ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 243 Novelty Journals Terms and Terminology Conflicts of Social Quandaries Engendered by the Taino Native Fixation a Cultural Crisis Analytical Study in Caribbean Contemporary History Randle Sloan Toraño PhD candidate History, University of Jaume I, Castellón, Spain Abstract: Generations born before the 1920 th in the Greater Antilles never referred to themselves as taino or taino native descendants, that was a subject limited to a handful of Caribbean researchers but, nearly exclusively in the hands of foreign scholars. The controversies surrounding the origin of the illusory taino term christened by Constantine Samuel Rafinesque Schmaltz (Turkey 1783 - USA 1840) in 1836 predominates in our examined geography of, Bahamas, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti and Puerto Rico yet, it is widespread worldwide. Nonetheless, Rafinesque and his 19 th century advocates are fundamentally unknown by the people who write and live by the modern taino fixation. The first taino maturation phase extended from 1836 to 1900 entering in a second explosive stage between 1901 and 1955, when in just over fifty years by 1955 the intense academic movement of the taino fixation achieved a resounding success, so much, that generations born in the Caribbean after the 1950 th do think that this taino incarnation was a race, was a language, a native tribe and is a biological ancestor. The third phase from 1956 to the present, has seen a massive taino fixation and standardization. The scholarly move to impose-legitimize is relentless. Prestigious international institutions have invested substantial financial and human resources sponsoring research, exploration and collection gathering of Caribbean native artifacts indirectly sanctioning the proliferation and standardization of a non-existing tainan culture: successfully. Keywords: Cultural crisis, ethnonyms, exonyms, fixation, history-based, legitimacy, native-typical-uniformity, terms, terminology. I. INTRODUCTION Constantine Samuel Rafinesque Schmaltz in (1836) 1 christened the term Taino, mechanizing the beginning of a contemporary academic fixation. This means the taino was born in 1836 as a market instrument during the industrial revolution. In 182 years scholars of all fields argue the realness of this so called Caribbean native who greeted Christopher Columbus. Henceforth, the Caribbean nations examined now face a contemporary cultural crisis resulting from the practice of substituting a market instrument, to refer to, native races, languages, tribes and history of independent countries, what is unjustifiable, as it is illegitimate, and leads to a corrupt Caribbean ethnic legacy. This study examines the taino evolution pattern: term-substitution-crisis, as inaccuracies grew from contemporary researcher’s interpretations applying a mix of make-do academic marketing terms, terminology and editorials to classic works, native folklore and prehistory initially sanctioned by anglophone scholar’s communications with worldwide impact. 1 Rafinesque-Schmaltz, Constantine Samuel. The American Nations or, Outlines of Their General History, Ancient and Modern Nations of North and South America. Annals, C S Rafinesque, 1836. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 244 Novelty Journals The Caribbean has been a playground for world powers to innovate and test: everything. Peter Hulme (1992: 199-200) refers to Caribbean natives in English standards as Arawaks and not Tainos, citing: The novelist Michener, Fred Olsen (1974:3), (Parry and Sherlock 1956; Greenwood and Hamber 1979; Honychurch 1979; Claypole and Robottom 1980), … (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:69-73; Parry and Keith, 1984, vol. 2: passim; Watts 1987:51-77; Greenblatt 1991:52- 87)…. It is appropriate to assume Arawaks, Caribs or other historically verifiable ethnonyms or exonyms for pre- Columbian natives applied to Caribbean countries on a one to one basis. Fundamentally researchers and contemporary authors in the national standards of; Bahamas, Cuba, Dominican Republic, France, Germany, Haiti, Netherlands, North America, Puerto Rico and Spain, and so on, indistinctively, for the most part accept with endless and complex motives, the taino term and terminology as appropriate. This study aims to test such reliability as delicately as possible. One selected document to examine -the when and how, the taino became a real native is the original English translation by Richard Henry Major; of the letter written by Dr Diego Álvarez Chanca during Christopher Columbus second voyage in 1493. Christopher Columbus select letters published by the Hakluyt Society were translated and edited from Spanish to English by Richard Henry Major (1847). 2 This translation was first published in 1847 and served as a guide to editorial- research interventions promoting the taino since the early 20 th century e.g.; Jesse Walter Fewkes (1903-04), 3 Olson & Bourne (1906), MR Harrington 1921, Sven Loven (1925) [in German] and others. A. Sagarra Gamazo (2009) 4 states, that the Álvarez Chanca letter was sent to the Cabildo de Sevilla to Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca a court official, bishop and holder of many titles, who organized Columbus second voyage and others thereafter for the Royal Crown, Sagarra further refers to Álvarez Chanca as Americas first spy. The Álvarez Chanca letter went missing and was recovered over three centuries later in 1825 and published by Manuel Fernández de Navarrete in 1826. Rafinesque an autodidact botanist had ten years between 1826 and 1836 to interpret Dr Diego Álvarez Chanca letter and to find a fit for his linguistic studies and theories. It is clearly stated in the Major 1870 reprint introduction that the Álvarez Chanca letter and the Columbus letters were translated as written; … by the pen of those to whom this incidents occurred …, Major in his introduction, well says; … from Columbus own mouth as it were, with a clear view of his opinions and conjectures, upon many remarkable and important subjects …. Not a single time in these original documents does the term taino (tayno) is referenced or translated to signify a race, language or tribe by either Dr Diego Álvarez Chanca or Richard Henry Major. The Álvarez Chanca translation by Major was edited by Olson & Bourne (1906) 5 adding footnotes and remarks endorsing the term taino (tayno) setting in progress a robust tainist tendency early in the 20 th century underscoring Álvarez Chanca original intention. The Olsen & Bourne edited copy of the Major translation of the Álvarez Chanca letter is widely circulated as document (Nº AJ-065) 2003, by the American Journeys Collection and the Wisconsin Historical Society Digital Library and Archives: thus, aiding to the 21 th century continuance of public diffusion and the Caribbean cultural crisis. Olsen & Bourne refer in one footnote of the (Major 1870: 28) translation to the taino as; … the tribal name of these people … secondly, they cite as a source the 1574 edition of the De Rebus Oceanicis printed in Germany and written by Pedro Mártir de Anglería 6 a classic author who never identified a taino as a tribal name, race or language. Edward Gaylord Bourne and Julius Emil Olson made two errors in their citation unchallenged by researchers benefitting the taino marketing and commercialization argumentation. The 1574 German publication as cited by Olson & Bourne was first referenced by Karl von Martius (1867) during the incubation phase of the taino. 2 Major, Richard Henry, editor. Select Letters from Columbus with Other Original Documents Relating to His Four Voyages to the New World. Translated by Richard Henry Major, 2nd edition, Hakluyt Society, 1870 3 Fewkes, J. W. The Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring Islands. US Gov. Print. Off., 1903 4 Sagarra Gamazo, Adelaida. “Diego Álvarez Chanca, primer espía en América.” Revista de Estudios Colombinos, vol. 5, 2009, pp. 19– 40. Sagarra Gamazo, A. “El protagonismo de Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca, gestor indiano, en la diplomacia y política castellana desd e su sede episcopal de Burgos.” Boletín de la Institución Fernán González, 1995, pp. 273–317. 5 Olsen, Julius E., and Edward Gaylord Bourne. The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot, 985-1503. Charles Scribner sons, 1906. 6 Mártir de Anglería, Pedro. Décadas del Nuevo Mundo. Editorial Bajel, 1944. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 245 Novelty Journals History, language and constructive exchange: It’s noteworthy that the Major (1870: 28) page footnoted by Olsen & Bourne is grammatically challenging, a straightforward translation of the original Álvarez Chanca Spanish tayno, page is complex. The words diciéndolos and diciéndoles are a combination of an adverb and a pronoun meaning telling them, in other words, Spaniards had a message -they announced, tayno, that was what the sailors in their boat were shouting out to the natives. On the other hand, diciéndonos means telling us or calling out or as Major translation puts it, cried out, is incorrect. The word choice by the 15 th century Sevillian Dr. Diego Álvarez Chanca depicts the sailors shouting to the natives; in addition, the original intention, excluded race, language or tribal taino origin, what was misinterpreted by Julius Emil Olsen, Edward Gaylord Bourne and Jesse Walter Fewkes. Columbus travelled with Diego, his Lucayan protege and another native interpreter specially educated in Spain before returning in Columbus second voyage. These native Lucayan pair by 1493 became Americas first native translators educated in Europe, and, is likely they instructed the sailors in the usage of the word tayno, meaning good to approach the natives, perhaps, Diego or his compadre were onboard the boat that pushed to shore during that first contact of the second voyage. Additionally, Major (1870: 29), translate from Spanish the word pulitica as more civilized which is the correct translation, yet, pulitica is not found in any Spanish dictionary, pulida means polished, politica means political, a combination of both in the XV century well could have been more civilized. Within the same English paragraph Major uses the word Indians which was not utilized in the Spanish original, Álvarez Chanca wrote … aunque todos tienen las moradas de paja… Álvarez Chanca used todos tienen which means, they all, making no reference to Indians. We find that small errors in the Major translation are understandable yet, footnotes by others are highly troublesome. Major mistake was, -that the natives did not cried out, tayno, tayno, it was the sailors. After carefully reviewing the translation it was found that Alfredo Zayas y Alfonso (1914) 7 had come up with the same interpretation as did Hulme (1993: 202) 8 in the Peter Hulme & Neil Whitehead translation. A century after Fewkes (1903) and, Olson & Bourne (1906) we must re-evaluate the legitimacy of the term taino for the benefit of millions of Caribbean victims who wholeheartedly believe that the tainos are their ancestors. A social quandary emerges as Caribbean communities fall prey to scholarly works endlessly applying terminologies to what has become a single word fixation. Thus, the ethnic composition of Caribbean communities is in crisis. The severe impact on ethnicity is considerable as entire families celebrate their native Caribbean roots invoking a non-existing ancestral term and terminology. Terms and terminology are fundamental to justify the communities they describe. Clearly ancestry must result from verifiable sources and not from a mechanized market instrument. The highly questionable tainan identity, in discussions of mixed origin, mixed heritage, cross ethnicity and multiracial composition common to the Circum-Caribbean fails by historical and academic standards to legitimately satisfy the Caribbean ancestral person. The idea of a new term, for a new concept in Sagader (2010:125) follows this order: Their objective was to achieve a standardization of terminology - a tool for reaching unambiguous and clear communication, independent of cultural differences. Ascribing a technical or engineering term is unlike attributing an ethnic term, people in any geographical setting deserve historically verifiable ethnonyms and exonyms. In Curet (2014): As a nonnative phenomenon, Taíno refers to the widespread distribution of certain cultural traits across the Greater Antilles, Bahamas, and some of the Lesser Antilles. In actuality, one can talk about two Taíno phenomena, one defined using “facts” from the chronicles and a second one characterized by attributes observable in the material culture found across the region. In the case of the chronicles, attributes include language, social organization, religious beliefs, subsistence systems, religious paraphernalia, and tools. Adriana Lewis- Galanes (1986: 53) and Gabriel De La Luz- Rodríguez (2011) argue that during these early years of the colonial experience, the Spanish invented a “Taíno” concept (without using the term) to refer “to a diverse constellation of Indigenous cultures that inhabited the Greater Antilles” (De La Luz- Rodríguez 2011: 94; see also Sued Badillo 1978). (p.470). 7 Zayas y Alfonso, Alfredo. Lexicografía Antillana. Imprenta siglo XX de Aurelio Miranda, 1914 8 Hulme, Peter. "Making sense of the native Caribbean." NWIG: New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 67.3/4 (1993): 189-220. Whitehead, Neil L. Arawak Linguistic and Cultural Identity through Time: Contact, Colonialism, and Creolization. 2002, pp. 51–73 ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 246 Novelty Journals Luis Antonio Curet (2014) 9 presents us a non-native phenomenon; indeed, the heart of the present-day Caribbean cultural crisis. The surreal metamorphosis suggested by Curet of a non-native transmutation into authenticity by extracting facts from American discovery chronicles and a material culture is a fiction episode unrelated to history or science. In fact, such argument is just the foundation of the current cultural crisis. Seeking to impose-legitimize a taino substitution at all cost is a poor option for legacy. The post 1955 up-to-date scholars, who write about the chronicles in any way associated with a taino underscore is the real phenomenon. Both Dr Diego Álvarez Chanca (1493) and Pedro Mártir de Anglería (1525) 10 the two principal men to use the word tayno before 1825 meaning good with a specific spelling which included a y for tayno, never referred to tainos as a race, language or tribal name. The morphology of the word Taino or Taíno used by Curet and others is strictly the crafting of Constantine Samuel Rafinesque, that same spelling was used by Fewkes (1903), M R Harrington (1921), 11 S Loven (1935), I Rouse (1948), R Alegria (1955) and other tainist before 1955 to propel the Taino or (Taíno) standardization and fixation. Thus, we have the 21 th century taino metamorphosis. Let’s examine by comparison, an original native American history-based, verifiable and correct application of terminological components as applied to ethnicity. Ohiyesa (1907) Part II, The madness of Bald Eagle: “It was many years ago, when I was only a child," began White Ghost, the patriarchal old chief of the Yanktonnais Sioux, "that our band was engaged in a desperate battle with the Rees and Mandans. The cause of the fight was a peculiar one. I will tell you about it." And he laid aside his longstemmed pipe and settled himself to the recital. "At that time the Yanktonnais numbered a little over forty families. We were nicknamed by the other bands Shunkikcheka, or Domestic Dogs, because of our owning large numbers of these animals. My father was the head chief. (p. 34). 12 This simple and historically precise Sioux example of how exonyms and ethnonyms come to be, is clear; a band of Sioux, (Yanktonnais) an exonym. The band is specifically re-named by two other recognizable native American tribes, (Shunkikcheka) what is an ethnonym. The two native American tribes are known internally and externally as Rees and Mandams. Written by: Ohiyesa a Sioux, also known as Charles Eastman, son of White Ghost. The simplicity and clarity of this historical first-hand passage speaks for itself. The issue of legitimacy, verifiable history and justification is unmovable. Thus, theoretical interpretations disturbing original classic authors findings and intentions for whatever motive are unjustifiable. Following the analytical methodology presented, this study examines interpretations by principle researchers and institutional studies, citing documents and publications of modified, manipulated or edited works away from the original writer’s intentions, verifying footnotes and editorial reviews. Tanselle (1978) 13 reminds us that … documents of major importance… are presented literally, exactly as found … with bracketed editorial insertions when required for clarification. (note 24…). The uncommon view and crisis: Ralph Premdas (1996): The Caribbean homelands, however, are not ancient places where Caribbean peoples and their ancestors have always lived. There are no historic religions and sacred sites decorated with folktales and lore commemorating origins lost in time. (13). The Premdas argument added to a non-native taino fixation spells out a Caribbean cultural crisis. General objective: Ancient Caribbean legacy in our region of study awaits a reunification of yesterday and today, to-break-away from scholarly impositions and distortions. Native history and contemporary Caribbean people, are and have been in a cultural crisis since early in the 20 th century; as -original native ancestors subsist in the shadows of an academic fixation: tainos. This study seeks to divest communities of such malady. 9 Curet, L. A. “The Taíno: Phenomena, Concepts, and Terms.” Ethnohistory 61.3 (2014): 467-495, 2014. 10 Mártir de Anglería, Pedro. Décadas del Nuevo Mundo. Editorial Bajel, 1944. (1493-1525). 11 Harrington, M. R. Cuba Before Columbus. Edited by F W Hodges, New York Museum of the American Indian, vol. II, Heye Foundation, 1921. 12 Ohiyesa, - Charles A. Eastman. OLD INDIAN DAYS. U of Nebraska Press 1907. 13 Tanselle, G. Thomas. "The editing of historical documents." Studies in Bibliography 31 (1978): 1-56. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 247 Novelty Journals II. METHODOLOGY This study conducted and exhaustive analysis of historical documents concerning native Caribbean people since the discovery of America focusing on a chronological narrative evidencing verifiable; tribal inhabitant’s autonyms, their Caribbean biological interconnectivity and ethnic differentiation, as understood and written by classic 15 th and early-16 th century authors who experienced directly the native people and traditions in their natural habitat. It, also analysed, indirect historical data acquired from first-hand interviews with explorers; by clergy, court historians and state officials of the period. Likewise, we considered documents referring to hundreds of Caribbean natives who interacted continuously in Spain as, slaves, free servants, parents and even autochthonous Caribbean royalty sponsored by the Royal House of Castile. Also, what are, discretionally tested accounts outside of the law by explorers and merchants from the 15 th century to the mid-16 th century. Thus, first-hand access to Caribbean native’s history in Europe is more diversified than previously considered. 14 This study organizes a historical narrative of 15 th and 16 th centuries authors selecting samples to assist in understanding how the 19 th , 20 th and 21 th century brought about new terms and terminological components, undermining the authenticity of the historical sources during and after Christopher Columbus first-contact. An analytical view of what transpired in the Caribbean, in Spain and Europe concerning precolonial Caribbean populaces in Bahamas, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti and Puerto Rico assist in identifying the native Caribbean typical uniformity issue. Since discovery the native Caribbean typical uniformity has been biologically transformed by crossbreeding with other ethnic groups of diverse skin tones yet retaining some levels of native pre-Columbian DNA. This new Caribbean group falls victim when contemporary terms are imposed by special interest away from history. III. LITERATURE REVIEW This study is specific in scope, as terms and terminologies rooted in tainan interpretations are illegitimate to anthropomorphise pre- and post-Columbian native Caribbean entitlements. There is no doubt that taino is an imprecise word of no significance, it should never be used to symbolize a race, language or a native Caribbean tribe. The tainos never existent. We also pointed to institutional financial and marketing interventions arising from the taino term and terminological explosion of the twentieth century. Ricardo Alegria (1996) 15 cites on taino artifacts regarding the George Latimer collection (a US consul in Puerto Rico): The Smithsonian still preserves a significant portion of this collection, although many of its most notable pieces, including some monolithic belts then called “stone collars’’ were traded to other museums in the United States and Europe. (257). Institutions have benefited from donations as the George Latimer collection, from purchases of material goods and from Caribbean archaeological excavations such as, collections by Fewkes (1903), Harrington (1921), Rainey (1935), Rouse (1939) and others. Naturally, protecting material goods and merchandizing material re-distribution were essential to the advancement of the taino terminology in our international post-colonial: market society. The taino simply provided a singular term to ease communications when identifying Caribbean natives regardless of country or their own history- based ethnonyms and exonyms. Thus, we have a progression of geographically applied terms, such as; eastern taino, western taino. Classic taino, Caribbean taino, and so on, to communicate academically e.g., Arrom (1988) Alegria (1978), Loven (1935), Rouse (1992), and others. The combined adverse effect of this Caribbean material re-distribution, the geographical taino standardization and the academic communication supporting the commercial strategic fit of the taino has become a Caribbean cultural crisis. Eugene Wuster (1930) an Austrian linguist developed the first methodology for terminology data processing to analyse terms orderly. Protopopescu (2013:2) … reminds us that: before the mid-twentieth century nor social scientists nor linguists paid attention to terminology. The taino standardization leading to the current Caribbean cultural crisis was preventable and is reversible. 14 Esteban Mira Caballos research regarding native American studies are generally in line with this study, consult other works. Caballos. Esteban Mira. “Caciques Guatiaos en los inicios de la colonización: el caso del indio Diego Colón.” Iberoamericana, 2004 2001, 7–16. -Mira Caballos, E. “Los prohibidos en la emigración a América (1492-1550).” Estudios de historia social y económica de América, vol. 12, 1995, pp. 37–54 15 Alegría, Ricardo E. "Archaeological Research in the Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands and Its Subsequent Development on the Island." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 776.1 (1996): 257-264. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 248 Novelty Journals Taino historical prioritization and standardization: The term taino was also prioritized by archaeologists, anthropologist and ethnologists working on US international research and exploration in the early twentieth century when interest in the last two Spanish colonies Cuba and Puerto Rico defined a greater potential in the Caribbean. The director of the Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE) W. H. Holmes in his introduction of Fewkes (1903) says; The acquisition of the island of Puerto Rico at the close of the war with Spain greatly enhances the popular and scientific interest in Caribbean archaeology and ethnology in the United States. (XXVI). The Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE) was the research arm of the prestigious Smithsonian Institute. The bureau was founded; Weeks (2002: 2) in 1879. The reasons for the protection of antiquities in the Caribbean at large requires delicate attention, if there is no wrong in free enterprise and the financial commercialization of archaeological material, there should be for the same reason equal protection to history-based ancestry in consideration of living-descendants. The Caribbean person who believes in the scholarly non-existing taino as real; becomes a collateral victim. In the Caribbean geography we study the actual number of victims surpasses the pre-Columbian native population. The current issue is clear; protect the victims. In 1901 the archaeologist Dr Jesse Walter Fewkes was assigned to investigate the Antilles at the end of his project Dr Fewkes presents the Smithsonian Institute his monograph titled The Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighbouring Islands intensifying the internationalization of the term Taino. Claims Fewkes (1903) regarding the taino term: Since it is both significant and euphonious, it may be adopted as a convenient substitute for the adjective “Antillean” to designate Cultural type. … other writers used it as a characteristic name for the Antillean race. (p. 26). Rafinesque terminology marketing strategy found its momentum during the first decade of the twentieth century as the European legwork had paid-off; e.g. Jegor von Sivers (1861), Karl von Martius (1867), Oscar Peschel (1876) and others. That momentum soon spread to the Spanish speaking Caribbean and North America since the acquisition of Puerto Rico and successful interventions by Fewkes (1903). Peschel (1876: 206) described how Caribs had taken half of Porto Rico and extended their kidnapping into Haiti, Fewkes makes the same observation regarding Porto Rico in 1903. Consequently, editorials and interpretation throughout the first half of the 20 th century standardized a new communication language based on the non-native, non-existent and illusory taino. Irving Rouse (1992: 69) My generation of archaeologists was trained to proceed only in terms of artifacts and cultures to which they belonged. Rouse 1992 book is titled; The Tainos: Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus, this emblematic title sends the strongest message of the taino fixation. The standardization of the taino fixation during the third phase of the taino evolution has been intense with landmark works by Ricardo Alegria (1978), Jose Arrom (1988), Roberto Cassa (1974), Irving Rouse (1992), as William Keegan (1996: 266) says; … the Tainos, the people who inhabited the West Indies at the time of European contact, and others endlessly on. Homeland, ancestors and the new Caribbean person: Current DNA findings suggest a present-day native Caribbean genomes survival. Since the original tribal identity of the Caribbean homeland and ancestry has been scientifically substituted by the standardized non-native taino, a quandary subsists. Studies such as, Lalueza‐Fox et al (2001, 2003), Martinez-Cruzado (2001), Mendizabal et al (2008), Mendisco et al (2013), tend to identify such genetic findings as Taino. The taino scientific discourse is not concerned with pre-and- post Columbian native history but rather the commerciality of terms. Haslip-Viera (2006) argues that the Puerto Rico taino (native) population was near extinct and the island received large numbers of enslaved Indians from Guiana refencing (Badillo 1995a: 67) among others. Concluded Haslip-Viera that a diminishing taino (native) island population by the sixteenth century only provided a limited mtDNA for contemporary testing, for that reason the Martinez-Cruzado study lacks reliability and fails because of mixed ancestry. Such assumption is incorrect as it fails to understand the Caribbean typical uniformity phenotype as the basis for the Caribbean native survival; also, it fails as tainos are non- existent. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 249 Novelty Journals Caribbean DNA studies are best served by removing the taino from scientific results as such standardization is not history-based. R Virchow (1858) had concluded based on his pathological cranial studies that there was a native typical uniformity. The rational that follows from a typical uniformity phenotype is that moving from one island to another within the same Caribbean region would create limited pathological changes from one human to another as: pathological changes occur over long periods of time. Migration occurrences in Caribbean prehistory are anecdotal, yet, pre-European- contact native mixed-ethnicities and inter-relationships occurred in our region of study and should be considered on a one to one basis by country. The issue of a pre-Columbian Caribbean mixed ancestry in our geographical region is an integral element of the typical uniformity phenotype theory. And, in no way an obstacle in understanding native survival into the 21 th century or prehistory. The Caribbean typical uniformity is deeply rooted in migration, based on native mariners’ abilities to negotiate the seas. Columbus in his Diario de abordo described the crafts natives built and used for raids, exploration of new lands and commerce. Native seafaring mobility has led trough hundreds of years to the Caribbean typical uniformity, as new arrivals would trade, kidnap-enslave or marry local females for breeding. 16 As recent as the 17 th century the Black Caribs or Garifuna’s resulted from cross-breeding between Caribs and black slaves or castaways, which means that the predominant skin colour does not identify a lack-of native Carib bloodline. On the other hand, if an Arawak woman and a Carib man bred, or vice-versa, children would be physically indistinguishable from other natives and, in typical uniformity. The issue of skin color is not a negative factor in determining Caribbean native lineage and is a greatly misunderstood racial issue. In Robiou et al (2011) 17 Delgado cites: Jalil Sued Badillo (1978) in that Puerto Ricans have no Indian blood, ending with Badillo saying that the native blood is completely inexistent. In Tio (1966: 275) according to studies by Ricardo Alegria at the University of Puerto Rico 30% of students had Amerindian blood based on diente de pala a dental shovel incisors test. Consequently, Delgado correctly favors native survival, Badillo denies any evidence of survival, while Alegria used it to promote the taino fixation. In Mendisco (2013) out of thirteen samples analyzed dating from the 1200 to 1600 in Guadalupe, Maria Galante and La Désirade, the results revealed the presence of three distinct Amerindian mitochondrial lineages: A2 (n = 5), C1 (n = 5) and D1 (n = 3). The Mendisco study concludes, the need to broaden aDNA in the Caribbean region, in time and space, to allow for a better understanding of the native Caribbean group dynamic, since they were searching only for Caribs. DNA, aDNA and mtDNA in scientific results elucidate the existence of a contemporary native pre-Columbian Caribbean survival in Cuba, Puerto Rico and Dominican Republic. Such survival percentile is specific to each country as is the racial composition. The findings that distinct Amerindian mitochondrial lineages converge as per Mendisco (2013) and other studies is consistent with the evolution of the Caribbean typical uniformity. Furthermore, the general findings in the conclusion of the Schroeder et al (2018) state that: … the native component in present-day Puerto Rican genomes is closely related to the ancient Taino, demonstrating an element of continuity between precontact populations and present-day Latino populations in the Caribbean despite the disruptive effects of European colonization. The Schroeder (2018) result is consistent with the Caribbean typical uniformity survival as mixed components of Arawak, Carib, and other native pre-Columbian autochthonous tribes in the 21 th century exist within the Latino population. Schroder pinpoints, the root of the cultural crisis when in fact they are referring to the; ancient pre-Columbian Borincanos or Borinqueños (Boricuas) of Puerto Rico what are history-based terms. In 2018 science identifies the victims as; present- day Latino populations in the Caribbean, now subjected to an ancient Taino and Caribbean Taino standardization furthering the fixation and the cultural crisis. 16 Sloan Toraño, Randle. Labradores y Desbandados 1898. 2nd ed., 2017. See, chapter 2. 17 Robiou Lamarche, Sebastian, editor. “5to Centenario -1511-2011- de la Rebelión Taína.” Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, 2011, p. 133. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 250 Novelty Journals Interpretations and theories: Regarding the taino the American anthropologist and ethnologist Daniel Garrison Brinton (1871) had warned about wild theorizations. Brinton never imagined that editorial manipulations, DNA results and academic articles would serve as tools for the success and standardization of the Rafinesque taino into the 21 th century. In Brinton (1871: 10) referring to Rafinesque and Jegor von Sivors Caribbean vocabulary, as; … uncritical … superficial … worse than useless. In this sense, decoding the current Schroeder Puerto Rican genomes and other DNA results; in their relationship to the Virchow’s Caribbean typical uniformity, the 21 th century native survival, the academic terminological fixation and the cultural crisis of the present-day Latino population in the Caribbean, all may be initiated by removing the taino from the equation. The larger scope of the; present-day Latino populations in the Caribbean requires native specific ethnonyms and exonyms for each country in the region. The Schroeder study incorrectly applies a generic ancient Taino and Caribbean Taino theory to many countries with distinct tribal characteristics IV. DISCUSSION A number of European explorers recorded their first-hand contact experience themselves, others attested to historians and official’s discovery details of specific geographical localities, for expense accounting, political and economic reasons, etc., e.g., Christopher Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, Juan Ponce de Leon, Martin Alonso Pinzon, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Hernán Cortés and many others. 18 Caribbean natives living in Spain also provided information to officials and historians as Andrés Bernáldez, Pedro Mártir de Anglería, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca and others who had direct access to witnesses. Brinton (1871: 12) 19 explains the soft like and not less liquid than Latin heard by Pedro Mártir de Anglería, this is indicative of the Caribbean linguistic studies undertaken by scholars directly from native Caribbean people living in 16 th century Spain. This rather unknown native prepared court historians, officials, jurist and scholars when documenting information generally classified as second hand. Non-native terms and terminologies applied by modern researchers to Caribbean natives amounts to an ethnological catastrophe. This inauspicious pattern is not exclusively of the geography studied it also applies to other world regions. In our geographical region the direct disadvantage is assumed by the mostly Arawak or Aruac ethnicity presented in this limited sample; the Borincano, Boricua or Borinqueño from Puerto Rico, the Quisqueyano, Ciguayo, Macorije, or Haitian from the Dominican Republic-Haiti, the Cuban, Ciboney or Siboney from Cuba, and the Lucayan, of the Bahamas. Attention needs to be given to the interconnected native tribes, isolated bands-groups, nomad tribes, the Carib and other migration intervention or mix-descendants incorporated into the evolution of Caribbean societies of these islands since pre-Columbian times. In an archipelago of over 7,000 islands and centuries of migration one synthetized non-native term as an ancestor is man- made. Today the term taino theorizes a dominant native group. Taino researchers start from the necessity Rafinesque (1836) calls …grope in the dark … affirming the creation of a noble, educated, intelligent and religious Indian to populate obscure or empty spaces. In his own words Rafinesque (1836: 31): … for lack of frequent ancient vocabularies we must often grope in the dark, but I do not despair to be able to restore many languages… by fragments escaped from the common ruin, I have already succeeded with the Taino of Hayti. Regarding Constantine Samuel Rafinesque, Daniel Mosquin (2012) What emerges is that the man was a flawed genius, whose inability to work within the bounds of scientific convention necessarily led to lower recognition than he would otherwise have deserved. (p. 2). 20 The genius of Rafinesque was his ability to market terms to researchers and institutions, generation after generation. As a botanist Rafinesque named over 6700 specimens of which some 300 remain today an outstanding achievement for flora. Yet, nothing matches the success of his taino. 18 The Archivo General de las Indias, (AGI) in Seville Spain houses significant documentation dating from discovery where uncountable pages provide history-based leads and verification. 19 Brinton, Daniel Garrison. “The Arawack Language of Guiana in Its and Ethnological Relations.” American Philosophical Society Transaction, no. 14:427-44., 1871, pp. 427–43. 20 Mosquin, Daniel, et al. "Constantine Rafinesque, A Flawed Genius." Arnoldia 70.1 (2012): 2-10. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 251 Novelty Journals Rodrigo de Figueroa was appointed by the Royal House of Castile to study native tribes. Early on Figueroa a esquire in 1520 submitted a report of native tribes, the term Taino was unlisted. Even Rafinesque (1836: 163) recognizes the work of Rodrigo de Figueroa and lists the names of those tribes as; 1. Haytians, 2. Cubans, 3. Jamaicans, 4. Boriquans (Porto Rico). In the Dominican Republic Emilio Tejera (1977: 1193) in his two massive volumes comprising over 1380 pages of indigenismos, Tejera begins his definition of Taino with a reference by Professor Felix M. Perez (1948): … it is the biggest ethnological mistake to call Tainos the Arauco ... no ancient writer would have used said term. Tejera explains how this ethnological error has become as widespread as other words such as West Indies, Indias, Indians and others imposed over time. Imposed over time is the mechanized work of specialists which in this case adversely affects the genetic framework of Caribbean societies and history. In Fewkes (1903: 26) he explained the easy rupture from the term Antilles and the Antillean race as substituted by the Taíno in a single-page. Tejera is correct imposed by time has kept the region at a cultural crisis. The geopolitical and racial composition of the Caribbean blends in a unifying contemporary history that other world areas are now starting to understand. Ultimately, the pre-Columbian natives transformed into a pluralistic genetic diversity of skin colors, now walking the streets of the Caribbean nations they represent. Premdas (1996: 13): The Caribbean homelands, however, are not ancient places where Caribbean peoples and their ancestors have always lived. Scholars who believe and write in conformity with Premdas have no problem to; grope in the dark as Rafinesque and follow in-line to name people as they see fit. Thus, creating a world predicament of people in crisis. Puerto Rico's Pablo Morales Otero (1945); 21 Before the discovery the inhabitants of the island of Puerto Rico were Aborigines. The whole island was not under the Arawak power, as the Caribs occupied the eastern part and it is likely that the population of Borinquen were a mixture of both families, who lived, grouped in tribes and led by one cacique. (p. 7). The population of Borinquén and both families is a responsible, ethical and a legitimate approach to identify native cultures and races in Puerto Rico away from impositions. Pedro Mártir de Anglería in Bajael (1944: 19) identifies Puerto Rico as burichena land and homeland of the native Arawak-Borincano. Hernán Colón in Iglesias (1947) tells us about the natives of Boriquén captives in Guadalupe who boarded Columbus ships in 1493; A youngster who had escaped from the Carib, having for sure thing to surrender to strange people never seen and so different from his nation than to remain with the others. (P. 147). What is historically correct is that over five centuries ago during this historic Guadalupe anchorage leading to the letter of Álvarez Chanca, Hernán Colón uses the word nation to differentiate and recognize from the Caribs the natives of Boriquén (Puerto Rico) identified as the Nation of Boriquén. In Cuba the scenario was different. According to Harrington (1921: 131): Throughout the work, however, it is clear that the use of the word "Taino" as a general term for the predominant native class of the Greater Antilles, whose language Zayas presents, is studiously avoided. Harrington does not accept that for the experienced ethnologist, linguist and Cuban President, Alfredo Zayas y Alfonzo in 1921 found that the fabricated term Taino was unacceptable, as were the applications describing the Taino as a predominant native class of the Greater Antilles. In addition to the statement by Harrington, Zayas (1914) properly uses and maintains his position that the term Tayno; … seems to have meant good, which was a conscious, significant and legitimate annotation. In the Dominican Republic, Emilio Tejera (1977), 22 Dr. Cayetano Coll y Toste 23 refused to use the term Taino in 1900 and successfully uses Arawaks in Puerto Rico. The Puerto Rican Dr. Stahl (1889) titled his monograph Indios Borinqueños in Stahl (1889: 47-50) he refers to his countrymen as Indo-borincano and the raza Borincana or Borincan race. Dr. Stahl was correct in the use of the history-based term Borincano to identify the Puerto Rican pre-Columbian native. 21 Morales Otero, Pablo. Nuestros Problemas. 1st ed., 1945 22 Tejera, Emilio. Indigenismos. Vol. 1 & 2, Editora Santo Domingo, 1977. Tejera, Emiliano. Palabras Indígenas de La Isla de Santo Domingo. Editora del Caribe., 1951. 23 Coll y Tosté, Cayetano. Prehistoria de Puerto Rico. San Juan boletín Mercantil, 1907. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 252 Novelty Journals Dr. Stahl (1889: 49) 24 … primitive people are closely linked to the ground (earth)." What Brinton (1871) calls "organic nature" what becomes a grounding base for a Caribbean native typical uniformity, were the primitive mobilization, race and social evolution occurred. There are no noted discrepancies between these outstanding classic authors, as history-based terms become the foundation were Taino becomes illegitimate and unnecessary. Dr Stahl never used the term taino he used the terms indo-borincano or borinqueños of Boriquén what was common in Puerto Rico. Pedro Mártir de Anglería (1944: 19) referred to Puerto Rico as Burichena. In Zayas (1914: 102) We have seen in a 1517 document written Burinquén. Hernán Colón in Iglesias (1947: 150) uses the term Boriquén as have other authors regarding Puerto Rican natives. These are historically verifiable terms by Pedro Mártir de Anglería, Hernán Colón, Zayas and others which do not create a cultural crisis. Borincano or Borinqueños integrates into the Puerto Rican communities promoting the organic nature of the soil what is natural to these islands: in typical uniformity. Fewkes (1903: 219) notes: … the various accounts we have of the West Indian tribes indicate that Borinquen Indians were a mixture composed of Arauca and Caribbean race. Yet, Fewkes substitutes what he knew about native Caribbean tribes for tainos. In Navarrete (1941: 33) 25 citing Americo Vespucci: Among them are many varieties of languages. … that from a hundred to hundred leagues they no longer understand each other. Fewkes in the above passage refers to Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans as, Borinquen or Borinqueños natives as a mixture, which in facts is the pre-Columbian native Caribbean typical uniformity. Fewkes failure to identify tribes, bands and clans singularly spearheaded the move to commercialize the taino fixation for academic advantages, thus, advancing the contemporary cultural crisis. Pedro Mártir de Anglería (1989: 139): … not Diego himself, who at the entrance of Cuba had understood the language of the natives, understood these. The Lucayan Diego Colón visited Dominica, Guadeloupe, Cuba and other islands on their way to the Hispaniola and recognized a different language to his in Cuba. We have Fernández de Navarrete, Amerigo Vespucio, Mártir de Anglería, and Diego identifying varieties of languages representative of multiple ethnic groups cohabiting independent Caribbean organic lands. The substantial Caribbean lexicography is evidence of tribal independence. Selecting Brinton (1871), Zayas (1914) Tejera (1935, 1951, 1977) and Courtz 2008 gathering earlier works of (Boyer 1640, Pretpratt, 1653-1654; Biet 1664; Adams 1893; Goeje 1909; Ahlbrinck 1914-1916-1931; Salle de L 'Estaing dictionary, French eighteenth century., Taylor, Hogg etc.) we can analyse the evolution of both native languages and distinctive cultures. Courtz (2008) Carib dictionary points to "t(y)-ainakùme" rounded hands, "tainaposine" sweet hands, "tainasare" open hands, and "tainamorane" hand gestures all these words are prefixed taina they express hand movements, salutation or gestures. Taino as a singular word representing a race or language is non-existent. Zayas (1914) tells of the Spaniards: … these shouted from the boat Tayno to the aborigines. Both, Courtz and Zayas interpretations agree on the meaning of tayno as "peace or good." Fewkes (1903) translates it as Peace, peace, or We are friends. The interesting thing is that Fewkes says: Among the first words Heard by the comrades of Columbus when they landed in Guadalupe were “Taino! taino!... when in fact it was the Spaniards who shouted to the aborigines "Tayno, tayno.” Fewkes translation is incorrect it can be said that based on that mistake he promoted the inexistent taino to substitute Antillean, Arawak’s, most Caribbean races and native tribes. Fewkes spelling of taino as stated earlier is only consistent with Rafinesque not with Dr. Chanca, Mártir de Angelaría, Major or even Olson & Bourne who use Tayno. Zayas (1914) correctly identifies the original idea of Dr Chanca also in accordance with Mártir de Angelaría and the original translation of Major (1847) where Fewkes, Olson & Bourne, Harrington, Loven, Alegria, Rouse and others are inconsistent with original documents of historical importance. 24 Stahl, Agustín. Los Indios Borinqueños. Imprenta y Librería de Acosta, 1889. 25 Fernández de Navarrete, M. Viajes de Américo Vespucio. Vol. 1, Calpe, 1941. Fernández de Navarrete, M. Colección de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los españoles desde fines del siglo XV: con varios documentos inéditos concernientes á la historia de la Marina Castellana y de los Establecimientos Españoles de Indias. Tomo 4. Expediciones al Maluco; Viaje de Magallanes y de Elcano / coordinada e ilustrada por Martín Fernández de Navarrete. 1837. ISSN 2394-9694 International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences Vol. 5, Issue 5, pp: (243-256), Month: September - October 2018, Available at: www.noveltyjournals.com Page | 253 Novelty Journals V. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS The perpetuation of a single native Caribbean term fixation considering there are present-day real people in cultural crisis due to it: is unjustifiable. This study confirms how the taino term and terminology continue to be imposed upon the Caribbean simply to fill academic spaces that otherwise would require a historically verifiable and legitimate sets of ethnonyms and exonyms to clarify the current state of disarray. Let’s end by clarifying that the taino, its’s terminologies and components are nothing, but audacious research theories turning into a 21 th century cultural crisis. Make no mistake, the tainos never existed as a race, language or tribe it is exclusively a fixation. A non-native metamorphosis assuming an ancestral person is illegitimate, unjustifiable and in no way can it replace history or ancestry. The conclusion is clear, and the findings are historically verifiable, legitimate and justifiable:  The tainos as a native Caribbean group is a fixation, their application fills imprecise and convoluted spaces.  Tainan culture, taino mythology and other taino terminologies are illusory theories.  The Greater Caribbean had dozens of native bands and tribes that have been ignored as are their descendants. This study strongly recommends corrections be made in Bahamas, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti and Puerto Rico by distancing pre-Columbian Caribbean native’s history from any terminology associated with the term taino. These islands native descendants have a legitimate ancestral right to their own legacy. The core of the cultural crisis includes all people, yet: Caribbean children and young students are at risk and should not be educated to believe that a contemporary academic illusory term can in any way become a real ancestor. Corrections require immediate attention: to save the future of children. The educational systems in the geographical areas covered by this study should correct and return to history-based verifiable ethnonyms and exonyms presenting to their citizenship only a known and reliable national ancestral legacy. Other areas of the world should take notice of terms and terminologies as this cultural crisis is not unique to the geographic region discussed in this study. The need to know ancestry unambiguously is imperative. REFERENCES [1] Abbad y Lasierra, Fray Iñigo. Historia, Geografía Civil y Natural de La Isla de Puerto Rico. José Julián de Acosta y Calbo, 1866. [2] Acosta, Joseph de. Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias. 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