george, . greek cross, ; carried by eight nations, . guiana exchanged for new york, ; retaken, . h harold loses control of seas, . harp in royal arms, , ; on shillings, ; in flags, , ; taken out of flags, ; usage by sovereigns, ; change under victoria, . havana, colonials at capture, . hawaii, national ensign, . _henri grace à dieu_, parent ship of navy, . heralds devised jack of james, ; committee queen anne, ; george iii., ; objections to union jack, , , ; requirements met, . heraldry, rules for fimbriations, ; for crosses, . hibernian harp in labarum, ; changed to cross, ; in royal arms, ; changed to irish harp, . hoist, part of flag, . i ireland not sea-going nation, ; becomes kingdom, , . irish harp, brian boru, . irish jack, heraldic description, ; not joined with st. george, , ; when joined, , ; white ground recognized, . israelites, standard, . italy, national ensign, . j jacks, erroneous explanation name, ; origin of name, , ; why two used under james i., ; regulations james i., ; charles i., ; commonwealth, ; charles ii., ; anne, ; present day, . jack at bow, , , , , , . jack of james i., created by rivalries, , ; an "additional" jack, , ; proclamation, ; scots object, ; used on all ships, ; restricted to king's ships, ; abolished, ; restored, ; not a national jack, , ; not a union jack, , , ; never placed in ensign, , ; glory roll, ; carried on _mayflower_, ; abolished in new england, . jack staff, reason for name, . jacques, surcoats, ; by whom worn, , . james i. changes royal standard, ; creates jack, ; urges union, ; consents to repatriation of puritans, . joan of arc, banner, . k king of seas, edward iii., . king's colours, , . knights, jacques worn, . l labarum, roman emperors, . lake george, name changed, . le moine, sir james, . lion of scotland in royal arms, . lord high admiral, flag of, . lord of oceans, title, ; of seas, . louisbourg medal, jack on, . m mackinac, fort taken, . maltese cross, . mansfield, decision slavery, . maple leaf in governors' flags, ; emblem of canada, . massachusetts ensign, ; jack authorized, , . _mayflower_, flags carried by pilgrims, . medals, , , . merchant navy, first developed, ; distant voyages, , ; uses king's jack, ; wins trade, ; accorded red ensign, , , . monson, sir william, , , . n nantucket, gosnold at, . napoleon i., flag, , . _naseby_, , , . national flags, origins, ; signal changes, ; germany, ; italy, ; greece, ; france, , ; hawaii, ; russia, ; thirteen colonies, ; united states, , ; evolution british, , , , , ; colonies, ; dominions, . navigation act, commonwealth, . navy, english, first collected, ; constructed, ; weakened, ; defeated, ; wins command, ; scottish, always small, ; defies english, . nelson, ; signal, ; white ensign, . new england, controversies respecting cross, ; ensign, ; at quebec, ; lake george, ; bunker hill, . new south wales, emblem, . new york taken, ; exchanged, ; retaken, . nineveh, emblems found, . normans, ancestors canadians, . o orders of knighthood, , , , , . oriflamme, st. denis, . p parliaments, not united, ; separate flags, , ; irish, ; union jack tells union of scottish, ; of irish, ; precedence of union acknowledged, ; colonial, , . patron saints, england, ; scotland, ; ireland, . pennants, command flags, ; henry viii., ; royal navy, ; colonial navy, . paardeberg, canadian at, . pennsylvania ensign, . percy ensign, . peruvians' emblem, . philip ii. salutes union jack, . pilgrim fathers migrate to holland, ; land in america, ; loyal subjects king james, ; flags carried, . pilot jack, flag, . pine tree flag, , . poland, white eagle, . president united states, position, . prussian, black eagle, . puritans, flag carried by, ; object to crosses, , . q quarters, flags, ; union jack, . quebec, defended under fleur-de-lis, , ; wolfe and montcalm, ; under union jack, , , . quebec act, effect of, , . queen anne creates union jack, ; authority of parliament, ; designers, ; authorized by privy council, ; draft c, ; promulgated in colonies, ; restricted to navy, ; border st. george enlarged, ; establishes red ensign, ; to be used on land and sea, , . queen victoria uses irish harp, ; diamond jubilee, . queenston heights, . r raleigh, sea maxim, , . red ensign, see ensign. red fighting flag of navy, . regulations for making union jack, . responsible government contrasted, , , . _revenge_, glorious contest, . richard i. adopts st. george, ; star and crescent badge, . rivalries create jack of james, , , . roman eagle, ; labarum, . royal arms standard, ; removed from ships, ; fleur-de-lis, , ; harp inserted, ; origin irish blue, , see arms. royal standard, flag of sovereign, , , ; present regulations, . royal standard at main, , . royal standard at stern, , , ; replaced by ensigns, ; meanings of change, . royal yacht squadron flag, . russian eagle, ; flags, , . s saints, reverenced, not canonized, . shackleton, union jack, . st. andrew, banner and legend, ; why adopted by scotland, ; russia, . st. andrew cross, white of scotland, ; blue of russia, ; united in james jack, ; objections to position, ; in great union, ; in union jack, ; same size st. george, , ; same size st. patrick, ; counterchanged with, ; why higher position, ; same size border st. george, , ; examples narrow form, . st. denis, red banner, . st. george banner and legend, ; adopted by england, ; christian attributes, ; knightly attributes, . st. george cross in crusades, ; in greek ensign, ; in nobles' standards, ; in white ensign, ; in great union, ; receives homage of dutch, ; united in james jack, ; in union jack, ; surmounts other crosses, ; why surmounts, ; carried on _mayflower_, ; controversies in new england, ; left out of colonist colours, , ; restored, ; taken at quebec, . st. george jack, see english jack. st. george and dragon, early instances, , . st. george's day, origin, ; in england, . st. john, knights of, , . st. martin, blue banner, . st. patrick, banner and legends, ; adopted by irish, ; emblems of, , , . st. patrick cross, red of ireland, ; origin, ; first used as banner, ; not sign of fealty, ; when placed in union jack, ; same size as st. andrew, ; why counterchanged, . saltire cross, shape, ; origin, ; errors in union jack, . sardinia royal arms, . scottish jack, heraldic description, ; flag of bruce, ; forays, ; national flag, ; united in james jack, ; in union jacks, , . sea maxims, alfred, ; edward iii., ; raleigh, . sewall, samuel, troubles over cross, . shamrock emblem, . slavery under various flags, . sluys, naval victory, , . south africa deeds, ; contingents, . sovereign of britain, position of, . spanish flag, , , . stars, washington, ; orion, ; in united states ensign, . stars and stripes, united states, ; form in successive periods, ; stripes, ; origin, ; heritage, . stern, place of honour, , ; marks constitutional change, . supremacy of seas, , , , . surcoats, , , . switzerland, white cross, . t thane, reward of merchants, . thirteen american colonies, flags raised, ; troubles, ; fight under union jack, ; union flag, ; grand union, ; heritage in u. s. ensign, , . trafalgar, white ensign, , . tri-colour, origin, ; english introduce to canada, ; why displayed, ; carries no allegiance, . tromp, admiral, . u union jack, first, ; glory roll, ; second, ; glory roll, ; present day, ; glory roll, . union jack (_form_), tells history of nations, ; origin of name, ; combinations, , , , ; designers, , ; designs precede blazon, ; regulations for making, ; fimbriations, , ; errors, ; how to make correctly, ; proportions, ; reasons for proportions, ; heraldic requirements met, . union jack (_significance_), displaces national jacks, ; requirements entry of cross, , , ; more than union of thrones, ; emblem of parliamentary union, , , ; lessons taught, ; democratic expansion, ; freedom, ; liberty, ; equal rights, ; on schools, ; in dominion ensigns, . union jack (_progress design_), two crosses, james i. heralds, ; two crosses, anne, committee, ; draft c approved, ; white border enlarged, , ; three crosses, george iii., committee, ; draft approved, ; white border maintained, ; crosses counterchanged, ; blazon, , ; regulations issued, ; change declined, ; made as ordered, . union jack (_variations use_), james, , on all ships, ; charles i., restricted to navy, ; abolished by commonwealth, ; charles ii. restored restricted to navy, ; william iii. restricts, ; anne, , on land, all subjects, , ; at sea, navy, ; george iii., , all subjects, ; edward vii., all subjects, land or sea, ; successive names, . union jack (_in other flags_), king's colours, ; hawaii, ; thirteen colonies ensign, ; raised by washington, ; pennsylvania ensign, ; red, white and blue ensigns, ; dominion ensigns, . united empire loyalists, , . united states ensign, , . v venezuela, . victoria colony emblem, . virginia defends english jack, . w war of , , . washington, ancestry, ; stars, ; ensign, . webster, daniel, . western australia emblem, . white ensign, see ensign. whip-lash flag, . y yard-arm, origin of name, . peeps at heraldry agents america the macmillan company & fifth avenue, new york australasia oxford university press flinders lane, melbourne canada the macmillan company of canada, ltd. st. martin's house, bond street, toronto india macmillan & company, ltd. macmillan building, bombay bow bazaar street, calcutta [illustration: plate . herald, showing tabard originally worn over mail armour.] [illustration: peeps at heraldry by ph[oe]be allen containing full-page illustrations in colour and numerous line drawings in the text london adam and charles black ] to my cousin elizabeth maud alexander contents chapter page i. an introductory talk about heraldry ii. the shield--its form, points, and tinctures iii. divisions of the shield iv. the blazoning of armorial bearings v. common or miscellaneous charges vi. animal charges vii. animal charges (continued) viii. animal charges (continued) ix. inanimate objects as charges x. quartering and marshalling xi. five coats of arms xii. pennons, banners, and standards list of illustrations plate . herald showing tabard, originally worn over mail armour _frontispiece_ facing page . the duke of leinster arms: arg. saltire gu. crest: monkey statant ppr., environed round the loins and chained or. supporters: two monkeys environed and chained or. motto: crom a boo. . marquis of hertford arms: quarterly, st and th, or on a pile gu., between fleurs-de-lys az., lions passant guardant in pale or; nd and rd gu., wings conjoined in lure or. seymour. crest: out of a ducal coronet or a ph[oe]nix ppr. supporters: two blackamoors. motto: fide et amore. . the earl of scarborough arms: arg. a fesse gu. between parrots vert, collared of the second. crest: a pelican in her piety. supporters: two parrots, wings inverted vert. motto: murus aëneus conscientia sana. . baron hawke arms: arg. a chevron erminois between three pilgrim's staves purpure. crest: a hawk, wings displayed and inverted ppr., belled and charged on the breast with a fleur-de-lys or. supporters: dexter, neptune; sinister, a sea-horse. motto: strike. . sir william herschel arms: arg. on mount vert, representation of the feet reflecting telescope with its apparatus ppr., on a chief az., the astronomical symbol of uranus irradiated or. crest: a demi-terrestrial sphere ppr., thereon an eagle, wings elevated or. motto: c[oe]lis exploratis. . the flags of great britain ( ) the union jack, ( ) the royal standard. . a crusader in mail armour _on the cover_ _also fifty-five small black and white illustrations throughout the text._ "... the noble science once the study and delight of every gentleman." "and thus the story of great deeds was told." peeps at heraldry chapter i an introductory talk about heraldry what is heraldry? the art of heraldry, or armoury, as the old writers called it, consists in blazoning the arms and telling the descent and history of families by certain pictorial signs. thus from age to age an authenticated register of genealogies has been kept and handed on from generation to generation. the making and keeping of these records have always been the special duty of a duly appointed herald. perhaps you think that explanation of heraldry sounds rather dull, but you will soon find out that very much that is interesting and amusing, too, is associated with the study of armorial bearings. for heraldry, which, you know, was reckoned as one of the prime glories of chivalry, is the language that keeps alive the golden deeds done in the world, and that is why those who have once learnt its secrets are always anxious to persuade others to learn them too. "although," says the old writer, montague; "our ancestors were little given to study, they held a knowledge of heraldry to be indispensable, because they considered that it was the outward sign of the spirit of chivalry and the index also to a lengthy chronicle of doughty deeds." now, it is in a language that is all its own that heraldry tells its stories, and it is unlike any other in which history has been written. this language, as expressed in armorial bearings, contains no words, no letters, even, for signs and devices do the work of words, and very well they do it. and as almost every object, animate and inanimate, under the sun was used to compose this alphabet, we shall find as we go on that not only are the sun, moon and stars, the clouds and the rainbow, fountains and sea, rocks and stones, trees and plants of all kinds, fruits and grain, pressed into the service of this heraldic language, but that all manner of living creatures figure as well in this strange alphabet, from tiny insects, such as bees and flies and butterflies, to the full-length representations of angels, kings, bishops, and warriors. mythical creatures--dragons and cockatrices, and even mermaidens--have also found their way into heraldry, just as we find traditions and legends still lingering in the history of nations, like the pale ghosts of old-world beliefs. and as though heavenly bodies and plants and animals were not sufficient for their purpose, heralds added yet other "letters" to their alphabet in the shape of crowns, maces, rings, musical instruments, ploughs, scythes, spades, wheels, spindles, lamps, etc. each of these signs, as you can easily understand, told a story of its own, as did also the towers, castles, arches, bridges, bells, cups, ships, anchors, hunting-horns, spears, bows, arrows, and many other objects, which, with their own special meaning, we shall gradually find introduced into the language of heraldry. but perhaps by now you are beginning to wonder how you can possibly learn one-half of what all these signs are meant to convey, but you will not wonder about that long, for heraldry has its own well-arranged grammar, and grammar, as you know, means fixed rules which are simple guides for writing or speaking a language correctly. moreover, happily both for teacher and learner, the fish and birds and beasts (as well as all the other objects we have just mentioned) do not come swarming on to our pages in shoals and flocks and herds, but we have to do with them either singly or in twos and threes. now, even those people who know nothing about heraldry are quite familiar with the term, "a coat of arms." they know, too, that it means the figure of a shield, marked and coloured in a variety of ways, so as to be distinctive of individuals, families, etc. but why do we speak of it as a _coat_ of arms when there is nothing to suggest such a term? i will tell you. in the far-away days of quite another age, heraldry was so closely connected with warlike exploits, and its signs and tokens were so much used on the battle-field to distinguish friends from foes, that each warrior wore his own special badge, embroidered on the garment or _surcoat_ which covered his armour, as well as, later on, upon the shield which he carried into battle. and this reminds us of the poor earl of gloucester's fate at the battle of bannockburn. for, having forgotten to put on his surcoat, he was slain by the enemy, though we are told that "the _scottes_ would gladly have kept him for a ransom had they only recognized him for the earl, but he had forgot to put on his coat of armour!" on the other hand, we have good reason to remember that the "flower of knighthood," sir john chandos, lost _his_ life because he _did_ wear his white sarcenet robe emblazoned with his arms. for it was because his feet became entangled in its folds (as froissart tells us) in his encounter with the french on the bridge of lussac, that he stumbled on the slippery ground on that early winter's morning, and thus was quickly despatched by the enemy's blows. "now, the principal end for which these signs were first taken up and put in use," says guillim, "was that they might serve as notes and marks to distinguish tribes, families and particular persons from the other. nor was this their only use. they also served to describe the nature, quality, and disposition of their bearer." sir g. mackenzie goes farther, and declares that heraldry was invented, or, at any rate, kept up, for two chief purposes: _first_, in order to perpetuate the memory of great actions and noble deeds. _secondly_, that governors might have the means of encouraging others to perform high exploits by rewarding their deserving subjects by a cheap kind of immortality. (to our ears that last sentence sounds rather disrespectful to the honour of heraldry.) thus, for example, king robert the bruce gave armorial bearings to the house of wintoun, which represented a falling crown supported by a sword, to show that its members had supported the crown in its distress, while to one veitch he gave a bullock's head, "to _remember_ posterity" that the bearer had succoured the king with food in bringing some bullocks to the camp, when he was in want of provisions. some derive their names as well as their armorial bearings from some great feat that they may have performed. thus: "the son of struan robertson for killing of a wolf in stocket forest by a durk--dirk--in the king's presence, got the name of skein, which signifies a dirk in irish, and three durk points in pale for his arms." we shall meet with numbers of other instances in heraldry where armorial bearings were bestowed upon the ancestors of their present bearers for some special reason, which is thereby commemorated. indeed, it is most interesting and amusing to collect the legends as well as the historical facts which explain the origin and meaning of different coats of arms. here are a few instances of some rather odd charges. (a charge is the heraldic term given to any object which is _charged_, or represented, on the shield of a coat of arms.) to begin with the redman family: they bear three pillows, the origin of which guillim explains--viz.: "this coat of arms is given to the redman family for this reason: having been challenged to single combat by a stranger, and the day and the place for that combat having been duly fixed, redman being more forward than his challenger, came so early to the place that he fell asleep in his tent, whilst waiting for the arrival of his foe. "the people being meanwhile assembled and the hour having struck, the trumpets sounded to the combat, whereupon redman, suddenly awakening out of his sleep, ran furiously upon his adversary and slew him. and so the pillows were granted to him as armorial bearings, to remind all men of the doughty deed which he awakened from sleep to achieve." in many cases the charges on a coat of arms reflect the name or the calling of the bearer. when this happens they are called "allusive" arms, sometimes also "canting," which latter word is a literal translation of the french term, _armes chantantes_, although, as a matter of fact, _armes parlantes_ is a more usual term. here are some examples of allusive arms. the pyne family bear three pineapples, the herrings bear three herrings, one, camel of devon, bears a camel _passant_; the oxendens bear three oxen; sir thomas elmes bears five elm-leaves; three soles figure on the coat of arms of the sole family, and to the description of the last armorial charge, old guillim quaintly adds: "by the delicateness of his taste, the sole hath gained the name of the partridge of the sea." the arms of the abbot of ramsey furnish, perhaps, one of the most glaring examples of canting heraldry, for on his shield a ram is represented struggling in the sea! on the shield of the swallow family we find the mast of a ship with all its rigging disappearing between the capacious jaws of a whale, whilst the bacons bear a boar. but whoever designed the coat of arms of a certain squire malherbe must have surely been in rather a spiteful mood, and certainly had a turn for punning. for on that gentleman's shield we find three leaves of the stinging-nettle boldly charged! in the armorial bearings of the butler family we see allusion made to their calling in the charge of three covered cups, which commemorates the historical fact that the ancestor of the present marquis of ormonde, theobald walter by name, was made chief butler of ireland by henry ii. in , an office which was held by seven successive generations of the ormonde family. the family of call charge _their_ shield very appropriately with three silver trumpets. the foresters bear bugle horns; the trumpingtons, three trumpets. three eel-spears were borne by the family of strathele, this being the old name given to a curious fork, set in a long wooden handle, and used by fishermen to spear the eels in mud. the graham briggs charge a bridge upon their coat of arms. a tilting spear was granted as his armorial bearings to william shakespeare, which he bore as a single charge; a single spear was also borne appropriately by one knight of hybern. as a last example of allusive arms, we may quote a comparatively modern example--viz., the coat of arms of the cunard family. here we find three anchors charged upon the field, in obvious allusion to sir samuel cunard, the eminent merchant of philadelphia and the founder of the house of cunard. chapter ii the shield--its form, points, and tinctures nothing is more fascinating in the study of heraldry than the cunning fashion in which it tells the history either of a single individual or of a family, of an institution, or of a city--sometimes even of an empire--all within the space of one small shield, by using the signs which compose its language. it is astounding how much information can be conveyed by the skilful arrangement of these signs to those who can interpret them. for armorial bearings were not originally adopted for ornament, but to give real information, about those who bore them. [illustration: plate . the duke of leinster. _arms._--arg: saltire gu: _crest._--monkey statant ppr. environed round the loins and chained or. _supporters._--two monkeys environed and chained or. _motto._--crom a boo. ] thus every detail of a coat of arms has its own message to deliver, and must not be overlooked. let us begin with the shield, which is as necessary a part of any heraldic achievement[ ] as the canvas of a painting is to the picture portrayed upon it. [footnote : any complete heraldic composition is described as an _achievement_.] it actually serves as the vehicle for depicting the coat of arms. the word "shield" comes from the saxon verb _scyldan_, to protect, but the heraldic term "escutcheon," derived from the greek _skûtos_, a skin, reminds us that in olden days warriors covered their shields with the skins of wild beasts. early britons used round, light shields woven of osier twigs, with hides thrown over them, whilst the scythians and medes dyed their shields red, so that their comrades in battle might not be discouraged by seeing the blood of the wounded. the roman legionary bore a wooden shield covered with leather and strengthened with bars and bosses of metal, whilst the greek shield was more elaborate, and reached from a man's face to his knee. homer describes Æneas' shield in the "iliad" thus: "five plates of various metal, various mould, composed the shield, of brass each outward fold, of tin each inward, and the middle gold." but whether the shield were of basket-work or metal, whether it were borne by a savage hordesman or by a nobly equipped and mounted knight, it has always ranked as its bearer's most precious accoutrement, the loss of which was deemed an irreparable calamity and a deep disgrace to the loser. how pathetically king david laments over "the shield of the mighty which was vilely cast away," when saul was slain! and everyone knows that when their sons went forth to battle the spartan mothers admonished them to return either "with their shield or upon it"! that they should return _without_ a shield was unthinkable! thus, naturally enough, the shield was chosen to bear those armorial devices which commemorated the golden deeds of its owner. it was probably in the reign of henry ii. that shields were first used in this way; until then, warriors wore their badges embroidered upon their mantles or robes. in studying the heraldic shield, its shape must be considered first, because that marks the period in history to which it belongs.[ ] [footnote : parker states that twenty-one differently shaped shields occur in heraldry, but guillim only mentions fourteen varieties.] thus a bowed shield (fig. ) denotes those early times when a warrior's shield fitted closely to his person, whilst a larger, longer form, the kite-shaped shield, was in use in the time of richard i. (fig. ). this disappeared, however, in henry iii.'s reign, giving way to a much shorter shield known as the "heater-shaped" (see fig. ). another form of shield had a curved notch in the right side, through which the lance was passed when the shield was displayed on the breast (fig. ). the shield of a coat of arms usually presents a plain surface, but it is sometimes enriched with a bordure--literally border. this surface is termed the "field," "because, as i believe," says guillim, "it bore those ensigns which the owner's valour had gained for him on the field." [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the several points of a shield have each their respective names, and serve as landmarks for locating the exact position of the different figures charged on the field. (in describing a shield, you must always think of it as being worn by yourself, so that in _looking_ at a shield, right and left become reversed, and what appears to you as the right side is really the left, and _vice versa_.) in fig. , _a_, _b_, _c_, mark the chief--_i.e._, the highest and most honourable point of the shield--_a_ marking the dexter chief or upper right-hand side of the shield, _b_ the middle chief, and _c_ the sinister or left-hand side of the chief. _e_ denotes the fess point, or centre; _g_, _h_, and _i_, mark the base of the shield--_g_ and _i_ denoting respectively the dexter and sinister sides of the shield, and _h_ the middle base. after the points of a field, come the tinctures, which give the colour to a coat of arms, and are divided into two classes. the first includes the two metals, gold and silver, and the five colours proper--viz., blue, red, black, green, purple. in heraldic language these tinctures are described as "or," "argent" (always written arg:), "azure" (az:), "gules" (gu:),[ ] "sable" (sa:), "vert," and "purpure." according to guillim, each tincture was supposed to teach its own lesson--_e.g._, "as gold excelleth all other metals in value and purity, so ought its bearer to surpass all others in prowess and virtue," and so on. [footnote : this term for red is thought to be derived either from the hebrew _gulude_, a bit of red cloth, or from the arabic, _gulu_, a rose.] [illustration: fig. .] in the seventeenth century one petrosancta introduced the system of delineating the tinctures of the shield by certain dots and lines, in the use of which we have a good example of how heraldry can dispense with words. thus pin-prick dots represent or (fig. ); a blank surface, argent (fig. ); horizontal lines, azure (fig. ); perpendicular, gules (fig. ); horizontal and perpendicular lines crossing each other, sable (fig. ); diagonal lines running from the dexter chief to the sinister base, vert (fig. ); diagonal lines running in an opposite direction, purpure (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--or.] [illustration: fig. .--arg.] [illustration: fig. .--az.] [illustration: fig. .--gu.] [illustration: fig. .--sa.] [illustration: fig. .--v.] [illustration: fig. .--purpure.] two other colours, orange and blood-colour, were formerly in use, but they are practically obsolete now. furs constitute the second class of tinctures. eight kinds occur in english heraldry, but we can only mention the two most important--viz., ermine and vair. the former is represented by black spots on a white ground (fig. ).[ ] as shields were anciently covered with the skins of animals, it is quite natural that furs should appear in armorial bearings. "ermine," says guillim, "is a little beast that hath his being in the woods of armenia, whereof he taketh his name." [footnote : when the same spots are in white on a black field it is termed _ermines_, whilst black spots on a gold field are blazoned or described as _erminois_.] many legends account for the heraldic use of ermine, notably that relating how, when conan meriadic landed in brittany, an ermine sought shelter from his pursuers under conan's shield. thereupon the prince protected the small fugitive, and adopted an ermine as his arms. [illustration: fig. .--ermine.] from early days the wearing of ermine was a most honourable distinction, enjoyed only by certain privileged persons, and disallowed to them in cases of misdemeanour. thus, when, in the thirteenth century, pope innocent iii. absolved henry of falkenburg for his share in the murder of the bishop of wurtzburg, he imposed on him as a penance _never_ to appear in ermine, vair, or any other colour used in tournaments. and, according to joinville, when st. louis returned to france from egypt, "he renounced the wearing of furs as a mark of humility, contenting himself with linings for his garments made of doeskins or legs of hares." as to vair, mackenzie tells us that it was the skin of a beast whose back was blue-grey (it was actually meant for the boar, for which _verres_ was the latin name), and that the figure used in heraldry to indicate vair represents the shape of the skin when the head and feet have been taken away (fig. ). "these skins," he says, "were used by ancient governors to line their pompous robes, sewing one skin to the other." vair was first used as a distinctive badge by the lord de courcies when fighting in hungary. seeing that his soldiers were flying from the field, he tore the lining from his mantle and raised it aloft as an ensign. thereupon, the soldiers rallied to the charge and overcame the enemy. [illustration: fig. .--vair.] cinderella's glass slipper in the fairy-tale, which came originally from france, should really have been translated "fur," it being easy to understand how the old french word _vaire_ was supposed to be a form of _verre_, and was rendered accordingly. much might still be said about "varied fields"--_i.e._, those which have either more than one colour or a metal _and_ a colour alternatively, or, again, which have patterns or devices represented upon them. we can, however, only mention that when the field shows small squares alternately of a metal and colour, it is described as _checky_, when it is strewn with small objects--such as _fleurs-de-lys_ or billets--it is described as "powdered" or "sown." a diapered field is also to be met with, but this, being merely an artistic detail, has no heraldic significance. therefore, whereas in blazoning armorial bearings one must always state if the field is checky or powdered, the diaper is never mentioned. in concluding this chapter we must add that one of the first rules to be learnt in heraldry is that in arranging the tinctures of a coat of arms, metal can never be placed upon metal, nor colour upon colour. the field must therefore be gold or silver if it is to receive a coloured charge, or _vice versa_. this rule was probably made because, as we said above, the knights originally bore their arms embroidered upon their mantles, these garments being always either of cloth of gold or of silver, embroidered with silk, or they were of silken material, embroidered with gold or silver. chapter iii divisions of the shield although in many shields the field presents an unbroken surface, yet we often find it cut up into divisions of several kinds. these divisions come under the head of _simple charges_, and the old heralds explain their origin--viz.: "after battles were ended, the shields of soldiers were considered, and he was accounted most deserving whose shield was most or deepest cut. and to recompense the dangers wherein they were shown to have been by those cuts for the service of their king and country, the heralds did represent them upon their shields. the common cuts gave name to the common partitions, of which the others are made by various conjunctions." [illustration: plate . marquis of hertford. _arms._--quarterly st and th or on a pile gu: between fleurs de lys az: lions passant guardant in pale or. nd and rd gu: wings conjoined in lure or. seymour. _crest._--out of a ducal coronet or, a ph[oe]nix ppr. _supporters._--two blackamoors. _motto._--fide et amore. ] the heraldic term given to these partition-lines of the field is _ordinaries_. there are nine of these, termed respectively, chief, fesse, bar, pale, cross, bend, saltire, chevron, and pile. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the chief, occupying about the upper third of the field, is marked off by a horizontal line (fig. ); the fesse, derived from the latin _fascia_, a band, is a broad band crossing the centre of the field horizontally, and extends over a third of its surface (fig. ). the bar is very like the fesse, but differs from it, (_a_) in being much narrower and only occupying a fifth portion of the field, (_b_) in being liable to be placed in any part of the field, whereas the fesse is an immovable charge, (_c_) in being used mostly in pairs and not singly. two or three bars may be charged on the same field, and when an even number either of metal or fur alternating with a colour occur together, the field is then described as _barry_, the number of the bars being always stated, so that if there are six bars, it is said to be "barry of six," if eight, "barry of eight" (fig. ). the pale, probably derived from _palus_, a stake, is also a broad band like the fesse, but runs perpendicularly down the shield, instead of horizontally across it (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the cross, which is the ordinary st. george's cross, is pre-eminently _the_ heraldic cross, out of nearly four hundred varieties of the sacred sign. it is really a simple combination of the fesse and pale. bend is again a broad band, but it runs diagonally across the field from the dexter chief to the sinister base. it is supposed to occupy a third portion of the field, but rarely does so (fig. ). the saltire is the familiar st. andrew's cross, owing its name probably to the french _salcier_ (see fig. ). the chevron, resembling the letter v turned topsy-turvy, is a combination of a bend dexter and a bend sinister, and is rather more than the lower half of the saltire. the french word _chevron_, still in use, means rafters (fig. ). the pile, derived from the latin for pillar, is a triangular wedge, and when charged singly on a field may issue from any point of the latter, _except from the base_ (fig. ). if more than one pile occurs, we generally find the number is three, although the earl of clare bears "two piles issuing from the chief." many old writers, notably amongst the french, attribute a symbolical meaning to each of these ordinaries. thus, some believe the chief to represent the helmet of the warrior, the fesse his belt or band, the bar "one of the great _peeces of tymber_ which be used to debarre the enemy from entering any city." the pale was thought by some to represent the warrior's lance, by others the palings by which cities and camps were guarded; the cross was borne by those who fought for the faith; the bend was interpreted by some to refer to the shoulder-scarf of the knight, whilst others describe it as "a scaling-ladder set aslope." another variety of the scaling-ladder was represented by the saltire. the chevron, or rafters, were held to symbolize protection, such as a roof affords, whilst the pile suggests a strong support of some sort. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] there is a tenth ordinary, which is known as the "shakefork" (fig. ). practically unknown in english heraldry, it is frequently met with in scotch arms. it is shaped like the letter y and pointed at its extremities, but does not extend to the edge of the field. guillim attributes its origin to "an instrument in use in the royal stables, whereby hay was thrown up to the horses" (surely this instrument must have been next-of-kin to our homely pitchfork?), and he believes the shakefork to have been granted to a certain earl of glencairne, who at one time was master of the king's horse. [illustration: fig. .] many historical stories are connected with the different charges we have just been describing, but we have only space to mention two, referring respectively to the fesse and the saltire. the former reminds us of the origin of the arms of austria, which date from the siege of acre, where our c[oe]ur-de-lion won such glory. it was here that leopold, duke of austria, went into battle, clad in a spotlessly white linen robe, bound at the waist with his knight's belt. on returning from the field, the duke's tunic was "total gules"--blood-red--save where the belt had protected the white of the garment. thereupon, his liege-lord, duke frederic of swabia, father of the famous frederic barbarossa, granted permission to leopold to bear as his arms a silver fesse upon a blood-red field. the saltire, recalling the french form of scaling-ladder of the middle ages, reminds us of how the brave joan of arc placed the _salcier_ with her own hands against the fort of tournelles. and we remember how, when her shoulder was presently pierced by an english arrow, she herself drew it out from the ghastly wound, rebuking the women who wept round her with the triumphant cry: "this is not blood, but glory!" [illustration: fig. .] in addition to the ordinaries, there are fifteen sub-ordinaries. these less important divisions of the shield are known in heraldry as the _canton_, _inescutcheon_, _bordure_, _orle_, _tressure_, _flanches_, _lozenge_, _mascle_, _rustre_, _fusil_, _billet_, _gyron_, _frette_, and _roundle_. owing to limited space, we cannot go into detail with regard to these charges, but we may mention that the canton, from the french word for a corner, is placed, with rare exceptions, in the dexter side of the field, being supposed to occupy one-third of the chief. it is often added as an "augmentation of honour" to a coat of arms. the badge of a baronet, the red hand, is generally charged on a canton, sometimes also on an inescutcheon, and it is then placed on the field, so as not to interfere with the family arms (fig. ). the inescutcheon is a smaller shield placed upon the field, and, when borne singly, it occupies the centre (fig. ). three, or even five, escutcheons may be borne together. the bordure (fig. ) is a band surrounding the field, which may be either void--that is, bearing no kind of device--or it may have charges upon it, as in the arms of england, where the bordure is charged with eight lions. the orle and the tressure are only varieties of the bordure, just as the mascle, rustre, and fusil, are variations of the diamond-shaped figure known as the "lozenge" (fig. ). the latter is always set erect on the field. the arms of an unmarried woman and a widow are always displayed on a lozenge. the mascle--a link of chain armour--is a lozenge square set diagonally, pierced in the centre with a diamond-shaped opening, whilst the rustre is a lozenge pierced with a round hole. the fusil is a longer and narrower form of diamond. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the billet is a small elongated rectangular figure, representing a block of wood, and is seldom used. the gyron (fig. ), which is a triangular figure, does not occur in english heraldry as a single charge, but what is termed a _coat gyronny_ is not unusual in armorial bearings, when the field may be divided into ten, twelve, or even sixteen pieces. all arms borne by the campbell clan have a field gyronny. the origin of the word is doubtful; some trace it to the greek for curve, others to a spanish word for gore or gusset. the introduction of a gyron into heraldry dates from the reign of alfonso vi. of spain, who, being sore beset by the moors, was rescued by his faithful knight, don roderico de cissnères. the latter, as a memento of the occasion, tore three triangular pieces from alfonso's mantle, being henceforward allowed to represent the same on his shield in the shape of a gyron. the frette, formerly known as a "trellis," from its resemblance to lattice-work, is very frequent in british heraldry; it also occurs as a net in connection with fish charges. in the grand tournament held at dunstable to celebrate edward iii.'s return from scotland, one sir john de harrington bore "a fretty arg., charged upon a sable field." the roundlet is simply a ring of metal or colour, and is much used in coats of arms at all periods of heraldry. the family of wells bears a roundlet to represent a fountain, whilst the sykes charge their shield with three roundlets, in allusion to their name, "sykes" being an old term for a well. [illustration: fig. .] in fig. we see an example of a shield charged with an inescutcheon within a bordure. chapter iv the blazoning of armorial bearings in this chapter we shall deal with _blazoning_, in which "the skill of heraldry" is said to lie. the word "blazon" in its heraldic sense means the art of describing armorial bearings in their proper terms and sequence. "to blazon," says guillim, "signifies properly the winding of a horn, but to blazon a coat of arms is to describe or proclaim the things borne upon it in their proper gestures and tinctures" (_i.e._, their colours and attitudes) "which the herald was bound to do."[ ] [footnote : our word "blast," as well as our verb "to blow," are obviously derived from the german _blasen_, the anglo-saxon _blawen_, to blow, and the french _blasonner_.] the herald, as we know, performed many different offices. it was his duty to carry messages between hostile armies, to marshal processions, to challenge to combat, to arrange the ceremonial at grand public functions, to settle questions of precedence, to identify the slain on the battle-field--this duty demanded an extensive knowledge of heraldry[ ]--to announce his sovereign's commands, and, finally, to proclaim the armorial bearings and feats of arms of each knight as he entered the lists at a tournament. [footnote : do you remember that in the "canterbury tales" the knight tells the story of how, after the battle, "two young knights were found lying side by side, each clad in his own arms," and how neither of them, though "not fully dead," was alive enough to say his own name, but by their _coote-armure_ and by their _gere_ the _heraudes_ knew them well?] probably because this last duty was preceded by a flourish or blast of trumpets, people learnt to associate the idea of blazoning with the proclamation of armorial bearings, and thus the term crept into heraldic language and signified the describing or depicting of all that belonged to a coat of arms. the few and comparatively simple rules with regard to blazoning armorial bearings must be rigidly observed. they are the following: . in depicting a coat of arms we must always begin with the field. . its tincture must be stated first, whether of metal or colour. this is such an invariable rule that the first word in the description of arms is _always_ the tincture, the word "field" being so well understood that it is never mentioned. thus, when the field of a shield is azure, the blazon begins "az.," the charges being mentioned next, each one of these being named before its colour. thus, we should blazon fig. "or, raven proper." when the field is semé with small charges such as fleur-de-lys, it must be blazoned accordingly "semé of fleur-de-lys," in the case of cross-crosslets, the term "crusily" is used. . the ordinaries must be mentioned next, being blazoned before their colour. thus, if a field is divided say, by bendlets (fig. ), the diminution of bend, it is blazoned "per bendlets," if by a pale (fig. ), "per pale," or "per pallets," if the diminutive occurs, as in fig. , whilst the division in fig. should be blazoned "pale per fesse." the field of fig. is blazoned "arg., two bars gu." all the ordinaries and subordinaries are blazoned in this way _except_ the chief, (fig. ), the quarter (blazoned "per cross or quarterly") the canton, the flanch, and the bordure. these, being considered less important than the other divisions, are never mentioned until all the rest of the shield has been described. consequently, we should blazon fig. thus, "arg., chevron gu., three soles hauriant--drinking, proper, with a bordure invected sa." [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the term _invected_ reminds us that so far we have only spoken of ordinaries which have straight unbroken outlines. but there are at least thirteen different ways in which the edge of an ordinary may vary from the straight line. here, however, we can only mention the four best-known varieties, termed, respectively, _engrailed_, (fig. , ), _invected_ ( ), _embattled_ ( ), and _indented_ ( ). other varieties are known as _wavy_, _raguly_, _dancetté_, _dovetailed_, _nebuly_, etc. whenever any of these varieties occur, they must be blazoned before the tincture. thus in describing the shelley arms, fig. , we should say: "sa, fesse indented, whelks or." fig. shows a bend embattled, fig. a fesse engrailed. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] . the next thing to be blazoned is the principal charge on the field. if this does not happen to be one of the chief ordinaries, or if no ordinary occurs in the coat of arms, as in fig. , then that charge should be named which occupies the fesse point, and in this case the position of the charge is never mentioned, because it is understood that it occupies the middle of the field. when there are two or more charges on the same field, but none actually placed on the fesse point, then that charge is blazoned first which is nearest the centre and then those which are more remote. all repetition of words must be avoided in depicting a coat of arms, the same word never being used twice over, either in describing the tincture or in stating a number. [illustration: fig. .] thus, in blazoning lord scarborough's arms (see coloured plate), we must say: "arg., fesse gu., between three parrots vert, collared of the second," the _second_ signifying the second colour mentioned in the blazon--viz., gules. again, if three charges of one kind occur in the same field with three charges of another kind, as in the arms of courtenay, archbishop of canterbury, who had three roundles and three mitres, to avoid repeating the word three, they are blazoned, "three roundles with as many mitres." when any charge is placed on an ordinary, as in fig. , where three calves are charged upon the bend, if these charges are of the same colour as the field instead of repeating the name of the colour, it must be blazoned as being "of the field." we now come to those charges known as "marks of cadency." they are also called "differences" or "distinctions." [illustration: fig. .] cadency--literally, "falling down"--means in heraldic language, "descending a scale," and is therefore a very suitable term for describing the descending degrees of a family. thus "marks of cadency" are certain figures or devices which are employed in armorial bearings in order to mark the distinctions between the different members and branches of one and the same family. these marks are always smaller than other charges, and the herald is careful to place them where they do not interfere with the rest of the coat of arms. there are nine marks of cadency--generally only seven are quoted--so that in a family of nine sons, each son has his own special difference. the eldest son bears a label (fig. , ); the second, a crescent, ( ); third, a mullet ( )--the heraldic term for the rowel of a spur[ ]; the fourth, a martlet ( )--the heraldic swallow; the fifth, a roundle or ring ( ); the sixth, a fleur-de-lys ( ); the seventh, a rose ( ); the eighth, a cross moline; and the ninth, a double quatrefoil. the single quatrefoil represents the heraldic primrose. there is much doubt as to why the label was chosen for the eldest son's badge, but though many writers interpret the symbolism of the other marks of cadency in various ways, most are agreed as to the meaning of the crescent, mullet, and martlet--viz., the crescent represents the double blessing which gives hope of future increase; the mullet implies that the third son must earn a position for himself by his own knightly deeds; whilst the martlet suggests that the younger son of a family must be content with a very small portion of land to rest upon. as regards the representation of the other charges, the writer once saw the following explanation in an old manuscript manual of french heraldry--namely: "the fifth son bears a ring, as he can only hope to enrich himself through marriage; the sixth, a fleur-de-lys, to represent the quiet, retired life of the student; the seventh, a rose, because he must learn to thrive and blossom amidst the thorns of hardships; the eighth, a cross, as a hint that he should take holy orders; whilst to the ninth son is assigned the double primrose, because he must needs dwell in the humble paths of life." [footnote : a mullet is generally represented as a star with five points, but if there are six or more, the number must be specified. it must also be stated if the mullet is pierced, so that the tincture of the field is shown through the opening.] the eldest son of a second son would charge his difference as eldest son, a label, upon his father's crescent (fig. ), to show that he was descended from the second son, all his brothers charging their own respective differences on their father's crescent also. thus, each eldest son of all these sons in turn becomes head of his own particular branch. [illustration: fig. .] when a coat of arms is charged with a mark of cadency, it is always mentioned last in blazoning, and is followed by the words, "for a difference." thus fig. should be blazoned, "or, kingfisher with his beak erected bendways[ ] proper with a mullet for a difference gu.," thus showing that the arms are borne by a third son. [footnote : the individual direction of a charge should be blazoned, as well as its position in the field.] chapter v common or miscellaneous charges after the "proper charges" which we have just been considering, we come to those termed "common or miscellaneous." (how truly miscellaneous these are we have already shown in our first chapter.) guillim arranges these charges in the following order: _celestial bodies._--angels, sun, moon, stars, etc. _metals and minerals._--under this latter title rank precious stones and useful stones--such as jewels and millstones, grindstones, etc., also rocks. _plants and other vegetatives._ _living creatures._--these latter he divides into two classes--viz., "those which are unreasonable, as all manner of beasts" and "_man, which is reasonable_." to begin with the heavenly bodies. angels, as also human beings, are very rare charges, though guillim quotes the arms of one maellock kwrm, of wales, where three robed kneeling angels are charged upon a chevron, and also the coat of arms of sir john adye in the seventeenth century, where three cherubim heads occur on the field. both angels and men, however, are often used in heraldry as supporters. charles vi. added two angels as supporters to the arms of france, and two winged angels occur as such in the arms of the earl of oxford. supporters, you must understand, are those figures which are represented standing on either side of a shield of arms, as if they were supporting it. no one may bear these figures except by special grant, the grant being restricted to peers, knights of the garter, thistle, and st. patrick, knights grand cross, and knights grand commanders of other orders. charges of the sun, moon, and other heavenly bodies are comparatively rare. one st. cleere rather aptly bears the "sun in splendour," which is represented as a human face, surrounded by rays. sir w. thompson's shield is charged with the sun and three stars. the sun _eclipsed_ occurs occasionally in armorial bearings; it is then represented thus: or, the sun sable. the moon occurs very often in early coats of arms, either full, when she is blazoned "the moon in her complement," or in crescent. the defous bear a very comical crescent, representing a human profile. of these arms, the old herald says severely: "a weak eye and a weaker judgment have found the face of a man in the moon, wherein we have gotten that fashion of representing the moon with a face." the moon is certainly not in favour with guillim, for, after declaring that she was the symbol of inconstancy, he quotes the following fable from pliny to her discredit: "once on a time the moon sent for a tailor to make her a gown, but he could never fit her; it was always either too big or too little, not through any fault of his own, but because her inconstancy made it impossible to fit the humours of one so fickle and unstable." the sixth bishop of ely had very curious arms, for he bore both sun and moon on his shield, the sun "in his splendour" and the moon "in her complement." stars occur repeatedly as heraldic charges. john huitson of cleasby bore a sixteen-pointed star; sir francis drake charged his shield with the two polar stars; whilst richard i. bore a star issuing from the horns of a crescent. the cartwrights bear a comet; whilst the rainbow is charged on the ponts' shield, and is also borne as a crest by the pontifex, wigan, and thurston families. the carnegies use a thunderbolt as their crest. we now come to the elements--fire, water, earth, and air, which all occur as charges, but not often, in armorial bearings. fire, in the form of flames, is perhaps the most frequent charge. the baikie family bear flames, whilst we have seen the picture of a church window in gloucestershire, where a coat of arms is represented with a chevron between three flames of fire. the original bearer of these arms distinguished himself, we were told, by restoring the church after it had been burnt down. fire often occurs in combination with other charges, such as a ph[oe]nix, which always rises out of flames, the salamander,[ ] and the fiery sword. [footnote : the salamander was the device of francis i. of france, and on the occasion of the field of the cloth of gold the french guard bore the salamander embroidered on their uniforms.] queen elizabeth chose a ph[oe]nix amidst flames as one of her heraldic charges. macleod, lord of the isles of skye and lewis, bears "a mountain inflamed"--literally, a volcano--on his shield, thus combining the two elements, earth and fire. "etna is like this," says guillim; "or else this is like etna." water, as we know, is usually represented by roundlets, but the earth may figure in a variety of ways when introduced into heraldry. in the arms of one king of spain it took the shape of fifteen islets, whilst one sir edward tydesley charged his field with three mole-hills. jewels pure and simple occur very rarely as charges. a single "escarbuncle" was borne by the empress maud, daughter of henry i., as also by the blounts of gloucester. oddly enough, however, mill-stones were held to be very honourable charges, because, as they must always be used in pairs, they symbolized the mutual dependence of one fellow-creature on the other. they were therefore considered the most precious of all other stones. the family of milverton bear three mill-stones. plants, having been created before animals, are considered next. trees, either whole or represented by stocks or branches, are very favourite charges, and often reflect the bearer's name. thus, one wood bears a single oak, the pines, a pineapple tree, the pyrtons, a pear-tree. parts of a tree are often introduced into arms. for example, the blackstocks bear three stocks, or trunks, of trees, whilst another family of the same name charge their shield with "three starved branches, sa." the archer-houblons most appropriately bear three hop-poles erect with hop-vines. (_houblon_ is the french for hop.) three broom slips are assigned to the broom family; the berrys bear one barberry branch; sir w. waller, three walnut leaves. amongst fruit charges, we may mention the three golden pears borne by the stukeleys, the three red cherries which occur in the arms of the southbys of abingdon, and the three clusters of grapes which were bestowed on sir edward de marolez by edward i. one john palmer bears three acorns, and three ashen-keys occur in the arms of robert ashford of co. down. a full-grown oak-tree, covered with acorns and growing out of the ground, was given for armorial bearings by charles ii. to his faithful attendant, colonel carlos, as a reminder of the perils that they shared together at the lonely farmhouse at boscobel, where the king took refuge after the battle of worcester. here, as you probably all know, charles hid himself for twenty-four hours in a leafy oak-tree, whilst cromwell's soldiers searched the premises to find him, even passing under the very branches of the oak. carlos, meanwhile, in the garb of a wood-cutter, kept breathless watch close by. on the carlos coat of arms a fesse gu., charged with three imperial golden crowns, traverses the oak. in blazoning trees and all that pertains to them, the following terms are used: _growing trees_ are blazoned as "issuant from a mount vert"; a _full-grown tree_, as "accrued"; _when in leaf_, as "in foliage"; _when bearing fruit_, as "fructed," or _seeds_, as "seeded." if _leafless_, trees are blazoned "blasted"; when the _roots are represented_, as "eradicated"; _stocks_ or _stumps of trees_ are "couped." if _branches_ or _leaves_ are represented singly, they are "slipped." holly _branches_, for some odd reason, are invariably blazoned either as "sheaves" or as "holly branches of three leaves." some of our homely vegetables are found in heraldry. one squire hardbean bears most properly three bean-cods or pods; a "turnip leaved" is borne by the damant family, and is supposed to symbolize "a good wholesome, and solid disposition," whilst the lingens use seven leeks, root upwards, issuing from a ducal coronet, for a crest. herbs also occur as charges. the family of balme bears a sprig of balm, whilst rue still figures in the ducal arms of saxony. this commemorates the bestowal of the dukedom on bernard of ascania by the emperor barbarossa, who, on that occasion, took the chaplet of rue from his own head and flung it across bernard's shield. amongst flower charges, our national badge, the rose, is prime favourite, and occurs very often in heraldry. the beverleys bear a single rose, so does lord falmouth. the nightingale family also use the rose as a single charge, in poetical allusion to the oriental legend of the nightingale's overpowering love for the "darling rose." the roses of lynne bear three roses, as also the families of flower, cary, and maurice. sometimes the rose of england is drawn from nature, but it far oftener takes the form of the heraldic or tudor rose. funnily enough, however, when a stem and leaves are added to the conventional flower, these are drawn naturally. there are special terms for blazoning roses. thus, when, as in no. of fig. , it is represented with five small projecting sepals of the calyx, and seeded, it must be blazoned "a rose barbed and seeded"; when it has a stalk and one leaf it is "slipped," but with a leaf on either side of the stalk, it is "stalked and leaved." a rose surrounded with rays is blazoned "a rose in sun" (_rose en soleil_). heraldic roses are by no means always red, for the rocheforts bear azure roses, the smallshaws a single rose vert, whilst the berendons have three roses sable. the thistle, being also our national badge, has a special importance in our eyes, but next to the "chiefest among flowers, the rose, the heralds ranked the fleur-de-lys," because it was the charge of a regal escutcheon, originally borne by the french kings. numerous legends explain the introduction of the lily into armorial bearings, but we can only add here that although the fleur-de-lys is generally used in heraldry, the natural flower is occasionally represented--as in the well-known arms of eton college; three natural lilies, silver, are charged upon a sable field, one conventional fleur-de-lys being also represented. amongst other flower charges, three very pretty coats of arms are borne respectively by the families of jorney, hall, and chorley. the first have three gilliflowers, the second, three columbines, and the last, three bluebottles (cornflowers). three pansies were given by louis xv. to his physician, dr. quesnay, as a charge in a coat of arms, which he drew with his own royal hand; and to come to modern times, mexico has adopted the cactus as the arms of the republic, in allusion to the legend connected with the founding of the city in , when it is said that the sight of a royal eagle perched upon a huge cactus on a rocky crevice, with a serpent in its talons, guided the mexicans to the choice of a site for the foundations of their city. one last word as to cereals. the bigland family bear two huge wheat-ears, which, having both stalk and leaves, are blazoned "couped and bladed." as in the case of trees, when represented _growing_, wheat-ears are described as "issuant out of a mount, bladed and eared." three ears of guinea wheat, "bearded like barley," are borne by dr. grandorge (dr. big-barley); three "rie stalks slipped and bladed" occur in the arms of the rye family; whilst "five garbes" (sheaves) were granted to ralph merrifield by james i. wheat-sheaves (garbes) are very favourite charges. lord cloncurry bears three garbes in chief; sir montague cholmeley bears a garbe in the base of his shield, as does also the marquis of cholmondeley. garbes and wheat-ears were also much used as crests. the shakerleys have a sheaf of corn for their crest, on the left of which is a little rabbit, erect, and resting her forefeet on the garbe; sir edward denny's crest is a hand holding five wheat-ears; whilst sir george crofton has seven ears of corn as his crest. though quite out of order amongst cereals, we may mention what is, i believe, a rather rare example of the representation of the fern in heraldry, sir edward buckley's crest--a bull's head out of a fern brake. chapter vi animal charges in dealing with charges of living creatures, we shall observe the following order: (_a_) "animals of all sort living on the earth"; (_b_) "such as live above the earth"; (_c_) "watery creatures"; (_d_) "man." _first_, amongst the animals, come those with undivided feet--elephant, horse, ass. _second_, those with cloven feet--bull, goat, stag, etc. _third_, those beasts that have many claws--lions, tigers, bears, etc. to blazon animal charges, many special terms are required, describing their person, limbs, actions, attitudes, etc. "and as," says guillim, "these beasts are to explain a history, they must be represented in that position which will best show it." [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] moreover, each beast was to be portrayed in its most characteristic attitude. thus, a lion should be drawn erect with wide-open jaws and claws extended, as if "about to rend or tear." in this posture he is blazoned _rampant_ (fig. ). a leopard must be represented going "step by step" fitting his natural disposition; he is then _passant_. a deer or lamb "being both gentle creatures," are said to be _trippant_ (fig. ), and so on; the heraldic term varying, you understand, to suit the particular animal charge that is being blazoned. living charges when represented on a shield must always, with rare exceptions, appear to be either looking or moving towards the dexter side of the shield (see fig. ). the right foot or claw is usually placed foremost as being the most honourable limb (see fig. ). the elephant, having solid feet, is mentioned first, although the lion is really the only animal--if we except the boar's head--which occurs in the earliest armorial bearings. the elphinstones charge their shield with an elephant passant, whilst the prattes bear three elephants' heads _erased_. this term implies that they have been torn off and have ragged edges. [illustration: plate . the earl of scarborough. _arms._--arg: a fesse gu: between parrots vert collared of the second. _crest._--a pelican in her piety. _supporters._--two parrots, wings inverted vert. _motto._--murus a[=e]n[=e]us conscientia sana. ] after describing this charge, guillim rather comically gives us this story: "an elephant of huge greatness was once carried in a show at rome, and as it passed by a little boy pried into its proboscis. thereupon, very much enraged, the beast cast the child up to a great height, but received him again on his snout and laid him gently down, as though he did consider that for a childish fault a childish fright was revenge enough." [illustration: fig. .] horses, of course, figure largely in armorial bearings. one, william colt, bears three horses "at full speed" (fig. ). so also does sir francis rush--probably in allusion to his name--whilst horses' heads _couped_--that is, cut off smoothly--occur very frequently. a demi-horse was granted as a crest to the lane family in recognition of mistress jane lane's heroism in riding from staffordshire to the south coast on a roan horse, with king charles ii. behind her, after the disastrous battle of worcester. donkeys were evidently at a discount with heralds. the families of askewe and ayscough bear three asses passant charged on their shield, and there is an ass's head in the arms of the hokenhalls of cheshire. oxen occur fairly often in heraldry. the oxendens bear three oxen; three bulls occur in the arms of anne boleyn's father, the lord of hoo, whilst the same arms were given by queen elizabeth to her clockmaker, randal bull of london. the veitchs bear three cows' heads erased, a rather uncommon charge, as female beasts were generally deemed unworthy of the herald's notice. the veales bear three calves passant (fig. ), anent which guillim adds: "should these calves live to have horns, which differ either in metal or colour from the rest of their body, there must be special mention made of such difference in blazoning them." hereby, he reminds us of the important rule for blazoning animals with horns and hoofs. goats and goats' heads are often used in heraldry. a single goat passant is borne by one, baker; three goats _salient_--leaping--occur in the thorold arms, whilst the gotley family--originally goatley--charge a magnificent goat's head on their shield. [illustration: fig. .] bulls, goats, and rams, when their horns differ in tincture from the rest of their body, are blazoned "armed of their horns," these latter in their case being regarded as weapons. when, however, special mention is made of a stag's antlers, he is said to be "attired of his antlers," _his_ horns being regarded as ornaments. (the branches of his antlers are termed _tynes_.) stags, as you would expect, are highly esteemed by the old heralds, who employed various terms in blazoning them. thus, a stag _in repose_ was "lodged," _looking out of the field_, "at gaze"; _in rapid motion_, he was "at speed" or "courant"; whilst, when his head was represented full face and showing only the face, it was blazoned as "cabossed" from the spanish word for head. (many of these terms we shall find in blazoning other animal charges.) early heralds make careful distinction between a hind or calf, brockets, stags and harts. (a hind, you know, is the female, calf is the infant deer, brocket the two-year-old deer, stag the five-year-old, and hart the six-year-old deer.) the harthills very properly bear a "hart lodged on a hill;" a single stag, his back pierced by an arrow, occurs in the bowen arms, and the hynds bear three hinds. three bucks "in full course" are borne by the swifts. deer's heads are very common charges, generally occurring in threes. in the coat of arms of the duke of wurtemberg and teck, we find three antlers charged horizontally across the shield. a reindeer is drawn in heraldry with double antlers, one pair erect and one drooping. the boar was deemed a specially suitable badge for a soldier, who should rather die valorously upon the field than secure himself by ignominious flight. both the tregarthens and kellets bear a single boar, whilst a boar's head, either singly or in threes, occurs very constantly in coats of arms. a boar is blazoned "armed of his tusk" or "armed and langued," when his tongue is shown of a different tincture. moreover, as mr. fox-davies reminds us in his interesting "guide to heraldry," an english boar's head is described as "couped" or erased "at the neck," but the scotch herald would blazon the same charge as "couped and erased" "close." the earl of vere takes a boar for his crest, in allusion to his name, _verre_ being the latin for boar. the grice family bear a _wild_ boar, formerly called a "grice." the winram family bear a single ram, the ramsays of hitcham bear three rams on their shield. a very pretty coat of arms belongs to the rowes of lamerton in devon, "gu: three holy lambs with staff, cross and banner arg:." foremost amongst the beasts that have "many claws" is the lion; next to him come the tiger, leopard, bear, wolf, ranking more or less as the aristocrats amongst their kind, whilst the cat, fox, hare, etc., are placed far beneath them. of all the animal charges, none is more popular amongst the heralds of all times and lands than the lion. extraordinary care was taken to blazon the king of beasts befittingly. fig. has already shown you a "lion rampant," and so indispensable was this attitude considered by the early heralds to the proper representation of a lion, that if they were obliged to depict a "lion passant"--that is, "one that looked about him as he walked"--he was then blazoned as a _leopard_. that is why the beasts in our national arms, although they are really lions and meant for such, are not called so, because their undignified attitude reduces them to the rank of heraldic leopards! a lion rampant--and other beasts of prey as well--is generally represented with tongue and claws of a different tincture from the rest of his person; he is then blazoned "langued and unguled," the latter term being derived from the latin for a claw. a lion _in repose_ is blazoned "couchant" when _lying down with head erect and forepaws extended_; he is "sejant"--sitting; _seated with forepaws erect_, he is "sejant rampant"; _standing on all fours_, he is "statant"--standing; _standing in act to spring_, he is "salient"--leaping; _when his tail is forked and raised above his back_, he is said to have a "queue fourchée"--literally a forked tail. (this last attitude is not often seen.) but when he is represented _running across the field and looking back_, then the heralds label the king of beasts "coward!" a single lion is a very frequent charge, but two lions are rarer. the hanmers of flintshire, descended from sir john hanmer in the reign of edward i., have two lions, and we find two lions "rampant combatant"--that is, clawing each other--"langued armed" in the wycombe coat of arms; whilst one, garrad of london, bears two lions "counter-rampant"--_i.e._, back to back, and very droll they look. demi-lions rampant also occur in armorial bearings. the different parts of a lion are much used; the head, either erased or couped, the face cabossed, the paws, borne either singly or in twos and threes, and lastly, we find the tail represented in various postures. the corkes bear three lions' tails. the tiger follows the lion and has terms of blazon peculiar to himself. thus, the single tiger borne by sir robert love is depicted as "tusked, maned and flasked." in the arms of the de bardis family, a tigress is represented gazing into a mirror, which lies beside her on the ground. this odd charge alludes to the fable that a tigress, robbed of her whelps, may be appeased by seeing her own reflection in a glass. a tiger's head is used but seldom as a separate charge. apparently the bear stood higher in favour with the old heralds. the family of fitzurse charge their shield with a single bear passant, the barnards have a bear "rampant and muzzled," whilst the beresfords' bear is both "muzzled and collared." the berwycks bear a bear's head, "erased and muzzled," and three bears' heads appear in the arms of the langham, brock, and pennarth families. a wolf is borne by sir edward lowe of wilts, sir daniel dun, and by the woods of islington. a wolf's head appears very early in armorial bearings; hugh, surnamed lupus, earl of chester and nephew of william i., used a wolf's head as his badge. chapter vii animal charges (_continued_) after "ravenous fierce beastes," we come to dogs, foxes, cats, squirrels, etc. sporting dogs are very favourite charges, and are frequently termed _talbots_ in heraldry.[ ] [footnote : some writers consider that the term "talbot" was restricted to a mastiff, but sporting dogs--foxhounds, harriers, beagles, etc.--were certainly occasionally blazoned as talbots.] (a mastiff with short ears was termed an _alant_.) the carricks and burgoynes bear one talbot on their shield, whilst the talbot family have three talbots passant. the earl of perth has a "sleuthhound, collared and leashed" for his crest; that of the biscoe family is a greyhound seizing a hare. a dog chasing another animal must be blazoned either "in full course" or "in full chase." a foxhound nosing the ground is described as "a hound on scent." the fox rarely figures in heraldry. one kadrod-hard of wales bore two "reynards counter salient," and "the wylies do bear that wylie beast, the fox"; whilst three foxes' heads erased are borne respectively by the foxes of middlesex and one stephen fox, of wilts. a fox's face is blazoned a "mask." cats occur fairly often in heraldry. "roger adams and john hills, both of the city of london," we are told, "bear cats"; sir jonathan keats charges three "cats-a-mountain"--wild cats--upon his shield, as also do the schives of scotland; the dawson-damer's crest is a tabby cat with a rat in her mouth. she would be blazoned as _preying_. the dog, fox, and cat have each their typical meaning in heraldry. the dog symbolizes courage, fidelity, affection, and sagacity; the fox, great wit and cunning; the cat, boldness, daring, and extraordinary foresight, so that whatever happens she always falls on her feet. she was formerly the emblem of liberty, and was borne on the banners of the ancient alans and burgundians to show that they brooked no servitude. the squirrel is rather a favourite charge, notably in the arms of landed gentry--such as the holts, woods, warrens--because the little nut-cracker is typical of parks and woodland property. it occurs either singly or in pairs or trios. it is always represented _sejant_, and usually cracking nuts, as seen in the arms of the nuthall family. a hedgehog usually figures in the arms of the harris, harrison, herries, and herrison families, and is undoubtedly borne in allusion to their surname, _hérisson_ being the french for hedgehog. lord malmesbury--family name harris--bears a hedgehog in his coat of arms. it is generally blazoned as an "urcheon" in heraldry. the hare occurs but rarely in english arms; the clelands bear one as a single charge, and the trussleys charge their shield with three little hares playing bagpipes, probably in allusion to the hare's traditional love of music. the rabbit--known to heralds as a coney--is oftener met with in armorial bearings; the strodes of devon bear three conies couchant; the conesbies, three conies sejant; the cunliffes, three conies courant. [illustration: plate . baron hawke. _arms._--a chevron erminois between three pilgrim's staves purpure. _crest._--a hawk, wings displayed and inverted ppr. belled and charged on the breast with a fleur de lys or. _supporters._--dexter, neptune, sinister, a sea-horse. _motto._--strike.] three moles are borne by sir john twistledon, of dartford, kent--a mole was sometimes blazoned "moldiwarp"--whilst the rattons very aptly bear a rat. we cannot say much of the toads,[ ] tortoises, serpents, grasshoppers, spiders, and snails which occur in heraldry. [footnote : the legend which connects toads with the fleur-de-lys in the arms of france is too well known to need repetition here.] the gandys of suffolk bear a single tortoise passant, and a tortoise _erected_ occurs on the coopers' coat of arms. serpents are blazoned in terms peculiar to themselves. thus, a serpent coiled, is said to be _nowed_--knotted--from the french _n[oe]ud_, a knot; when upright on its tail, it is _erect_; gliding, it is _glissant_ also from the french; when biting its tail, it is blazoned _embowed_. the falconers bear a "serpent embowed"; one natterley has an "adder nowed"--_natter_ is the german for adder--and sir thomas couch of london charges an adder "curling and erect" upon his shield. to the greek, the grasshopper signified nobility; hence amongst the athenians a golden grasshopper worn in the hair was the badge of high lineage. in later days the heralds considered the grasshopper a type of patriotism, "because in whatever soil a grasshopper is bred, in that will he live and die." spiders were not only held symbolical of industry, but they were highly esteemed for their supposed properties of healing.[ ] [footnote : as regards the spider's curative powers, mr. thistleton dyer, in his "folklore of shakespeare," tells us that only "a few years ago a lady in ireland was famous for curing ague with a large house-spider swallowed alive, thickly coated with treacle."] one family of shelleys bears three "house-snails" so termed in heraldry to imply that they carry their shells. a type of deliberation in business matters and perseverance is supposed to be furnished by the common snail. the "creatures that live above the earth"--_i.e._, having wings--come next. [illustration: fig. .] various heraldic terms are in use for blazoning bird charges--viz.: a bird _flying_ is "volant" (fig. ); _preparing to fly_, is "rising" (fig. ); when _its wings are spread open_, they are "displayed"; when _folded_, they are "close (see fig. )." birds of prey and barn-door cocks are "armed." thus, the eagle is blazoned as "armed of his beak and talons"; the cock as "armed of his beak and spurs"; he is also blazoned as "combed and jellopped"--that is, with his crest and wattles. an eagle or any other bird of prey devouring its prey is described as "preying." in blazoning a very old eagle, the french heralds use a special term, _pamé_;[ ] our english equivalent would be "exhausted," thereby alluding to the popular notion that with advancing age an eagle's beak becomes so hooked that it is unable to take any nourishment, and so dies of inanition. birds that have web feet and no talons are usually blazoned "membred." a swan with her wings raised is said to be "expansed"; a peacock with his tail displayed is said to be "in his pride" (fig. ); with folded tail he is a peacock "close." a pelican feeding her young is a "pelican in her piety" (see plate iii.); when wounding her breast, she is said to be "vulning." the crane is another bird which enjoys a blazoning term which is all its own--namely, "a crane in its vigilance." it is so described when, as in the cranstoun arms, it is represented holding a stone in its foot. this charge refers to the old myth, that a crane on duty as a sentinel always holds a stone in its foot, so that in the event of its dropping asleep the sound of the falling stone may act as an alarum. [footnote : the word _pamé_ should be restricted to an expiring fish.] falcons are blazoned "armed, jessed and belled." a falcon is usually called "goshawk" in heraldry. swans, geese, ducks, and other web-footed birds occur rarely in heraldry. the moore family bear one swan, the mellishes two, and three swans' necks are charged upon the lacys' shield. one, john langford, bears a single wild goose. three wild duck volant appear in the arms of the woolrich family. three drakes--a very favourite charge--are borne by the yeos. the starkeys bear one stork, the gibsons three. three herons occur in the arms of heron, one kingfisher in those of one, christopher fisher (fig. ). viscount cullen, whose family name is cockayne, bears three cocks; three capons are borne by the caponhursts; whilst, drolly enough, three cocks are borne by the crow family. the alcocks bear three cocks' heads. [illustration: fig. .] eagles are of such wide and constant occurrence in heraldry that we cannot attempt to do justice to them here. a single eagle is borne by the earls of dalhousie and southesk, and by seven families of bedingfield. a double-headed eagle was rather a favourite charge, and coats of arms displaying as many as six eagles are very commonly met with. but an eagle blazoned "close" is a rare charge.[ ] parts of an eagle, such as head, wings, talons, and legs often appear in armorial bearings as separate charges. ostrich feathers, by the way, are also introduced into heraldry, but the ostrich itself is of very seldom occurrence.[ ] its introduction into heraldry, dates from the time of the crusaders, when europeans first saw the bird. an ostrich is usually represented with a horseshoe in its mouth, because it was a popular idea that an ostrich could digest iron.[ ] in sir titus salt's arms we find a demi-ostrich holding a horseshoe in its beak. lord churston's shield is supported on the right by an ostrich with a horseshoe in its beak, as is lord carysfort's, but _his_ ostrich is represented with a key in its beak. [footnote : the eagle was sometimes called "alerion" by the early heralds and when blazoned as such was usually represented with neither legs nor beak.] [footnote : one jervis, the principal founder of exbridge, in devon, bore six ostrich feathers, and in the heraldry of to-day they are occasionally met with as charges. the fetherstons bear three ostrich feathers on their shield, and the earl of devon has seven ostrich feathers in his crest. we are all familiar with the prince of wales's plumes, but to go farther back into history, we find that a plume of ostrich feathers was often used by king stephen as his badge, with the motto of his own making: "_vi nulla invertitur ordo_"--"no force alters their fashion"--in allusion to the "fold fall of the feather," which was neither shaken nor disordered by the wind, and therefore symbolized the condition of well-ordered kings and kingdoms. in bygone times, we are told, "some doubted whether an ostrich should be reckoned as a beast or a fowl"!] [footnote : "i'll make thee eat iron like an ostrich." _king henry vi._ ] [illustration: fig. .] three hawks are borne by the hawksworths; the corbets bear a raven as a single charge, whilst dr. raven, queen anne's physician, bears a raven rising (fig. ). the swallow, which is the heraldic martlet (see no. , fig. ), occurs repeatedly as a charge in coats of arms, very often in threes; six is also a favourite number. the wardes and temples bear five; the chadwicks and brownlows charge the orle of their shield with eight martlets. the pawne family bear three peacocks "in their pride" (see fig. ), and this same charge occurs in the arms of the peacocks of durham. a ph[oe]nix is borne by the fenwicks. the dove occurs occasionally in heraldry. a dove with an olive branch in its beak was added as an augmentation of honour to his paternal arms by one walker, when he married the only child of sir david gam. this charge was granted to sir david after the battle of agincourt, where he took the duc de nevers prisoner. it was this same sir david who, on being sent by the king to view the french army before the battle, brought word to his royal master that "there were men enough to kill, enough to run away, and enough to make prisoners." [illustration: fig. .] besides the birds already mentioned, the parrot, turkey, owl, chough, pheasant, woodcock, and several others occur in heraldry. amongst winged insects, we find the bee in the arms of the bye family, whilst the rowes of cheshire bear a beehive, surrounded by buzzing bees.[ ] the bee was considered an honourable charge, symbolizing loyalty to the chief, thrift and industry.[ ] [footnote : lord lansdowne uses "a beehive beset with bees" as one of his crests.] [footnote : in blazoning the bee, guillim cannot resist reminding his reader of the old saw: "the calf, the goose, and the bee, the world is ruled by these three." ] the burninghills bear three gadbees--horseflies--and the papillons, very properly, have three butterflies charged on their shield (fig. ). in concluding this chapter let us explain the term _augmentation_ used above. by augmentation is meant any addition granted for some special reason, to a coat of arms. thus to one, william compton, who was about henry viii. and in great favour with him, the king actually granted permission to add a lion passant guardant, taken out of his own royal device, to his paternal arms, as an "honourable augmentation." "in rememberance whereof," says sir william dugdale, "the said compton at his death bequeathed to the king a little chest of ivory, whereof the lock was gilt, with a chessboard under, and a pair of tables upon it." [illustration: fig. .] the arms of sir atwel-king lake show a curious augmentation--viz., a dexter arm embowed--bent--issuing from the sinister side of the shield, holding in the hand a sword erect, thereto affixed a banner, bearing a cross between sixteen escutcheons, etc. these sixteen escutcheons were given to the original bearer of these arms, dr. edward lake, a devoted adherent of charles i., to commemorate the sixteen wounds that lake received at the battle of naseby. lord nelson was granted a very pictorial augmentation of honour. "waves or the sea, from which a palm-tree issues between a disabled ship on the dexter and a battery in ruins on the sinister." nelson had also a crest of an "honourable augmentation," which he bore in addition to that of his family. a naval crown with the chelengk, or plume of triumph, presented to him by the grand sultan, selim iii. the augmentation of honour granted to the great duke of wellington took the shape of the union jack charged upon an inescutcheon, which was superimposed upon his own shield. chapter viii animal charges (_continued_) fish occur rarely in heraldry, for although they were considered typical of unfailing industry and vigilance, "always swimming against the stream and never falling asleep," yet they were held in far less esteem by the heralds of old than either the "earthy or airy creatures." fish have, of course, their own heraldic terms for blazoning--viz.: a fish _charged horizontally upon the field_, is "naiant"--swimming (fig. ); _perpendicularly with its head upwards_, it is "hauriant" (fig. )--literally, taking a draught; when placed _vertically with its head downwards_, it is "uriant"--diving; _with undimmed eyes_, it is "allumé"--alight; when _gasping with wide-open mouth_, it is "pamé"--exhausted. a fish is also blazoned as "finned of its fins," and when (as is always the case with the dolphin) its tail curves towards the head, it is "embowed." if the fish is _feeding_, it must be described as "vorant"--devouring--because watery creatures always swallow their prey whole. when two or three fish of the same kind are represented on a field swimming in opposite directions, they are blazoned as "contra-naiant"--swimming against each other. [illustration: fig. .] mr. fox-davies quotes an example of this charge in the arms of peebles, where one salmon is depicted swimming towards the dexter side of the shield, whilst two are swimming towards the sinister. this charge alludes evidently to the popular idea that for each salmon that ascends the river to spawn, two salmon return to the sea. when an eel is borne on a shield, it is always represented in a wavy form and is usually blazoned "ondoyant"--literally, wavy. fish charges almost always come under the head of "canting heraldry,"[ ] so that they mostly repeat the name of their bearer, or, at any rate, carry a very direct allusion to it. this is the case with the families of dolphin, godolphin, salmon, sole (fig. ), herring, herringham, bream, roach, sprat, ellis (who bear three eels) and troutbeck (who have three trouts). these latter are blazoned "fretted in a triangle, _tête-à-queue_"--literally, "netted head to tail," whilst we are reminded that the old name for pike was luce, when we see pikes borne by the lucy family. crabbe of robslaw bears one crab; the prawnes, as you would expect, bear prawns; and the tregarthens of cornwall have "lobster claws saltire-wise, gules," that last word implying that the luckless owner of those claws had been clearly boiled (fig. )! [footnote : "canting heraldry" is derived from the french _armes chantantes_ or _armes parlantes_, meaning, literally, arms that speak.] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the escallop shell, being pre-eminently the pilgrim badge, was given a very honourable place in heraldry, and occurs in the arms of many of our highest nobility, notably in those of the dukes of bedford, marlborough and montrose. one branch of the shelley family bears three escallop shells (fig. ), and a lion between escallop shells is a common charge. one william moffat bears a lion between eight escallop shells.[ ] [footnote : escallop shells are represented in such infinitely varied devices and in so many coats of arms that some lovers of heraldry make this charge a special study.] a fish with a ring in its mouth occurs fairly often in heraldry, and owes its origin probably to the many old legends associating fish with coins, rings, gems, etc. the arms of the bishopric of glasgow, where a salmon and a ring are depicted, are said to allude to the fable of the distracted bride, who, having dropped her wedding ring into the river clyde, besought st. kentigern, bishop of glasgow, to help her to recover it. in answer to the prelate's prayers, a salmon was taken in due time, with the lady's ring between his jaws. and now at last we have reached those charges connected with that "most noble creature, man," who, as we are told, "is borne in heraldic achievements both limbwise and entire. and as a man should be represented in his greatest dignity, a king should be depicted on his throne, a bishop in his robes, a soldier in military habit, and so on." in the royal arms of seville, we find "a crowned and sceptered king on his seat royal," wearing his ermine cape, but as a matter of fact, the whole human figure occurs very rarely as a charge in a coat of arms. "a wild man of the woods, with a garland round his head and waist and a club on his shoulder, standing between two forest trees," is charged on the shield of the mayo family, and basil wood bears three demi-savages, each with a club. human heads and limbs are more frequently used. sir richard griffith bore three englishmen's heads "in profile, couped at the head and bearded"; the tanners of cornwall bear three moors' heads couped. three infants' heads are charged on the fauntleroy shield "couped arg: crined or," crined being the heraldic word for blazoning hair. the vaughans have a very odd coat of arms--viz., three children's heads "couped, each enwrapped about the neck with a serpent." (ghastly as that arrangement sounds, the children look out at you with remarkably gleeful countenances!) one black bears three men's heads with black hair, and the de la haye family has the rare charge of three eyes. the human heart is much used in heraldry. henry de wingham bears a winged heart, and the shield of the heart family is charged with three hearts. the cornhills bear a left hand and arm, whilst an arm grasping the stump of an uprooted tree is appropriately borne by armstrong. very literal _arms_ are borne by the tremaynes--viz., three right arms with clenched fists, forming a triangle. a dexter hand is a fairly common charge. two arms seizing the head, or pole, of a hart are borne by the catchpoles, and three hands occur in the armorial bearings of the maynards of medstone and those of wicklow, as also in the coat of arms of the maynes of bucks. the quartermaynes bear four right hands (fig. ). amongst other families, the haddens and shrigleys bear a human leg. in conclusion, we must mention what guillim calls "amphibious and exorbitant creatures," which figure as charges in heraldry. under the amphibious charges we have the beaver, seal, otter, and others. with the beaver we are fairly familiar, as nowadays it occurs so frequently in the armorial bearings of persons connected in any way with canada. it is well represented in the arms of lord strathcona. [illustration: fig. .] the otter is borne by the setons of mounie, and also occurs as a supporter in the arms of lord balfour of burleigh. as to what guillim calls "exorbitant creatures," or, so to speak, monsters, we may mention the wyvern, a species of dragon; the griffin, supposed to have the body and claws of a lion, with the hooked beak, piercing eyes, and wings of an eagle; the dragon; the unicorn, whose appearance is too well known to need description; the cockatrice; the mermaid; the sea-dog, or marine wolf; and, lastly, the harpy. three wyverns are borne by the drake family, and two fiendish-looking wyverns act as supporters to the shield of lord clifford of chudleigh. the red dragon is, of course, the badge of wales; and three dragons' heads are borne by the stanleys. the heraldic dragon is always represented as a winged monster with four legs. with the unicorn, the sinister supporter of our royal arms, every child is well acquainted. it represents scotland, the royal shield of that country being supported by two unicorns. of all the mythical creatures, it is perhaps the favourite in our heraldry. not only does it occur repeatedly as a supporter, notably in the armorial bearings of lord chetwynd, lord colchester, and lord manners, who each have two unicorns, but we find it constantly represented on coats of arms. according to some old writers, it was deemed a very honourable charge, because, no one ever having succeeded in capturing this fabulous creature, either dead or alive, they account for this stubborn fact in the following cunning fashion: "the unicorn hath too much greatness of mind to suffer himself to be taken alive, choosing rather to die than to be taken captive." therefore, a unicorn was considered a very suitable charge for a warrior, who should, of course, share that creature's "greatness of mind." the farrington family bear three unicorns; and the unicorn's head is not uncommon in coats of arms. the goston family bear one as a single charge; one anthony smith, bears two; whilst three are borne by a family of shelley. the griffin is very common in heraldry, either as a crest or a supporter. lord churchill of wychwood has a griffin for his crest and one for his dexter supporter. the cockatrice, "a little king amongst serpents," is borne by the bogan family, whilst one ellis bears a mermaid, crined or, with a mirror in one hand and a comb in the other (a veritable loreley!). three sea-dogs, or marine wolves, are borne by one john fenner. and, lastly, we find in guillim's work the presentment of a harpy as a charge on a coat of arms--a monster with a woman's head, hair, and face, and the body, legs, and wings of a vulture, her "wings displayed and hair flottant." as to the name of the bearer of this hideous charge, the old herald is discreetly silent. chapter ix inanimate objects as charges under this heading so many and such various objects are included that we cannot attempt to mention one half of the items in this miscellaneous collection. first come crowns, mitres, croziers (a crozier is borne by an irish family of that name), swords, maces, etc., all of which represent estate and dignity. then come books, billets, pens (one cowpen bears three pens), single letters of the alphabet, notably y and t (three t's are borne by the tofte family), musical instruments--_i.e._, violin, organ-pipes, harp, etc. (the harp appears in the arms of one harpham). musical instruments signified that their bearers were "men of a well-composed and tempered judgment"; whilst the book symbolized primarily the word of life; the pen, the wisdom of the learned; and the single letters stood for the thoughts of absent or silent scholars. in the conroy arms, the field is charged with "an ancient book, open, indexed, edged or." this charge represents the honourable and hereditary office of leanachie bard and herald to the o'connors, kings of connaught. the motto under the coat of arms signifies that "history once written in this book cannot be destroyed by time." it was the privilege of the ancient bard of the tribe "to stand alone with the new-made king upon the sacred mount of carn fraoich and there to deliver into his hands the white wand or sceptre of royalty." mechanical objects follow next--ploughs, harrows (the harrows bear three harrows), scythes, spades, cartwheels (the latter occur in the arms of carter and cartwright). these are all typical of husbandry, and suggest agricultural industry on the part of the original bearers. chaucer's son-in-law, sir payne roet--derived doubtless, from the french _rouet_, a wheel--bore three wheels on his shield, and in blazoning this coat of arms (fig. ), guillim quotes pliny's fable of the roman farmer who was accused to the authorities of being a magician, because his fields were fruitful, whilst those of his neighbour were barren. [illustration: fig. .] "wait," said the farmer, "and i will show you my conjuring tools;" and therewith he produced his plough and a cartwheel. from this anecdote we gather that sir payne roet must have been distinguished as an agriculturist. then come the implements for making clothes as well as some items of dress. wool-cards are borne by the cardingtons; shuttles by the shuttleworths; sir john maunsel bears three maunches (sleeves); the bartlelots, gloves; the hose family bear stockings; the arthurs of ireland three boots, blazoned as "three irish brogues"; the huths have a hat (_hut_ being the german for hat). one family of palmers charges their shield with three palmer's staves; another has a pilgrim's scrip. the spences bear three penny-pieces, this latter charge symbolizing commerce. workman's tools--pickaxes, hammers, levels, squares, hatchets, nails, plummets, etc.--had all great heraldic significance. the pickaxe was to remind its bearer "whence he was digged"; the level that his actions must be justified by the rule of reason and justice; the square taught the cultivation of an even judgment; the nails, fixity of purpose; the plummet, prudence in fathoming the problems of life. the objects wrought by these tools follow. first, come works of masonry. one oldcastle bears a "tower triple-towered"; sir edward mansel, a tower with a scaling ladder against it; whilst three castles occur in the arms of the scarborough family. the heralds, be it noted, made a great distinction between a tower and a castle, when charging either upon a shield. for, whereas a tower must never occupy the whole of the field, a castle "extendeth itself all over the shield from one side to the other." three arches are borne by the archers; the trowbridges bear a bridge. keys occur fairly often, being borne either singly or in threes. the bells very properly bear bells, and these latter we also find in the dobell coat of arms, which affords an excellent example of canting heraldry (fig. ). one, stratford, bears three trestles meant to imply their bearer's love of hospitality. [illustration: fig. .] amongst other inanimate charges are flesh-pots, bellows, lamps. the lamplaws bear three lamps; cups are borne by bowles, warcupp, and butler; dishes are borne by the standish family (a boar's head in a golden dish was a rather favourite charge), as were also clocks, watches, dials, etc. next we find ships and all things pertaining to them. the earl of caithness bears a ship; the cavells bear three sails; the chappels have an anchor. three anchors are a fairly common charge. objects connected with hunting, hawking, and fishing come next. the hatheways bear a hunter's horn; the langhornes three bugles; the plankes, three hawk-bells, whilst a lure with a line and ring, "all a falconer's decoy," are borne by one, lie, "a suitable name, seeing that a falconer is ever used to deceive." three mascles, representing the meshes of a net, are borne by the belgraves, whilst a net enclosing three sturgeons is introduced into the sturgeons' coat of arms, and is blazoned as a "fret." the medvilles bear three fishing-hooks. now we come to objects associated with games--chessmen, dice, balls, etc. one of charles v.'s generals bore as his arms a ball with two balloons, with the motto, "the harder i am struck, the higher i mount." then we have military weapons and implements, cannon, battering-rams, swords, lances, as well as banners, drums, trumpets, clarions, etc. guillim blazons the earl of cumberland's arms as "three murthering shots." one bowman bears three bows, whilst arrows[ ] and swords are of constant occurrence, the latter borne either singly or crossed salter-wise. [footnote : an arrow has its peculiar terms of blazon. it is _armed_ of its head, _flighted_ of its feathers, whilst a bundle of arrows is a _sheaf_. an arrow with a blunt head is known in heraldry as a "bird-bolt."] on the earl of lindsey's shield there are three battering-rams in the first and fourth quarters, and a shattered "castle triple-towered" is represented in the second and third quarters. the origin of this unusual coat of arms is historical. one robert bertie, afterwards created earl of lindsey, was serving in the army, which, during queen elizabeth's reign, laid siege to cadiz under the earl of essex's command. when the english troops made a furious onslaught on the gates of the city, every inhabitant within its walls strove to drive back the enemy, the old women flinging down heavy stones from the ramparts. one of these missiles felled young bertie to the ground, so that when, after the taking of cadiz, the youth was knighted for his gallant conduct that day, the newly made knight exclaimed: "the squire was knocked down by an old woman with a stone, but the general bade him arise a knight." all kinds of escutcheons were also charged upon a shield, as well as helmets and gauntlets. trophies and tokens of martial victory also occur in heraldry, such as chaplets, torses--the wreath surrounding the helmet--along with the more melancholy charges--fetters, shackles, chains, denoting the subjection and captivity of the vanquished. bridles, bits, buckles, and stirrups are of frequent occurrence in heraldry. lord stanhope bears three stirrups, buckles, and straps, whilst spurs are borne very appropriately by the knights. before closing this chapter we must mention that besides the charges emblazoned on the shield, which we have been considering at some length, a coat of arms has certain accessory ornaments. these are known as the crest, helmet, mantling, supporters--we have spoken of the latter elsewhere--scrolls,[ ] and mottoes. the crest,[ ] which is the only part of armorial bearings which is in constant use, is the device placed above an escutcheon, and originally worn upon a helmet, but it now occurs on a coronet, wreath, or cap. [footnote : the ribbon bearing the motto is called heraldically "escroll"--scroll.] [footnote : "crest" is obviously derived from _crista_, a bird's comb or crest. its heraldic term is "cognizance," because the crest worn upon his helmet served to insure recognition of a leader by his followers on the battle-field.] as regards the representing of helmets in armorial bearings, the following rules must be noted: a king's helmet must be gold, six-barred, full face, and open; a duke's helmet is steel with five gold bars, and set slightly in profile; baronets and knights have also steel helmets with no bars--these must be drawn full faced with visor raised; steel helmets are also used by esquires, visor down, with gold ornaments and represented in profile. full-faced helmets denote authority, side-faced ones symbolize attention and obedience towards superiors. mantling or lambrequin is the term used for the mantle or a piece of scarf-like drapery, attached to the helmet and showing jagged and torn edges to suggest the cuts received in battle. generally, however, we find the mantling in heraldry takes the shape of graceful flowing outlines. in the motto we have, no doubt, the survival of the war-cries; many (besides expressing the name of the bearer or some allusion to the charges on the coat of arms)[ ] contain very interesting historical references--viz., the "grip fast" of the earl of rothes recalls how his ancestor rescued the good queen margaret from the river, where she and her palfrey were drowning, and exhorted her to "grip fast" to his belt. [footnote : as, for instance, "fare fac," the fairfax motto, or the weare's motto, "sumus"--we are--whilst the motto of the clerks of penicuik, "free for a blast," alludes to their crest, a man blowing a horn. this refers to the odd condition under which the barony of penicuik is held--viz., that the proprietor must sit on a piece of rock called the buckstone, and wind three blasts of a horn whenever the sovereign shall come to hunt on the borough muir, near edinburgh.] the motto is generally placed beneath the escutcheon, but we sometimes find it above the crest. chapter x quartering and marshalling in these "peeps at heraldry," we can only glance at much that should still be mentioned if space permitted. we must say something, however, about quartering and marshalling, two very important departments in heraldry. hitherto, we have dealt with shields bearing only one coat of arms, but now we must speak of those which bear more than one. quartering means dividing the shield into quarters, so that several coats of arms may be represented on the same escutcheon. fig. shows the simplest form of quartering--viz., by two lines, fess-wise and pale-wise. this arrangement gives room for four different coats of arms, but if it is necessary to represent more than four, the shield is further cut up into the requisite number of divisions, then blazoned according to that number--_e.g._, "quarterly by eight," "by twelve," and so forth. it also sometimes happens that in a shield already quartered, each quarter has to be quartered again, and this arrangement is known in heraldry as "compound quartering." the four original quarters are then blazoned as "grand quarters," the secondary ones as "quarterly quarterings." [illustration: fig. .] one of the chief uses of quartering is to record the alliances between different families, generally made through marriage. (the arms of the duke of portland afford a good example of a shield bearing a record of such alliances. for in the first and fourth grand quarters quarterly we find the arms of the bentincks--the original family arms; in the second and third quarterlies the cavendish arms appear; whilst on the second and third grand quarters the arms of scott are represented, thus recording the alliance of the house of bentinck with those of cavendish and scott.) a husband may only add the arms of his wife's family to his own when she is heiress or co-heiress of her own line. he then bears those arms on what is called an "escutcheon of pretence," which he charges on his own family coat. all the sons of an heiress or co-heiress may use their mother's arms after she is dead as quarterings with those of their father, dividing the shield as in fig. and placing their paternal arms in the first and fourth quarters and their maternal in the second and third. when three coats of arms are to be represented on a shield, the most important occupies the first and fourth quarters. a familiar example of this is furnished by the royal arms of great britain, where we see the lions of england in the first and fourth quarters, the lion rampant of scotland in the second, and the harp of ireland in the third. the earl of pembroke, in , was the first subject, so mr. hulme tells us, who quartered his arms. when a great number of quarterings are charged upon the shield, the order in which these quarterings are marshalled[ ] or arranged is very important, the original arms being always placed in the upper dexter of the field--that being the most honourable point--and the other arms following in the sequence in which they were introduced into the family coat of arms. [footnote : _marshalling_ means the art of grouping or arranging various coats of arms on one and the same shield.] [illustration: plate . sir william herschel. _arms._--arg. on mount vert, representation of the ft. reflecting telescope with its apparatus ppr. on a chief az: the astronomical symbol of uranus irradiated or. _crest._--a demi terrestrial sphere ppr. thereon an eagle, wings elevated or. _motto._--c[oe]lis exploratis.] there were two methods of marshalling in early heraldry. one was known as "dimidation," which means cutting a coat of arms in half, pale-wise, and matching it with another half of another coat of arms, so as to make one achievement of the two joined halves. thus, when a wife's arms were to be represented on the same shield as her husband's, both coats were halved, and then placed upon the shield, the husband's arms occupying the right side, and those of the wife the left. as you can imagine, however, the result of this chopping and joining was seldom satisfactory and sometimes very comical, as, for example, in the arms of yarmouth, where half a lion is running to join half a herring! the second method of marshalling was by impalement. this term means the joining together of different coats of arms by a pale. [illustration: fig. .] in this arrangement the shield was divided pale-wise as before (fig. shows the shield divided ready to receive the two coats), but the whole of each coat was crowded respectively into each side of the shield, the right side being charged with the husband's arms, the left with his wife's. naturally, however, in order to suit this arrangement, the arms suffered a certain amount of alteration. nowadays, according to mr. fox-davies, the following rules are observed with regard to the arms of man and wife--viz.: "if the wife is not an heraldic heiress the two coats are impaled. if the wife be an heraldic heiress or co-heir, in lieu of impalement, the arms of her family are placed on an escutcheon, being termed an 'escutcheon of pretence,' because ... the husband _pretends_ to the representation of her family." a widow may have the coat of arms borne by her husband and herself marshalled, not on a shield, but on a lozenge, whilst an unmarried daughter may bear her father's arms on a lozenge also, but without a crest. finally, under the head of marshalling comes the arrangement of all the accessories, of the shield of which we spoke in our last chapter. chapter xi five coats of arms in this chapter we must say a few words about the five "achievements" which are shown in the coloured plates. these represent respectively the armorial bearings of a duke, marquess, earl, baron, and baronet.[ ] [footnote : we have to apologize to our readers for the omission--owing to want of space--of an example of the armorial bearings of a viscount.] to begin with no. . this coat of arms belongs to the duke of leinster, and should be blazoned--as you will know by this time--viz.: "arg : a saltier gu : _crest_, a monkey statant ppr : environed about the middle with a plain collar and chained or. ; _supporters_, two monkeys, environed and chained as the crest"; _motto_, "crom aboo"--literally "crom to victory," crom being the name of an old castle belonging to the fitzgeralds. now, in this achievement the trio of monkeys tell the story, _not_ of their bearer's grand deeds, but of the noble feat performed by one of _their_ own ancestors. and this is the monkey's story: long, long ago, in the reign of edward i., john fitz-thomas fitzgerald (later first earl of kildare,[ ] but at that time only an infant), was staying in the castle of woodstock, when the building suddenly broke into flames. in the first panic caused by the fire no one remembered the poor baby lying helpless in his cradle; but when, later on, some of the servants went back to search for him, they found only the smouldering remains of his cradle on the charred floor of the burnt-out nursery. distracted with remorse, they wandered about the smoking ruins, vainly seeking for the child. suddenly, a queer chattering attracted their attention to one of the high, blackened towers of the castle, and there, outlined against the sky, stood the pet ape of the household, holding the baby boy safe and sound in his long, hairy arms! on this occasion, the monkey had put his betters to shame, and had saved the helpless life which they had left to perish. [footnote : the eldest son of the duke of leinster is the marquess of kildare.] in gratitude for that monkey's devotion, john fitzgerald adopted a monkey for his crest, whilst two additional apes act as supporters to the duke of leinster's shield. thus, you see, in this case it is the golden deed of a far-away monkey that heraldry keeps alive. the arms of the marquess of hertford are very pretty ones, and afford a good example of the use of the pile as an augmentation of honour. it is introduced into the first and fourth grand quarters, bearing the charge of three lions, whilst the second and third quarters are occupied by two wings conjoined by lure. these arms, being precisely the same as those of the duke of somerset, serve to remind us that the marquess of hertford, whose family name is also seymour, is a descendant from one and the same ancestor. for whereas the wings in the coat of arms represent the armorial bearings of the seymours, the pile was an augmentation of honour granted by henry viii. to sir john seymour on the occasion of the king's marriage with lady jane seymour, his daughter. the same crest, a ph[oe]nix rising out of flames surmounting a ducal coronet, does duty for both achievements, but whereas the duke of somerset's supporters are a unicorn and a bull, the marquess of hertford has two blackamoors, which are blazoned--viz., "wreathed about the temples or, sa : habited in short golden garments; adorned about the waist with green and red feathers; each holding in his exterior hand a shield, az : garnished or, the dexter charged with the 'sun in splendour,' gold, the other with a crescent, silver. _motto_, 'fide et amore'--'with faith and love.'" the earl of scarborough's coat of arms shows no quarterings. here the field is divided fesswise and charged with three parrots (they are usually termed popinjays in heraldry). a pelican in her piety is the crest, whilst we find parrots again with wings inverted as supporters. these arms are of great antiquity, having been adopted by sir marmaduke lumley, who derived them from his mother, lucia, co-heiress of the ancient house of thweng in the beginning of the fourteenth century. their motto is, "a sound conscience is a wall of brass." baron hawke's achievement hints very plainly at the grand naval feats performed by the founder of the house, edward hawke, the gallant sailor, who, at the early age of thirty-one, was made admiral of the white. his brilliant victory over the french in , when he captured six large ships of the enemy's line, is matter of history. his arms are "arg : a chevron erminois between three pilgrims' staves purple, the crest, a hawk rising, beaked, belled, and charged on the breast with fleur-de-lys or ; whilst most appropriately the supporters of this naval hero's shield are--dexter supporter, neptune in a sea-green mantle, crowned with an eastern coronet or, his dexter arm erect, darting downwards his trident sa : headed silver, resting his sinister foot on a dolphin, also sable ; sinister supporter, a sea-horse, sustaining in his fore-fins a banner, arg : the staff broken ppr." _motto_, "strike." the fifth coat of arms, a very pictorial one, was assumed by the great astronomer and musician, sir william herschel, and serves as our example of a baronet's armorial bearings. (you will note that it has no supporters, and that the baronet's badge, a sinister hand charged on an escutcheon, is placed on the dexter side of the field.) this coat of arms tells the story of its bearer's grand discovery of the new planet, uranus.[ ] [footnote : we strongly advise our readers to refer to "a peep at the heavens" for further information on this point.] this herschel achieved with the aid of a telescope of his own making. and so very properly a telescope[ ] with all its apparatus is represented on the field, whilst the astronomical symbol of uranus is charged in the chief. the crest is a demi-terrestrial sphere with an eagle thereon, wings elevated. _motto_, "the heavens having been explored." [footnote : sir william herschel made and erected a telescope feet long at slough, completing it in .] so this coat of arms, you see, shows the result of the labours of its original bearer, along with the telescope which was instrumental in making the wonderful discovery. and now a few last words about the frontispiece. this shows the herald in his tabard, which, as the official habit of heralds, has remained unchanged in great britain ever since the office of herald was first instituted. the tabard--really, a tunic--was originally worn over mail armour, being blazoned back and front, as it is now, with the arms of the sovereign for the time being. though the general name of tabard was given to this particular kind of official garment, it was further distinguished by the term of "tunique," when worn by the king-at-arms. it was then made of "riche fyne velvet." when worn by the heralds, the tabard was known as a "plasque," and made of satin, whilst the pursuivant's tabard was called a "coat of arms," and made of damask silk. a king-at-arms ranks first amongst heraldic officials. it is his duty to direct heralds, to preside at their chapters, and to him belongs the jurisdiction of arms. we have three english kings-of-arms,[ ] styled respectively, garter, clarencieux, and norroy. the officer attached to the order of the bath is also styled "bath king-at-arms." [footnote : the term of "king-at-arms" is also sometimes employed.] scotland has her "lyon king-of-arms," ireland her "ulster king-of-arms." we have three chief heralds and six subordinate or provincial ones--viz., york, lancaster, chester, windsor, richmond, and somerset. on the accession of george i., two more were appointed and styled the "hanover herald," and "gloucester king-at-arms." a pursuivant is an attendant upon the herald, and belongs to the third or lowest order of heraldic officers. there are four english pursuivants, styled respectively, rouge croix, blue mantle, rouge dragon, and portcullis. three pursuivants belong to the court of lyon in scotland--unicorn, carrick, and bute. on the cover we have the figure of a crusader in his mail armour, bearing on his breast the badge of a red cross charged upon a white field. looking at the massive, closely knit armour portrayed in our illustration, we can easily understand that the wearer encased within it must have suffered cruelly in the east, when the burning sun poured down upon his metal armour, and that, as a natural consequence, the surcoat of some woven fabric was introduced, to be worn over the coat of mail as a protection against the scorching rays of the sun. chapter xii pennons, banners, and standards pennons, banners, and standards are so closely associated with heraldry that we must not leave them altogether unnoticed. in the middle ages three distinct classes of heraldic flags appear to have been in use in england. [illustration: plate . the flags of great britain. . the union jack. . the royal standard.] the first was the pennon; this was an armorial lance flag, narrow and tapering, and was the mark of knightly rank. sometimes it was triangular in form, but it was oftener forked or swallow-tailed at the fly. it was borne on a lance, and served as the personal ensign of the bearer, being charged with his badge or some other part of his armorial bearings. the banner was a square flag, very often representing the whole coat of arms of the bearer, in exactly the same way as a shield was blazoned. a banner was carried by all above the rank of a knight, kings included. an emperor's banner was feet square, a king's , a nobleman's only . the standard was the third variety of early heraldic flags. it was chiefly in use in the fifteenth century, though some standards were certainly in use some fifty years sooner. in old days the term "standard" was loosely applied to any large flag on which a badge and motto were represented; in fact, there is no doubt that the standard was originally designed for the special purpose of displaying armorial bearings. nevertheless, a standard proper was a tapering flag, richly embroidered, and slit slightly at the narrow end. the standard of an emperor or king was yards long when it was planted before his pavilion, but when it was carried into battle it was reduced to yards in length. it is, therefore, quite incorrect to speak of the square banner on which our royal arms are blazoned as a _standard_, for it is most distinctly a _banner_. it displays, as you all know, the armorial bearings of the sovereign fully blazoned, just as they are marshalled in the royal shield. this banner should only be hoisted over a palace when the king or some member of the royal family is actually in residence. in the navy, the royal standard--falsely so-called--is considered the supreme flag of great britain, and is only flown on a ship when the monarch, or someone belonging to the royal family, is on board. the union jack is the national banner of great britain and ireland. it represents the three united crosses of st. george for england, the saltire of st. andrew for scotland, and the cross of st. patrick for ireland. st. george's cross is red on white; st. andrew's is white on blue; st. patrick's (saltire-shaped like st. andrew's) is red on white. some writers have derived the word _jack_ from jacques for james i., because he was the monarch who united the flags of england and scotland; but this is held to be incorrect. the old heraldic name for a surcoat was "jacque," hence obviously our word "jacket," which recalls the german _jacke_ for coat, and therefore undoubtedly "jaque" survives in the "union _jack_," which is intended to represent the national arms, and thus certainly fulfils the purposes of a coat of arms. the union jack first came into use after james i.'s accession, when england and scotland became united. till then, the english flag bore st. george's cross, a rectangular red cross on a white field, whilst the scotch flag showed the white diagonal cross of st. andrew on a blue ground. the union of the two flags was effected by retaining the blue field of st. andrew's cross, whilst the red field of the english flag was represented by adding a narrow border of that colour to the limbs of st. george's cross. the heraldic term for this addition is "fimbrication"--literally _bordering_. this combined flag remained in use till , when, ireland having joined the union, it became necessary to incorporate the cross of st. patrick into the national banner. but, lest it should be thought that either of the diagonal crosses took precedence of the other, care was taken that the white and red borders of each should be alternately uppermost. the lord lieutenant of ireland flies the union jack with the harp of ireland on an escutcheon charged upon it. so also does the governor of india, but in this case the union jack bears the star of india in the centre, charged with a rose, and surmounted by an imperial crown. we have three flags constantly in use nowadays, which are always spoken of as _ensigns_. these are: _first_, the red ensign, a plain red flag, bearing a union jack in a canton on the dexter side. this is know as the "ensign of england," and when displayed at sea distinguishes all vessels not belonging to the royal navy. _second_, the white or st. george's ensign; the original banner of st. george with a "jack" cantoned in the first quarter. this is the ensign of the royal navy. _third_, the blue ensign, a plain blue field with the union jack cantoned in the dexter side. this is the ensign of the naval reserve. the admiralty flag, displaying a yellow anchor and cable set fesswise on a red field, may be grouped with the three ensigns. as regards military flags, the cavalry standards--banners properly--are the true survivals of the knightly banners of the middle ages. the colour of the field repeats that of the regimental facings, and each standard bears the number, motto, and specific title of its own regiment, as well as its own heraldic badge. upon these standards are also blazoned the regimental "honours," such as "waterloo," "alma," "lucknow," thus commemorating the services rendered by that corps to their country. infantry regiments have their "colours," or, properly, _pair of colours_. one of these is the sovereign's colour, always crimson, displaying a union jack, charged with the regimental device; the other is the regimental colour, repeating the tincture of the facings. upon this the "honours" and "devices" of the regiment are charged, whilst a small "jack" is cantoned on the dexter side of the flag. the regimental "colours" of the guards is the union jack. the royal artillery have neither colours nor standards. it would be curious to note the various forms of banners which have been in use since the days when the old roman general hoisted a small truss of hay as his ensign, but surely one of the queerest flags that ever found its way into history was that displayed by our own henry v., when, in , he made his entry into paris, riding between charles vi. and philippe, duke of burgundy. for then, we are told, that, amongst other banners, the english monarch bore a lance with a fox-tail attached to it, for being "a great hunter of foxes," this was his own personal badge. * * * * * here we must close our "peeps at heraldry," but please, dear eyes, that have been peeping with me up to this point, do not close too. otherwise the object with which this little book has been written--namely, to _open_ your eyes to the rudiments of heraldry, so that, having begun with a peep, you may go on to take an exhaustive view of the art and its developments--will be sadly defeated. for this small volume pretends to be nothing more than a simple introduction, a path-finder, to that fascinating language, in which the golden deeds of chivalry and patriotism, of science and philanthropy, are kept alive from age to age in all quarters of the civilized world. glossary of some of the terms to be met with in heraldry =abased=, applied to a charge placed lower than its usual position. =accollée=, side by side. =accrued=, fully grown. =achievement=, complete heraldic emblazonment. =addorsed=, back to back. =agroupment=, grouping of two or more shields to form one achievement. =ailettes=, part of mail armour for protecting neck. =appaumée=, open hand, showing palm (fig. ). =arménie=, ermine. =armes parlantes=, allusive arms. =armory=, heraldry. =aspersed=, scattered over. =assurgeant=, rising from the sea. =barbute=, chin-piece of helm. =bardings=, horse-trappings. =basilisk=, cockatrice, produced from egg, laid by cock and hatched by a toad on a dunghill. =basinet=, steel cap; part of old armour. =beacon=, fire chest of burning combustibles set on a pole with a ladder against it. =bezant=, disc-like coin. =birdbolt=, arrow with a blunt head. =breys=, horse curbs. =brisure=, mark of cadency. =caltrap=, or =cheval-trap=, used to maim horses in battle. =cameleopardel=, mythical beast. =chape=, or =crampet=, decorated top of sheath. =chatloup=, fabulous horned animal. =chess-rook=, chess piece. =chevronel=, small chevron. =chimera=, legendary beast. =cinque-foil=, leaf or flower of five foils. =closet=, bar diminished to half its width. =clouée=, nailed, nail-heads showing. =conjoined in lure=, wings united; tips in base. =contournée=, facing to the sinister. =cornish-chough=, crow with red beak and legs. =coronet=, badge of peer; _duke's_, with eight strawberry-leaves of equal height above rim; _marquis's_, four strawberry-leaves alternating with four pearls on points of same height as leaves; _earl's_, same as marquis's, but pearls raised above leaves; _viscount's_, with twelve silver balls on coronet; _baron's_, with six silver balls set close to rim. =côtise=, diminutive bend. =coupled-close=, half a chevronel. =cresset=, a beacon. =crusilly=, sown with cross crosslets. =cubit-arm=, human arm couped at elbow. =debased=, reversed. =debrusied=, when an ordinary surmounts an animal or other ordinary. =decollated=, said of a decapitated lion. =decrescent=, half-moon, with horns to the left. =defamed=, said of a lion looking backwards. =degraded=, set on steps. =demembered=, figure cut into bits, with original figure left unaltered. =depressed=, surmounted. =dimidiated=, cut in halves pale-wise, and one-half removed. =doubling=, lining of a mantle. =eaglet=, little eagle. =embowed=, bent. =embrued=, blood-stained. =endorse=, a little pale. =enfiled=, pierced with a sword. =enhanced=, raised towards the chief. =ensigned=, ornamented. =erne=, eagle. =escroll=, ribbon bearing motto. =erminites=, fur, white, with black spots, and a red hair each side of spots. =fermail=, a buckle. =ferr=, horseshoe. =fetter-lock=, chain and padlock. =fillet=, diminutive of chief. =fitched=, pointed at base. =flexed=, bowed and bent. =fylfot=, curious cruciform figure. =gadbee=, horse-fly. =gambe=, or =jambe=, leg of beast of prey. =gorged=, encircled round the throat. =gradient=, walking. =grand quarters=, four primary divisions of the shield. =greeces=, steps. =guige=, a shield-belt. =hames=, parts of horse harness. =hastilude=, tournament. =hatchment=, achievement of arms in a lozenge-shaped frame placed over residence of a lately deceased person. =heights=, applied to plumes rising in rows above one another. =hirondelles=, swallows. =hoist=, depth of flag from chief to base. =hurst=, clump of trees. =jessant=, shooting forth. =ladycow=, ladybird. =lambel=, label. =lion morné=, lion sans claws or teeth. =luce=, =lucy=, a pike. =lymphad=, old galley. =membered=, used to denote legs of birds. =nag=, often used for horse. =opinicus=, fabulous beast. =oriflamme=, square scarlet banner with three tails. =overt=, with open wings. =panache=, a plume arranged fan-wise. =pascuant=, grazing. =pean=, a fur. =pelt=, for hide. =pheon=, pointed spear-head. =potent=, variety of heraldic cross; also fur; also a crutch. =prasin=, green. =purfled=, bordered. =ragully=, cut off roughly. =rebated=, snapped off. =retorted=, intertwined. =reynard=, fox. =roundle=, a circular figure; when gold, a bezant; when silver, a plate; when gules, a torteau; when azure, a hurt; when sable, a gunstone; when vert, a pomme. =roussant=, about to fly. =sallet=, a kind of helm. =sarcellée=, sawn through the centre. =shelldrake=, kind of duck. =tennée=, or =tawny=, deep orange colour. =timbre=, the true heraldic crest. =torse=, crest-wreath, made of two skeins of silk twisted together. =tressure=, a subordinary. =tricked=, sketched in outline with pen and ink. =trussed=, said of birds with closed wings. =tun=, barrel or cask. =tynes=, branches of a stag's antlers. =varvals=, small rings. =verdy=, sown with leaves. =vol=, two wings conjoined. =undy=, wavy. =unguled=, hoofed. =zona=, old word for fesse. billing and sons, ltd., 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young people each containing illustrations, of which are in colour _crown to., with picture in colour on the cover_ the british empire in pictures } the british isles in pictures } by h. clive barnard europe in pictures } m.a., b.litt. how other people live } the world in pictures beasts and birds } nature books for } gardens in their } young people } by c. von wyss seasons } } pictures of british history. by e. l. hoskyn the underlying charm of these fascinating books for children will be found in their delightful simplicity. rich in beautifully coloured illustrations, they should prove a valuable means of conveying to the childish imagination delicate first impressions of the subjects dealt with. price / net each peeps at many lands and cities _larger volumes in the style of the popular one shilling and sixpenny "peeps at many lands" series (see page of this list)_ each containing full-page illustrations in colour _extra large crown vo., cloth, with picture in colour on cover_ the british empire oceania by frank fox (australia, new zealand and south seas) by frank fox the far east the world (china, japan and korea) by ascott r. hope by frank elias price / net by rev. charles a. hall the open book of nature a book of nature study for young people full-page illustrations in colour, also reproductions in black and white from photographs, as well as numerous illustrations in the text _large crown vo., cloth_ price / each life stories of animals _large crown vo., cloth_ the black bear the lion by h. perry robinson by agnes herbert full-page illustrations full-page illustrations in colour by in colour by j. van oort harry dixon the cat the rat by violet hunt by g. m. a. hewett full-page illustrations full-page illustrations in colour by in colour by adolph birkenruth stephen baghot de la bere the dog the squirrel by g. e. mitton by t. c. bridges full-page illustrations full-page illustrations in colour by in colour by john williamson allan stewart the fowl the tiger by j. w. hurst by lieut.-col. a. f. mockler-ferryman full-page illustrations full-page illustrations in colour by in colour by allan stewart and harry dixon maude scrivener price / each (_continued_) all with full-page illustrations in colour _large crown vo., cloth_ by frank elias the first voyages of glorious memory (retold from hakluyt) full-page illustrations in colour by norman wilkinson, r.b.a., r.i. by oliver goldsmith the vicar of wakefield full-page illustrations in colour by j. massey wright by dudley kidd the bull of the kraal a tale of black children full-page illustrations in colour by a. m. goodall by ascott r. hope beasts of business full-page illustrations in colour by g. vernon stokes and alan wright stories full-page illustrations in colour by dorothy furniss by daniel defoe robinson crusoe full-page illustrations in colour by john williamson by captain cook cook's voyages full page illustrations in colour by john williamson by mungo park travels in africa full-page illustrations in colour by john williamson by elizabeth grierson the life of st. paul for young people full-page illustrations in colour by oswald moser, r.i. translated and abridged by dominick daly the adventures of don quixote full-page illustrations in colour by stephen baghot de la bere by dean farrar eric; or, little by little full-page illustrations in colour by g. d. rowlandson, and in black and white by gordon browne st. winifred's; or, the world of school full-page illustrations in colour by dudley tennant, and in black and white by gordon browne julian home a tale of college life full-page illustrations in colour by patten wilson by john finnemore the story of robin hood and his merry men full-page illustrations in colour by allan stewart the wolf patrol a story of baden-powell's boy scouts full-page illustrations in colour by h. m. paget jack haydon's quest full-page illustrations in colour by j. jellicoe price / each (_continued_) all with full-page illustrations in colour _large crown vo., cloth_ by hume nisbet the divers full-page illustrations in colour by the author by lieut.-col. a. f. mockler-ferryman the golden girdle full-page illustrations in colour by allan stewart by stanley waterloo a tale of the time of the cave men full-page illustrations in colour by simon harmon vedder by the rev. r. c. gillie the kinsfolk and friends of jesus full-page illustrations in colour and sepia by dorothy senior the king who never died tales of king arthur full-page illustrations in colour by frank watkins by andrew home by a schoolboy's hand full-page illustrations in colour by strickland brown from fag to monitor full-page illustrations in colour by john williamson exiled from school full-page illustrations in colour by john williamson by the duchess of buckingham and chandos willy wind, and jock and the cheeses illustrations by j. s. eland ( full-page in colour) price /= each all with full-page illustrations in colour _small square demy vo., cloth, gilt top_ with introduction by john ruskin grimm's fairy tales full-page illustrations in colour by charles j. folkard by sir walter scott the tales of a grandfather full-page illustrations in colour by mrs. alfred sidgwick and mrs. paynter the children's book of gardening full-page illustrations in colour by mrs. cayley-robinson by frank finn, b.a., f.z.s. talks about birds illustrations ( of which are full-page in colour) by j. c. tregarthen the life story of a fox full-page illustrations in colour by countess helena gleichen by miss conway and sir martin conway the children's book of art full-page illustrations in colour from public and private galleries price /= each (_continued_) all with full-page illustrations in colour _small square demy vo., cloth, gilt top_ by g. e. mitton the book of the railway full-page illustrations in colour by allan stewart the children's book of stars preface by sir david gill, k.c.b. full-page illustrations ( in colour) and smaller figures in the text the children's book of london full-page illustrations in colour by john williamson by elizabeth w. grierson children's tales of english minsters full-page illustrations in colour the children's book of celtic stories full-page illustrations in colour by allan stewart the children's book of edinburgh full-page illustrations in colour by allan stewart children's tales from scottish ballads full-page illustrations in colour by allan stewart by ascott r. hope adventurers in america full-page illustrations in colour by henry sandham, r.c.a. the adventures of punch full-page illustrations in colour by stephen baghot de la bere by s. r. crockett red cap tales stolen from the treasure-chest of the wizard of the north full-page illustrations in colour by simon harmon vedder red cap adventures being the second series of red cap tales stolen from the treasure-chest of the wizard of the north full-page illustrations by allan stewart and others gulliver's travels full-page illustrations in colour by stephen baghot de la bere by john bunyan the pilgrim's progress full-page illustrations in colour by gertrude demain hammond, r.i. edited by g. e. mitton swiss family robinson full-page illustrations in colour by harry rountree by harriet beecher stowe uncle tom's cabin full-page illustrations in colour and many others in the text published by a. and c. black, , and soho square, london, w. * * * * * transcriber's note _ _ represents italic text. = = represents bold text. (the prices in the book list at the end were in bold text. as the symbol used to represent bold text in the main part of the book was the same as the character used for in the book list, the 'bold text' indicator was omitted from this section to avoid conflict.) sundry missing or damaged punctuation has been repaired. both hyphenated and non-hyphenated variants of many words occur in this book. all have been retained. the book contains many heraldic terms, derived from french, arabic, etc. any illustration which interrupted a paragraph has been moved to a more convenient location, between paragraphs. some chapters contain many footnotes, usually marked * and � on each page they occur. to avoid confusion, the footnotes have been numbered sequentially within each chapter, and indented and placed below their relative paragraph. page : the legends of the fleur-de-lys can be found here: (https://) travelfranceonline.com/fleur-de-lys-french-monarchys-emblem/ page : 'repectively' corrected to 'respectively'. "these represent respectively the armorial bearings...." page : some armorial descriptions use spaced colons. these have been retained as printed. page : 'on the cover we have the figure of a crusader in his mail armour, bearing on his breast the badge of a red cross charged upon a white field.' the crusader's badge would appear to be somewhere behind his shield, or perhaps under his surcoat.