work_22qtuoyisrexdikqegdtf7wpxe	----	RHYTHM PUZZLE - ANSWER DOI 10.1007/s12471-016-0832-8 Neth Heart J (2016) 24:435–437 Regular pulse rate but irregular heart rate? B. Bellmann1,4 · C. Gemein2 · P. Schauerte3 Published online: 4 April 2016 © The Author(s) 2016. This article is available at SpringerLink with Open Access The 12-lead ECG shows a ventricular bigeminy with right bundle branch block, which is evidence of a left ventricular origin. The inferior axis and repetitive monomorphic oc- currence points to an origin from the outflow tract. Thus, the diagnosis is repetitive left ventricular outflow tract pre- mature beats. This extrasystole can be found in healthy individuals and does not increase the risk of sudden cardiac death. However, due to the short coupling interval of the extrasystole there is almost no diastolic filling before the extrasystolic beat, thus leading to a pulse deficit which is aggravated by the lack of a subsequent sinus beat (postex- trasystolic pause). The subsequent sinus beat is augmented due to postextrasystolic potentiation and a prolonged dias- tole. During bigeminy there is a 2:1 pulse deficit leading to the reported slow but regular pulse rates of the patient. Outflow tract premature beats often show a fixed coupling interval due to triggered activity during phase III of the action potential (early afterdepolarisation) and thus some- times responds to calcium channel inhibitors such as vera- pamil. Beta-blockers may be effective but sides effects such � B. Bellmann barbara.bellmann@charite.de 1 Department of Cardiology, Charité Berlin Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany 2 Department of Cardiology, University Hospital Gießen, Gießen, Germany 3 Kardiologie an der Rudower Chaussee, Berlin, Germany 4 Department of Cardiology, University Hospital, Technical University Aachen RWTH, Aachen, Germany Fig. 1 Ablation catheter in the ascending aorta below the left main coronary artery as visualised by a diagnostic angiography catheter (JL-4). Additional electrode catheters are positioned in the high right atrium and right ventricle. Due to the anatomical proximity of the coronary artery to the origin of the arrhythmia at the left coronary sinus cusp, ablation is carried out under imaging of the coronary ves- sels. The ablation catheter and two diagnostic catheters, one in the atrium and one in the ventricle, are also shown. (LAD left anterior descending) as arterial hypotension decrease compliance, especially in young adults. Accordingly, in this patient, ablation of the arrhythmia was scheduled. For electrophysiological mapping, a de- flectable mapping and ablation catheter was introduced ret- rogradely into the left ventricle and mapping of the earli- est ventricular activity was performed during spontaneous ventricular premature beats. In this case, earliest activity was recorded above the aortic valve inside the left coro- nary sinus cusp. Pacing from this site revealed a similar http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1007/s12471-016-0832-8&domain=pdf 436 Neth Heart J (2016) 24:435–437 Fig. 2 Under such ablations at critical points, imaging from differ- ent levels is important to safely prevent injury to the coronary arteries. (LAD left anterior descending) 12-lead ECG morphology as during spontaneous ventricu- lar premature beats. Due to the proximity to the left main coronary artery, a left coronary angiography catheter was positioned into the left main coronary artery (Fig. 1 and 2) and simultaneous visualisation during ablation at this site was performed to identify impeding damage to the coro- nary vessel [1]. Ablation was performed using an irrigated catheter and the arrhythmia terminated after 10 seconds of radiofrequency ablation (Fig. 3). On the right side of the ECG you can see ST elevation which is documented near the coronary artery. After the ablation, this completely re- solved. Since then, the patient has been free of symptoms and repetitive Holter ECGs did not show a recurrence of the arrhythmia. Conflict of interest B. Bellmann, C. Gemein and P. Schauerte state that there are no conflicts of interest. References 1. Jauregui AME, Campos B, Park KM, et al. Ablation of ventricu- lar arrhythmias arising near the anterior epicardial veins from the left sinus of Valsalva region: ECG features, anatomic distance, and outcome. Heart Rhythm. 2012;9:865–873. Neth Heart J (2016) 24:435–437 437 Fig. 3 12-lead ECG with termination of the premature beats (arrow) under radiofrequency ablation. On the right side of the ECG you can see ST elevation (*) which is documented near the coronary artery. After the ablation, these completely resolved Regular pulse rate but irregular heart rate? References 
work_26nhqvmztzhljeufl75hmtirqi	----	The Doorstep to the Temple of Wisdom THE BOTTOM LINE From the Baltim Financial d Correspon Depar Orlea gbvog Received J � 2011 Am 1083-8791 doi:10.101 The Doorstep to the Temple of Wisdom Georgia Vogelsang ‘‘The doorstep to the temple of wisdom is knowl- edge of our own ignorance.’’ Benjamin Franklin. In this issue, Pidala and colleagues report the ap- palling state of ignorance and confusion regarding withdraw of immunosuppression (IS) after allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (allo HCT) [1]. The authors document marked variation practice (even within the same transplant group), high esti- mates of graft-vs-host disease (GVHD) emerging in the setting of IS taper, and limited confidence of trans- plant physicians in their therapeutic decisions. The egress from the temple of stem cell transplant is indeed a jumbled muddle. The investigators surveyed the American Society Blood and Marrow Transplantation members using a series of clinical vignettes to explore IS management after allo HCT. Unfortunately, only 21% of physician members participated, which does add a note of con- cern over the validity of the results. Even with this ca- veat, the results are alarming. For example, 25% indicated that they had no consistent strategy for IS ta- pering and half said they had no institutional guidelines for IS tapering. There was marked variation among re- spondents in the taper schedule both in terms of timing and drug dose reduction even in the base case of an un- complicated HLA identical sibling HCT. As the inves- tigators added complexity to the base case (use of peripheral blood, unrelated donor graft, relapse post transplant, and so forth), the variations and uncertainty increased. Moreover, the respondents estimated that the IS approach they used was likely to result in recur- rent acute GVHD (aGVHD) and/or chronic GVHD (cGVHD) in many patients. A total of 41% reported that their current strategy for IS management post- HCT is not adequate, and 26% admitted that they are either uncomfortable or very uncomfortable with making decisions in the management of IS post-HCT. Department of Oncology, Johns Hopkins Hospital, ore, Maryland. isclosure: See Acknowledgment on page 1418. dence and reprint requests: Georgia Vogelsang, MD, tment of Oncology, Johns Hopkins Hospital, 1650 ns Street, Room 2M89, Baltimore, MD 21231 (e-mail: elsang@gmail.com). uly 28, 2011; accepted August 4, 2011 erican Society for Blood and Marrow Transplantation /$36.00 6/j.bbmt.2011.08.004 What happened to create this muddle of uncer- tainty? There are multiple factors. First, transplanta- tion has become more diverse. It has gone from 2 basic transplant types (autologous or identical sibling allogeneic) to almost endless combinations of donor types and stem cell sources. Results from clinical trials are often being applied to patients quite different from the original study group. More concerning, these trials were designed to look at engraftment and GVHD pro- phylaxis, not at effective IS tapering. Although some do report rates of cGVHD, none truly report the bur- den of GVHD occurring on taper or how many pa- tients required reinstitution of IS. Thus, transplant physicians must make their best guess how to adapt the published regimens to their diverse transplant types. Second, the patient population has also changed, expanding to include older patients and pa- tients with multiple medical illnesses, with marginal organ reserves. This group of patients has less immu- nologic plasticity and tolerance induction is likely more difficult. The growth of cord blood transplants has introduced a group with the potential for greater immunologic plasticity. Strikingly, the basic practice of transplantation in many ways has not changed. Care of a patient receiving a transplant is usually trans- ferred to a transplant center for a limited period of time. This care model has long impeded the study and care of patients with cGVHD. It certainly contrib- utes to the lack of research into withdraw of IS. Finally, the few trials of prolonged IS in an attempt to reduce the rates of recurrent aGVHD and cGVHD have produced mixed results with no clear indication that longer standard IS is better [2]. Likewise, attempts to prevent cGVHD using immunomodulatory agents have not proven successful [3]. Indeed, the recent premature closure of the HOVON 76 trial of Lenali- domide after reduced-intensity allogeneic transplanta- tion highlights that the unanticipated (induction of aGVHD) may occur even with agents that have been well tolerated in other posttransplant situations (relapse or progression of multiple myeloma) [4]. Is the situation then a hopeless muddle? Certainly the Pidala paper [1] shows that transplant physicians are extremely uncomfortable with the current state and that there is a wide variation in how patients are managed. The investigators suggest several possible approaches to improve our current state of ignorance. Retrospective studies could examine successful IS 1417 mailto:gbvogelsang@gmail.com http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bbmt.2011.08.004 1418 Biol Blood Marrow Transplant 17:1417-1418, 2011G. Vogelsang discontinuation rates according to tapering schedule. Prospective observational studies could record the IS taper and the associated outcomes. They suggest that this data be used to design prospective randomized trial comparing best approaches for tapering and dis- continuation of IS. My own belief is that the often competing factors listed above that created the muddle make prospective clinical trials comparing the with- draw strategies identified as the ‘‘best’’ extremely com- plicated, time consuming, expensive, and may still produce equivocal results. The investigators suggest another path that is more likely to be fruitful. If vali- dated biomarkers of post-HCT immune tolerance can be developed, these could be used to generate a personalized and informed strategy for IS discontin- uation after allo HCT. Our understanding of the genes regulating tolerance after transplant has improved sig- nificantly in solid organ transplantation. As summa- rized recently in an excellent review in this journal, the current concept is that tolerant solid organ trans- plant patients have a state of immune quiescence with reduced expression of costimulation and immune response genes, and upregulation of cell cycle control genes [5]. CD41CD251FoxP31 regulatory T cells and likely natural killer cells also play important roles in tolerance. Unfortunately, not much is known about the corresponding tolerant stem cell transplant pa- tient, but these same techniques should be able to de- termine the genetic and cellular profile of tolerant patients. Should these markers be validated, this would allow for rationally designed strategies for IS discon- tinuance. This approach has the multiple benefits. IS manipulation could be focused on the nontolerant pa- tients who have the most to gain from success while sparing the cost and toxicity of IS in that group of patients who have already achieved a tolerant state. These IS manipulations could be directed at the iden- tified defect. This approach would also avoid the diffi- culty of having to test IS discontinuance in all the diverse combinations of transplant types. To close with another quote from Benjamin Franklin, ‘‘Being ignorant is not so much a shame, as being unwilling to learn.’’ This paper is a call to all that we have much to learn before we are able to opti- mally manage the final step of the stem cell transplant procedure. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Financial disclosure: The authors has nothing to de- clare. REFERENCES 1. Pidala J, Lee SJ, Quinn G, Jim H, Kim J, Anasetti C. Variation in management of immune suppression after allogeneic hematopoi- etic cell transplantation. Biol Blood Marrow Transplant. 2001 April 11 [Epup ahead of print]. 2. Kansu E, Gooley T, Flowers ME, et al. Administration of cyclo- sporine for 24 months compared with 6 months for prevention of chronic graft-versus-host disease: a prospective randomized clin- ical trial. Blood. 2001;98:3868-3870. 3. Chao NJ, Parker PM, Niland JC, et al. Paradoxical effect of tha- lidomide prophylaxis on chronic graft-vs.-host disease. Biol Blood Marrow Transplant. 1996;2:86-92. 4. Kneppers E, van der Holt B, Kersten MJ, et al. Lenalidomide maintenance following non-myeloablative allogeneic stem cell transplantation in multiple myeloma is not feasible: results of the HOVON 76 trial. Blood. 2011 June 20. Epub ahead of print]. 5. Pidala J, Bloom GC, Enkemann S, Eschrich S, Lancaster J, Anasetti C. Biomarkers to discern transplantation tolerance after allogeneic hematopoietic cell transplantation. Biol Blood Marrow Transplant. 2010;16:729-738. The Doorstep to the Temple of Wisdom Acknowledgments References 
work_25dcj7duczc3habhr2kdi3m4pq	----	The American Archivist / Vol. 43, No. 1 / Winter 1980 43 Views in Review: A Historiographical Perspective on Historical Editing FREDRIKA J. TEUTE In a letter of 19 March 1823 James Madison commented to Edward Ever- ett, On reviewing my political papers & correspondence, I find much that may deserve to be put into a proper state for preservation; and some things that may not in equal amplitude be found elsewhere. The case is doubtless the same with other individuals whose public lives have extended thro' the same long & pregnant period. It has been the misfortune of history, that a personal knowledge and an impartial judgment of things rarely meet in the historian. The best history of our Country therefore must be the fruit of contributions bequeathed by contem- porary actors & witnesses, to succes- sors who will make an unbiassed use of them. And if the abundance & au- thenticity of the materials which still exist in the private as well as public re- positories among us shd. descend to hands capable of doing justice to them, the[n] American History may be ex- pected to contain more truth, and les- sons, certainly not less valuable, than that of any Country or age.1 Significantly, the last sentence from this Madison quotation appeared on the title page of the National Historical Publications Commission's 1963 re- port. Implied was that the commission considered itself the beneficiary and executor of Madison's trust and that it shared Madison's faith in the para- mount value and instructive power of American history. The same sense of historical self-importance and special mission of spreading the "truth" has descended from Madison's time to our own. As Jesse Lemisch pointed out eight years ago, the inception of the current program of modern, scholarly historical editing projects2 in the early 1 Gaillard Hunt, ed., The Writings of James Madison, 9 vols. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900- 1910), 9: 128-29. 2 The projects considered in this paper include those which have been underway for some time and have published at least one volume that has been reviewed in scholarly history journals. The projects are: Adams Family; John C. Calhoun; John Carroll; Henry Clay; Jefferson Davis; Benjamin Franklin; Ulysses S. Grant; Nathanael Greene; Alexander Hamilton; Joseph Henry; James Iredell; John Jay; Thomas Jefferson; Andrew Johnson; Henry Laurens; James Madison; John Marshall; George Mason; Robert Morris; James K. Polk; Booker T. Washington; George Washington; Daniel Webster; and Woodrow Wilson. The institutional projects under consideration are: Documentary History of the First Federal Congress; Documentary History of the First Federal Flections; Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution; and Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789. Microfilm projects have not been included. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 44 T h e American Archivist/ Winter 1980 1950s was colored with the political overtones of the Cold War era.3 In the commission's r e p o r t of 1954, the opinion was expressed that Publication of the papers of the Na- tion's leaders, even in a critical period of international crisis, would be evi- dence both at home and abroad of an abiding faith in the future of the Na- tion. In times like these when the democratic world is seriously threat- ened by enemies within and without its borders, they believe that an un- derstanding of the American heritage and of the ideas and ideals upon which it rests is vitally important. . . . The publication of well-edited primary sources is an investment in the future. . . . They will . . . yield year after year national and international benefits of enduring character.4 A decade later, reflecting the inter- national political situation of the early 1960s, the commission was promoting these projects with the claim that "only a free people could dare reveal the whole of its past triumphs and failures . . . [which required] no manipulated or authoritarian pattern of interpreta- tion."5 T h e preservation and publi- < cation of presidential papers as a sym- bol of the openness of American society was made explicit by one of the editors of these projects at about the same time as the 1963 commission report. Lyman H. Butter field wrote that these activities will guarantee historians the means of re-creating whole men and essential keys to the whole truth about their periods of activity on the American scene. I know comparatively little about librar- ies and archives in Soviet Russia, but I have not heard of a library built to house the papers of Joseph Stalin and to make them available in orderly stages to scholarly investigators. Nor would I be inclined to trust any com- pilation of his papers or biographical or monographic work on Stalin until these things are done.6 Such expressions reflect Madison's assumption that later generations of historians, because of their detach- ment, would write "impartial" and "unbiassed" history based on the manuscripts of public men such as himself. T h e conviction that "the whole truth" could be derived from such sources paralleled Madison's belief that the American history written from these materials would contain great truths and lessons. T h e self-conscious preservation and transferral to poster- ity of their papers by the public "actors & witnesses" of Madison's genera- tion were indicative of a keen appreci- ation of their own historical impor- tance. This emphasis on individuals 3 Jesse Lemisch, "The American Revolution Bicentennial and the Papers of Great White Men," AHA Newsletter 9 (Nov. 1971): 7-21, passim. 4 National Historical Publications Commission, A National Program for the Publication of Historical Doc- uments: A Report to the President by the National Historical Publications Commission (NHPC: Washington, D.C., 1954), p. 14. See also Lester J. Cappon's review of volume 1 ofThe Papers ofThomas Jefferson, in the Journal of Southern History (hereafter cited asJSH). Cappon says: "National and world-wide issues of the mid-twentieth century have reawakened an appreciation of his [Jefferson's] kinship with free men in their struggle against bigotry and tyranny in many forms." (JSH 16 [1950]: 532.) 5 National Historical Publications Commission, A Report to the President Containing a Proposal by the National Historical Publications Commission to Meet Existing and Anticipated Needs over the Next Ten Years under a National Program for the Collection, Preservation, and Publication, or Dissemination by Other Means, of the Documentary Sources of American History (NHPC: Washington, D.C., 1963), p. 3. 6 Lyman H. Butterfield, " T h e Recent Past," in L. H. Butterfield and Julian P. Boyd, eds., Historical Editing in the United States: Papers read at the 150th Annual Meeting of the American Antiquarian Society (Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 1962, reprint, 1963), p. 28. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 Historical Editing 45 prominent in history has continued down to our own day and is reflected in the current editions of papers which are a part of and contribute toward partial history, rather than the whole of our past aimed at by both Madison and the National Historical Publica- tions and Records Commission. Largely owing to Madison's self- awareness, and that of other public fig- ures, we do have a rich heritage of doc- uments worth preserving. But the commission's assertion that "it does not directly promote the study of his- tory or concern itself with the writing of history"7 is insupportable; and its belief that "these editions will endure because they are above suspicion of partisanship and because in their in- clusiveness they anticipate the chang- ing interests of future historians"8 is highly questionable. Not the commis- sion itself so much, but its expression of a widely held assumption that these projects are value-free and exist out- side of the continuum of American historiography deserves scrutiny. Of course the commission's activities and the editing of these volumes promote the study of history, and a particular kind of history, usually centered around a single figure of public prom- inence. As one reviewer has said, "The enormous investment of professional financial resources in such projects is a continuing reaffirmation of belief, even faith, in the towering importance of bi- ographical study in the pursuit of un- derstanding of the past."9 Involved also is the writing of his- tory; hardly any of these editions claim to be publishing volumes devoid of his- torical interpretation. And the history written in them has at times revealed limited perspective, outdated histo- riography, or careless scholarship of the editors. The Papers of James Iredell, particularly, has come under heavy at- tack for poor editing, inaccurate texts, and outmoded and superficial, or else silent, treatment of issues of current historiographical interest.10 Such criticism points to one of the distinguishing characteristics of these modern editions: the historical notes written around the documents. These emendations have come to be expected in the editions, but have also become a focal point of controversy about them.11 Almost thirty years ago, with his review of the first volume of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Lester Cap- pon heralded the beginning of the era of comprehensive, scholarly editions. He singled out as particularly notewor- thy Julian Boyd's editorial notes for being "gems of historical criticism, as interesting and provocative as the 7 N H P C , A Report to the President, p . 26. 8 Ibid., p . 2 3 . 9 T h o m a s B. Alexander, review of The Papers of Andrew Johnson, vol. 2, in JSH 38 (1972): 147. 10 Reviews of The Papers of James Iredell, vols. 1-2, by Philander D. Chase, in American Historical Review (hereafter cited as AHR) 82 (1977): 1062; by Charles Cullen, in Journal of American History (hereafter cited as JAH) 65 (1978): 412-13; and by Marvin L. Michael Kay, in William and Mary Quarterly (here- after cited as WMQ) 35, 3d series (1978): 588-89. For similar criticism of other projects, see Edwin A. Miles, review of The Papers of James K. Polk, vol. 3, in JSH 42 (1976): 284-85; Forrest McDonald, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 20- 22 and 23-24, in WMQ 33, 3d series (1976): 678-80 and WMQ 34, 3d series (1977): 671; John Tracy Ellis, review of The John Carroll Papers, vols. 1-3, in AHR 82 (1977): 736-37; Seward W. Livermore, review of The Papers ofWoodrow Wilson, vols. 23-24, in AHR 83 (1978): 1356-57; and David Ammer- man, review of Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, vols. 1-2, inJAH 66 (1979-80): 127-28. 11 Many reviews of the editions reveal implicitly and explicitly this expectation. See, for instance, Brooke Hindle, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 1, in Mississippi Valley Historical Review D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 46 The American Archivist/ Winter 1980 manuscripts to which they pertain."12 Far more than Cappon could have an- ticipated at the time, Julian Boyd, by his methods of historical and textual criticism, established new standards for historical editing.13 Fifteen years after his initial review, Cappon conse- quently put forth "A Rationale for His- torical Editing Past and Present," in which he defined the new breed of "scholar-editors" as historians whose responsibility lay "in transmitting au- thentic and accurate texts . . . and . . . in making these texts more intelligi- ble."14 To achieve the latter he advo- cated the Boydian method of relating the particular documents of the man to the larger body of records of the age. Part of the editor's function was to provide interpretative and critical commentary. Cappon asserted that "if research has provided the hard core of his editing, there is no sound reason why he should not write history from the documents at his command."15 Such justification of historical editing is indicative of the concern, expressed then and since, that the historical profession has not accorded editors proper recognition and status as seri- ous historians and scholars.16 At the same time, however, their vol- umes have been promoted as defini- tive—a status that may be claimed for a conventional work of history, but that rarely proves to be so. Modern scholar-editors have wanted it both ways: that they be considered practic- ing historians, but that their product be considered beyond the reach of time. The admonishment of Charles Beard seems appropriate here: Every student of history knows that his colleagues have been influenced in their selection and ordering of mate- (hereafter cited as MVHR) 46 (1959-60): 705; Jack C. Barnes, review of The Papers of Benjamin Frank- lin, vol. 1, inJSH 26 (1960): 231; Lester J. Cappon, review of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vols. 13- 15, in JSH 26 (1960): 234; Brooke Hindle, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 5-6, in MVHR 50 (1963-64): 115; E.James Ferguson, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 5-6, in ibid.: 119-20; Charles Sellers, review of The Papers of Henry Clay, vol. 3, inJSH 30 (1964): 357; Cecelia Kenyon, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 2-5, in WMQ 21, 3d series (1964): 130-31; Noble E. Cunningham, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 8-9, in JSH 32 (1966): 544; Forrest McDonald, review ofThe Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 5-13, in WMQ 26, 3d series (1969): 115; Dewey W. Grantham, review of The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vols. 5-6, in JAH 56 (1969-70): 890; Norman K. Risjord, review of The Papers of George Mason, vols. 1-3, in JAH 58 (1971-72): 986; Joseph A. Ernst, review of The Papers of Robert Morns, vol. 1, in WMQ 31, 3d series (1974): 515-16; Edmund S. Morgan, review ofThe Adams Family Correspondence, vols. 3—4, inAHR 80 (1975): 490-91; Kent Newmyer, review of The Papers of John Marshall, vol. 1, inJAH 62 (1975-76): 359-60; Ludwell H. Johnson III, review of The Papers of Jefferson Davis, vol. 2, in JSH 42 (1976): 119-21; Philander D. Chase, review ofThe Papers ofJames Iredell, vols. \-2,\nAHR 82(1977): 1061; and Warren W. Hassler, Jr., review of The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, vol. 6, in JSH 44 (1978): 126-27. 12JSH 16 (1950): 533. See also David Potter's prescient review of the first volume, in MVHR 37 (1950-51): 312-14. 13 See Leonard W. Levy, review of The Papers of James Madison, vol. 1, inMVHR 49 (1962-63): 504; Joseph A. Ernst, review of The Papers of Robert Morris, vol. 1, in WMQ 31, 3d series (1974): 515-16; Merrill D. Peterson, review of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vols. 18-19, in WMQ 32, 3d series (1975): 656-58. UWMQ 23, 3d series (1966): 57. 15 Ibid., p. 73. 16 See, for instance, Julian P. Boyd, "The Next Stage," in Butterfield and Boyd, eds., Historical Editing in the United States, pp. 29-48, passim; and Stanley J. Idzerda, "The Editor's Training and Status in the Historical Profession," in Leslie W. Dunlap and Fred Shelley, eds., The Publication of American Historical Manuscripts (Iowa City: University of Iowa Libraries, 1976), pp. 11—29. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 Historical Editing 47 rials by their biases, prejudices, be- liefs, affections . . . and if he has a sense of propriety, to say nothing of humor, he applies the canon to him- self, leaving no exceptions to the rule. The pallor of waning time, if not of death, rests upon the latest volume of history, fresh from the roaring press.17 The editors and volumes of the cur- rent papers projects are not exempt from this injunction. Historian-editors have their biases like other historians, but they can hide them behind the duality of their function. Aileen Krad- itor, in a review essay, pointed out the possibilities of prejudicing the per- spective through the editor's role in selecting the documents. She convinc- ingly demonstrated "that different ed- itorial frameworks and the decisions made within them affect the reader's picture of the subject to a far greater degree than he probably imagines."18 The criteria of selection "can be inter- preted differently by different editors and by the historians who use the vol- umes. Especially is this true now, when historians are reexamining the rela- tionship between individual psychol- ogy and group activity."19 A fine balance must be sought be- tween inclusiveness and selectivity. Some historians have viewed the com- prehensiveness of the modern editions as embodying a "distracting dispropor- tion" by which important documents are engulfed by a horde of minutiae.20 Yet other scholars have lamented the omission of any document 21 and be- lieved the inclusion of routine items may yield "otherwise elusive informa- tion." That the interests of historians change, making what may once have seemed trivial significant, is an argu- ment used for including all apparently relevant material.22 Ultimately the choice lies with the editor, and concealed within the editor is the historian with his notions of sig- nificance and his conscious and uncon- scious historical values.23 On the other hand, the historian can use his role as editor to legitimize the researching, writing, and publishing of historical monographs within the volumes of ed- ited papers. An extensive investigation of the Hamilton-Beckwith affair was justified by Julian Boyd as "obligatory in view of the fact that the documents tracing the evolution of Jefferson's policy cannot be understood unless the validity of those to which in some de- gree they are a response is assessed."24 17 Charles A. Beard, "Written History as an Act of Faith," in Hans Meyerhof, ed., The Philosophy of History in Our Time (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1959), p. 141. 18 Aileen Kraditor, "Editing the Abolitionists," in Reviews in American History 1 (1973): 519. 19 Ibid., p. 520. 20 Reviews of The Papers of John Marshall, vol. 1, by Robert K. Faulkner, in WMQ 33, 3d series (1976): 154-55, and by Maxwell Bloomfield, inAHR 81 (1976): 1225; and review by David Herbert Donald, of The Papers of Jefferson Davis, vol. 2, in AHR 82 (1977): 1329-30. 21 Forrest McDonald, review ot The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 23-24, in WMQ 34, 3d series (1977): 671. 22 Robert M. Weir, review of The Papers of Henry Laurens, vols. 4—5, in WMQ 34, 3d series (1977): 667. 23 For instance, Robert A. Rutland implicitly criticized Merrill Jensen for incorporating his bias to- ward the Confederation period in vol. 1 of The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution by allotting a major portion of the space to documents relating to the Articles of Confederation. But, said Rutland, "every historical editor has a frame of reference." (Rutland's review is in WMQ 34, 3d series [1977]: 479-80.) 24 Julian P. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 19 vols. to date (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950-), 17:37. See the critical reviews of this volume by Dumas Malone inNew York Times Book Review, 12 Sept. 1965, pp. 44-45; and by Merrill D. Peterson in WMQ 23, 3d series (1966): 155-58. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 48 The American Archivist / Winter 1980 The example set by Boyd has been followed in varying degrees by other editors. Reviewers of The Papers of Jef- ferson Davis have found the editing "prolix," "excessive," "irrelevant." Laudatory of the editors' efforts, Lud- well H. Johnson found the annotation so "extensive" and "exhaustive" (but at times irrelevant) that investigators of collateral subjects would find the Davis volumes exceedingly helpful. David Herbert Donald commented that a biographer would need look no fur- ther for any material he might want to consult. Donald urged the editors to follow Robert A. Rutland's injunction: "Footnotes rarely endure and may serve an editor's vanity more than a scholar's needs. Thus we would do well to check our impulses, annotate sparingly, and leave the scholar free to make his own interpretations of Clio's wanderings."25 Is it really appropri- ate for the editor to aggrandize his function to the extent of usurping the historian's task? Such massive collecting of docu- ments and comprehensive annotating may be a boon to investigators who cannot afford the time and money for research as thorough, but there may be negative effects for the historians using these volumes. Noble E. Cun- ningham, in reviewing the impressive array of documents gathered by The Documentary History of the First Federal Elections, 1788-1790, said, " F u t u r e his- torians of these elections will miss the excitement of doing their own re- search, but they can be reasonably con- fident that, when this series is com- plete, they will have the full evidentiary record before them when they begin to write."26 This statement is arresting in its implications. That historians will no longer need to do their own re- search raises serious questions about the future quality of their work. The inclusiveness and convenience of these modern editing projects could well in- hibit rather than encourage the writ- ing of good history. The very process of independent research is the source of that inspiration which provides new insights and original interpretations. Eliminating the excitement from the historian's job may produce very dull history indeed. There is also a danger in being lulled into believing that the evidence is com- plete, accurate, and objective as it is presented in the modern, "complete" editions. Almost every project reaches a point at which it becomes necessary to omit some documents. The issues of how much has been omitted, and what the criteria were in choosing, are not always carefully delineated or applied consistently in the volumes. The user may unquestioningly assume he has all the relevant or significant material be- fore him when in fact he may not.27 25 R e v i e w s o f v o l . 2 oiThe Papers of Jefferson Davis, b y L u d w e l l H . J o h n s o n I I I inJSH 4 2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 1 1 9 - 21; by Charles P. Roland mJAH 62 (1975-76): 951-52; and by David Herbert Donald in AHR 82 (1977): 1329-30. 26 The Documentary History of the First Federal Elections, 1788-1790, v o l . 1, r e v i e w e d b y N o b l e E . C u n - ningham in WMQ 34, 3d series (1977): 482. See also the review of vol. 1 by John S. Pancake in which he comments that the "reader feels positively pampered." (Pancake's review is in JSH 43 [1977]: 289.) 27 See Dewey W. Grantham, review of The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vols. 18-19, in JAH 63 (1976- 77): 167; and Forrest McDonald, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 23-24, in WMQ 34, 3d series (1977): 671. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 Historical Editing 49 The collateral questions not only of a text's accuracy but of which text is used, although raised by a few review- ers,28 are not so frequently asked by historians or by historical editors as a recent literary critic thought essential. G. Thomas Tanselle has faulted histor- ical editors for their superficial and in- consistent approach to textual mat- ters.29 But his advocacy of applying the standards of the Center for Scholarly Editions (CSE) to historical editions tended to obscure the differences in the uses made of literary and historical documents. That the eclectic approach sponsored by the CSE is a matter of debate within the literary profession went unnoted. As Peter Shaw pointed out, the historical editor treats the doc- ument as a fact. While perhaps slight- ing the nuances which literary editors appreciate, he does not produce bowd- lerized versions claiming to represent the author's true, though unex- pressed, intent.30 Tanselle may be jus- tified in attacking the "partial modern- izations" of historical editions as inconsistent and insensitive to the au- thor's style and language, but the ec- lectic texts of the literary editions are no less subjective and oblivious of his- torical context. The attempt by the editor of which- ever profession to clarify the author's intentions is a risky business better left to the reader. When the editor pre- sents an interpretation of the author's character and motives, he may seri- ously mislead the reader. Even the way in which the documents are organized in the volumes can create an inaccu- rate impression. James H. Hutson has criticized the Adams Family project for the decision to publish the various pa- pers in separate series. The predomi- nantly political writings in the general correspondence of The Papers of John Adams gives the effect of "disembodied intellectualism, of ideas wrenched from their social context."31 To the extent that the editor's particular perspective informs his decision concerning the organizing and grouping of docu- ments, the impressions created by the sequence of materials are a result of his historical values. In reviewing The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, Brooke Hindle explored the potential for distortion in the presen- tation and interpretation of docu- ments by the historian-editor. Hindle raised the question of "whether the ed- itor's vantage point and the image he holds of Franklin influences his edit- ing . . . . Any interpretive essay must distort by generalizing upon the pa- pers contained; this one distorts by overemphasizing English politics and Franklin's own activities—which are, in some instances, not much reflected 28 J . A . L e o L e m a y , r e v i e w o f The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, v o l . 18, in AHR 8 1 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 1 2 2 4 ; C h a r l e s C r o w e , r e v i e w o f t h e s a m e , vols. 1 6 - 1 9 , in WMQ_ 3 5 , 3 d s e r i e s ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 5 5 - 5 9 ; a n d W i l l i a m L. J o y c e , r e v i e w of The Papers of John Adams, vols. 1-2, in American Archivist 4 1 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 9 0 . 29 G. T h o m a s T a n s e l l e , " T h e E d i t i n g o f H i s t o r i c a l D o c u m e n t s , " in Studies in Bibliography 3 1 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 28-29, 32-33, 35, 55. 30 See Peter Shaw, "The American Heritage and Its Guardians," in American Scholar 45 (1975-76): 739-41. 31 Review of The Papers of John Adams, Series III, General Correspondence, vols. 1-2, in WMQ 35, 3d series (1978): 751-53. On the same point, see Christopher Collier's review of The Papers, of Robert Morris, vol. 1, for limiting the publication to Morris's public papers as Superintendent of Finance. Collier argues that since the most controversial aspect of Morris's career was the combining of his private with his public business, the editors ought to be inclusive so that the reader may come to his own conclusions (AHR 80 [1975]: 1042-43). See also Donald Roper, review ofJohn Jay: The Making of a Revolutionary, I: Unpublished Papers, 1745-1780 (WMQ 34, 3d series [1977]: 134-36). D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 50 The American Archivist/ Winter 1980 in the papers."32 In a subsequent re- view Hindle expanded upon his objec- tions to the editorial concentration on Franklin's role in imperial politics at the expense of colonial political, cul- tural, and scientific matters. He postu- lated the conclusion "that the project has become unworkable. The satura- tion scholarship pioneered by Julian P. Boyd may have led historical editors down a blind alley, and it may be time to confess the crisis."33 Hindle's as- sessment of the situation appeared on the crest of a wave of increasingly crit- ical commentary upon the priorities of these long-term editorial endeavors. The attack essentially has been three- pronged. The question raised earliest has also recurred more recently, al- though with a somewhat different em- phasis: who deserves to be edited and published in letterpress volumes? Charles Sellers, in a review in 1960 of the first volume of The Papers of Henry Clay, doubted the utility of extending such "comprehensive publication" to secondary historical figures and sug- gested that the resources be put into collecting the documents into one dep- ository and making them available on microfilm.34 Such a policy in fact has been instituted by some of the newer projects, in conjunction with a selected edition of published papers.35 Yet there are a number of "second- ary" figures whose papers are being published in comprehensive editions. These men are not the Founding Fa- thers but the next generation of prom- inent American politicians, who tended not to be as historically minded or catholic in their interests and intellects as the revolutionary set. By general re- port, their letters, what there are of them, make tedious reading. Many of these men did not write much or well and did not bother to save what was written. These circumstances have led reviewers to look forward to future volumes perhaps containing more, and more important, letters of the subject. Reviewers have commented also that the editing of the documents is supe- rior in quality to the documents them- selves.36 This seems an inversion of the editorial purpose; the notes should ex- plicate the documents, not improve upon them. 32 Brooke Hindle, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 14-15, inJAH 60 (1973-74): 96- 97. William B. Willcox, the editor, has been roundly criticized on all of the points mentioned in the preceding paragraph. J. A. Leo Lemay, in his review of vol. 18, said that "at its worst, it is a deliberately selected edition, rather than a complete one, of unsound texts, full of officious editorializing" (AHR 81 [1976]: 1224). See also David Ammerman, review of vol. 20 of the same, in AHR 82(1977): 1321- 22. 33 Brooke Hindle, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 16-17, inJAH 60 (1973-74): 1073. 3 4 /SH26(1960): 240. 35 Most notably, The Papers of Daniel Webster. See reviews by Maurice G. Baxter, of vol. 1, in JAH 62 (1975-76): 360; of vol. 2, inJAH 63 (1976-77): 977-78; and by Norman D. Brown, of vol. 1, mJSH 41 (1975): 542. Also, about The Papers of Joseph Henry, see n. 55, below. 36 Those who have borne the brunt of such commentary are James K. Polk, Andrew Johnson, and, to a lesser degree, John C. Calhoun. Robert V. Remini said of Polk that he has been "fantastically lucky" and well served both then and now. The implication is that Polk has gotten better than he deserved both in Charles Seller's "fine" biography and in the "superbly yet unobtrusively edited" papers (review of The Correspondence of James K. Polk, vol. 3, in JAH 62 [1975-76] : 950). See also reviews of vol. 4, by the same, in JAH 65 (1978-79): 726-28; and by Edwin A. Miles, in JSH 44 (1978): 462. In regard to The Papers of Andrew Johnson, J. H. Parks, in commenting on the paucity of Andrew Johnson items, said that "the serious student may find the editors' notes more interesting and valuable than the letters reproduced" (review of vol. 4, in JAH 64 [1977-78]: 110). See also his reviews of vols. 1 and 2, inJAH 55 (1968-69): 404-5; and 58 (1971-72): 121; and Thomas B. Alexander, reviews of vols. 1 and 4, inJSH 34 (1968): 453-54, and 43 (1977): 131. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 Historical Editing 51 Such projects may well serve to in- flate the stature and importance of certain personages in our past and to allocate time and money that could better be expended elsewhere. In his November 1971 AHA Newsletter article, "The American Revolution Bicenten- nial and the Papers of Great White Men," Jesse Lemisch probed this question further. He argued that the publications program had been ex- cluding "those who were not great, not white, not men." He has since con- tended that history in America in the 1970s encompasses a broader defini- tion than that of "notable," "distin- guished" people and has urged that the National Historical Publications and Records Commission redirect its think- ing and support toward assembling and publishing records of the "inarticulate."37 Interrelated with the question of whom to publish is the question of amount of time and money spent. Criticism on these grounds in- creased as publication schedules and costs were steadily revised upward. Concomitantly, the issue of detailed annotation and "editorial im- perialism" came to the fore as the pace of publication in many of the projects slowed down and the editorial apparatus burgeoned.38 Indicative of the situation is that the quotation given at the beginning of this article was taken from an edition of Madison's writings published seventy years ago; the current Madison project has to publish almost thirty-five years of his life before it reaches this letter. To varying degrees many of the projects are in a similar state of arrears. As put by Leonard Levy, "These volumes are being edited for posterity, and their publication will probably continue un- til their audience arrives."39 This wave of condemnation against the elaborateness and costliness of the projects had reached its peak by 1975. The protest markedly subsided there- after. Extensive editorial apparatus be- gan to be praised again and little com- For The Papers of John C. Calhoun, see John A. Munroe's comment that Calhoun "remains a non- person, an office," in his review of vol. 4, in JAH 57 (1970-71): 135. See also his reviews of vols. 2 and 8-9, in MVHR 50 (1963-64): 306, and JAH 64 (1977-78): 1064; and Harry Ammons, review of vol. 8, inJSH 41 (1975): 549-50. 37 Jesse Lemisch, "The Papers of Great White Men"; and "The Papers of a Few Great Black Men and a Few Great White Women," in The Maryland Historian 6 (1975): 48, and 63-65. 38 Sellers raised the question of time and money in his review of The Papers of Henry Clay, vol. 1, in JSH 26 (1960): 240. Leonard Levy was one of the first to attack extensive annotation, and did so in his reviews of The Papers of James Madison, vols. 1-2, in MVHR 49 (1962-63): 505-6, and of vol. 3 in JAH 51 (1964—65): 299-301. Critical reviews on both of these points became more frequent in the latter part of the 1960s and may be linked with the appearance of vol. 17 of the Jefferson Papers in 1965, which contained a disproportionate number of editorial notes and was not published until four years after the preceding volume. Criticism seems to have been spurred on after Lemisch's attack in 1971. It had reached a crescendo around the time of Hindle's review in 1974. See, for instance, Dumas Malone, review of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 17, in New York Times Book Review, 12 Sept. 1965, pp. 44-45; Merrill D. Peterson, review of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 17, in WMQ 23, 3d series (1966): 155-58; John Howe, review of The Earliest Diary of John Adams, in ibid.: 652; W. W. Abbot, review of The Papers of James Madison, vol. 4, in AHR 74 (1968-69): 709; Leonard W. Levy, review of The Papers of James Madison, vols. 4-7, inJAH 59 (1972-73): 116-17; Robert McColley, reviews of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 18, inJSH 38 (1972): 656-57, and of vol. 19, in JSH 41 (1975): 256; Brooke Hindle, reviews of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 14-15, inJAH 60 (1973-74): 96-98, and vols. 16-17, in ibid.: 1071-73; E.James Ferguson, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 16-17, in ibid.: 409-11; Glyndon Van Deusen, review ot The Papers of Henry Clay, vol. 4, in ibid.: 415; Donald Fleming, review of The Papers of Joseph Henry, vol. 1, in ibid.: 1073; and Joseph Ernst, review of The Papers of Robert Morris, vol. 1, in WMQ 31, 3d series (1974): 516. 39 Review of The Papers of James Madison, vols. 4-7, in JAH 59 (1972-73): 117. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 52 The American Archivist/ Winter 1980 ment was made about the rate at which volumes were published.40 On the other hand, projects which seemed to have responded to earlier criticism and to economic pressures by limiting edito- rial notes, abstracting some documents and leaving out others, have recently come under attack for these now per- ceived sins of omission.41 The shifts in the attitudes of reviewers toward these papers projects have root in contem- porary historical developments. In his important article "The American Her- itage and Its Guardians," Peter Shaw noted Edmund Wilson's suggestion of similarities in the 1960s between the Vietnam War and the Center for Edi- tions of American Authors (CEAA, subsequently CSE). They both "lacked modesty of scale."42 The goal of being error-free and definitive had "an in- nocently millenarian, American flavor to it."43 As pointed out in the begin- ning of this article, the modern histor- ical editions and NHPC partook of this millenarianism.44 The majority of his- torians who reviewed the volumes in the 1960s tended to share in the zeal- otry of American idealism and pride, which had its political counterpart in our involvement in Vietnam. As countervailing currents of pro- test overwhelmed the war effort and engendered distrust of many tradi- tional aspects of American society, so did historians come to question the utility and lavishness of the publication of America's national political heroes of the past. Involved in their attack were the dissolution of consensus about America's past, and present, and the division among historians over the kind of history to be written. The self-ex- amination of the early 1970s infected the NHPRC, editors, and reviewers alike. The scrutiny brought about a diversification as well as a defense of historical editing projects.45 40 See, for instance, Kent Newmyer, review of The Papers of John Marshall, vol. 1, inJAH 62 (1975- 76): 359-60; Merrill D. Peterson, review of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vols. 18-19, in WMQ 32, 3d series (1975): 656-58; Brooke Hindle, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 18-19, in JAH 63 (1976-77): 975-76; E.James Ferguson, reviews of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 20-21 and 22-23, mJAH 63 (1976-77): 368-69 and 64 (1977-78): 107-9; George M. Curtis III, review of The Diaries of George Washington, vols. 1-2, in AHR 82 (1977): 1060; Lowell H. Harrison, review of the same, in JSH 43 (1977): 431; Philander D. Chase, review of The Papers of James Iredell, vols. 1-2, in AHR 82 (1977): 1061; and Warren W. Hassler, Jr., review of The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, vol. 6, in JSH 44 (1978): 126-27. Among these reviewers are Merrill D. Peterson, Brooke Hindle, and E.James Ferguson, all of whom had criticized, in previous reviews, the use of space, time, and money. In comparison to the scholarly contributions made by the editors in their explanatory notes and essays, these reviewers seemed no longer to mind the inefficiencies of the editorial apparatus. 41 See Robert G. Sherer, review of The Booker T. Washington Papers, vol. 3, in AHR 81(1976): 214; Dewey W. Grantham, review of The Papers ofWoodrow Wilson, vols. 18-19, mJAH 63 (1976-77): 167; Hugh Hawkins, review of the same, vols. 16-20, mAHR 82 (1977): 1091; Paul W. Brewer, review of The Documentary History of the First Federal Elections, 1788-1790, vol. 1, in ibid.: 1324; Steven R. Boyd, review ofThe Papers of James Madison, vol. 10, in ibid.: 1325; Winton U. Solberg, review ofThe Docu- mentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, vols. 1-2, inySH 43 (1977): 442; Donald Roper, review of John Jay: The Making of a Revolutionary, I: Unpublished Papers, 1745-1780, in WMQ 34, 3d series (1977): 134-36; Linda Grant DePauw, review of The Papers of Robert Morris, vol. 3, in which she does take cognizance of the necessity for economizing, but suggests that microform production is preferable to limiting the editorial apparatus (AHR 83 [1978]: 1340-41); Noble E. Cunningham, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 24, in JSH 44 (1978): 111-12; and Charles Royster, review of The Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, vols. 1-2, in WMQ 35, 3d series (1978): 749. 42 Peter Shaw, "The American Heritage and Its Guardians," American Scholar 65 (1975-76): 748. 43 Ibid., p. 749. 44 Ibid. Shaw would agree with this. 45 E. Berkeley Tompkins, "The NHPRC in Perspective," in Dunlap and Shelley, eds., The Publica- tion of American Historical Manuscripts, pp. 94-95. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 Historical Editing 53 In the late 1970s, opposition to the modern editions dwindled, just as na- tionally the capacity for critical ap- praisal became exhausted. The relapse into quiescence has helped legitimize what has by now become the tradi- tional approach in modern historical editing initiated by Boyd over thirty years ago.46 The Bicentennial gave a big boost to the reversal in attitude.47 "A marked renaissance of interest in history, and especially in historical sources" has been announced.48 The papers projects could be promoted as popular reading. They were hailed "as monuments to the two hundredth an- niversary of Independence"; they would remain "long after the lesser and grosser aspects of the Bicentennial are deservedly forgotten."49 The view of the modern historical editions as monuments which would last for generations has recurred with the birthday of the Revolution which projected the authors of these docu- ments into fame and history. But the current complacency with the course pursued by most editing projects ig- nores the "crisis" which Hindle and others perceived in the early 1970s. The problems, however, remain unre- solved. As Peter Shaw said, "the guard- ians of our tradition have succeeded in keeping it out of print."50 That this is so can be traced back to Madison's be- quest. Modern "scholar-editors" seem to continue to feel that Madison's trust has descended directly on them, that they are executing the charge of un- biased use of the documents and of purveying the truth. In the process of doing justice to our documentary in- heritance, ever more money, more time, and more detailed historical exe- gesis of the texts has been rationalized. It is time to stop, as Hindle urged, and, further, to recognize that these proj- ects are not like the great cathedrals. Not only should they not take centu- ries to be completed, but also they may not and perhaps should not endure that long. 46 George M. Curtis III, in his review oiThe Diaries of George Washington, vols. 1-2, praised them "as a monument to creative editing." He acknowledged that "the new Washington project is vulnerable to criticism from those seeking greater economies in publication or heavier emphasis upon lesser known Figures." However, Curtis appeared to think it inconsequential that thousands of dollars and a decade of effort were spent to publish two volumes of Washington's diaries which had been pro- duced in a complete and unbowdlerized edition fifty years before (AHR 82 [1977]: 1060). For a critical review of the same on these issues, see Mary Beth Norton in JAH 64 (1978): 1062-63. Her review, which would have been unexceptionable a few years ago, stands out among current reviews for its hostile stance toward the new edition. The recent increase in laudatory reviews may be partly attributable to the numbers of reviewers who are themselves editors. With a few exceptions, rather than being more exacting of colleagues in their own field, they are less so than historians generally. Perhaps this is because historical editors are still on the defensive within the historical profession and prefer not to bring adverse attention to historical editing. Among the reviewers cited here, Philander D. Chase, Charles Cullen, George M. Curtis III, E.James Ferguson, Don Higginbotham, James H. Hutson, Merrill Jensen, Ralph L. Ket- cham, and Robert A. Rutland all have been or are historical editors. The author of this article also must be counted among them. 47 Several reviewers have welcomed the publication of first volumes of the newer projects as auspi- cious events of the Bicentennial. See for instance, J. Edwin Hendricks, review of the Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, vols. 1-2, inJSH 44 (1978): 624-26; Don Higginbotham, review of The Papers ofNathanael Greene, vol. 1, in JAH 64 (1977-78): 394; Donald O. Dewey, review of The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, v o l s . 1—2, i n i b i d . , p . 3 9 5 . 48 John S. Pancake, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 20-21, in AHR 81 (1976): 206- 7. 49 Merrill Jensen, "The Bicentennial and Afterwards," in Dunlap and Shelley, eds., The Publication of American Historical Manuscripts, p . 5 5 . 50 Peter Shaw, "The American Heritage and Its Guardians," American Scholar 65 (1975-76): 749. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 54 The American Archivist/ Winter 1980 At one point within our generation, Max Farrand's Records of the Federal Convention and Edmund C. Burnett's Letters of Members of the Continental Con- gress were considered to be acceptable by the standards of modern editing.51 Yet it has recently been found neces- sary to redo completely Burnett's work, and the Madison Papers have under consideration the prospect of a new edition of the notes on the Consti- tutional Convention.52 The Writings of George Washington, edited by J o h n C. Fitzpatrick some forty-five years ago and published in thirty-nine volumes at public expense, is now considered inadequate. Rather than remedying the omissions of Fitzpatrick, the current editors are redoing Washington's pa- pers in their entirety. How secure are any of these projects against some fu- ture school of revisionist editors? And the more history that is written in these volumes, the more vulnerable they are.53 Is it inconceivable that some edi- tor will find unacceptable Julian Boyd's anti-Hamilton history con- tained in the most recent volumes of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, and find imperative a new edition free of such editorializing?54 Or will someone de- cide that the imperial political empha- sis in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin must be corrected? There appears to be only one way out: to deescalate the claims and ex- pectations of these projects; to con- sider them, like any other work of his- tory, as a project of a particular generation out of whose values they evolved. A number of alternatives have been suggested or are being tried. Sev- eral approaches seem viable. One would be to follow the suggestion of Hindle and the practice of The Papers of Joseph Henry and The Papers of Daniel Webster: publish an exhaustive micro- film edition of the papers accom- panied by selective, extensively anno- tated, topical, letterpress volumes.55 Another would be, as proposed by Charles Sellers and Joseph Ernst, to collect copies of all the manuscripts in one place and produce a well-indexed and complete microfilm publication of the documents.56 Another idea, ap- 51 Butterfield and Boyd, eds., Historical Editing in the United States, pp. 12-13, 15-18, and 35; Lester J. Cappon, "A Rationale for Historical Editing Past and Present," WMQ 23, 3d series (1966): 65-66. 52 In fact, The Papers of James Madison has been criticized for not including all of Madison's speeches in the Federal Convention. Steven R. Boyd has asserted that if the speeches are not included later, it will make the edition less than definitive (review of vol. 10 in AHR 82 [1977]: 1325). The decisions of the editors of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin to print summaries of letters to and from Franklin and to omit the first part of the autobiography in its proper chronological sequence have been called unjustified. The edition is thereby incomplete (David Ammerman, review of vol. 20, in AHR 82 [1977]: 1321-22; J. A. Leo Lemay, review of vol. 18, in AHR 81 [1976]: 1224). 53 An opposing view has been taken by Linda K. Kerber in her review of The Papers of James Madison, vols. 3-10. She rejected the editor's reasons for omitting interpretative essays as "misguided worries." She thought the costs of the editing projects small in comparison to many other expenditures in our society. Wondering whether any editor really believed his edition would not be subjected to historio- graphical reappraisal, she suggested editors should embrace the chance to stamp their character on their work. Her main concern was that inexpensive editions be made available to a wider audience. She did not discuss whether that goal is compatible with her other contentions (WMQ 35, 3d series [1978]: 147-55). 54 S e e R o b e r t M c C o l l e y , r e v i e w s o f The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, v o l . 1 8 , inJSH 3 8 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 6 5 6 - 5 7 ; and of vol. 19, inJSH 41 (1975): 256-58. 55 Brooke Hindle, review of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vols. 16-17, inJAH 60 (1973-74): 1073; Donald Fleming, review of The Papers of Joseph Henry, vol. 1, in ibid., p. 1073; and I. Bernhard Cohen, review of the same, in AHR 80 (1975): 181-83. See n. 35, above. 56 Charles Sellers, review of The Papers of Henry Clay, vol. 1, inJSH 26 (1960): 240; and Joseph Ernst, review of The Papers of Robert Morris, vol. 1, in WMQ 31, 3d series (1974): 516. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 Historical Editing 55 proached tentatively by The Papers of James Madison, broached by E. James Ferguson, and strongly urged by Linda K. Kerber is to omit documents which have been published with reasonable competency elsewhere. This could eliminate much duplication of effort, duplication sometimes with little im- provement in accuracy.57 One of the fallacies upon which these modern edi- tions are based is that the texts are vir- tually error-free and supersede, in terms of completeness and expertise, all that has gone before. It is quite likely that substantive mistakes can be found in every volume. Some former editions such as Gaillard Hunt's of James Madison and Edmund C. Bur- nett's of the members of the Conti- nental Congress, although lacking in completeness, attain a very acceptable standard of accuracy. The elusive goal of perfection and the deceptive lure of immortality have led the historical ed- iting profession into an exaggerated view of its importance and of its func- tion. Comprehensive letterpress edi- tions of the documents of preeminent Americans have preempted most of the energy and resources; the stand- ard, once set, has become increasingly difficult to depart from. The distorted perception of priorities has inhibited the trial of divergent methods and di- verse types of projects. Attention and money ought to be diverted to the preservation of records which are in danger of perishing altogether.58 The aim should be to make available in one form or another, to a wider audience, authentic and inexpensive reproduc- tions of as great a variety of manu- script collections as possible.59 More imagination and effort should be devoted to new kinds of projects.60 For instance, many state archives con- tain large bodies of petitions which could be grouped chronologically and topically. They would provide a mar- velous source of social and political his- tory and a means of getting at the "in- articulate" of our past. Another 57 See Robert A. Rutland, et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison, 12 vols. to date (Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1962-), 8: 110 n., 363 n., and 9: 23-24 nn., 4, 15-17, 127; E. James Ferguson, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 16-17, in JAH 60 (1973-74): 409-10; and Linda K. Kerber, review of The Papers of James Madison, vols. 3-10, in WMQ 35, 3d series (1978): 154-55. 58 See on this point William L. Joyce, review of The Papers of John Adams, vols. 1-2, in American Archivist 41 (1978): 190. 59 These goals have also been emphasized by Peter Shaw, in "The American Heritage and Its Guard- ians," in American Scholar 65 (1975-76): 750; and by Linda K. Kerber (see n. 53, above). 60 In recent years, NHPRC has broadened its scope. The commission responded to criticism by New Left historians, of the elitism of the original editing projects and to the increased interest in pluralism in the American past. The redefinition of NHPRC's mandate, from the publication of the papers of America's great statesmen to the preservation and publication of records and papers of a wider range of subjects, reflected the change in political climate and the shift of interests in the scholarly world. By the expansion in the types of projects, the records and publications programs have come to include women, Blacks, other ethnic minorities, reform and labor movements, as well as men notable in polit- ical, scientific, or cultural realms. But when the lists of projects are scrutinized, the numbers and appropriations are still heavily weighted in favor of exceptional individuals or groups, and prominent institutions. The commission's support for the preservation and cataloging of local and state records is com- mendable; let us hope that more money and imagination will be expended in developing other and less accessible records concerning common people and less well-known institutions. The other impor- tant shift in NHPRC's emphasis has been to projects more modest in scale and expense. The most impressive fact still remains that the bulk of NHPRC's support has gone to the "great, comprehensive historical enterprises" which continue to consume disproportionate time and money in ratio to their productivity and utility (see National Historical Records and Publications Commission, Report to the President [NHPRC: Washington, D.C., 1978], pp. i, v-vi, 5-6, and 23-50, passim). D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 56 The American Archivist/ Winter 1980 source, fast disappearing, are the retir- ing railwaymen who have worked on this country's railroads for the last forty or fifty years. A wealth of docu- mentation could be provided through the collection and preservation of oral histories of the men and of the institu- tional records of the companies and unions. The ongoing projects ought to devote more energy to publishing the documents and less to the writing of history in the form of annotation. As expressed by E. James Ferguson and Robert McColley, there seems to be in operation "some undiscovered law about historical editing that would re- late the duration of the project to the growth of editorial apparatus,"61 which in turn takes over the project and all but submerges the actual pa- pers from view.62 If the effect of this law is not reversed, these projects will be consigned to the fate described by Tristram Shandy: When a man sits down to write a his- tory, . . . if he is a man of the least spirit, he will have fifty deviations from a straight line to make with this or that party as he goes along, which he can no ways avoid. He will have views and prospects to himself perpetually solic- iting his eye, which he can no more help standing still to look at than he can fly; he will moreover have various Accounts to pick up: Inscriptions to make out: Stories to weave in: Tradi- tions to sift: Personages to call upon: Panegyricks to paste up at this door: Pasquinades at that: . . . To sum up all; there are archives at every stage to be look'd into, and rolls, records, documents, and endless genealogies, which justice ever and anon calls him back to stay the reading of:—In short, there is no end of it. . . ,62 61 E. James Ferguson, review of The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vols. 16-17, inJAH 60 (1973-74): 411. 62 Robert McColley, review of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 18, inJSH 38 (1972): 657. 63 Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman (New York: The Odyssey Press, 1940), pp. 36-37. The passage is quoted also by Merrill D. Peterson in his review otThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 17, in WMQ 23, 3d series (1966): 158. FREDRIKA J. TEUTE formerly served as associate editor of The Papers of James Madison. D ow nloaded from http://m eridian.allenpress.com /doi/pdf/10.17723/aarc.43.1.j2705167357u5hh2 by C arnegie M ellon U niversity user on 06 A pril 2021 
work_2ak3epserbd4hjlxffd2rpnyx4	----	PII: 0042-6989(95)90021-7 RETINAL, DETACHMENT SURGERY 1121 1123 ll22 ANATOMICAL AND FUNCTIONAL OUTCOME IN RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATED BY ADVANCED PROLIFERATIVE VITREORETINOPATHY IN CHILDHOOD A. KARILA, B. MASHHOUR, D. CHAUVAUD, Y. POULIQUEN Department of Ophthalmology, H&pita1 H&l-Dieu de Paris, France. eurpaSe To analyse anatomical and functional results of retinal detachment swery in cases complicated by proliferative vitreoretinopatby in childhood. M&Q& Thirty six consecutive cases of retinal detachment complicated by PVR stages Cl and more in childhood were analysed retrospectively. All the cases associated scleral buckling, pars plana vitrectomy, complete membrane peeling, injection of liquid perflomcarbon (LPFC), endophotocoagulation, and internal tamponade. In selected cases lensectomy and/or relaxing retinotomy were requiered. &J&S Predominant etitogies were blunt trauma and high myopia. Anatomical swxs was obtained with one operation in 7 cases, and 2 OI more operations in 14 cases. Final visual acuity was <O.l, O.l-0.4 and 0.4 or more in 23, 10 and 3 cases respectively. Conelusion Complicated retinal detachment in childhood represents a high proportion of overall RD in childhood and could be treated wing agressive vitreoretinal procedures with comparative visual outcome to RD’s in adult. REOPERATIONS FOLLOWING VITRECTOMY FOR DIABETIC RETINOPATHY Helbig H. Kellner U. Bornfeld N. and Foerster M. H. Department of Ophthalmology, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University of Berlin (Germany) Purpose: The assess risk factors and visual outcome of reoperations after vitrectomy for diabetic retinopathy. Methods: The charts of 327 consecutive patients (412 eyes) operated by the authors in the last 4 years for complications of diabetic retinopathy were retrospectively reviewed. Preoperatively the retina was flat in 171 eyes, in 239 eyes it was detached. Mean follow up was 16 months. Basulls; 114 eyes required vitreoretinal reoperations. 46 for recurrent vitreous hemorrhaae. 46 for retinal detachment and 20 for removal of silicone. In 34 eyed a third operation, in 11 eyes a 4th, in 5 eyes a 5th, and in 2 eyes 6 operations were necessary. Visual prognosis after reoperation for vitreous hemorrhage was good, while after reoperation for retinal detachment funtional results were guarded. Risk factors for detachment were iatrogenic retinal breaks and lack of endoohotocoaaulation. With increasina number of reooerations visual progbosis bec”ame worse. but even-after 5 operations ambulatory vision was preserved in some cases. Cataract surgery was performed in 54 out of 306 phacic eyes. No severe complications were seen after cataract surgery. Conclusions: With current indications for vitreoretinal surgery in diabetic retinopathy reoperations are necessary in a considerable proportion of cases. Although visual prognosis is guarded after reoperations for retinal detachment, ambulatory vision can be preserved in many cases even after repeated reoperations. Cataract surgery can be safely performed after vitrectomy in diabetic patients. 1X24 RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATING RECURRENT OCULAR TOXOPLASMOSIS FERON EJ". MRRTENS DAE'. VAN MEURS JC'. SAARSMA GS'. SUTTORP MSA’. ROTHOVA A=. ’ The Rotterdam Eye Hospital, Rotterdam $Netherlands) . The Netherlands Ophthalmic Research Institute, Amsterdam (Netherlands). ’ The University Hospital of Utrecht, Utrecht (Netherlands) . Purpose Recurrent ocular toxoplasmosis is an important cause of blindness throughout the world. Permanent loss of vision can either be the result of direct involvement of the macula or optic nerve in the inflammation, or can he related to well-recosnized conmlications such es macular oedema, scbretinal neovascularisation, retinal or choroidal vascular occlusion. Relativelv little is known about the incidence and prognosis-of retinal detachment es a complication of the disease. Methods We have performed a retrospective study of 15 immmocompetent patients with ocular toxo- plasmosis, complicated by retinal detachment either at an active or inactive stage of the disease. Results The retinal detachments associated with ocular toxoplasmosis were either rhegmatogenous (8 patients), tractional (2 patients) or combined rhegmatogenous/tracticnal (5 patients). A high frequency of complications was observed: proliferative vitreoretinopathy (5 patients), macular oucker I2 oatients~. aiant retinal tear (1 patie‘nt). * " - Conclusipne The complexity and the high complication rate of the retinal detachments described in our series of ocular toxoplasmosis patients contrasts with previous reports in the ;iterature. s53 
work_2m4vhtzp6ba35gqqy4v2ttmix4	----	LXXIII. Extract of a letter from Mr. John Bartram, of Philadelphia, to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. relating to a remarkable Aurora borealis [ 474 I LX XIII. E x tr a B o f a L e tte r fr o m M r . Jo h n Bartram, o f Philadelphia, to Benjamin Franklin, L L . D . F. R . S. relating to a remarkable Aurora Borealis-. Philadelphia, Nov. 12, 1757* Read Feb. 25, IT T E R E is a vifible Aurora borealis •$, 17̂ 2, J£”j [ at feven o’clock, it was about two hours high, to the northward pretty bright, Soon after daylight difappeared, it was much more ead, where it was-redder, with feme faint dreamers, whofe points reached near forty-five degrees elevation, which icon difappeared, and the light defcended,, by degrees* under the pole, and by ten o’clock was near extin&v I lhould be very glad to know, whether (and how), it appeared this night with you* which may afilft in fome philosophical enquiries. I have not. obferved? any, this fall, before. Yederday, the weather was cool? and clear* and the wind pretty drong. at north.; and* I believe this the colded evening we have had this fall* though this week we had ice as thick as a dollar. Extract of the Anfwer to the above .. London, Jan. 11, 1758.. 1 T hank you for your account of the Aurora. A very. * confiderable one appeared here the Tame evening,, being Saturday, November 12. I did no t f e it, but have heard of it from feveral. I f it was the fame, that' you law, it m ud have been very high, or very extern- five* as the two places are 1000 leagues afunder. LX X IV . Oh- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
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work_2uajiv656vgrddm432loxpomi4	----	HISTORICAL NOTE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trigeminal neuralgia (Fothergill’s disease) in the 17th and 18th centuries ‘‘There is as exquisite an anguish suffered as from any distemper to which the body is subject, if we may judge by the expressions of it…’’ W Heberden, 18021 J ohn Fothergill gave the first full and accurate description of trigeminal neuralgia in 1773, but early descriptions of trigeminal neuralgia (Fothergill’s disease)2 can be inferred from the writings of Galen, Aretaeus of Cappadocia (born circa AD 81), and in the 11th century by Avicenna (‘‘tortura oris’’).3 In the south aisle of Wells cathedral lies the tomb of Bishop Button, who died in 1274. He was canonised. Many pilgrims and toothache sufferers left offerings at the tomb, in commemoration of which the capitals of the pillars bear carvings of people depicted with facial neuralgia. One is famed as the toothache figure. Because of the surprising rarity of dental caries in that time (confirmed when the sarcopha- gus was opened in 1848), Wilfred Harris pointed out the probable relevance to trigeminal neuralgia.4 The most convincing early description5 in 1671 was of a German physician, Johannes Laurentius Bausch, who suf- fered from a lightning like pain in the right face. He became unable to speak or eat properly and apparently succumbed to malnutrition. A marvellously detailed history is that of John Locke, the famous physician and philosopher, who described the con- dition in a series of letters to Dr John Mapletoft in 1677. His account6 tells of his unfortunate patient, the Countess of Northumberland, wife of the Ambassador to France.7 Nicolas André invented the term tic douloureux in 1756 in a book,8 Observations pratiques sur les maladies de l’urethre et sur plusiers faits convulsifs. André’s term remained though not all patients showed the facial tics. Copies of John Fothergill’s article are still available, but probably, only one copy of André’s book exists—at the Wellcome Institute in London: ‘‘What had been regarded as the end of a mild and tolerable ailment, became the source of the sharpest and most uncomfortable pains, I would say the start of a tic douloureux that assailed her night and day, deprived her of sleep, and forbade her some of the bodily functions necessary for life. In fact these periodic agitations became so frequent that they rarely allowed five or six minutes of peace during an entire hour; the patient could not eat, drink, cough, spit or wipe her face without renewing her pains.’’ Nicolas André, John Fothergill(1712–1780),9 Samuel (his nephew10), and Charles Bell were to elaborate the features, possible causes, and treatments. John Fothergill’s description of ‘‘a painful affection of the face’’11 was presented to the Medical Society in London in 1773. The son of a Wensleydale farmer, having started his career as a trainee apothecary, was persuaded to study medicine. He read medicine at Edinburgh because as a Quaker he was classed as a dissenter, which precluded admission to English medical schools. He later studied at St Thomas’ hospi- tal as a graduate. A highly successful and lucrative London practice afforded him many opportunities. He described angina pectoris in 1776, eight years after Heberden, and diphtheria. He became a distinguished Quaker physician12 13 and plant hunter. He spent much of his earnings on acts of philanthropy; and in the establishment of his botanical garden at Upton, Essex, ‘‘known all over Europe’’,14 replete with rare perennials and shrubs that he collected from distant lands. He also acquired a large collection of rare shells and minerals; Dr William Hunter purchased his collection on his death. He generously supported many young doctors from the American colonies. A friend of Benjamin Franklin, toge- ther they tried unsuccessfully to avert the Revolutionary War. Fothergill founded the Medical Society, a private conclave of a few hospital physicians that should not to be confused with the Medical Society of London, founded by Lettsome in 1773. John Fothergill described the complete clinical features of trigeminal neuralgia, and he recorded that light touch was the most common trigger. He had met with 14 cases and attributed the cause to a ‘‘cancerous acrimony’’, because of the persistence and incurability of the pain. He noted that it was more common in women and the elderly. An essay by Pujol15 confirmed his clinical description. The diary16 of his young niece, Betty Fothergill, illustrates his personality, and gives insights into his domestic life. The diary portrays a high minded, humanitarian, scholarly but liberal gentleman. A licentiate only, of the London College, he was elected Fellow of the Edinburgh College of Physicians in 1754, and in 1763 became a Fellow of the Royal Society. He died in 1780 from a second attack of ‘‘suppression of urine’’ and was buried in the Quaker burial ground at Winchmore Hill. Hogarth’s distinguished cabinet portrait is in the London College. Samuel Fothergill too, wrote of this painful affliction in 1804 in An account of a Painful Affection of the nerves of the Face, commonly called Tic Douloureux.17 Acknowledgement I am grateful to Doreen Leach, Librarian, Royal College of Physicians, London, for information on the Fothergills. J M S Pearce 304 Beverley Road, Anlaby, Hull HU10 7BG; jmspearce@freenet.co.uk References 1 Heberden W. Commentaries on the history of cure of diseases. London: T Payne, Mews-Gate, 1802:99. [Reprinted in Birmingham, AL: Classics of Medicine Library; 1982:99.] 2 Stookey B, Ranshoff J. Trigeminal neuralgia: its history and treatment. Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas, 1959:10. 3 Lotfi J, Chaemmaghami AB, Minagar A, et al. Avicenna and his description of trigeminal neuralgia. Neurology 2000;54(Suppl 3):A176 [abstract]. 4 Harris W. The facial neuralgias. London, Milford: Oxford University Press, 1937:13–14. 5 Dewhurst K. A symposium on trigeminal neuralgia with contributions by Locke, Sydenham, and other eminent seventeenth century physicians’ disease. Ann J Hist Med Allied Sci 1957;12:21–36. 6 Lewy FH. The first authentic case of major trigeminal neuralgia and some comments on the history of this disease. Ann Med Hist 1938;10:247–50. 7 Pearce JMS. John Locke (1632–1704) and the trigeminal neuralgia of the Countess of Northumberland. J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatry 1993;56:45. 8 André N. Traité sur les maladies de l’urèthre. Paris: Delaguette, 1756. 9 Booth CC. Three doctors and the American Revolution. Lancet 1967;12:358–64. 10 Fox R Hingston. Dr John Fothergill and his friends. London, MacMillan, 1919. 11 Fothergill J. Of a painful affection of the face. Medical observations and inquiries by a society of physicians. London, 1773;5:129–142. [This publication was funded privately by Fothergill from 1771–1776. It is included in Complete Works of John Fothergill, a copy in library of RCP London.] 12 Fothergill J, Booth CC. Chain of friendship: selected letters of Dr John Fothergill of London, 1735–1780. Harvard University Press, 1971. 13 Plaut GS. Dr John Fothergill and eighteenth-century medicine. J Med Biogr 1999;7(4):192–6. 14 Munk’s Roll. Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London, vol ii, 154–8 (John Fothergill), vol iii, pp.28.(Samuel Fothergill). London: Published by the College, 1955. 15 Pujol M. Essai sur la maladie de la face nommée le tic douloureux. Paris: Théophile Barrois, 1787. 16 Elkinton JR. Betty Fothergill and her ‘‘Uncle Doctor’’. An intimate glimpse of Dr John Fothergill. Ann Intern Med 1976;85:637–40. 17 Fothergill S. An account of a Painful Affection of the nerves of the face, commonly called Tic Douloureux, 8vo London. 1804. cited in Ref 13. 1688 J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatry 2003;74:1688 www.jnnp.com o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://jn n p .b m j.co m / J N e u ro l N e u ro su rg P sych ia try: first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /jn n p .7 4 .1 2 .1 6 8 8 o n 2 4 N o ve m b e r 2 0 0 3 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://jnnp.bmj.com/ 
work_2wehqcuo55dqjgrazxmsuh5lmy	----	FOXO3A MODULATES CARDIAC REMODELING VIA INHIBITION OF MYOFIBROBLAST DIFFERENTIATION IN ACUTE MYOCARDIAL INFARCTION Heart Failure and Cardiomyopathies A1010 JACC March 17, 2015 Volume 65, Issue 10S foxo3A modulAtes cArdIAc remodelIng vIA InhIBItIon of myofIBroBlAst dIfferentIAtIon In Acute myocArdIAl InfArctIon Poster Contributions Poster Hall B1 Monday, March 16, 2015, 9:45 a.m.-10:30 a.m. Session Title: Energy Metabolism in Heart Failure Abstract Category: 13. Heart Failure and Cardiomyopathies: Basic Presentation Number: 1250-179 Authors: Luise Holzhauser, Alexander Jenke, Konstantinos Savvatis, Mathias Grueger, Robert Schur, Dirk Westermann, Diana Lindner, Wolfgang Poller, Heinz-Peter Schultheiss, Carsten Skurk, Charite Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Department of Cardiology and Pulmonology, Berlin, Germany, Albert Einstein College of Medicine, Jacobi Medical Center, Department of Medicine, Bronx, NY, USA Background: FOXO3a is a transcription factor and key regulator of cell differentiation, cycle and size and might be involved in regulation of cardiac remodeling following acute myocardial infarction. Myocardial adverse remodeling and scar formation are largely regulated by TGFβ/SMAD3 signaling leading to transdifferentiation of fibroblasts into myofibroblasts possibly inhibited by FOXO3a. methods: Myofibroblast transdifferentiation markers were assessed following acute infarction in FOXO3-/- and WT mice (FVB) via permanent ligation of LAD. FOXO3a-/- and WT cardiac fibroblasts were investigated in transdifferentiation assays ex vivo. FOXO3a gene transfer was performed with gain of function adenoviral vectors. To test for a direct interaction between FOXO3a and SMAD3 western blotting and immunoprecipitation (IP) were used. results: Reduced rates of ventricle perforation led to significantly higher survival rates in FOXO3a-/- mice compared to WT. At 3 and 14 days post infarction myocardial expression of alpha smooth muscle actin (ASMA) and Collagen1A1 (Col1A1) was significantly enhanced in FOXO3a-/- mice associated with larger areas of fibrosis. In vitro cardiac fibroblasts isolated from FOXO3a-/- mice showed significantly enhanced expression of Col1A1 and ASMA 24 hours following stretch or TGF-β stimulation compared to WT cells. Moreover significantly higher protein expression of Col1A1 was shown in supernatants of FOXO3a -/- fibroblasts while FOXO3a gene-transfer dose-dependently downregulated Col1A1. FOXO3a gene transfer also led to significantly attenuated immunfluorescence staining for ASMA in cardiac fibroblasts. Interestingly IP showed direct interaction between FOXO3a and SMAD3a that was enhanced following activation of the transcription factor leading to diminished SMAD3 downstream gene expression. conclusion: We were able to show that FOXO3a regulates fibrosis and scar formation following myocardial infarction by direct inhibition of TGF- β regulated matrix remodeling via interaction with SMAD3. Thus the FOXO3a-SMAD3 axis might be of therapeutic interest to abate adverse myocardial remodeling. 
work_3aiy3kis65gcnntxa5uauiejbe	----	Book Reviews changing views of human nature, and is written by the editor, who is Professor of English in the University ofCalifornia at Los Angeles. Clearly, both sides of the coin are necessary for a balanced view of the Renaissance and Dr. Kinsman has done well to illuminate the reverse face. SIR CYRIL BURT, ESP and psychology, edited by Anita Gregory, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975, 8vo, pp. vii, 179, £4.50. Although Cyril Burt (1883-1971) is best known for his work on the application of psychology to education, to the development of children and to the assessment of mental qualities, he also contributed to ESP, as an obituarist had to point out (The Times, 15 October 1971). This book, stimulated by the same obituarist, contains eight carefully selected essays based on articles, lectures or reviews, all published except the last two. They range from 1935 to 1967, but most were written in the 1960s. Burt believed that consciousness is a central feature of psychology, and that the application of mathematics to psychology is likewise essential. These two extremes arose out of his work in educational and developmental psychology, which closely resemble para-psychology because in each an amalgam of personal experience and impeccable experimental and statistical data is essential. Burt's attraction to ESP is therefore understandable, and in the brief but informative introduction the editor explains this and other background features of his interest in, and approach to, what in his day was an unorthodoxy. However, his statement that ESP is a natural phenome- non that should be part of psychology, although held as heretical when made, may now, in view ofincreasing data, be more acceptable. The editor has chosen only papers intended for the general reader, and together they provide us with an excellent survey of Burt's work on ESP. Whether right or wrong, as may be judged in the future, there is no doubt that ESP forms an important part of the history ofpsychology in general. WHITFIELD J. BELL, jr., The colonialphysician and other essays, New York, Science History Publications, 1975, 8vo, pp. [2 11], 229, illus., paperback, [no price stated]. Since 1940 Whitfield Bell, a historian by training, has been publishing papers on the history of North American medicine. He now collects together sixteen of them, and as the title of the book, which is also the title of the first paper, suggests, they deal pre- dominently with the eighteenth century. All but three ('A portrait of the Colonial physician', 'Philadelphia medical students in Europe, 1750-1800', 'Body-snatching in Philadelphia') are centred on the activities of individuals, and amongst others there are John Redman, Benjamin Franklin, John Morgan and William Shippen. Each essay is a scholarly contribution with full documentation and written in a pleasing style. As a collection they present an excellent survey of eighteenth-century American medicine, together with vivid insights into the activities of particular physicians. Moreover, as most of this medicine stemmed from European practice, Dr. Bell's book should be studied carefully by all those engaged in any aspect of medicine in the eighteenth century, as well as students ofAmerican medicine. It can be warmly recommended, and it is to be hoped that Dr. Bell, the accepted authority on Colonial American medicine and science, will now provide an integrated history ofthis formative period. 341 at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300023000 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300023000 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_3sbov5jzijanrfqnskynfzcidm	----	Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail This article was downloaded by: [S. Kay Gandy] On: 01 February 2013, At: 16:56 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The Social Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/vtss20 Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail S. Kay Gandy a & Cynthia Williams Resor b a School of Teacher Education, Western Kentucky University, Bowling Green, Kentucky, USA b Department of Curriculum and Instruction, Eastern Kentucky University, Richmond, Kentucky, USA To cite this article: S. Kay Gandy & Cynthia Williams Resor (2012): Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail, The Social Studies, 103:6, 226-232 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00377996.2011.630696 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/vtss20 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00377996.2011.630696 http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions The Social Studies (2012) 103, 226–232 Copyright C© Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0037-7996 print / 2152-405X online DOI: 10.1080/00377996.2011.630696 Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail S. KAY GANDY1 and CYNTHIA WILLIAMS RESOR2 1Associate Professor, School of Teacher Education, Western Kentucky University, Bowling Green, Kentucky, USA 2Associate Professor, Department of Curriculum and Instruction, Eastern Kentucky University, Richmond, Kentucky, USA The changes in technology that have affected mail delivery are a dynamic way to encourage students to think critically and make meaningful connections across historical eras. In the classroom, personal communication through the mail can become the “thematic glue” used across historical units to highlight the changes in everyday life caused by technological innovation. The post office initiated changes in streetlighting and crosswalks, stimulated the development of rural roads and highways, and provided passenger services on railways. Classroom teachers can use the activities and discussion questions to introduce students to this entity and its influence on our history. Keywords: mail, technology, thematic unit, Pony Express, post office Wanted—young, skinny, wiry fellows Not to exceed 130 pounds, Not over 18 years old. Must be expert riders willing to risk death daily. Orphans preferred. The first ride of the Pony Express began in April of 1860 in an effort to speed up the western mail service (see figure 1). At this time, mail to California traveled by ship from New York to Panama, moved across Panama by rail, then went on to San Francisco by ship. (Residents in Los Angeles learned that California had been admitted to the Union six weeks after the fact). Relay stations with fresh horses were set up about every ten to twenty miles for the harrowing journey straight through the Indian country between Mis- souri and California. Riders were only allowed two minutes maximum time at the stations as they made their biweekly trips across the country. The average ride for the Pony Ex- press was eight days. Robert Haslam set the record for the fastest trip of seven days and 17 hours when he carried the text of President Lincoln’s inaugural address (USPS 2010). The young riders had to swear on a Bible not to cuss, fight, or abuse their animals and to conduct themselves honestly (Chiaventone 2010; Moroney 1983). Although the Pony Express was only in operation for eighteen months, the young riders carried approximately 35,000 pieces of mail over more than 650,000 miles, and only one rider lost his life and one bag of mail went missing (USPS 1980). Deliv- ery was remarkably reliable, but it was very costly for the Address correspondence to S. Kay Gandy, School of Teacher Education, Western Kentucky University, 1906 College Heights, Bowling Green, KY 42101, USA. E-mail: kay.gandy@wku.edu time, with rates as high as $15 for a single item. The daily services cost its owners up to $30,000 per month. The high costs and the completion of the transcontinental telegraph led to the demise of the service (Chiaventone 2010). Students typically learn about the Pony Express in a unit on the “Wild West.” Through an exemplary stand-alone unit or making thematic connections between American history units, the study of the history of the mail service (through foot, air, roads, and rail) and the changes in tech- nology that have affected mail delivery is more likely to en- courage critical thinking and encourage students to make meaningful connections across historical eras. In the class- room, personal communication through the mail can be- come the “thematic glue” used across historical units to highlight the changes in everyday life caused by technolog- ical innovation. The United States Postal Service is a powerful entity throughout American history. It carved the country into nine-digit zip codes, which allowed businesses to target and track specific consumers (Stilgoe 1998, 63) and laid the foundation for the 911 emergency system. Rivers, roads, and rails were designated “postal highways” by acts of Congress. The U.S. airmail paved the way for commercial airlines. Architect William Mitchell Kendall took words from an ancient Greek text written by Herodotus to carve into the facade of the General Post Office built in 1914 in New York City. These words have become immortal as the rep- resentation of the postal carrier: “Neither snow, nor rain, nor heat, nor gloom of night stays these couriers from the swift completion of their appointed rounds” (USPS 2010). Famous postal workers included Abraham Lincoln (pres- ident, postmaster), John Brown (abolitionist, postmaster), D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail 227 Fig. 1. “Frank E. Webner, Pony Express rider,” ca. 1861; Histor- ical Photograph File of the Bureau of Public Roads, 1896–1963; Records of the Bureau of Public Roads, 1892–1972; Record Group 30; National Archives. Bing Crosby (singer, clerk), Walt Disney (producer, substitute carrier), William Faulkner (novelist, postmas- ter), and Charles Lindbergh (aviator, contract airmail pi- lot). The study of the development of such an important institution should not be neglected in the classroom and would connect well with many of the national social stud- ies standards (e.g., Time, Continuity, and Change; Individ- uals, Groups, and Institutions; Production, Distribution, and Consumption). Introducing the Theme in the Classroom Successful thematic instruction depends on a thorough in- troduction to the theme and continual reinforcement of the theme throughout each lesson or unit. One or all of the following essential questions can become the focus of instruction. 1. How does changing technology impact the lives of ev- eryday people? 2. Does changing communication technology change the nature of personal communication? 3. Will changing communication technology change the work of historians? 4. Should government sponsor or facilitate personal com- munication? When introducing the theme, the teacher should scaffold questions that open discussion about the nature of personal communications in an everyday, modern context and spiral to critical thinking questions related to the essential ques- tion. For example, the teacher might introduce this theme by asking the following questions: 1. How do you communicate with other people when you can’t communicate face-to-face? 2. Has personal communication changed in your lifetime? In your parents’ or grandparents’ lifetime? (e.g., letters, telephone, fax, e-mail, cell phones, texting, Skype, Face- book) 3. Before the telephone and computer technology, letters were the primary means of communication. How is com- munication through a letter different than through a telephone or computer? 4. Do changing communication methods affect events in history? (e.g., the speed of communication increased with the telegraph and telephone; or the spread of ideas such as revolution or independence from colonial rulers) 5. What recent events have been impacted by new com- munication methods? (e.g., use of Facebook and cell phone technology in 2011 uprisings of Arab peoples in the Middle East) 6. Will the changing technology of communication impact how historians write history? (e.g., advent of electronic communications may mean that historians in the future have fewer extant primary sources than historians that used paper documentation: letters, diaries) 7. Throughout American history, the American govern- ment has supported, with tax dollars, a communication network—the U.S. Postal Service. Is this a good use of tax dollars? Why or why not? To reexamine the thematic essential question throughout the unit or between units, students can complete a matrix that encourages comparisons over time. Table 1 displays an example matrix. Culminating Activity: Living Postal Museum Using the content information in this article and further re- search, students can choose a character role to play in a “liv- ing museum” in the classroom. Suggested roles include air- mail pilot, railway mail person, postmaster, Pony Express rider, steamboat captain, Mr. Zip, and walking mailperson. Once the roles are chosen, students will write short narra- tives in the first person that describe their time period, roles with the mail service, and the impact of emerging technol- ogy on their job. Students should memorize the script and practice telling their stories in a first-person format to their classmates. Students will need to gather props and create costumes for their role-playing. The museum can be set up in the classroom or hallway to allow for visitors during the day or open in the evening for visitation by parents. D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 228 Gandy and Resor Table 1. Matrix for Comparison to Examine the Essential Question Essential Question—Should government sponsor or facilitate personal communication? Colonial America Early Republic 1789–1850 Late 1800s –1900 Civil War; Reconstruction; Gilded Age 1900–1950 1950 – present Dominant form of communication Speed of communication Cost of personal communication New technology / improvements in communication Role of government in sponsoring communication Postal Service and the Revolutionary War The history of postal service is an important part of colo- nial and Revolutionary War history. The first official no- tice of colonial postal service was a 1639 ordinance of the General Court of Massachusetts designating Richard Fair- bank’s tavern in Boston as the official repository for mail brought from or sent overseas. As early as 1737, Benjamin Franklin served as deputy postmaster for the British colo- nial government in Philadelphia. Franklin instituted many changes in the postal system when he served as postmaster in Philadelphia, including providing for all newspapers to be carried by the mails at fixed rates of postage, laying out new post roads (to extend circulation of his newspaper), expanding mail service from Canada to New York, and instituting overnight delivery for the ninety miles between Philadelphia and New York City (USPS 1980). During the years of the revolutionary period, the Second Continental Congress deemed the “conveyance of letters and intelli- gence as essential to the cause of liberty” and created the position of Postmaster General in 1775 (USPS 2010) and quickly appointed Benjamin Franklin. The postal service became an instrument to unite Americans in a common cause. Benjamin Franklin served as postmaster until 1776, when President Washington appointed Samuel Osgood as the first Postmaster General of the new country. By 1789 there were seventy-five post offices in thirteen states and 2,400 miles of post roads (USPS 1980). Classroom Applications 1. Benjamin Franklin was dismissed from his position as Postmaster General in 1774 because of his revolutionary ac- tivities (Burke 2005). The Sons of Liberty created Commit- tees of Correspondence which communicated revolution- ary ideas between colonial towns. For example, a Boston Committee of Correspondence created a pamphlet in 1772 that described Massachusetts constitutional rights and de- scribed the ways in which the British colonial government infringed upon those rights. This pamphlet was distributed to Massachusetts towns to spread the concepts of colonial independence (Brown 1968). Student can research the fol- lowing issues: Would revolutionary anti-British materials such as this be sent by the official colonial post? Why or why not? What alternative methods were used to convey revolutionary ideas among the colonies? 2. Secret correspondence was required by military com- manders during the Revolutionary War. “Spy Letters from the American Revolution” (http://www2.si.umich. edu/spies/index-people.html) is an excellent website for students that includes images of actual spy letters, stories about the letters, and information about the methods used to write and convey the secret messages, and classroom activities. 3. Early letters in the colonies used neither envelopes nor stamps. Single folded sheets of paper with the address on the outside were typical types of letters sent. Students may misunderstand The Stamp Act of 1765 by imagining a modern-day postage stamp on the top, right corner of a colonial letter. The Stamp Act of 1765 sought to collect a tax on the sale of many printed materials in the colonies. The law required that documents be on government stamped paper. The “stamps” were not like modern U.S. Post Office stamps affixed to modern letters. In colonial times an “embossed revenue stamp” was used to create an impression on the paper. Only the official British colonial government could make these “stamps,” and those seeking a “stamp” on a legal document were required to pay the required tax. Newspapers had to be printed on stamped D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail 229 paper purchased from government agents at one penny per sheet. (See Smithsonian Institution examples here— http://collections.si.edu/search/results.jsp?q=record ID: npm 0.022044.2 and http://collections.si.edu/search/ results.jsp?q=record ID:npm 0.022044.1) Students can do a primary source analysis of the text of the Stamp Act of 1765 (http://www.ushistory.org/ DECLARATION/related/stampact.htm) and discuss the impact it would have had on everyday communication as well as its impact on revolutionary thought and actions. The Library of Congress website offers excellent resources that guide students in analyzing primary sources. (http:// www.loc.gov/teachers/usingprimarysources/guides.html) Changing Technology and the Mail After the Revolution, Americans continued to correspond through mail, but the rapid changes and growth in trans- portation technology made mail delivery available to more and more people and increased the speed of communica- tion. By 1820 more than 200 steamboats regularly delivered mail. Postmasters paid the captain either one or two cents to deliver letters, depending on the status of the craft. Congress declared waterways to be post roads in 1823 (Meyer 2004). Steamship companies carried mail between New York and California in three to four weeks, via Panama (USPS 2010). A letter from the Oregon territory might be sent by clipper ship around South America’s Cape Horn to the eastern seaboard (a journey of three months). Migrants began to move around the country and wrote let- ters to connect with those they left behind. Factory work- ers on the eastern seaboard wrote letters to family left on the farm. Letters became the tie that bound the chang- ing nation (Burke 2005). But by modern standards, letters were painstakingly slow and may not have arrived at all. For example, during the Civil War, mail addressed to the Confederate States was sent to the Dead Letter Office, and Confederate stamps were considered valueless in the North (Burke 2005). Railway Mail Service In the early 1830s, in response to criticism of slow mail (by horse and stagecoach), the postmaster general decided to put mail on trains. By 1838 Congress had declared that all railroads in the United States were considered post roads. For more than 140 years, Railway Mail Postal Service de- pendably moved and distributed the nation’s mail (Roman- ski 2005a). First-class mail could be sent from New York to Chicago in a day and often fronted the bills that paid for passenger routes (Roseman 2004). Compensation for carrying the mail was at first based on weight but later was based on the amount of space required for handling the mail (Romanski 2005b). Railway Post Offices (RPOs) were composed of mail- sorting compartments that occupied an entire train car. On the side of the car was a mail hook on a horizontal bar. A postal clerk rotated the arm outward and held it in place as the train approached a crane holding a sack of mail near the track. The hook snagged the bag and the clerk retrieved it. The clerk might then kick out a locked bag of mail destined for that location (Roseman 2004). Be- fore 1869 the clerk used his arm to catch the mail as the train went by. Life as a railway postal clerk was no easy task. Clerks often had to face derailments, train robberies, fires (from early wooden train cars), unsanitary working conditions, and overtime without compensation (Roman- ski 2005a). Unionism of the Railway Mail Service began with the creation of the National Association of Railway Postal Clerks in 1891. Racial discrimination led to the or- ganization of the National Alliance of Postal Employees, started in 1913 by Negro railway postal clerks (Romanski 2005b). The 1896 postmaster general’s report indicated that mail had been carried across 172,794 miles of railroad. How- ever, the Railway Mail Service was by no means without problems. Disagreements between the Post Office and the railroads concerning pay rates per mile often resulted in the railroads’ refusal to deliver the mail. Inconsistency of ar- rival and departure times of trains, insufficient numbers of mail cars, and ineffective methods of distributing mail fur- ther deterred the success of the service (Romanski 2005a). The U.S. Post Office delivered thousands of personal letters by train, but one could also order a wide variety of merchandise that could be shipped all over the nation on a train. Montgomery Ward sent out the first mail order catalog in 1872, followed soon after by Sears Roebuck and Company. After one year of rural delivery, Sears boasted that the company was selling four suits and a watch every minute (Moroney 1983). One of the most amazing offerings in the mail order catalog was the prefabricated houses. The House in the Mail (Wells and Wells 2002) is a children’s book that details how a family ordered and assembled their home from a kit ordered through the mail. This Kentucky family received their kit at the Lexington railroad station. Airmail Service In the mid-1800s mail was moved across the United States by balloon and carrier pigeon. The first experimental air- mail service by airplane began in 1911 in Long Island, New York. The Aero Club of New York created a gimmick at the fairgrounds in which souvenir postcards and letters would be carried aloft each day and delivered six miles away to be returned by regular mail (McAllister and Davidson 2004, 2). The novelty caught the public’s attention and inspired the idea of airmail service. It wasn’t until 1918 that Congress appropriated money to establish experimental airmail routes. The first three D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 230 Gandy and Resor months of operation, the postal service used army pilots and planes, but later hired civilian pilots and had specially built mail planes. The first female to carry airmail was a “barnstorming” pilot named Katherine Stinson. Kather- ine set an endurance record in 1918 of ten hours and ten minutes when flying the mail from Chicago to New York. She was also the first person in the United States to fly solo at night and the first pilot to do night skywriting (McAllis- ter and Davidson 2004, 26). Early planes had no radios, instruments, or other navi- gational aids. Pilots flew “by the seat of their pants.” The Post Office Department began to build landing fields, tow- ers, beacons, searchlights, and boundary markers across the country. The department also equipped planes with navi- gational instruments. Because of these important contri- butions to the development of aeronautics, the Post Office Department was awarded the Collier Trophy in 1922 and 1923 by the National Aeronautics Association (Moroney 1983). During World War I, the military post used an imaging technique from England to microfilm letters transported on ships and enlarging them to regular size before delivery. Known as “V-mail,” this process allowed the military to save cargo space (Burke 2005). It was during World War II that the “Dear John” letter ending a relationship caused heartbreak in many a soldier. In our nation’s history, letters served as a connection to families and friends and were read and shared frequently. Zip Codes The Zoning Improvement Plan (ZIP) Code was established in 1963 to better handle the increasing volume of mail. The first number of the code represents a general geo- graphic area of the country, from 0 in the East to 9 in the West. The next two digits pinpoint population con- centrations in regional areas accessible to common trans- portation networks. The final two numbers designate small post offices or postal zones (USPS 2010). Zip codes were a fundamental component of America’s 911 emergency sys- tem and allowed speedy results in times of need. With the use of GIS (Geographic Information Systems) and GPS (Global Positioning Systems), zip codes have become sec- ondary for 911 responses today. The Mr. ZipTM charac- ter was used from 1964 to 1986 to help Americans re- member to use the zip code (Kowalczyk and Burmeister 2007). The widespread adoption of the telephone into American homes diminished the need to share personal news by mail. This affordable and instantaneous communication device, however, leaves no written record of what was said (Burke 2005). New technology, such as IM (instant messaging), email, and text messaging with cell phones, means that fewer and fewer letters are being delivered by the U.S. Postal Service. Classroom Applications In the classroom the following topics could become the focus of student projects. 1. What have historians learned from the letters of sol- diers about the history of war? How does the changing lo- cation of a solider at war affect receipt of mail from home? (This website provides many examples: http://www.war- letters.com/). The Letter Repository is an archive of letters from normal everyday people of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries. 2. Railway transportation declined in the United States in the mid-twentieth century. Is mail still shipped by rail? How did the development of Amtrak affect the mail delivery on trains? 3. Why do you think the post office recruited civilian pi- lots rather than military pilots? Does the post office have its own fleet of planes? How have private shipping companies (Federal Express; UPS) impacted the delivery of mail? 4. The time lapse between the writing a letter and the receipt of the letter was extensive compared to today’s in- stant methods of communication. How long did delivery of personal communication take in the 1300s? 1500s? 1700s? 1900s? 2011? What were the common delivery methods during each time period? How might a delay of weeks or months affect the information in a written letter of the past? 5. Students can explore the Sears archives (http:// www.searsarchives.com/homes/byimage.htm) for images and prices of home kits for sale from 1908 to 1940. Fur- thermore, students could seek to learn if home kits are available for sale today and if those kits are delivered by the U.S. Postal Service or private companies. For exam- ple, at ValuBuild (http://valubuild.net/) a prefabricated house can be ordered for about $60,000. Although these types of homes are relatively cheap, there is often a social stigma attached to the low-quality, mass-produced prod- uct. Students could make a comparison of social attitude changes over the years related to ordering a house. Stu- dents could also research housing in their own communi- ties to see if nineteenth- and early twentieth-century rail- road delivered, mail-order homes were purchased and built locally. Historical Images and Post Stamps The first postage stamp was issued by Britain in 1840 and featured Queen Victoria. It was known as the Penny Black and had to be cut out with scissors to be used. This stamp was used in the British Isles. U.S. postage rates were stan- dardized in 1845, and special stamps or markings on the letter indicated that the sender had already paid the fee for postage. The first adhesive postage stamps to go on sale in the United States were the 10 cent George Washington and 5 cent Benjamin Franklin (USPS 2010). D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 Changing Technology and the U.S. Mail 231 Fig. 2. A commemorative stamp shows a railway mail clerk picking up a mail pouch from a catcher arm. (National Postal Museum, Smithsonian Institution). (Color figure available online.) Over the years, commemorative stamps have been issued which honor artists, musicians, writers, inventors, inven- tions, places, holidays, and events. U.S. commemorative stamps help to disseminate an official image of important Americans, holidays, and symbols, creating or sustaining American myths by publicizing of official image images (see figure 2). The first U.S. commemorative stamps were a series issued in 1893 featuring Columbus’s voyages to the New World. According to the USPS (2010), the first Ameri- can woman to be honored was Martha Washington (1901), the first Hispanic was Admiral David Farragut (1903), the first Native American was Pocahontas (1907), and the first African American was Booker T. Washington (1940). His- torical errors have been made on U.S Postage stamps. A 1994 stamp depicting Wild West star Bill Pickett actually portrayed the wrong man. Afterward, the U.S. Post Office hired a historian to authenticate all designs (Reebel 2002, 94). A Stamp Advisory Committee was established in 1957 to provide advice on subject matter, design, production, and issuance of postage stamps. Some of the guidelines included (1) no living person shall be honored by portrayal on U.S. postage; (2) stamps shall not be issued to honor religious institutions or individuals whose principal achievements are associated with religious undertakings or beliefs; and (3) stamps shall not be issued to honor cities, towns, munic- ipalities, counties, primary or secondary schools, hospitals, libraries, or similar institutions (USPS 2010). The U.S. Post Office recently amended the guidelines to allow stamps to honor persons who are living. Classroom Applications 1. Students can research the images on commemorative stamps relevant to a particular unit in the history class- room and evaluate the facts and the myths represented in the stamp. Through research, students will discover that Americans have not always been willing to recognize the contributions of women and minorities in the years such stamps were issued. They will discover the controver- sies surrounding some of the commemorative stamps (e.g., Mother Teresa stamp, Muslim holiday stamp, World War II stamp commemorating the end with a mushroom cloud caused by a nuclear bomb on the stamp). 2. Students can create commemorative stamps for their own important events, from people and times in a unit of study, or submit an idea for a stamp to the Stamp Ad- visory Committee. The committee accepts ideas that will stand the test of time, be consistent with public opinion, and have broad national appeal. Stamp subjects should be addressed to Citizens’ Stamp Advisory Committee, Stamp Development, United States Postal Service, 1735 North Lynn Street Room 5013, Arlington, VA 22209–6432. 3. Students can also explore postal seals and how they have changed over the years. Mercury, the messenger of the gods, was the official seal of Postmaster General Ebenezer Hazard in 1782. Postmaster Amos Kendall ordered that the official seal portray a post horse in speed with mailbags and rider in 1837. In 1970 the bald eagle became the center of the postal service seal (Moroney 1983). Students could design a new seal relative to historical or current events. Conclusion The U.S. Postal Service revolutionized person-to-person communication in America. Before 1863 postage paid for mail delivery only covered the trip from post office to post office. When Congress established free city delivery in 1863, cities had to provide sidewalks and crosswalks, ensure streets were named and well-lit, and assign num- bers to houses. The postal service also contributed to im- provements in rural areas. The typical farm family existed without automobiles, telephones, radio, or television. Of- ten the family would wait months before going to town for supplies and to pick up mail. Storekeepers acted as post- master. In 1896 Congress established Free Rural Delivery, which stimulated the development of roads and highways and linked industrial and rural America (USPS 1983). The Post Office continues to embrace technological changes to improve the mail service. In the end, new technology may be the undoing of the postal service. Not only is the Post Office affordable to all and mail is de- livered to everyone in the country, the Post Office also sup- plies public services to the community, including: (1) acting as a depository for VA burial flags, (2) distributing Internal Revenue forms, (3) locating relatives of deceased persons for the Armed Services, (4) accepting passport applications, and (5) distributing food coupons (Moroney 1983). This icon of America is such a part of our daily lives that we often don’t think about its importance. Each day the postal service delivers over 175 billion pieces of mail. It is the only D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 232 Gandy and Resor delivery service that reaches every address in the nation and receives no tax dollars (USPS 2010). Hopefully, classroom teachers can take these ideas and expand upon them to introduce students to this entity and the influence it has had on our history. The inscription on the old post office in Washington, D.C. sums it up best: Messenger of Sympathy and Love Servant of Parted Friends Consoler of the Lonely Bond of the Scattered Family Enlarger of the Common Life Carrier of News and Knowledge Instrument of Trade and Industry Promoter of Mutual Acquaintance Of Peace and Good Will Among Men and Nations (USPS 1980) References Brown, Richard D. 1968. “Massachusetts Towns Reply to the Boston Committee of Correspondence, 1773.” The William and Mary Quar- terly, Third Series 25(1): 22–39. Burke, Kathryn. 2005. Letter Writing in America. Smithsonian National Postal Museum. http://www.postalmuseum.si.edu/ letterwriting/index.html. Chiaventone, Frederick J. 2010. “Taking Stock of the Pony Express.” Wild West Magazine, 28–35. Kowalczyk, Manda, and Caitlin Burmeister. 2007. Mr. Zip. Na- tional Postal Museum. http://postalmuseum.si.edu/museum/ 1d MrZIP.html McAllister, Bruce, and Jesse Davidson. 2004. Wings Across America: A Photographic History of the U.S. Air Mail. Boulder, CO: Roundup Press. Meyer, Henry A. 2004. “50 Years Ago in Stamps: An Investigation of the Mark ‘Mail Route’.”Mekeel’s & Stamps Magazine 195(8): 19–23. Moroney, Rita L. 1983. History of the U.S. Postal Service 1775–1982. Washington, DC: The Service. Parker, Everett L. 2004. “Wings Across America photographs show air mail history.” Mekeel’s & Stamps Magazine 195(25): 5. Reebel, P. A. 2002. United States Post Office: Current Issues and Historical Background. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science. Romanski, Fred J. 2005a. The“Fast Mail”:A History of the U.S. Railway Mail Service. 37, 3. The U.S. National Archives & Records Administration. http://www.archives.gov/publications/ prologue/2005/fall/fast-mail-1.html ———. 2005b. The “Fast Mail”: A History of the U.S. Railway Mail Service, Part 2, 37, 3. U.S. National Archives & Records Administration. http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/ 2005/fall/fast-mail-2.html Roseman, Vic S. 2004. “Mail on the Rails.” Model Railroader 71(7): 72–76. Stilgoe, John R. 1998. Outside Lies Magic: Regaining History and Aware- ness in Everyday Places. New York: Walker and Company. USPS. 1980. We Deliver: The Story of the U.S. Postal Service. Retrieved from ERIC database (ED281820) USPS. 2010. The United States Postal Service: An American History 1775–2006. www.usps.com/postalhistory. Relevant Websites American Philatelic Society for Kids http://www.stamps.org/kids/kid QA.htm Includes the history of stamps and stamp collecting, along with fun activities for kids. Library of Congress www.loc.gov The Library’s Geography and Map Division has early post route, railroad, and other historic maps. Search for “map collections.” Mystic Stamp Company www.mysticstamp.com Includes pictures of stamps from the U.S. and other places around the world. National Postal Museum—Activity Zone http://www.postalmuseum.si.edu/activity/8 activity.html This Smithsonian website offers a wide variety of activities for kids and adults. Postal Facts 2010 http://www.usps.com/strategicplanning/ pdf/ PostalFacts 03 17 2010.pdf Includes fun facts about the post office. Smithsonian Kids—Collecting Stamps http://www.smithsonianeducation.org/idealabs/ collecting/main.html Allows kids to explore the Smithsonian collections and get ideas for their own collections. Teacher Resources United States Postal Office Education Kits http://www.usps.com/communications/community/ classroom.htm Postal Pack for Elementary School Students http://postalmuseum.si.edu/educators/PostalPack.pdf Relevant Children’s Literature Ahlberg, Janet, and Allan Ahlberg. 1986. The Jolly Postman or Other People’s Letters. New York: Little, Brown and Company. Gibbons, Gail. 1982. The Post Office Book: Mail and How It Moves. New York: Harper Collins. Harness, Cheryl. 2002. They’re Off! The Story of the Pony Express. New York: Aladdin Books. Wells, Rosemary, and Tom Wells. 2004. The House in the Mail. New York: Puffin Books. D ow nl oa de d by [ S . K ay G an dy ] at 1 6: 56 0 1 F eb ru ar y 20 13 
work_36wy473sjrdt7pcbjq7iekyciu	----	XVI. Observations on the expectations of lives, the increase of mankind, the influence of great towns on population, and particularly the state of London with respect to healthfulness and number of inhabitants. In a letter from Mr. Richard Price, F. R. S. to Benjamin Franklin, Esq; LL.D. and F. R. S Received April 20* XVl. Obfervations on the Eipe<3&tiojns of Lives y the Increafe of Mankind^ the In­ fluence of great fowns on faHiculafly the State of London refpeB to Healthfulnefs Number Inhabitants* \ In a Le Mr. Richard* Price, F. R. S; to Benjamin F r a n k l i i f f ^ I M ' D e a r S i r , Read April27a n d T B E G leave to fubmit to your pe* May 4,1769. fu£aj t^ e f0ij0Wjng obfervations. I f you think them o f any importance, I ihall be obliged to you for communicating them to th e ! Royal Society. You will find that the chief fubjedt o f them is the prefent Rate o f the city of London, With refpedt to healthfulnefs and num ber o f inha­ bitants, as far as it can be colle&ed from the bills of mortality. T his is a fubjeft that has been con- fidered by others $ but the proper method of calcu­ lating from the bills has not* I think, been fuffici- ently explained. N o competent judgm ent can be formed of the following obfervations, without a clear notion o f w hat Y o l . L IX . N the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 9 ° ] the writers on L ife Annuities and have called th e Expectation ofPerhaps this is not in com mon properly underftood;; and M r. De M oivre’s m anner o f exprefling him felf ab o u t-it is very liable to be m idaken. ; T h e moft obvious fenfe o f th o f a given life is, “ T h a t particular num ber o f years ie which a life o f a given age has an equal chance “ o f enjoying.” T his is properly the time that a perfon may reafonably expeCt to live ; for the chances againft his living longer are greater than thofe f o r it and, therefore, he cannot entertain an expectation o f living longer, confiftent|y w ith probability. T his period does not coincide with w hat the writers on Annuities call the expectation of Itfe^ except on the fuppofition o f an uniform decreafe in the probabilities o f life, as M r. Simpfon has obferved in his SdeCt Exercifis, p / 2 7 3 .— - I t is neceffary to add, that, even on this fuppofition, it does not coincide with w hat is, called the expectation o f life in any cafe of joint lives. T hus,, two joint lives o f 40 have an even chance, ac­ cording to M r. D e Moivre’s hypothefis*, o f conti- f hypothecs, here referred, to, petes (as is well known to thofe who BkVe ftudred the tub- ject of Life Annuities) an equal decrement of human life through all its ftages.. T h a t is, it fuppofes that out of any given number alive at a given age, the fame number will die every year till they are all dead. T h u s ; 86 M r. De Moivre- makes the utmoft probable extent of W T h e ' number o f years ’ which^ any given life wants' of g6 he- Bills the that life.------56, therefore, is the cotopfrmint o f *0} and fun, poling 56 perlbns alive at this age, W w i l l die every year till m 56 years, they will be all dead.. T h e like will happen to 46 at 40, to 36 at 50, and fo on, for all other ages. T h is is an nuingo D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 9 i ] nuing together only 134. years. But the expectation o f two equal joint lives being (according to the fame hypothecs) always a third o f the common , it is in this cafe 154. years. It is neceffary, therefore, toobferve, that there is another fenfe o f this phrafe which ought to be carefully diftinguifhed from that now mentioned. It may fignify u T h e - “ nuance o{ any given Jingle, jo in t, or lives, “ according to any given table of o b f e r v a t i o n s t h a t is, the number o f years which, taking them one with another, they a&ually enjoy, and may be confidered as fu re o f enjoying, thofe who live or furvi that period, enjoying as much more time in proportion to their number, as thofe who fallJhort of it enjoy lefs. T h u s, Suppofing 46 perfons alive, all 40 years of age, and that, according to M r. De Moivre’s - pothefis, one will die every year till they are all dead in 46 years, h alf 46 or 23 will be their o f life: that is; T h e number o f years enjoyed by them all will be juft the fame as if every one of them had lived 23 years, and then died $ fo that, fuppofing no intereft o f money, there would be no difference in va­ lue between annuities payable for life to every fingle perfon in fuch a fet, and equal annuities payable to another equal fet of perfons o f the fame common age, fuppofed to be all fare o f living juft 23 years and no more. excellent bypothejis. It eafes exceedingly the labour of calcu­ lating the values of lives. It is remarkably agreeable to D r. Halley’s Table of Obfervations ; and, as far as it implies an equal decrernent of life, is, in a great meafure, confirmed by other Tables. N 2 l a D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 9 2 0 In like m anner y t h e third o f 46 years, or 15 years and 4 m onths, is th e expectat o f two joint lives both 40 ; and this is alfo th e expectation, o f the fur- vivor* T h a t i s ; fuppofing a let o f marriages be­ tw een perfons all 4 0 , they will, one w ith another, laft ju ft this tim e, and the furvivors will laft th e fame tim e ; and annuities payable during the conti­ nuance o f fuch, marriages w ould, fuppofing no inter- eft o f money, tie o f exa&ly the fame value w ith an­ nuities to begin at the extinction o f fuch marriages, and to be paid, during life, to the furvivors. In adding together the years w hich any great num ber o f fuch marriages and their furvivorftiips have lafted, the fums would be found to be equal. O ne is naturally led to underftand the expectation o f life in the firft o f the feufes now explained, w hen, by M r. Simpfon and M r. De M oivfe, it is called, her f year 1 which, upon an-equality of chance, a perfon may expeCt taenjoyy or, the time a perfon of a given age may juftly expeCt to continue in being and, in the laft fenfe, w hen it is called, the Jhare of life due to a perfon*. But, as in reality it is always ufed in form er language ftiould not be applied to i t : and it is in this laft fenfe th a t it coincides w ith thefums o f the probabilities th at any given lingle or jo in t lives fhall attain to the end o f the ift, 2d, 3d, &c. moments from this tim e to th e end o f their poffible exiftence or, in the cafe o f furvivorfliips, w ith the fum of th e probabilities th at * See M r. D e Moivre on Annu, p. 65, &c. 4th edition, and M r. Simpfoa’s Seled Exercifes, p. 255, 273.' there 1 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [[ 93 0 there (hall be a furvivor at th e end of the ift, 2d, 3d, &c. momentŝ from this time to the end o f the poflible exigence of furvivorfhip. T his coincidence every one converfant in thefe fubje&s muft fee, upon refleding, that both thefe fenfes give the true prefent value of a liferannuity fecured by land, without intereft of money * T h e fumof the probabilities that any given lives will attain to the end of the Tft, 2d, 3d, See.years from the prefent time to the utmoft extremity of life (for inftance, 4 + +. + h e . to ±£ 2 2 | for lives of 40, by the may be called their ■ expectation^ or the numbep of payments due to them, as yearly annuitants* T h e fum of the probabilities that they will at­ tain to the end of the ift, 2d, 3d, (or, in the par­ ticular cafe fpecified, |_1. 4 ~~4 4 — V years, or 22% years) is their expedition as half yearly And the fums juft mentioned of the probabilities of their attain­ ing to the end of the iff, 2d, 3d, he.moments (equal in the fame particular cafe to ,23 years) is properly their expectation o f lifey or their expectation as,annuitants fecured by land. Mr. De Mbivre has concealed the demonftrations of the rules he has given for finding thefe expectations of life, and only intimated, in general, that he difeovered them by a calculation deduced from the method of fluxions, p. 66> pf his Treatifeon Annuities. It ’will, "perhaps, Be ’'agreeable to fdme to fee how eafily they are deduced iothfs method upon the by pot hefts of an equal decrement of life. Let x ftand for a moment of time and n the complement of any afligned life. T hen n~,he,mil be the prefent probabilities of its continuing to the end of the ift, 2d, 3d, h e . moments j and- the probability of Its continuing to the end of %x- w $ ther^fb^e be of the fum of 71 the probabilities, ot of i a ’-ana reprefenting this fum, whofe T im D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 9 4 ] T his period in joint lives, I have obferved, is never • ’ $2 X ~ — !— T h e th i s e x p re ftio n , '[ : . J | ̂ 4 , ,! .. . |r| | or a— ~ is the fum itfelf for the time a- ; and this, when betomes | « , and gives t h e expectation of; .the.affigned life, cr the fum of all the probabilities juft mentioned'for its whole poiTibie duration.— In like manner: Since n- ~ is the probability that two equal joint lives will continue * time - — * x i will be the«* fluxion of the fum o f the probabilities. T h e fluent is X*“ M x — q. - —-a, which when « z ; ^ i s — th6 expectation of two fftfiltr * 3 equal joint lives.-—— -Again : Since — x —r is the proba- bility that there will be a furvivor of two equal joint lives at the end of x time, x — x * will be the of the fum of the probabilities; and the flmntyor is (when *t or the expectation of furvivorfhip between two equal lives, which therefore appears to be equal to the of their joint continuance. T h e expectation of two unequal joint lives found in the fame way is - — • g j , m being the o f the old eft life, and» the complement of the yonngeft; T h e whole expectation o f fu rvivorfhip is ^ -f — T h e expe&ation i ■ : *1 ] - 2 | j 5 Jjf| 2 , | J| i,i A of furvivorfhip on the part of the oldeift lsv and the ex- 6» i 11 ■' t" | j J peftatjon on the part of the youngeft i s , — -f I t is eafy to apply this inveftigation to any number of joint lives, and to all cafes of furvivorfhip. «j *y I 4 1 have above endeavoured to fhew d iftin % how the expecta­ tions oifingle lives may be found, agreeably to any Table of ‘ Ob- fervations, without having recourfe to any principles, except fuch as are plain and common. the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 95 J the fame with the period which they have an equal haiice of enjoying y and in fingle lives, I have ob- ferved, they are the fame only on the fuppofition of an uniform decreafe in the probabilities of life. I f this decreafe, inftead o f being always uniform, is celerated in, the laft ftages o f life, the former period, in fingie lives, will be ^ than the latter; if it will be greater. It is necefiary to add, that the number expreffing the former period, multiplied by the number o f fingle or joint lives whofe expedition it is added annually to a fociety or town, gives the whole num ­ ber living together, to which fuch an annual addition would in time grow. T h u s ; fince 19, or the third of 57, is the expectation- of two joint lives whofe common age is 29, or common complement 57, twenty marriages every year between perfons o f this age. would, in 57,years^ grow to 20 times 19, or 380 marriages always ex itin g together. T h e number o f Jw vivors alfo arifing from thefe marriages, and always- living together, would, in twice 57 years, increafe to the fame number. And, fince the expectation o f a fingle: life is always half its complement ̂ in 57 years likewife 20. fingle perfons aged 29, added annually to a town, would increafe to 20 times 28,5 or 570 y and when arrived at this number, the deaths every* year will juft equal the acceftlons, and no further in­ creafe bepoflible. ■ , oy, > It appears from hence, that the particular propdr- ' t;on that becomes extinct evefy year, out of the whole number conftantly exifting together of fingle or joint lives, muft, wherever this number undergoes no variation, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t ¥> 1 variation, be exadtly the lam e w ith the o f thofe lives at the l i n e w hen their exigence com ­ menced. T h u s ; was it found that a 19th part o f all the marriages among any body of m en, whofe num bers do not vary, are diffolved every year by the deaths o f either th e hufbarid o r 4 wife; it would Ap­ pear that 19 was, at the tim e they were contracted, x\\texpeBation o f thefe marriages* In like m a n n e r; was it found in a fbciety, lim ited to a fixed num ber of members, that a 28th part dies annually out o f the whole num ber o f m em bers, it would appear that 2,8 was their eoriirnon expectation o f life at the tim e they entered* So 1 ! likew ife; were it found it! any.tow n otdiftriCt, Where the dum ber o f births and burials are equal, that a 20th or 30 th part o f the in­ habitants die annually, it would appear that 20 or 30 was the expectationo f a tM ld jd ft born in that town or diftriCb T hefe expectationtherefore, for ^Jingle lives, are eafily found by a 'Table ofObjema* iions, foe wing thfe dum ber that die annually at all ages, out o f a given num ber alive at thofe ag es; and the general rule for this purpofe is “ to divide “ the fum o f all the living in th e T ab le at the age « whofe expectation is required, and at all greater <£i ages, by the fum o f ail that die annually at “ that age, and above i t ; or, w hich is the fame, by “ the num ber in the T able o f the living at that age 5 “ and h a lf fubtraCled from the quotient will be the c< required expectation ̂ T h u s, in D r. H alley s T able, the fum of all th e living at 2.0 and upwards is 2 0 ,7 2 4 ; T h e num ber living at th at age is 598 ; and the form er num ber divided by the latter, and h a lf D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 97 1 . h alf unify * fubtra&ed from the quotient, gives 34- ̂ 5 fo r the e m B a tim -of H2o/v T t e expectation o f the lame life by M r MmffinsTable, formed from the bills of mortality of London, is 28.9* T hefe obfervations bring me to the principal point which I have had all along in view. T h ey L o e f t t o us an ealy method of finding the num ber of inhabitants in a place from a fable oj Observations, or the bills o f mortality for that place, fuppofmg the yearly births and burials equal. “ Find by the « Table, in the way juft defcribed, the « o f an infant juft born, and this, multiplied by the «< number o f : yearly births, will be the number of «< inhabitants.” A t Brejlaw, according to D r. H al­ ley’s Table f , though half die under 16, and there­ fore an infant juft born has an equal chance of living only 16 years, yet Imexpetiatmfo u n d by th6 rule I have given, is near 28 years > and this, multiphe by 1238 the number born annually, gives 34,664, * T his fubtraaion is neceffary, becaufe the divifor ought to be made as much greater than the number dying annual y given in the Table, as the expectation, with \ unity added, is greater than the expectation, on account of the number that will die, in the courfe of the year, out of thofe who are continually added, In order to preierve thb}nurnbef bf the living the tame. In other w ords: If we conceive the recruit neceflary to fupply the wade of every year to be made al ways at the end o f the year, the dividend ought to be the me between the numbers jiving at the beginning and the end of the y ear; that is, it bug t to be taken lefs than thb Tiim of the hving m th eT ab le at and abbvb the given age,* by Jjalfthelum ber thatchein the yearj, the of which dimwmon yMbe the fame with th have directed. . !(f . , • i - r , r„_ t Vid. Lowthorp’s Abridgment of the Philofbphieal 1 tanfac- tions, vol. III. p .6 6 9 . , Vo l. L 1X. 0 the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 the num ber o f inhabitants. In like m a n n e r; it ap* pears from M r . Simpfon’s Table, th a t, though an in­ fant ju ft born in London has not an equal chance o f living 3 years, his expeBationis 20 years; and this num ber, multiplied by the yearly births, would give the num ber of inhabitants in London, were th e births and burials equal; T h e m edium o f the yearly births, for the laft 10 years, has been 15,710. T h is num ber, multiplied by 2 0 , /̂is 314,2005 w hich is th e num ber o f inhabitants that there would be in Lon* don, according to*the bills, were th e yearly burials no more than equal to the b irth s : th a t is, were it to fupport itfelf in its num ber o f inhabitants w ithout any fupply from the country.1 B ut for the laft 10 years, the burials have, at an average, been 2 2 ,9 5 6 , and exceeded the chriftenings 7 ,2 4 6 . T h is is, there­ fore, at prefent, the yearly addition o f people to L on­ don from other parts o f the kingdom , by w hom it i s kept up. Suppofe them to be all, one w ith another, perfons who have, when they remove to L ondon, an expeffiation o f life equal to years. T h a t is 5 fup- pofe them to be all o f the age o f 18 or 20 , a fuppo- fition certainly far beyond the truth. F rom hence will arife, according to w hat has been before ob­ served, an addition o f 30 multiplied by 7 ,2 4 6 , that is 217,380 inhabitants. T h is num ber, added to the former, makes 5 3 1 ,5 8 0 ; and this, I thin k , at m oft, would be the num ber o f inhabitants in London w ere the bills perfect. But it is certain that they give the num ber o f births and burials top little. T h e re are many burying-places that are never brought into the bills. M any alfo emigrate to the navy and arm y and c o u n try ; and theie ought to be added to the num ber D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 f 9 » ] ' number o f deaths. W h a t the deficiencies arifing from hence are, cannot be determined. Suppofe them equivalent to 6000 every year in the births, and 60 0 0 in the burials. T his would make an addition of 20 times 6000 or 120,000 to the lad number, and the whole number o f inhabitants would be 651,580. I f the burials are deficient only two thirds of this number, or 4000, and the births the whole o f it ; 20 multiplied by 6000, m u d be added to 314,290 on account o f the defe&s in the b irth s : and, fince the excels of the burials above the births will then be only 5 ,2 4 6 ; 30 multiplied by 5,246 or 157,380, will be the num ber to be added on this account; and the fum, or num ber of inhabitants, will be 591.580. But if, on the contrary, the burials are deficient 6 0 0 0 , and the births only 4 0 0 0 ; 80,000 m uft be added to 314,290, on account of the defi­ ciencies in the births ; and 30 multiplied by-9,246, on account o f the excefs o f the burials above the births, and the whole number of inhabitants will be 6 71.580. Every fuppofition in thefe calculations feems to me too high. Emigrants from London are; in par­ ticular, allowed the fame expe ffiation of continuance in London with thofe who are born in it, or who come to it in the firmed part of life, and never afterwards leave i t ; whereas it is not credible that the former expectation fhouid be fo much as half the latter. But I have a further reafon for thinking that this calculation gives too high numbers, which has with me irrefidible weight. It has been, feen that the number o f inhabitants comes out lefs on the fuppo-’ fition, that the d e fe rs in the chridenings are greater O 2 t h a n ; D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 1 , . f w ] _ than thofe in. the burials. N o w it: feems evident tn& tftW is1reŶIy th d lcaj®' ; and, as it is a fadt not at- * tended t6, t will here endeavour to explain didin& ly the reafon which proves it. 1 T h e , proportion of the num ber o f births in L o n ­ don, to the num ber w hp live to be i o years o f age, is, by t|ie bills, 16 to 5; A n y o n e may find this to be true, by fubtrailing the annual medium o f thofe w h o have died under 10, for forne years p a d , from the annual medium o f births for the fame num ber o f y e a rs .------N o w , tho*, w ithout doubt, London is very fatal to children, yet it is incredible that it fhould be fo fa ta l as" this implies.} T h z bills]theftfore, very proba­ bly, give the num ber o f thofe w ho die under 10 too great in proportion to the num ber o f births 5 and there can be no other caufe of this, than a greater deficiency in the births than in the . W ere tn etijnciencies.m both equal, that is, were the fo - fj&lfc In proportion t o ftheir num ber, j u d as deficient a^tdie births are in proportion to their num ber, the proportion o f thofe who reach 10 years o f age to the num ber bornf would be right in 'th e bills, let the defi­ ciencies themfelves be ever fo confiderable. O n th e contrary, were the deficiencies in the greater tjjan in the births, this proportion would be given too great ; and it is only w hen the form er are lead that this proportion can be given too little.-------T h u s ; let thê num ber o f annual burials be 2 3 ,0 0 0 ; o f births 1,5,70,0; and the num ber dying annually under 10, 10*800*. T h e n 4 ,9 0 0 will reach 10 o f 15,700 born -an n u d ly j that is, 5 out o f 16.-—— W ere there no deficiencies in t h e burials, and w e r e it-fa& that only cue under 10, it would follow, that there was an annual D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ ] annual deficiency equal to 4 ,9 ° ° fubtraded from ] 0 ,8oo, or 5,900 in the birthsWere the births a third part too little, and the alfo a third part too little, the true number o f , and of children dying under 10, would be 2 0 ,933—— 30,666, and 14,400 5 and, therefore, the number that would live to 10 years of age would be 6,533 out of 20,933, or 5 o f 16 as before.-------W ere the biiths a third part, and the burials fo much as two-fifths wrong, the num ber of births, burials9 and children dying un­ der 10 would be 20,933*" and 1 5 ,1 2 0 ; and, therefore, the num ber that would live to 10 would be 5,813 out of 20,933, or 5 out of 1 8 - — W ere the births a 3d part wrong, and the burials but a 6th, the foregoing numbers would be 20,933— — 26,833____ 12,6005 and, therefore, the number that would live to 10 would be 8,333 out o f 2 0 ,9 3 3 , or 5 ollt of 1 2 .5 6 ; and this proportion feems as low as is confident with any degree of probability. It is fomewhat lefs than the propor­ tion in M r. Simpfon’s Table of Ohferva- tionsy and near one half lefs than the proportion in the T able of Obfervations for Breflaw, w h ereit appears that above 9 of 16 live to be 10, and that one h a lf live to be 16. T h e deficiencies, therefore, in the births cannot be much Ids than double thofe in the burials* y and the lead numbers I have given * One obvious reafon of this fa& is, that of the births among Jews,Quakers, Paptfis, and the denominations o f DiJJenters are included in the bills, whereas of their burials are. It is further to be attended to, that the abortive and itiU- born, amounting to about 600 annually, are included in the burials, but never in the births. If we add thefe to the chriften- m ud, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 . 1 1 0 2 ] rrmft, probably, be neareft to the true num ber o f inha­ bitants. H ow ever; fhouId any one; after all, think that it is not improbable that only 5 o f 16 fhould live in London to be 10 years o f age, or that above two thirds die under this age, the confequence o f ad­ m itting this will ftill be, that the foregoing calcula­ tion has been carried too high. F or it will from hence follow, that the expectation o f a child j u f t born in London cannot be fo m uch as I have taken it. This expectation is 20, on the fuppofition that h a lf die under 3 years o f age, and that 5 o f 16 live to be 29 years o f age, agreeably to M r. Sirnp- fon’s T ab le, But if it is indeed true, that half die under 2 years o f age, and 5 o f 16 under 10, agreeably to the hills- this expectation m uft be lefs than 20, and all the numbers before given will be co n fid en tly reduced. Upon the w h o le : I am forced to conclude from thefe observations; that the fiecond num ber I have gi­ ven, or 6 5 1 ,5 8 0 , though fhort o f the num ber o f in­ habitants com m only fuppofed in London, is, very probably, greatery b u t cannot be m uch lefs, than th e true num ber. Indeed, it is in general evident, that in cafes o f this kind numbers are very m uch over­ rated, T h e ingenious D r. Brakenridge 14 years ago, w hen the bills were low er th a n they are now , from the num ber o f houfes, and allowing fix to a houfe, made the num ber o f inhabitants 7 5 1 ,8 0 0 . B ut his m ethod of determ ining the n u m - mgs," 3 " prefeiving the burials the fame, the proportion of the born, according to the bills, who have reached ten for the laft fix- teen years, will be very nearly one inftead of * Vid. PhifTranfaa. vol.XLVIII. her D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C ±63 1 ber onioufes is tooprecarious j. and, befides, fix. to a houle is, probably too large an allowance. Many families now ,haye two houfes to live in. T h e ma* giftrates of Norwich, 101752, took an exadt account of both the number of houles and individuals in that city.. 'f T h e number o f houfes was 7,139, and o f * If this is true, D r. Brakenrldge has alfo over-ratyd the number of people iti England; T h e number of houfes rated to the window tax he had, he fays, been Certainly informed was 690.000. T h e number of cottages not rated was hot, he adds, accurately know n; but from theaccounts giyep in it appeared, that they could not amount to above 200,0O0; and, allowing 6 to a houfe, this would make the number of people in England 5.340.000. But if 5 to a hou’fe fhould be a jufter allowance,1' the number will be 4,450,000. * T he number of people in Scot4 land he reckons j , 500^000, and in Ireland i,Ooo,oeo.--'S-ee a Letter to George Lewis Scott, Efq; Phil. Tranfa^f. vo); X L I$> p. 877. i 756. ' t Vid. Gentleman’s M agatihe for 1752, and Dr. Sharps Comparative hijlory o f the incrsafe , p, 38. In page 58 of this laft work the author fays, that, in order to be fully fa- tisfied about the nUmber of perfpns to be allowed to a family, he procured the true number of families and individuals in 14 market towns, fome of them conftderable for trade and popu- Joufnefs; and that in them were 2 0 ^ 1 families, and 97,611 individuals, or but little more than 4 ! to a family. He adds, that, in order to find the difference in this refpe& between, towns of trade and country parifhes, he procured from divers parts of the kingdom the exatT: number an duals \n 65 country parifhes. T h e number of families was 17,208; individuals76,284 ; or not quite 4 ! to a family.— In the place I have juft referred to, in the Gentleman’s Magazine, there is an account of the number §{ houfes and in O x­ ford exclufiveof the colleges, and in Wolverhampton, Coventry, and Birmingham, for 1750. T h e number of perfons to a houfe was, by this account, 4+ in the two former towns, and 5 .̂ in the two latter. It feems, therefore, to appear that 5 perfons to a houfe is an allowance large enough for London, and too large for England in general. mdivi* D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 1 0 4 ] individuals 3 6 ,1 6 9 , which gives nearly 5 to a houfe. ------ A nother method which D r. Brakenridge took to determine the num ber o f inhabitants in L o n ­ don was from the annual num ber o f burials, adding 2000 to the bills for omilTions, and fuppofing a 3 0 th part to die every year, In order to prove this to be a moderate fuppofition he obferves th at, according to D r. Halley’s Obfervations, a 34th part die every year at Brellaw. But this obfervation was made too inad­ vertently. T h e num ber o f annual burials there, ac­ cording to D r. Halley’s account, was 1174, and the num ber o f inhabitants, as deduced by him from his T able, was 3 4,000, and therefore a 29th part died every year. Befidesf any one may find, that in reality the T able is conftru&ed on the fuppofition, th a t the whole num ber born, or 1238, die every year y from whence it will follow that a 28 th part died every year. * D r. Brakenridge, therefore, had he attended to this, would have ftated a 2 4 th part as the proportion th at dies in London every year, and this would have taken off 1 5 0 ,0 0 0 from the n u m ber h e has given. But even this rauft be lefs than the ju ft proportion. For let three fourths of all w ho either die in London or m igrate from it, be fuch as have been born in L ondon $ and let the reft be perfons w ho have removed to L on­ don from the country or from foreign nations. * Care fiiould be taken, in confidering D r. Halley’s T able, not to take the firft number in it, or 1000, for fo many ju ft born. 1238, he tells us, was the annual medium of births, and 1000 is the number he fuppofes ail living at one year and under. It was inattention to this that led D r. Brakenridge to his miftake. T h e D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t m 1 . - TChe txpettfttion o f the former, it hasx be^n qannot exceed 20 years* and years haye been al- Ibweci to the l a t t e r . O n e w ith another, then, they will have an expeBationof 22^ years. X |iat is, one o f a 24. will die every year. ^ A n d , confequently, * Tbfe whrild5 hiiiiiber of inhabitants in Rome, in (the' year ¥761, was 1 5 7 4 5 2 ^ ofvwhoda^90,239 were males, and 67,213 females; And the annual medium of births, for 3 years from '1759 to 1761, was $,167, and of burials 7,153. According to this account, therefore, a 2MfW o f the inhabitants dte-iti Rome every year. See D h Short’s Comparative increafe and decreafe 'opmankind in England and \fiveral m n t r m abroad,p. 59, 6o.-H-r-rIn Berlin, as the fame author r e |a t^ , p. 60, in fix years, from 1734 t0 17 4 °’ We annua* medium,or births was 3,504, of burials 3,639; and the number of mha- bitants was <¥8,197; miles 32,990, and females 35>f$7j*f ** m th part,therefore*ofithe inhabitants pf Berlin are buried every year. As numbers, taken, by a d u a l furvey are generally too little, fuppofe, in the jjrefent.inftance, an error committed m reckoning the .number o f Inhabitants,; equal to a lOtH of the whole num ber,’ or to the whole number of children under 3} and fuppofe liteevkife ho omiflirins in the burials; T h e conje- Ueence will.be* that about 1 in 21 are buried at Berlin every year>—— At Dublin, in the year 1695, the numbfr of kihabit- ants was found, by an e x a a furvey; to be 46,508 (febPhilof. Tranfe&ions, N ° 261 )¥ •' I find no I account of the anntal burials juft thatitiinefjjIbufe friom i6 6 i to t 6 8 i , the medium had been 16131 a n f from 1715 to 1748 it was 2123. can, therefore, be n a material error in fuppofing that in focjjj lt was 1800; arid this makes i in 22 to die annually.— M 1745 the-number account laid before the ;jLord ;to be ^,244* It is pro­ bable, this number of families did not confift of more thart 50,ocb individuals. Suppofe them, however, 5 5 ,0'cb; and, as at this time the rnedium of annual-burials appears to have been 1 in 23 died a n n u a l l y f e e D r. Short’s- Comparative Hi/hry, p. 15, and NewObfermtiom, ^ 2 2 8 ; know not bow far thefe fa^ls may be depended on; If they come at all neaif the tru th , they dembnftrate that I have been very moderate in making V o t . L I X . P fuppofing D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 106 I fuppofing the annual recruit from the country to be 7 0 0 0 , the num ber o f births 3 times 7 000 or 2 1 ,0 0 a, and the burials and m igrationiz^^ooo (w hich feern to be all high fuppofitions), the num ber o f inhabitants w ill be 22_* multiplied by 28,000, or 6 3 0 ,0 0 0 . I will ju ft mention here one other inftance o f ex­ aggeration on the prefent fubjedl. M r. Corbyn Morris, in his Obfervations on pajl only 1 in 2 2 f, including emigrants, to die in London annually. — — In 1631 the number of people in the city liberties o f London was taken, by order of the Privy Council, and found to be 130^178.— T his account was taken five years after a plague that had fwept off near a quarter of the inhabitants ; and* when, therefore, the town being full of recruits in the vigour o f life, the medium of annual burials muff have been lower than ufual, and the births higher. Could, therefore, the medium o f annual burials at that time, within the walls and in the 16 pa- fifties without the walls, be fettled, exclufive of thofe who died in fuch parts of the ibparifhes without the walls, as are not in the libertiesthe proportion dying annually obtained from bence might be depended on, as rather lefs than the common and juft- proportion. Rut this medium cannot be difeovered with any accuracy. Graunteftimates that two thirds of thefe i<6 pariflies are within the libertiesj and, if this is right, the medium of an­ nual burials in the city and liberties in 1631, was 5,500, and 1 in 2 3 I died annually j or, making a fmall allowance for defi­ ciencies in the bills*, 1 in 22*1......M r. M aitland, in his Hiftory- of London, vol. II. p. 744, by a laborious, but too unfatisfadlory, inveftigation, reduces this proportion to 1 in 2 4 ! } and on the fuppofitions, that this is the true proportion dying annually, a t all times, in London, and that the deficiencies in the burials amount to 3,038 annually, he determines that the number of in­ habitants within the bills was 725,903 in the year 1737. T h e number of burials not brought to account in the bills is probably, now much greater than either D r. Brakenridge or M r! M aitland fuppofe it. I have reckoned it fo high as 6000, in order to include emigrants, and alfo.to be more fare of not falling be­ low the truth.. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 10 7 ] growth afid prefent Jiate of the city of London, pub-' iifhed in 1751, fuppofes that no more than a 6 0 th part of the inhabitants o f London, who are above 20, die every year, and from hence he determines that the number of inhabitants was near a million. In this fuppofition there was an error o f at lead one half. According to D r. Halley’s Table, it has been {hewn, that a 34th part o f all at 20 and upwards, die every year at Breflaw. In London, a 29th part, according to M r. Simpfon’s T able, and alfo according to all other Tables o f London Obfervations. A nd in Scot­ land it has been found for many years, that o f 9 7 4 minifters and profeffors whofe ages are 27 and upwards, a 33d part have died every year. H ad, therefore, M r. Morris ftated a 30th part of all above 20 as dying annually in London, he would have gone beyond the truth, and his conclufion would have been 4 00,000 lefs than it is. D r, Brakenridge obferved, that the number o f in ­ habitants, at the time he calculated, was 127,000 lefs than it had been. T h e bills have lately ad- vancedj but ftill they are m uch below What they were from 1717 to 1743. T h e medium o f the an­ nual births, for 20 years, from 1716 to 1736, was 18,000, and o f burials 26,529 ; and by calculating from hence on all the fame fuppofitions w ith thofe which made 651,580 to be the prefent num ber o f inhabitants in London, it will be found that the number then was 735,8 4 0 , or 84,260 greater than the number at prefent. London, therefore, for th e lif t,$6 years, has been decreafing; and though now it is increafing again, yet there is reafon to think that the additions lately made to the number o f P 2 buildings D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 E 108 J buildings round it, are ow ing, in a great measure,, to the incre^fe o f luxury,, and the inhabitants re­ quiring more room to live upon*. It fhould be rem em bered, that the num ber o f in h a­ bitants in London is now fo m uch lefs as I have made: it, than it was 40 years ago, on the fuppofition that th e proportion o f the omiffions in the births to thofe in the burials was the fame then that it is now. But it appears th at this is n o t i b e fid:.-------From 1728, the year when th e ages Mth e dead was firft given in th e bills, to 1742, near five-fixths of thofe who were born died under 1 o, according to the .------- F rom 1742 to 1752 three quarters y and ever finee 1752 this proportion has flood nearly as it is now,, or at fomewhat more than two-thirds* T h e omif- fions in the births,therefore, compared w ith thofe in the burials were greater fo rm e rly ; and this m u ft render the difference between the num ber o f inhabit­ ants now and formerly lefs confiderable than it may ieem to be from the face o f the bills,. O ne reafbn w h y th e proportion of the amounts o f the births and burmk in the bills comes now nearer than it did to $ medium of annual burials in the 07 parifhes within the walls was, From 1655 to 1664, From 1680 to 1690, From 1730 to 1740* From 1758 to 1768, 3264 3^39 2316 1620 T h is account proves, that though, fince 1655, London has, doubled its inhabitants, yet, within the walls, they have de- creafed; and fo rapidly for the laft 30 years as to be now re­ duced to one half.— —T h e like may be obferved of the „ p a . m m immediately without the walls. Since 1720 thefe oa- iiflies have been decreafing fo faft, that the annual b u r ia h m 1 th e D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ I 0 9 ] tht true proportion, may, perhaps, be that the num ­ ber of DilTenters is confiderably leffened. T h e Foundling Hofpital alfo may have contributed a little to this event, by leflening the number given in the biila as having died under io> without taking off any from the births-, ior ail that die in this hofpital are buried at Pctncrctjs church, which is not within the Sills. See the preface to a collection of the yearly bills of mortality from 1657 to 1758 inclufive,p. 15. 1 will add, that it is probable that London is now become lefs fatal to children than it w a s a n d that this is a further circumftance which mu ft reduce the difference I have m entioned; and w h ich is likewife- neceffary to be joined to the greater deficiencies in the births, in order to account for the very fmall propor­ tion of children who furvived 10 years of age, during, the two ftrft of the periods I have fpecifiedi Since 17 52, London has been thrown more open. T h e cuftom o f keeping country-houfes, and of fending:children to be: nurfed in the country, has prevailed more. But, particularly, the deftrudtive ufe of fpirituous liquors; among the poor has been checked. I have fhewn that in London,, e v e n in its prefent: them have funk from 8^672 to $ 4 3 % and are now lower than they were before the year 1660.* In Weftminfter,.. on the con­ trary, and the 23:out-pariflies in Middlesex arid Surrey, the an­ nual burials have, fince .16:60, advanced from about, 400O to i 6 ,oqo. —- —T hefe fa£ls prove that the inhabitants of Lon­ don are aow much lefs c ro w d s together than they were* I t appears, in particular, that within the inhabitants take as m uch.f06m.to live upon as double their number did formerly. — T he VeryTame'concluTicins may be drawn from an examina­ tion of th e 'christenings..; ftatej. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 1 1 0 ] ftate, and according to the m o d modefate compute}* tion, h a lf the num ber born die under three years o f age ; and I have oblerved that at Breflaw half live to 26. A t E dinburgh, if I may judge from fuch o f its bills as 1 have feen, almofl as great a propor­ tion of children die as even in London. But it appears from Graunfs*accurate account o f the births, weddings, and burials in three country parifhes for 90 years; and alio, w ith abundant evidence, from D r. Short’s collection o f obfervations in his parative Hijlory, and his treatife entitled, New - Jermtions on Town and Country Mortality + 5 that in country villages and pariihes, th e major part live to mature age, and even to marry. So gieat is the difference, efpecially to children, between living in great towns and in the country. But no­ thing can place this obfervation in a more fin k in g light than the curious account given b y .D r. T h o m as H eberden, and publifhed in the Philofophical T ra n f- v * Political O the Bills o f M orta­ lity^ by Captain John Graunt, F . R. S. . J f T h e public is much obliged to this author for the pains he has taken m c o l l i n g obfervations on the. mortality and increafe ^ m a n k in d , m different countries and fix atio n s, Jn his N ew Ubiervations, p. 309, he mentions an ingenious parifh clerk, in the country, who, by a particular account which he took, found that of 314, who had been baptized in his parifh in one year, 80, or nearly a quarter part, died under four years of age! Fortjvfix died the firft y e ar; thirteen the fecond; fixte^n the th ird ; and five the fourth. After four, life grows more liable, and at ten acquires its greateft {lability; and in this cafe it cannot be reckoned that above a iOth, or, at rnoft, an 8th more than the quarter that died under four, would die under t m h y and thereforC> Probab]y> near two-thirds arrived at m a- a&ioits D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ XXI } actions (vol. L V IL p. 461 J>, oj mortality, of the inhabitants of the ijland of . In this ifland, it feems, the weddings have been to the births> for 8 -years, from 1759 to 1766, as i a to 46.8 j and to the burials as 1 0 ^ 0 2 7 .5 . Double thefe proportions, therefore, or the proportion of 20 to 46.8, and of 20 to 27.5 are the proportions of the number marrying annually,, to the number born and the number dying. L et 1 marriage in 10 be a 2d or 3d marriage on the fide of either the man or the woman y and 10 marriages will imply 19 indi­ viduals who have grown up to maturity, and lived to- marry once or oftener; and the proportion of the number marrying annually the firft time, to the num ­ ber dying annually, will be 19 to 27.5, or near 3 to. 4 . It may feem to follow from hence, that in this iiland near three-fourths o f thofe who die have been married, and, confequently, th a t not many more than a quarter of the inhabitants die in childhood and celi­ bacy 5 and this would be a ju ft conclufion were there no increafe, or had the births and burials been equal. But it muft be remembered, that th e general effedt o f an increafe, while it is going on in a country, is to render the proportion o f perlbns marrying annually to the annual deaths greateryand to the annual births lefs than the true proportion marrying out of any given number born. This proportion generally lies between the other two proportions, but always neared: to the firft * . and, in the prefent cafe, it is fufficiently evident that it cannot be much lefs than two-thirds. * if 3 country where there is no increafe or decreafe of the. ^ a Hants, and where alfo life, in its firft periods, is fo ftablc,, In D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 1 1 2 3 ' .m ' t i l L ondon, then, h a lf die under three years o f age, and in M adeira about two-thirds of all w ho are and marriage To much encouraged, as that half all who are born live to be married, the annual births and burials mu ft be equal * and alfo quadruple, the number of weddings, after allowing for 2d and 3d marriages.: Suppofe in thefe circumftanees (every th in g elfe remaining the fame) the probabilities o f , during its ilirft ftages, to, be improved. In this cafe, more than h a lf the born will live to be married, and an iricreafe will take place. T h e births will exceed the burials, arid both fall below quadruple the weddings ; or, which is the fame, below double the number annually married. ----- S u ppofe next ( the and the encouragement to inarritigt- remaining th e fame) the only of the marriages to be improved. In this cafe it .is plain, that an increafe alfo will take place ; but the annual births and burials; inftead of being lefs; will now both rife above quadruple the weddings, and therefore the proportion of the born to that part of the born who marry ( being by fuppofmon two to one) will be dels than the proportion of either the annual births or the annual burials to the number marrying annually.——^-Suppofe again (the encouragement to ■ marriage.remaining./ the fame) that the lities o f life and the prolifeknefs of are both improved. In this cafe, a fnore rapid increafe will take place, or a greater excefs of the births above the burials,; but at the fame time they will keep nearer to q̂uadruple, the weddings, than if the latter caufe only had operated, and produced the fame increafe.— -—I ihould be too minute and tedious, were I to explain thefe obferva- tions at large. It follows from them , that, in every country or fituation where, for a cotirfe of years', the burials have been either equalto or left.than the bifibstand both under quadruple the m arriages; and alfo that wherever the burials are than quadruple the annual marriages, and at the fame time the births greater) there the major part of all th a t are born live to marry. In the inftance which I have confidered above, and which occa­ sions this note, the annual births are fo much greater than quadruple the marriages, and at the fame rim e the annual burials fo much lefs,that the proportion that lives to marry of thofe who are born can fcarcely be much lefs than I have faid, or tw o- thirds. borfi D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t “ S 3 borft live to be married. Agreeably to this, it ap­ pears alfo from the account I have referred to, that th e exp ecta tio n of a child ju ft born in Madeira is about ( o years, or near double the exportation of a child tuft bom in London. For the num ber o f inha­ bitants was found, by a furvey made in the beginning of the year 1767, to be 64,614. T h e annual me­ dium of burials had been, for eight years, 1293 j of births 220 r. T h e num ber of inhabitants, divided by the annual medium of b, gives 49.89, or th e expeBation nearly o f a child juft born, fuppofmg th e births had been 1293, and conftantly equal to the buriahy the number o f inhabitants remaining the fame. A n d the feme num ber, divided by the annual I have {hewn how the allowance is to be made for t i and 3d marriages 5 but it is not fo conftderable as to be of “ m a c u l a r confequerrce •, and,' betides, it is, in part, compenfaml by the na- tufal children which are included in the births* and which raife the proportion of the births to the weddings higher than it ought to bev and therefore bring it nearer to the true proportion of the humber bom annually, to thofe who marry annually, after de- du&m? thofe Virho marry a dd or J d trm e ; In drawing conclufions from the proportion of births and burials in different fixations* fonir^Writers on the increafe Of mankind have not given due attention to the difference m thefe proportions arifing from the different drcumftances o f i n * ereafe or deereafe among a peoples O ne inftance of this I nave m w mentioned * and erne further infhnce of it ti neceffary to be mentioned. T h e proportion- of annual births to weddings has beenconfidered as giving the true number of children derived from each marriage, taking all marriages one with another, feut this is true only when, for rnatty years* the births and bu­ rials have kept nearly, equal. W here there is an excefr of the births occafioning an. increafe, the propottion of mt» s weddings muff be lei's than the proportion of children crive from each marriage * and the contrary hwift take place w ere there is a decreafek V o l . L I X . CL m e d iu m D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 f 4 * 4 ] m edium of* births,-gives 29.35, or the expectation of* a child ju ft born, fuppofing the burials 2201, the num ber o f births and o f inhabitants rem aining th e fame 5 and the true expectation of life mu ft be fom e- w here near the mean between 4 9 .8 9 and 2 9 .3 5 . A g ain : A 50th part o f the inhabitants o f M adeira, it appears, die annually. In L ondon, I have fhewn, that above twice this proportion dies annually. In fmaller towns a fmaller proportion dies, and th e births alfo com e nearer to the burials. A t Breda w, I have obferved, that, by D r. H alley’s T ab le , Part dies an n u a lly ; and th e annual m e­ dium o f births, for a complete century, from *®33 Jo 1734> has been 1 0 S 9 ; of burials 1256. J A t N orw ich, the annual m edium o f births, dif- fenters included, for four years, from 1751 to 1 7 5 4 , A 1* 0 y 1214* A nd as the num ber o f inhabitants was at that tim e 36^169 /fee pag. 1 0 5 ) a 30th part o f the inhabitants died annually. In ge­ neral, £ there feems reafon to. think that in tow ns (allow ingforparticular advantages o f fituation, trade, police^ cleanlinefs, and opennefs, w hich fome towns may have), the excels o f the burials above the births and the annual deaths are m ore or lefs as the towns are greater or fmaller. In L ondon itfelf, about 160 years ago, when it was fcarcely a fourth part o f its pre- lent bulk, the births were nearly equal to the burials. ? 10r£ f Q p p m t m i pt 63. And the, n $ \ ^ T r , v o h V /I. part iv, s a t e s a s M i . « 2 *• But D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t I But in country pariflies and villages the births almoft always exceed the burials f a n d I believe it feldom happens that fo many as a 30th, or much more than a 40th part o f the inhabitants die annually*. ' In the four provinces o f N ew England there is a very rapid increafe of the inhabitants: but, notwithftanding this, at Bofton, the capital, the inhabitants would decreafe were there no fupply from the c o u n try : for, if the account I have feen is juft, from 1731 to 1762, the burials have all along exceeded the births+. So remarkably do towns, in confequence of their un- favourablenefs to health, and the luxury which ge­ nerally prevails in them, check the increafe o f countries. * la 17 3^ there was art account taken of ihe number of fa ­ milies and inhabitants in the Prulfian dominions. T h e number of inhabitants was 2,138,465. T h e medium of annual births, weddings, and burials was nearly 8 4 ,0 0 0 ; 21,000, and 5 5,481. Near a 40th part, therefore, died every year. Vid. D r. Short's Comparative Hi/lory, p. 69, and Abridgment Tranfaftions, ibid. -T h e proportion of weddings and burials to the births (hews that, in thefe countries, there was a quick in­ creafe, notwithftanding the wafte in the cities.------ In the year 1733 a furvey was taken of the inhabitants of the parifbof Stoke' Damerel in DevonJhire,and the number of men, women, and children, was found to be 3361."-*- T*he chrijlenings for the year were i22— — the weddings- 28—— burials62.-——N om ore,there­ fore, than the 54th part of the inhabitants died in the year.-___ \ n o f this year an epidemical fever prevailed in the parifli. See Martyn’s Abridgment o f the Tranfaflions> vol. IX . P*325*7 According to Graunt's account of a parilh in Hampfinre, not reckoned, he fays, remarkably healthful,, a 50th . part of inhabitants had died annually for 90 years. Natural and Political Obfervations> bV. Chap. xii. f See a particular account of the births and burials in this ' town Irom 1731 to 1732 in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1753, F’ 4' 3' Q H ealth- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 3 H eakhfulnefs and Prolificknefs arc, probably, caufes o f increafe feldom feparated, In conform ity to this obiervation, it appears from com paring th e births and weddings, in countries and towns w here regifters of th em have been kept, that in the former, marriages* one w ith another, feldom produce lefs th a n four children each j generally between four and five, and fometimes above five* But in tow ns feldom above f o u r ; generally between three and four and fometimes under three % I h a te fometimes b eard the great num ber o f o ld people in L ondon mentioned to prove its favourable- nefs to health and long life. But no obfervation can be m uch more erroneous* T h e re ought, in reality, to be more old people in London, in proportion to th e num ber o f inhabitants, than in any fmaller to w n s, becaafe at lead one quarter o f its inhabitants are perfons w ho come into it, from th e country, in th e m o d robuft part o f life, and w ith a m uch greater probability o f attaining old age, than if they had com e into it in -the weaknefs o f infancy. But, no tw ith - ftanding this advantage, th e re are m uch fewer per­ fons w ho a tta in to great ages in L ondon th a n in any other place w here obfervatioos have been made.— - A t Vienna, of 2 2 ,7 0 4 w h o died in the four years * A nyone may fee what evidence there is for this, by con- fulling the accounts in I > . Short’s tw o books already quoted* and iV the AbMgment o f the Philof , vol. V I I . part iv. p. 4 6 .—Inconlidering thefe accounts, it fhould not be forgotten that allowances m u l be made for the different circum - ftances of increafe or decreafe in a place, agreeably to the obfer­ vation a t the end of the note in pag* 113. I7I7> D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ » 7 ] 171 Jr, 1718, 1724, 1725 J 09 readied 90 years* that is, 48 in 20,000. But in London, for the k ft 30 years, only 35 o f the faihe num ber have reached this age.----- - A t Breflaw it appears, by Halley's Table, that 41 o f 1238 born, or a 30th part, live to be 80 years o f age.-------In the parifla of Jitt-faiffis in N ortham pton an account has been kept for m any years of the ages at which all d ie ; and, I £nd, that of 1377, w ho died there in, 13 years, 59 have lived to be 8o, or a 23d part.--— - According to M r. Kerffeboom’s Table of Obferva- tions, published at the end o f the laft-edition o f Mr. D e Motvre’s Treatife on the D o d rin e of Chances, a 14 th part of all that are born live to be 8 0 ; and, had we any obfervations in country purifhcs, this, probably, would not appear to be too high a proportion But in London, for th e Jaft 30 years, only 2.5 o f every to b o * Vid* Abridgment of the Pkilofbphical TrjmfaAioBs, v d . VII. part iv. p*. 46* ——— It appears-aHo that more than three-fifths of all who died in thefe years at Vienna were boys and girls, by whom, I fuppoffc, are meant perfons under f6 . About the fame proportion dies under r6 at Berlin. t In this town, us in molt other tow ns of any magnitude, the births, including Di{Tenters, fall fhort of .the- burials 4 ' and the greater part die under age, X T his, however, will appear Itfelf ittconfiderable, when horn- pared with the following accdunt: “ In the burials in ** thediftrifl; of ChrifHana, in Norway, amounted to 6,929, and “ the chriftenings to 11,024. Among thofe who died, 294, or w i in 18, had lived to the age of 90 ; 63. to the age of 100, and “ fevento the age of 101.------ In thedioqcfe ofB ergen^the per- K fobs who died amounted only to 2,580, of whom r8 lived to- the age of 100 j one woman to the age of 204, and another M womain to the age of to8.** •See the Annual Rtgifiet, for 17^ 1, p. t o x. ; D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 118 ] w ho have died, have lived to be 80, or a 4 0 th part $ w hich may be eafily difcovered by dividing the fum o f all who have died during thefe years at all ages, by the fum of all who have died above 80. A m ong the peculiar evils to which great towns are fu b jed , 1 m ight further mention the plague, Be­ fore the year 1666 this dreadful calamity laid L o n ­ don altnoft w ade once in every 15 or 20 y ea rs; and there is no reafon to think that it was not generally bred within itfelf. A moft happy alteration has taken place, w hich, perhaps, in part, is owing to the greater advantages o f cleanlinefs and opennefs, which London has enjoyed fince it was rebuilt, and which lately have been very wifely im proved. T h e fad s I have now taken notice of are fo im ­ portant that, I think, they deferve more attention than has been hitherto bellowed upon them . Every one knows that the d ren g th of a date confifts in the n u m ­ ber o f people. T h e encouragem ent o f population, therefore* ought to be one o f the firft objeds o f policy in every d a te ; and fome o f the w o rd enemies o f population are the luxury, the licentioufnefs, and debility produced and propagated fey great towns. I have obferved that London is n o w * increafing. But it appears that, in truth, this is -an event m ore to be dreaded than defired. T h e more London in- * T h is increafe is greater than the bills (hew , on account o f the omiflion in them of the two parifhes which have been molt* encreafed by new buildings; I mean Marybone and Pancrafs pa-v rilhes. T h e former of thefe parilhes is, I fuppofe, now one of the largeft in London. creafes, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C ” 9 3; creafes, the more the reft o f the kingdom muft b ed e - ferted; the fewer hands m uft be left for agriculture ; and, consequently, the Jefs muft be the plenty and the higher the price of all the means of fubfiftejice. - ■— Moderate towns, being feats of refinement, emu­ lation, and arts, may be public advantages* But great towns, long before they grow to half the bulk of London, become checks on population of too hurtful a nature, nurferies of debauchery and volup- tuoufnefs; and, in many refpe&s, greater evils than can be compenfated by any advantages * T h e mean annual births,weddings ̂ and burials in the fol­ lowing towns, for fome years before 1768, were nearly, Births* Weddings. Burials. A t Paris, — 19,200 — 4 300 — 19,500 Vienna, — 5,600 ~ — 6,800 Amfterdam, — 4,500 — 2,400 — 7,600 Copenhagen, — 2,700 — 868 —> 3,100 In the Paris bills there is, I am informed, an omiffion o f all that die in the Foundling Hofpital,amounting to above 2000 an­ nually. T h e excels, therefore, of the burials above the births’' is greater than the bills fhew. T his excefs, however, is mtich leis than could have been expected in f o l a t e a town. I am not Jure to what caufe this oughtxto be afcribed ; but Icannot wonder at it, if it be indeed true* th a t a fifth of all born in Paris ^re fent to the Foundling Hofpital, and that a third of the inhabitants die in hofpitals, and alfo that all married men are excufed from fervirig in the militia, from whence draughts are made for the army. Thefe are encouragements to marriage and population, which no other city enjoys j and it is ftrange that in this kingdom fome policy of the fame kind with that laft mentioned ftiould not be purfued.-—— A further fingularity in the ftate of Paris is, that the births in it are above four times the weddings, nothing like which is the cafe in any other town wbofe bills 1 have feen. It may feem, therefore, that here, as well as in the moft healthful D r. Heberdeu D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 1 2 0 ] D r. H eberden obferves fhat, tn Madeira* the in* habitants double their own num ber in 8 4 years. But and Increafing country parishes, each marriage produces more than four children j but this is a cohcfufion which, in the pre­ sent cafe, cannot be depended on. I t fhould be confidered that, probably, fame who leave the cou ntry to fettle at Paris, come it already marned j and th at no fmall proportion of th e births may be illegitimate* Thefe caufes, however, may only* balance the allowance to be made for the fecond and third marriages among the annual weddings }, and, if it is indeed* fa& , that the people at Paris are fo prolific as they appear to be in the bills, it will only prove more ftrongly th at, like other great towns, it is very unfavourable to h ealth ; for the more prolific a people are, the greater muft be the mortality aftipng thenf if they do ndt increafe* “ — — L et us fuppofe the true number of deaths at Paris, in* eluding emigrants and fuch as die in the Foundling , to be 2 J,000} th e number married annually 2 .*4,300-; or 8,6006 } and the births, as before, 19,200., 1,906 then will b e th e n u m - ber of annual recruits from the couritfy. O f thefe let only 1,200 be fupfpofed to marry : - %n d 5 8,666 lefiened by 1,200, or 7V40©, will*be the number o f fchofe born at Paris who r r a rry annually ;s and 11*800, or aboyo..tb^eerjiftht will be th e number ^Xina*n childhood and celjbacy. T h is, though it gives an un* favourable reprefentation of Paris when compared w ith the country, makes it appear to advantage when compared with fonae other g reat towns. .1 am not fofiicientl# informed of the ftate of Paris to know how near this calculation3 Gomes to the truth. E very fuch doubt would be removed, were the ages of the dead given in the Paris bills* I t is much to be wifhed this was done* T h e births and burials here come fo near to one another, that there can fcarcely be a properer place for fuch bills j and a T able of Obfervations might be formed from them that would give the values of lives much more exactly than the London Tables* I cannot help adding th at, excepting the omiffion I have mentioned in the burials, the Paris bills are complete * but it is wen known that the London bills are extremely otherwife. London, therefore, m uflbe much larger in companion of Paris than it appears to be in the bills, th k D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C ' * ■ ] this (as you, Sir, well know) is a very flow increafe compared with that which takes place among our colonies in A m e r i c a . In the back fettlements, where the inhabitants apply themfelves entirely to agricul­ ture, and luxury is not known, they double their own number in 15 y ears; and all through the nor­ thern colonies in 25 years* T his is an inftance o f increafe fo rapid as to have fcarcely any parallel. T h e births in thefe countries muft exceed the burials m uch more than in Madeira, and a greater proportion o f the born muft reach m aturity.----- - I n 1738, the num ber of inhabitants in N ew Jerfey was taken by order o f the government, and found to be 47,369V Seven years afterwards the num ber of inhabitants was again taken, and found to be increafed, by procrea­ tion only, above 14,000, and * very near one of the inhabitants were found to be under f 16 years o f age. In 22 years, therefore, they muft have doubled their own number, and the births m uft have ex ­ ceeded the burials 2000 annually. As the increafe here is much quicker than in Madeira, we may be Hire that a finaller proportion of the inhabitants muft die annually. L et us, however, fuppofe it the fame, or a 50th part. T his will make the annual burials * See a difcourfe on Chrijlicn by D r. Styles, Bofton, 1761, p. 103.109, &c.— See alfo o f Great Britain confidered with regard to herColonies , together with Obfervations concerning the increafe o f mankind, p. 3$. 2d edit. London, 1761. * According to Dr. Halley’s Table the number of the living under 16 is but a third of all the living at all ages j and this may be nearly the cafe in all places which juft fupport themfelves in the number of their inhabitants, and neither increafe or decreafe. VolvLIX. R lo D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 1 2 2 ] to have been, during thefe feven years, 1000, ®n<* the a n n u a l births 3000, or an 18th part o f the inha­ bitants.-------Similar obfervations may be made on the m u c h quicker increafe in R hode Ifland, as related in the preface to D r. Birch’s of the bilk of mortality, and alfo in the valuable pam phlet, latt quoted, on the interejl of Great Britain vpith regard to her colonies, p .'36.------- W h a t a prodigious differ­ ence m ull there be between the vigour and the h ap - ninefs o f hum an life in fuch fixations, and in fuch a place as London? — T h e original num ber o f perfons who, in 1643, had fettled in N ew E n g an , was 21,200. E ver fince it is reckoned, th at more have left them than have gone to th e m * . In the year 1760 they were increafed to h alf a m illion. T h ey have, therefore, all along doubled their ow n num ber in 25 years; and, if they continue to in­ creafe at th e fame rate, they will, 70 years hence, in N ew England alone, be fo u t m illio n s; and m all N o rth America above twice the num ber o f inhabit­ ants in G r e a t- B r ita in f .------- But I am w andering * See D r . Styles’s pamphlet juft quoted, p . i i o , &c. x T h e rate of increafe, fuppofitig tbe procreative powers the fame, depends on two caufes: T h e ‘^encouragem ent tc► mar- « r i a g e a n d the “ expectation o f a th ild juft born. W h e n one of thefe is given, the increafe will be always in proportion to the other. T h a t is j As m u c h gW tefi as the ratio is of the numbers who reach maturity, hnft o f tftofe who marry to the number boro, fb much quicker or Jfotver wfll the incream 1 * I*et us/uppofe the operaiioh d f thefe bitffes fiteh as to produce an in n u alcx cefs of the births above the equal to a 36:11 part ©f the whole number of inhabitartfM3GIt may feem to follow from hence, that the inhabitants ^ b u ld double their own number 'in 36 years * and thus fome haVe caltuktedO ‘ But the tru th is, that they would double theit own ivutnber in much lefs time, from D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t<S3i , , frorii my purpofe in this letter* ! T h e point I had chiefly in view1 W as/the prefent ftate o f London as Every addition Wthe matriber of inhabitants from the births produces a proportionably greater number of births, arid a greater excefs of thefe above the burials; and if we fuppofe the excefs to increafe annually at the fame rate with the inhabitants, or fo as to prefefve the ratio of it to the number o f inhabitants always the fame,, and call this ratio~ > the period of doubling will be the quotient produced by dividing the logarithm of 2 by the difference between the logarithms of r 4- 1 and r , as might be eafily demonftrated. In the prefent cafe, being 36, and r-f- t being 37, the period of doubling comes out 25 years. I f is taken equal to i 2, the period of doubling will be 15 y e ars.-— • But it is certain that this ratio may, in many fixations, be greater than j l ; and, inftead of remaining the fame, or becoming lefs, it may4iHcreafe, the confequence of which will be, that the period of doubling will be (hotter than this rule gives it.-*-— Accord­ ing to D r. Halley’s Table,, the number of perfons between 20 and 42 years of age, Is a third part of the whole number living at all ages* T h e prolific part, therefore, of a country may very well be a 4th of the whole nnfnber of inhabitants } and fup- pofing four of thefe, or every other marriage between perfons all under 42, to produce one birth every year,, tlic annual number Of births will be a 16th part of the whole number of people; and, therefore, fuppqllng tfie burials to be a ^ 8 th part, the an­ nual excefs of the births. above the burials will be a 24th part, and the period of doubling i f years.-— T h e number of inha­ bitants in New England was, as I have faid from D r. Stiles’s pamphlet, half a million in 1760. If they have gone oh in- creafing at the fame rate ever fince, they muft be now 640,000} and it feems to appear that,in Fa<5t they are now more thari this number, Fpr,, fince {h av e writ the above obfervations, t'have feen a particular | r o u n ^ | d J ohGfuffey s lately taken with 4 yiew, to4ta^aUqnVand fpr other purpofes, of the number of males, betyyeep 1 6 and 60, in the four provinces. According tob, thist Recount, the number of fuch males is 218*000. :-:: T h e p e o p l e , therefore, between 16 ai.d 60, 1^ females* rtiiuft be hearly D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 - it j] to b ^ a |t h f o l n ^ nunabec o f ̂ nhabitants, and its I in- l l ^ n c e on population.; T h e obfervations I have m od is to be made o f the lights afforded by the London bilk, and ferve as a fpecimen o f the proper m ethod o f cal­ culating from them . It is. indeed extrem ely to be (bey were lefe impferfeff than they are, p‘nd extended further. M ore pariihes round London m ight be taken into th e m ; and, by an eafy im prove­ m ent in the pariffi regiffers now kept, they m ight be 4.20,000, In order to be mere fore of avoiding excels, I will call the)n only 400,000. In p r . Halley’s T able the proportion o f all the-living under 16 and above 60, to the reft of the living, a ttt this will foake thb number of people now Jiving in the four provinces of N ew England to be 6 6 6 ,ooq. B ut, on account of the rapid increafe, this proportion mu ft be con fiderably greater in New England^, than-that given by D r. Halley s Table. In N ew jerfey, I have faid the nunfoer of r^ w a i found to be aim oft equal to the number abpvo 16, Suppofe, however^ that in N ew England, where the increafe is fomewhat flower^ the proportion I have mentioned is on y 16 to 20, and then the whole number of people will be I cannot conclude this note without adding a remark to re- move pn o ty ^ f o n w h ic h may occur to fome in reading D r. He- eipen s account pf Madeira, fo which I have referred. In that account 5945 is given as the number of children under feven in theintand, at the beginning of the year 1767." T h e medium of annual biiths, fo ̂ eight years, had been 2201 j of burials 1202;. n fix years, therefore, 13,206 muft have been born ; and if, at the end of fix years, no more th?n cqAc o f thefe were alive, l 2 i o muft hav^ died mfyear. i T K t almoffalV the b u - n a s in the ifland, for fix ydarsj muft hgve been burials of C , rf ,f tinder feven .Jears (if :;ageiij£'TM4: plainly incredible : * ere ore* 1C feems cprtaih, that the number of children under feven years of age muft, through fome miftake, be given, M itfut account,, 3000 o r4000 too little. ^ extended D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ I 2 5 jO extended through all the pariihes4 and towns in the kingdom. T h e advantages arifing From hence would be very con fide rable. It would give the precife law according to which human life waftes in its different ftages, and thus fupply the neceffary for com­ puting accurately the values o f all life-annuities and reverfons. It would^ like wife, (lie w the different degrees o f healthfulnefs of different fituations, mark the progrefs of population from year to year, keep always in view the number o f people in the king­ dom, and, in many other refpeds, furnifh inftruc- tion of the greatefl importance to the ffate. M r. De Moivre, at the end of his book on the. dodrine o f chances, has recommended a general regulation o f this k in d ; and obferved, particularly, that at lead ft is to be wifhed, that an account was taken, at proper intervals, o f all the living in the kingdom, with their ages and. occupations j which would, in Tome degree, anfw er modi o f the purpofes I have mentioned.— —But, dear Sir, I am fenfible it is hieh time to finifh thefe remarks. I have been carried in them far beyond the limits I at fird intended. I al­ ways think with pleafure and gratitude o f your friend- fliip* T h e world ow fs to ypu many important dis­ coveries i and your name m uff live as long as there is any knowledge of philofophy among mankind. T h at your happinefs in this, and every other refped, may continually increafe, is the fincere wifh of, Newington-Green, April 17.69. Your much, obliged,, and very humble fervant, Richard Price. X V II. Dijfertatk D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_3tm3hokzobap3gppnwzwvjkpxa	----	LXX. A letter from Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. and F. R. S. to the Reverend Thomas Birch, D. D. and Secretary to the Royal Society C 4 5 6 ] I directed him pills of Millepedes and G um A m m o­ niac made up with Bal. Sulph. to be taken twice a day, drinking warm milk after th e m ; by which means, he grew perfe&ly well, and went to fea in twelve days. LXX. A L e tte r fr o m Benjamin Franklin, L L * D.and F. R. S . to the R everen d Thomas Birch, D> D . an d Secretary to the R oyal Society. S I R , Craven-Street, Feb. 4, 1762. Read Feb. 4, j i tWR. Canton did me the favour to X ▼ X &ew me the ingenious experi­ ments he has defcribed in the inclofed letter. T hey fucceeded perfectly as he has related th e m ; and I imagine, the communication of them muft be agree* able to the curious in this branch o f natural know­ ledge. I am, S I R , W ith great relpeft, Your moft obedient and moft humble fervant, B. Franklin. h X K L A D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_3zi3wzafxncuflisgsi2ecyike	----	History of Education Quarterly S P R I N G 1 9 6 6 Volume V I , Number 1 h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re/term s . h ttp s://d o i.o rg /10.1017/S001826800001503X D o w n lo ad ed fro m h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re . C arn eg ie M ello n U n iversity , o n 06 A p r 2021 at 02:04:52 , su b ject to th e C am b rid g e C o re term s o f u se, availab le at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S001826800001503X https://www.cambridge.org/core History of Education Quarterly E D I T O R I A L B O A R D A . C . F . Beales, University of London Edward K r u g , University of Wisconsin Paul Nash, Boston University Wilson Smith, University of California, Davis O F F I C E R S O F T H E S O C I E T Y ( 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 ) President Robert L . McCaul, University of Chicago Vice President A n n Keppel, University of Haivaii Secretary-Treasurer Ezri Atzmon, New York University Directors J . J . Chambliss, Rutgers University, Past President Frederick Ellis, Western Washington State College Stanley E . Ballinger, Indiana University R. Freeman Butts, Teachers College Editor Henry J . Perkinson, New York University Associate Editor Ezri Atzmon, New York University The History of Education Quarterly is the official organ of the History of Education Society, published in cooperation with the School of Education, New York University. Membership dues for the Society, which include sub­ scription to the Quarterly, are $ 5 . 0 0 annually. Subscription to the Quarterly is at the annual rate of $ 5 . 0 0 ; single copies, $ 2 . 0 0 . The Quarterly is indexed in The Education Index. Library of Congress Catalog Number 6 3 - 2 4 2 5 3 . Contributions should be addressed to: Editor, History of Education Quarter­ ly, School of Education, New York University, New York, N.Y. 1 0 0 0 3 . Man­ uscripts should be submitted for consideration in two or more copies. In matters of style, the Manual of Style, published by the University of Chicago Press, is considered definitive. History of Education Quarterly, Vol. V I , No. 1 , Spring 1 9 6 6 . Published spring, summer, fall, and winter, by New York University, 1 0 0 Washing­ ton Square East, New York, N . Y . 1 0 0 0 3 . Application to mail at second-class postage rates is pending at New York, N.Y. Copyright 1 9 6 6 by New York University. h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re/term s . h ttp s://d o i.o rg /10.1017/S001826800001503X D o w n lo ad ed fro m h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re . C arn eg ie M ello n U n iversity , o n 06 A p r 2021 at 02:04:52 , su b ject to th e C am b rid g e C o re term s o f u se, availab le at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S001826800001503X https://www.cambridge.org/core History of Education Quarterly C O N T E N T S Education as Artifact: Benjamin Franklin and Instruction of " A Rising People" David Tyack 3 " A n Odd Fish"—Samuel Keimer and a Footnote to American Educational History Robert T. Sidwell 16 Public Education and "Special Interest": A n Example from the History of Mechanical Engineering Berenice M. Fisher 31 The Church-State Conflict i n E a r l y Indian Education Fredric Mitchell and James W . Skelton 41 W i l l i a m Seward and the New Y o r k School Controversy, 1840-1842: A Problem i n Historical Motivation Vincent Peter Lannie 52 Book Reviews 72 h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re/term s . h ttp s://d o i.o rg /10.1017/S001826800001503X D o w n lo ad ed fro m h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re . C arn eg ie M ello n U n iversity , o n 06 A p r 2021 at 02:04:52 , su b ject to th e C am b rid g e C o re term s o f u se, availab le at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S001826800001503X https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_4hsnntm4rfa4hbmkt3brcntoty	----	AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICS VOLUME 16, NUMBER MAY, 1948 NOTES AND DISCUSSION Franklin's Discovery of the Electron ROBERT A. MILLIKAN California Institute of Technology, Pasadena 4, California I N celebrating the anniversary of the discovery of the electron, it is a mistake to concentrate attention solely on J. J. Thomson's paper of 1897. I do not in any way underestimate the importance of that paper in bringing about general acceptance of the electron theory of matter, through the evidence presented in it for the existence of a charged particle of mass about 1/1000 the mass of the hydrogen atom. However, to this particle Thomson gave the name ''corpuscle," rather than electron, doubtless because the word "electron" had already been assigned by G. Johnstone Stoney to the hypothetical atom of electricity, that is, of electric charge, whether that charge is positive or negative. The existence of this atom of charge, or of the atomic constitution of electricity, was asserted with great clarity by Benjamin Franklin because of experiments begun in 1747, so that 1947 is both the 200th anniversary of Benjamin Franklin's discovery of the existence of an a tom of electric charge and the 50th anniversary of J. J. Thomson's proof of the existence of a charged particle whose mass, as he then phrased it, was about 1/1000 that of the hydrogen atom. These two conceptions have unfortunately been con- fused in much modern writing, though Thomson was careful to use the word "electron" in its original sense as an atom of charge, not of mass, and to call cathode rays a stream of "corpuscles." The most authoritative writers have continued to use the term "electron" to mean an element of charge, as G. Johnstone Stoney first defined it in publications in 1874, 1881 and in 1891.1 How unambiguously Franklin conceived his theory of electricity and described the most important properties of the electrical atom is shown by the following quotation from his letter to Peter Collinson in his book published in 1774.2 1. The electrical matter consists of particles ex- tremely subtile, since it can permeate common matter, even the densest metals, with such ease and freedom as not to receive any perceptible resistance. 2. If any one should doubt whether the electrical matter passes through the substance of bodies, or only over and along their surfaces, a shock from an elec- trified large glass jar, taken through his own body, will probably convince him. 3. Electrical matter differs from common matter in this, that the parts of the latter mutually attract, those of the former mutually repel each other. Hence the appearing divergency in a stream of electrified effluvia. 4. But though the particles of electrical matter do repel each other, they are strongly attracted by all other matter. 5. From these three things, the extreme subtilty of the electrical matter, the mutual repulsion of its parts, and the strong attraction between them and other matter, arise[s] this effect, that, when a quantity of electrical matter is applied to a mass of common matter, of any bigness or length, within our observa- tion (which hath not already got its quantity) it is immediately and equally diffused through the whole. 6. Thus common matter is a kind of spunge to the electrical fluid. And as a spunge would receive no water if the parts of water were not smaller than the pores of the spunge; and even then but slowly, if there were not a mutual attraction between those parts and the parts of the spunge; and would still imbibe it faster, if the mutual attraction among the parts of the water did not impede, some force being required to separate them; and fastest, if, instead of attraction, there were a mutual repulsion among those parts, which would act in conjunction with the attraction of the spunge. So is the case between the electrical and common matter. 7. But in common matter there is (generally) as much of the electrical as it will contain within its substance. If more is added, it lies without upon the surface, and forms what we call an electrical atmos- phere, and then the body is said to be electrified. I think the foregoing quotation clearly establishes the right of Benjamin Franklin to be considered the discoverer of the atom of electricity. The world has recently and properly celebrated the year 1947 as both the ZOOth anniversary of Franklin's discovery of the electron and the 50th anniversary of J. J. Thomson's unambiguous establishment of the electron theory of matter. 1 See also R. A. Millikan, Electrons ( + and - ), protons, photons, neutrons, mesotrons and cosmic rays (Univ. of Chicago Press, 1947), pp. 332-333. 2 Experiments and observations on electricity, made at Philadelphia in America, by Benjamin Franklin, L.L.D. and F.R.S. Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, of the Royal Society at Giittingen, and of the Batavian Society in Holland, and President of the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. To which are added, letters and papers on Philosophical subjects. The whole corrected, methodized, improved, and now collected into one volume, and illustrated with copper plates. (London, ed. 5, 1774), p. 54. The qnotation may also be found in I. B. Cohen's edition (Har- vard Univ. Press, 1941), p. 13. A Convenient Viscosity Apparatus G. P. BREWINGTON Lawrence Institute of Technology, Detroit 3, Michigan T HE apparatus described herein has been found to be quite satisfactory for sophomore students and is sufficiently sensitive to indicate a change in the viscosity of 319 
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work_4rfc5zqedjhrfpa3j2ma57gg3y	----	CSS volume 2 issue 1 Cover and Back matter ANNALES Economies Societes Civilisations R E V U E T R I M E S T R I E L L E F O N D E E E N 1 9 2 9 par LUCIEN FEBVRE & MARC BLOCH Conati de direction: FERNAND BRAUDEL GEORGES FRIEDMANN - CHARLES MORAZE Secretaire du Comite: PA UL LEUILLIOT Secretaire de la Redaction: ROBERTMANDROU Au Sommaire du no. 4 de 1959 (octobre-decembre) T. TANIOKA Le Jori dans le Japon ancien j . LAUDE Arts plastiques et Histoire en Afrique Noire R. MANDROU Francais hors de France aux XVI° et XVII° siecles G. CASTELLAN Sociologie religieuse de la Yougoslavie w. ROSTOW Histoire et Sciences Sociales v. TAPIE Baroque et Qassicisme Et les chroniques habituelles: Vie scientifique, Dibats et Combats, Notes Critiques, Comptes Rendus Redaction et Administration: LIBRAIRIE ARMAND COLIN 103, Bd St-Michel, PARIS - V» Compte de cheques postaux: Paris, No 1671 Abonnements: France et Union francaise, 2 000 F ; Etranger, 2 300 F Le numero de 208pages: 550 F terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417500000505 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417500000505 https://www.cambridge.org/core THE RUSSIAN REVIEW An American Quarterly Devoted to Russia Past and Present TABLE OF CONTENTS, VOL. XVIII, No. 4, OCTOBER 1959 Articles PARTY AND CHURCH IN THE SOVIET UNION Robert C. Tucker TWO SELF-MADE MEN OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: MICHAEL LOMONOSOV AND BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . W . Chapitl Huntfflgton POEMS FROM BLOCK AND AKHMATOVA (TRANSLATIONS) R o b i n K e m b a l l ALEXANDER HELPHAND-PARVUS— RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONARY AND GERMAN PATRIOT . . H e i n z Schurer SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE 1959 SOVIET CENSUS . . . Victor P. Petrov Book Reviews Subscription, $ 5.00 a year, single copies $ 1.25; foreign $ 6.00 THE RUSSIAN REVIEW 235 Baker Library Hanover, N.H, terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417500000505 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417500000505 https://www.cambridge.org/core COMPARATIVE STUDIES IN SOCIETY AND HISTORY An Internationa! Quarterly EDITORIAL COMMITTEE G. E. VON GRUNEBAUM EVERETT C. HUGHES EDWARD A. KRACKE, JR. MAX RHEINSTEIN EDWARD SHILS SOL TAX SYLVIA L. 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work_4rxlr3j4qvdyhi3rrq6c57rs74	----	How We Came to Understand the “Tumultuous Chemical Heterogeneity” of the Lipid Bilayer Membrane Vol.:(0123456789)1 3 The Journal of Membrane Biology (2020) 253:185–190 https://doi.org/10.1007/s00232-020-00126-1 TO P I C A L R E V I E W How We Came to Understand the “Tumultuous Chemical Heterogeneity” of the Lipid Bilayer Membrane William C. Wimley1 Received: 7 May 2020 / Accepted: 29 May 2020 / Published online: 3 June 2020 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2020 Abstract The path to our modern understanding of the structure of the lipid bilayer membrane is a long one that can be traced from today perhaps as far back as Benjamin Franklin in the eighteenth century. Here, I provide a personal account of one of the important steps in that path, the description of the “Complete Structure” of a hydrated, fluid phase dioleoyl phosphatidyl- choline bilayer by the joint refinement of neutron and X-ray diffraction data by Stephen White and his colleagues. Graphic Abstract Keywords Membrane structure · Diffraction · Neutron Introduction Some authors contend that the path to our modern under- standing of membrane structure began in 1774 when the American polymath Benjamin Franklin had an opportunity to become the first membrane biophysicist (Tanford 1989; Wang et al. 2013). However, Franklin and his contempo- raries let the opportunity slip away—essentially unnoticed. Franklin poured oil on a small pond in England to test its ability to calm waves. He wrote “The oil, though not more than a teaspoonful produced an instant calm over a space of several yards square, which spread amazingly…making all that quarter of the pond, perhaps half an acre, as smooth as a looking glass”. Franklin noted that the spreading oil pushed away objects that were floating on the surface of the water. He concluded “I think it is a curious enquiry, and I wish to know whence it arises (Brownrigg and Far- ish 1774)”. The concept of the molecule was more than a century old in 1774, yet no one reasoned that Franklin had created a molecular monolayer on the surface of the water. Thus, no one at the time made what would have been the first measurement of the thickness of a membrane-like film—a teaspoonful (~ 5 ml) of oil spread over half an acre (~ 2000 m2) has a thickness of 2.5 nm, a value that is remarkably close to half of the ~ 5 nm thickness of a lipid bilayer mem- brane. In fact, had this calculation been done at the time, it * William C. Wimley wwimley@tulane.edu 1 Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA 70112, USA http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2967-5186 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1007/s00232-020-00126-1&domain=pdf 186 W. C. Wimley 1 3 would have been the first measurement of the size of any molecule. To my knowledge, no calculation like this was done until more than 100 years later when researchers including Lord Rayleigh, Agnes Pockels, Irving Langmuir, and many others began to study lipid films in earnest (Rayleigh 1890; Pockels 1891; Langmuir 1917; Tanford 1989; Maget-Dana 1999). Rayleigh performed his famous oil film experiment, a care- fully controlled laboratory version of Franklin’s experiment, in 1890. He specifically designed the experiment to enable measurement of the thickness of an oil film, and reported a thickness of 1.6 nm (Rayleigh 1890). Ultimately, soap film work combined with the work of Meyer and Overton on general anesthetics (Overton 1901; Meyer 1901) around the turn of the century helped lead to the realization that living cells were bounded by a lipid film. Here, I recount how, two centuries after Franklin stilled the waves on Clapham Common, and one century after Lord Rayleigh stilled the movement of camphor chips on the surface of water in his laboratory, waves of another sort were used to describe the “Complete Structure” of a lipid bilayer membrane (Wie- ner and White 1992a). I discuss how this new image of the Complete Structure of the bilayer was acquired, how it trans- formed our understanding of bilayer structure by delineating how matter and thermal motions are distributed across the thickness of the bilayer, and how it catalyzed new insights in areas such as molecular dynamics simulations and mem- brane protein folding. In this short account, I can mention or cite only a few of the scientists who contributed across several centuries, to our understanding of the structure of the lipid bilayer. But clearly, this long evolution of ideas was the collective effort of many exceptional scientists. The long combined efforts of some led to the consensus, in the mid-twentieth cen- tury, that the cell membrane was a fluid phase, lipid bilayer membrane. The combined efforts of others, including the researchers discussed here, led to our modern understand- ing of lipid bilayer structure and dynamics. Some of that rich history is described in two publications (Tanford 1989; Singer and Nicolson 1972) which, in my opinion, should be read by any student or researcher who is serious about studying membranes. How was the “Complete Structure” Obtained? In the biologically relevant fluid phase, lipid bilayers are two- dimensional fluids, with a structure that cannot be determined with atomic resolution. The story of the Complete Structure of the lipid bilayer is about the development of “liquid crystallog- raphy” by Stephen White and postdocs Glen King and Michael Wiener which was used to extract maximum structural insight from available lamellar X-ray and neutron diffraction. These authors published a series of papers culminating in the 1992 paper “Structure of a Fluid Phase DOPC Bilayer by Joint Refinement of X-ray and Neutron Diffraction Data. III The Complete Structure” by Wiener and White (Wiener and White 1992a). The first paper in the series, by King and White (King and White 1986), established a framework for analyzing neu- tron (and X-ray) diffraction data by using strip function models (Worthington 1969) of quasimolecular groups; bonded groups of atoms expected to behave coherently. Examples of natu- ral quasimolecular groups in a phosphatidylcholine molecule include the choline headgroup, the phosphate, the glycerol backbone, the carbonyls, and the terminal methyl groups. The second paper in the series, by Wiener and White (Wiener and White 1991a), built upon previous work (Mitsui 1978; Wiener et al. 1989) to demonstrate how Gaussian functions can be used to describe the distributions of the quasimolecu- lar groups. In this paper, Wiener and White also established a way to think about membrane diffraction. A stack of fluid phase bilayers is a near perfect one-dimensional crystal along the bilayer normal (Franks and Lieb 1979; Smith et al. 1987; Wiener and White 1991a). The small number of diffraction orders observed, usually 4–8, is not due to stacking/lattice disorder, but to the inherent length-scale that best describes the system. The third paper in the series (Wiener and White 1991b) established a “joint refinement” method in which the significant differences in X-ray and neutron atomic scatter- ing cross-sections can be exploited to form a detailed image of the transbilayer distribution of quasimolecular groups by global fitting of data sets acquired using both techniques. The fourth, fifth and sixth papers (Wiener and White 1991c, 1992b; Wiener et al. 1991) described the distribution of the fatty acid double bonds, terminal methyl groups, and water. These papers also addressed the critical issue of scaling of neutron and X-ray diffraction data for the joint refinement. This body of work led to the Complete Structure paper in which the distribution of all lipid quasimolecular groups and water were determined by a global fit of X-ray and neutron membrane diffraction scat- tering factors. The global fit was unconstrained except for the positions and widths of the water and double bonds which had been measured in the previous papers. The center of mass and 1/e Gaussian half-widths of each quasimolecular group were individually allowed to vary. The result, Fig. 1a, was the time-averaged distribution (i.e. position and width) of each quasimolecular group along the bilayer normal. What Did We Learn from the “Complete Structure”? The “Complete Structure” of a fluid phase DOPC bilayer was built upon the work of many researchers who had pre- viously studied bilayer structure and dynamics using tech- niques such as electron microscopy and NMR in addition to 187How We Came to Understand the “Tumultuous Chemical Heterogeneity” of the Lipid Bilayer… 1 3 X-ray and neutron diffraction. For example, see (Luzzati and Husson 1962; Stoeckenius 1962; Stoeckenius 1962; Luzzati 1968; Fettiplace et al. 1971; Wilkins et al. 1971; Levine and Wilkins 1971; Hitchcock et al. 1974; Worcester and Franks 1976; Büldt et al. 1978; Zaccai et al. 1979). Many aspects of the structure of fluid phase lipid bilayer membranes had previously been glimpsed by these influential prior studies. However, the Complete Structure of a hydrated, fluid phase DOPC bilayer provided a holistic image of bilayer structure and dynamics. The fluid bilayer shows substantial thermal disorder in the transbilayer distributions of the lipid groups. Wiener and White showed that Gaussian distributions accu- rately describe the time-averaged positions of quasimolecu- lar groups along the bilayer normal. Comparison of the hard sphere widths with the experimentally determined widths showed that there are motional gradients. The glycerol back- bone moiety has the lowest thermal motion, but thermal motion increases in both directions; toward the headgroup moieties and toward the acyl chains. The greatest thermal disorder occurs in the terminal methyl groups (Mihailescu Fig. 1 The “tumultuous chemical heterogeneity” of the fluid phase lipid bilayer membrane. a Number density distributions of quasimo- lecular groups determined in the Complete Structure of a dioleoyl phosphatidylcholine (DOPC) bilayer determined using joint refine- ment of X-ray and neutron lamellar diffraction (Wiener and White 1992a). The 5.4 waters and 28 –CH2– groups have been scaled down for display. b Number densities enable calculation of partial charge density, a reasonable surrogate measure of polarity across the bilayer. The Complete Structure showed that the interfacial zone occupies fully half the thickness of the bilayer, bridging the bulk water and hydrocarbon core with a continuous gradient of polarity that is wide enough to fully accommodate folded α-helices and β-hairpin struc- tures which may sample the edge of the hydrocarbon core. c DOPC bilayer deconstructed into individual quasimolecular parts. Validated molecular dynamics simulations show the distributions of these quasimolecular groups in a hydrated, fluid phase DOPC bilayer. d Snapshots of individual lipid conformers separated out from a real- istic simulation of a DOPC bilayer (Benz et  al. 2005). The thermal motion of individual groups and whole lipid molecules is revealed. Coloring of atoms is the same as in (c) 188 W. C. Wimley 1 3 et al. 2011). A few years after the Complete Structure, Post- doc Kalina Hristova and White (Hristova and White 1998) made critical measurements of how bilayer thermal motions change as a function of hydration level, enabling the descrip- tion of a more biologically relevant fluid phase bilayer in excess water. Paradoxically, although the transbilayer Gaussian dis- tributions of quasimolecular groups are broad, their cent- ers and widths are each determined with high precision in the Complete Structure. Thus, these experimentally deter- mined transbilayer distributions of atomic groups can (and should!) be used to validate molecular dynamics simulations of lipid bilayers as White and colleagues have done (Benz et al. 2005). Experimentally validated (i.e. realistic) thermal motions (Fig. 1c, d) and subsequent lateral pressure profiles across the bilayer remain critical parameters for correctly modelling peptide/protein insertion, folding and structure in membrane simulations. Another significant revelation in the Complete Structure was the true nature of the interface between the hydrocarbon core and the bulk water. Memorably described in the Com- plete Structure as a region of “tumultuous chemical hetero- geneity”, the interfaces of a fluid bilayer occupy fully half the total thickness of the bilayer. All lipid groups, including the terminal methyl groups (Mihailescu et al. 2011), spend some of their time in the interface due to their thermal motion. The interface also contains a significant amount of water. The time-averaged density of these groups creates a gradient of polarity, Fig. 1b, that forms a broad zone of transition between the very polar bulk water phase and the very non-polar hydrocarbon core, in the center of the bilayer. Importantly, the Complete Structure showed that the inter- facial zones each occupy ~ 15 Å along the bilayer normal, more than wide enough to encompass whole elements of protein secondary structure (Fig. 1b). Hristova, with White and others, demonstrated experimentally that amphipathic α-helical peptides are readily accommodated within the bilayer interfacial zone (Hristova et al. 1999, 2001). The existence of these broad interfacial zones, with physical properties that are very different from the hydrocarbon core, means that a minimum of two hydrophobicity scales are needed to describe the thermodynamics of peptides and proteins partitioning into a lipid bilayer (White and Wimley 1999); at least one for the interface(Wimley and White 1996) and one for the hydrocarbon core (Wimley et al. 1996). Fur- ther, the broad interfacial zones mean that the thermody- namic cost of partitioning charged and polar molecules in the bilayer is much lower than previously thought (Hessa et al. 2005; Schow et al. 2010; Hristova and Wimley 2010). Nonetheless, for peptides and proteins that partition into the bilayer interface, the reduced polarity, compared to bulk water, greatly increases the thermodynamic favora- bility of hydrogen bonded-secondary structure, giving rise to a very strong coupling between membrane binding and folding, a concept that has been useful in the understand- ing of membrane active peptides as well as membrane pro- teins (White and Wimley 1999). Although the hydrocarbon core occupies only half the total thickness of the bilayer, the Complete Structure verified what many other researchers had previously con- cluded; the ~ 25–30 Å thick hydrocarbon core has a low abundance of water and lipid polar groups, making it one of the most hydrophobic micro-environments known in biology. Gunnar von Heijne, with White and others, later showed that the translocon, the protein machinery that folds and inserts membrane proteins in the endoplasmic reticulum, acts in accordance with the transmembrane distribution of polarity first revealed in the Complete Structure of DOPC (Ojemalm et al. 2011). The effective hydrophobicity sensed by the amino acids in a potential membrane spanning helix is highest in the center of the membrane, becoming lower as the amino acid in ques- tion is moved away from the hydrocarbon core towards either interfacial zone. While the mechanistic details of translocon-mediated insertion and folding are still being investigated, the Complete Structure of DOPC set the stage for understanding the role of the bilayer physical proper- ties in the process. Conclusion Although Benjamin Franklin and his contemporaries missed their chance in 1774 to be the first membrane biophysicists, many other great scientists helped evolve our view of the structure of the lipid bilayer membrane. For a long time, the prevailing cartoon image of a lipid bilayer had been that of a hard-edged slab of hydrocarbon, created by lipids with a thin interface and little or no thermal motion along the bilayer normal. Such simplistic cartoons of bilayers not only imply the wrong structure and dynamics, but also ignore the immense compositional and spatial complexity of cellular membranes (Lorent et al. 2020). Here, I have highlighted how Stephen White and colleagues contributed to our mod- ern view of the bilayer by giving us the Complete Structure of a fluid phase lipid bilayer membrane. They helped us to see the whole structural and dynamic complexity previously reported, in part, by many others. Unfortunately, old ideas, and simplistic cartoons, die only very slowly. Incorrect and unrealistic depictions of static, rigid, uniform membrane structures, with thin interfaces, have not yet been eradicated from textbooks, scientific papers, and the internet. Such images may adversely affect how scientists and students think about membrane biology, so we should do our best to present realistic images of bilayer structure and dynamics. 189How We Came to Understand the “Tumultuous Chemical Heterogeneity” of the Lipid Bilayer… 1 3 References Benz RW, Castro-Roman F, Tobias DJ, White SH (2005) Experimental validation of molecular dynamics simulations of lipid bilayers: a new approach. Biophys J 88:805–817 Brownrigg W, Farish M (1774) Of the stilling of waves by means of oil. Extracted from Sundry letters between Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S., William Brownrigg, M. D. F. R. S. and the Reverend Mr. Farish. Philos Trans 64:445–460 Büldt G, Gally HU, Seelig A, Seelig J, Zaccai G (1978) Neutron dif- fraction studies on selectively deuterated phospholipid bilayers. Nature (London) 271:182–184 Fettiplace R, Andrews DM, Haydon DA (1971) The thickness, compo- sition and structure of some lipid bilayers and natural membranes. J Membr Biol 5:277–296 Franks NP, Lieb WR (1979) The structure of lipid bilayers and the effects of general anesthetics: an X-ray and neutron diffraction study. J Mol Biol 133:469–500 Hessa T, White SH, Von HG (2005) Membrane insertion of a potas- sium-channel voltage sensor. Science 307:1427 Hitchcock PB, Mason R, Thomas KM, Shipley GG (1974) Structural chemistry of 1,2 dilauroyl-dl-Phosphatidylethanolamine: Molecu- lar conformation and intermolecular packing of phospholipids. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 71:3036–3040 Hristova K, White SH (1998) Determination of the hydrocarbon core structure of fluid dioleoylphosphocholine (DOPC) bilayers by x-ray diffraction using specific bromination of the double-bonds: Effect of hydration. Biophys J 74:2419–2433 Hristova K, Wimley WC (2010) A look at arginine in membranes. J Membr Biol 239:49–56 Hristova K, Wimley WC, Mishra VK, Anantharamiah GM, Segrest JP, White SH (1999) An amphipathic α-helix at a membrane inter- face: a structural study using a novel X-ray diffraction method. J Mol Biol 290:99–117 Hristova K, Dempsey CE, White SH (2001) Structure, location, and lipid perturbations of melittin at the membrane interface. Biophys J 80:801–811 King GI, White SH (1986) Determining bilayer hydrocarbon thick- ness from neutron diffraction measurements using strip-function models. Biophys J 49:1047–1054 Langmuir I (1917) The constitution and fundamental properties of liquids and solids. II. Liquids. J Am Chem Soc 39:1848–1906 Levine YK, Wilkins MHF (1971) Structure of oriented lipid bilayers. Nat New Biol 230:69–72 Lorent JH, Levental KR, Ganesan L, Rivera-Longsworth G, Sezgin E, Doktorova MD, Lyman E, Levental I (2020) Plasma membranes are asymmetric in lipid unsaturation, packing and protein shape. Nat Chem Biol 16:710 Luzzati V (1968) Biological membranes. In: Chapman D (ed) Mem- brane. Academic Press, New York Luzzati V, Husson F (1962) The structure of the liquid-crystalline phases of lipid-water systems. J Cell Biol 12:207–219 Maget-Dana R (1999) The monolayer technique: a potent tool for stud- ying the interfacial properties of antimicrobial and membrane- lytic peptides and their interactions with lipid membranes. Bio- chim Biophys Acta 1462:109–140 Meyer H (1901) Zur theorie der alkolnarkose: Der einfluss wechselnder temperatur sur wirkungsstarke und theilungscoefficient dar nar- cotica. Naunyn Schiedebergs Arch Pharmacol 46:388–396 Mihailescu M, Vaswani RG, Jardon-Valadez E, Castro-Roman F, Fre- ites JA, Worcester DL, Chamberlin AR, Tobias DJ, White SH (2011) Acyl-chain methyl distributions of liquid-ordered and -dis- ordered membranes. Biophys J 100:1455–1462 Mitsui T (1978) X-ray diffraction studies of membranes. Adv Biophys 10:97–135 Ojemalm K, Higuchi T, Jiang Y, Langel U, Nilsson I, White SH, Suga H, von Heijne G (2011) A polar surface area determines the efficiency of translocon-mediated membrane-protein inte- gration into the endoplasmic reticulum. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 108:E359–364 Overton E (1901) Studien uber die Narkose. Gustav Fischer, Jena Pockels A (1891) Surface tension. Nature 43:437–441 Rayleigh L (1890) Measurements of the amount of oil necessary in order to check the motions of camphor upon water. Proc R Soc Lond 47:364–367 Schow EV, Freites JA, Cheng P, Bernsel A, Von HG, White SH, Tobias DJ (2010) Arginine in membranes: the connection between molecular dynamics simulations and translocon-medi- ated insertion experiments. J Membr Biol 239:35–48 Singer SJ, Nicolson GL (1972) The fluid mosaic model of the struc- ture of cell membranes. Science 175:720–731 Smith GS, Safinya CR, Roux D, Clark NA (1987) X-ray study of freely suspended films of a multilamellar lipid system. Mol Cryst Liq Cryst 144:235–255 Stoeckenius W (1962a) Some electron microscopical observations on liquid-crystalline phases in lipid-water systems. J Cell Biol 12:221–229 Stoeckenius W (1962b) In: Harris RJC (ed) The interpretation of ultrastructure. Academic Press, New York Tanford C (1989) Ben Franklin stilled the waves. An informal history of pouring oil on water with reflections on the ups and downs of scientific life in general. Duke Univesity Press, Durham Wang DN, Stieglitz H, Marden J, Tamm LK (2013) Benjamin Frank- lin, Philadelphia’s favorite son, was a membrane biophysicist. Biophys J 104:287–291 White SH, Wimley WC (1999) Membrane protein folding and sta- bility: physical principles. Annu Rev Biophys Biomol Struct 28:319–365 Wiener MC, White SH (1991a) Fluid bilayer structure determina- tion by the combined use of X-ray and neutron diffraction. I. Fluid bilayer models and the limits of resolution. Biophys J 59:162–173 Wiener MC, White SH (1991b) Fluid bilayer structure determina- tion by the combined use of X-ray and neutron diffraction. II. "Composition-space" refinement method. Biophys. J 59:174–185 Wiener MC, White SH (1991c) Transbilayer distribution of bromine in fluid bilayers containing a specifically brominated analog of dioleoylphosphatidylcholine. Biochemistry 30:6997–7008 Wiener MC, White SH (1992a) Structure of a fluid dioleoylphos- phatidylcholine bilayer determined by joint refinement of X-ray and neutron diffraction data. III. Complete structure. Biophys J 61:434–447 Wiener MC, White SH (1992b) Structure of a fluid dioleoylphosphati- dylcholine bilayer determined by joint refinement of X-ray and neutron diffraction data. II. Distribution and packing of terminal methyl groups. Biophys. J 61:428–433 Wiener MC, Suter RM, Nagle JF (1989) Structure of the fully hydrated gel phase of dipalmitoylphosphatidylcholine. Biophys J 55:315–325 Wiener MC, King GI, White SH (1991) Structure of a fluid diole- oylphosphatidylcholine bilayer determined by joint refinement of x-ray and neutron diffraction data. I. Scaling of neutron data and the distribution of double-bonds and water. Biophys J 60:568–576 Wilkins MHF, Blaurock AE, Engelman DM (1971) Bilayer structure in membranes. Nat New Biol 230:72–76 Wimley WC, White SH (1996) Experimentally determined hydropho- bicity scale for proteins at membrane interfaces. Nature Struct Biol 3:842–848 Wimley WC, Creamer TP, White SH (1996) Solvation energies of amino acid sidechains and backbone in a family of host-guest pentapeptides. Biochemistry 35:5109–5124 190 W. C. Wimley 1 3 Worcester DL, Franks NP (1976) Structural analysis of hydrated egg lecithin and cholesterol bilayers. II. Neutron diffraction. J Mol Biol 100:359–378 Worthington CR (1969) The interpretation of low-angle X-ray data from planar and concentric multilayered structures. Biophys J 9:222–234 Zaccai G, Büldt G, Seelig A, Seelig J (1979) Neutron diffraction studies on phosphatidylcholine model membranes. II. Chain conformation and segmental disorder. J Mol Biol 134:693–706 Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. How We Came to Understand the “Tumultuous Chemical Heterogeneity” of the Lipid Bilayer Membrane Abstract Graphic Abstract Introduction How was the “Complete Structure” Obtained? What Did We Learn from the “Complete Structure”? Conclusion References 
work_4vsjha5f5re65mwl6rdqtner4q	----	COMPOSITIONS by BENJAMIN FRANKLIN WILSON BFA, Simon Fraser University, 2004 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF MUSIC in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Composition) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2007 © Benjamin Franklin Wilson, 2007 ABSTRACT The thesis for the Master of Music degree in Composition consists of live performances of original works composed during graduate study. The student is expected to have written and have performed approximately an hour of music for various media. My compositions were performed on. March 21, 2005, June 2, 2005, August 1, 2005, October 1, 2005, October 3, 2005, June 9, 2006, June 17, 2006, June 25, 2006, January 15, 2007, March 5, 2007, February 17, 2007 and March 30, 2007. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Works iv SCORES The Attic 1 The Lido 6 Itf 9 Play Don't Play 12 Vestibule 31 Ziwlgjcn, Let It Be Known 37 iii LIST OF WORKS 1 The Attic (2006) for mezzo soprano, drumkit, duration 5:20 2. CCMIX Miniatures - 5 Short Studies (2005) digital audio and video recording, duration 3:41 3. Cosmicomics (2004) digital audio recording, duration 20:00 4. Crushing Black Oblivion (2006) digital audio recording, duration 12:21 5. The Lido (2005) for improvising tenor saxophone, electric bass, drumkit, duration 3:00 6. Lit By a Lamp, Lit By a Flame (2005) digital audio recording, duration 5:57 7. Itf (2006) for improvising tenor saxophone, electric bass, drumkit, duration 2:13 8. Play Don't Play (2004) for flute, oboe, Bb clarinet, alto saxophone, Bb trumpet, cello, two percussion, duration 12:00 9. Vestibule (2006) for improvising violin, cello, double bass, duration 4:05 10. Wee Polygons (2006) digital audio and video recording, duration 4:11 11. Ziwlgjcn, Let It Be Known (2004) for improvising tenor saxophone, organ, electric bass, drumkit, duration 5:24 iv The Attic mezzo soprano and drumkit Text: Tom Cone Music: Ben Wilson 30s- mallets, snare off * voice entry overlaps -x- -x- -x- Drums Voice mp cresc ffdeer esc (f w P J=72 Voice You scare the hellout of me Take Take thismor-ning when you de-ci-ded to mf '" / 14 Voice • ^ J 1 J j j ^ j P * ^ F o-pen up the at ticdoor know-ing how I feel a-boutthe at-ticdoor Your p e r - s L s i e n c e mp ; mf mp mf 19 Voice scares the hell out of m e -your dis re-spect your mp ig nor-ance 2 J = 1 2 0 audible audible audible audible Voice co 29 Voice maddening 31 r v Voice Your / face makes me cra_ 3 E = £ 35 20s zy whisper Sor - ry brushes, frenetic on snare 3 = £ spoken -V- I cant . brush tips let you out roll brush over skin straight down "shhh., Dr. Voice mp decresc. * a- J K •ar It's warm- in the at - tic with all the rugs all the rugs 3 40 V o i c e —* wr— the rugs rit It's warm in the at-tic with a l L 44 and beams drums * full of in-scrip- r—3-V o i c e * m— and where tion_ when mp ~ and how. And how_ P 4 8 20S = X more sparse * 1 | : J J -x*x>* x % x • Dr. SB 49 -'=120 decresc mp V o i c e 2 | B V o i c e 54 m/ In thecor-ner you willfind a n o t e thatwilltell you ev-'ry thing youneedtoknow // the leaks rit J I - r ' f i i ^ i and the hot_ spots andthe squir - rels andthe squir - rels i f you give them time. 59 J=72 * V o i c e J j " K J * j " — h 4 J R J§E Time to say mp good-bye. Time to time to takes time to_ - P 4 Drums improvise with voice 65 4 = a 1 3 1 b i * C l 3 1 de-com pose U J~J ! de - com pose de- c o m _ pose Voice 70 1 J=120 faster Voice ff Un - rav - el - ling the com - pos - L tion_ 73 Voice 53 rav - el un ling (gah) the com - po - si - Hon 76 Voice un rav -3- el ling the com - po - si - tion , cymbal scrapes 79 J-72 tip of stick straight down Voice 1 ' 1—I—1 =fv= 1 5—1 j — r - = 1 -t- X X * X X -5^ ^ ' — p ^ X —'—x̂ — ' 1 breathy lone You give me give me You give— me Vancouver June 2006 The Lido Ben Wilson July, 2005 For Improvising Ensemble Tenor Saxophone Electric Bass Drums 6 T h e Lido Ben Wilson ©July 2005 J=120 soft warbling Tenor Saxophone 4 ' - - - — • . - - — =: :—:====:: ====== — — 0 1 "— *— -r-J-f- B *—#̂ =S=BE3 ^^===^==l==^L^^^^^==z^==ll5^===j^|^=^ 8 Itf for Masa Ben Wilson January, 2006 For Improvising Ensemble Tenor Saxophone Electric Bass Drums 9 J=200 > Itf for masa B e n Wilson ©Jan 2006 m 4 Tenor Tenor to E r rjr J i - > ̂ f[>Cir 10 Bass Tenor f\i y — M — m -n J » J) LJT^ r̂ - Jr-' f f ' i % ,y J L y J L j ̂1 * Jy 7 J y ^ f r 23 j ^ U r> M ^ ^ j J L J I »7 * 7 7 0 7 m -J- *r ? i}r i ^FA J f = =E=g= 27 fi r, >r I 5 1 -3 1 | 3- Coda group improv /(/" D C on cue p y ^ y J ) y p 1 y > J y f r f J | ^ * p y * ; ^ r l^P^m 4x 4 y py r J r J k j l j y g y :1 Bass 11 Play Don't Play Ben Wilson For Vertical Orchestra Flute -Oboe Bb Clarinet Alto Saxophone Bb Trumpet Cello Percussion 1 (Vibraphone, 2 Toms, 2 Bongos, Claves, Suspended Cymbal) Percussion 2 (Marimba, Tarn Tarn, Bass Drum, Crotales, Claves) Transposed Score Duration: 12 minutes 1 0:55 FL O B CL f mp £ * 1=10 I / ? \ mp " T mp mp m mp A SAX TPT mp mp mp vc PERC 1 PERC2 f mp mp Vibraphone let ring Crotales mf Bass Drum Crotales -o let ring 1) * *» * mf 0:55 1:10 16 5:10 _ ! i _ J /CN ri- ff Cymbal/Choke J - u Marimba; mp 5:10 Îf Choose approximate pitch 5:30 7:30 ro 4^ FL OB CL A SAX TPT VC PERC 1 P E R C 2 mp mp mp >̂ ^ ^ __. . _ _ . J - : = : "J f 7:30 7:40 12 13 CJ) 8:40 FL OB CL A SAX TPT VC PERC 1 P E R C 2 J =80 h i t * * \l I I ft = T J ' i i J i Vibraphone Y r t r ^ J—J J Dampen Dampen PP 4 4 t * ^ mp 8:40 8:55 14 r O 9:10 FL OB CL A SAX TPT VC PERC 1 PERC2 i m Bass Drum "mf ' mf Claves m 9:10 9:30 15 10:10 10:17 ro oo FL OB CL A SAX TPT VC PERC 1 PERC2 Vestibule for LSB 21 Ben Wilson November, 2006 Improvising String Trio Violin Cello Double Bass 31 ran ' - 3 0 i-zi very slow rubato Vestibule (for L S B 21) © Ben Wilson Nov 2006 Violin 'cello Bass =F*= z±z-z Vln B 6 J=110 4 ^ mp pizz § § i l p i # mp Bs »3 -X- 1 J-) 1 V — | ™ 15= 1 > f ~ r i 3 = 3 — * J 1 ~- —-.—i 1 ^ ' J J " ' - J * 1 v f * 1 i ^ " 5 - S = : » ^ — 1 1 J j J « - 4 1 1 fa,> P —1 1 Vln Bs 16 P , 2 Z vln Bs 32 2 20 33 Vln Bs Vln r e i VIOLIN SOLO over BG's 50 L S everyone play E arco 1x after solo »r fi. 4 violin cues last E here Bs am iii r 4 | is- 3 ^ E ? E E 3 E * m I i L l O I E _ 7 • fe 4, 4 : 4 34 55 CELLO SOLO begin after 1x of F Bass moves to pizz eventually vioilin plays bg's ad lib arco or pizz Vln m =6= 3E Bs m ME =c===t Bs =6© -I 1 EE8S 6f violin continues F and eventually fades out arco sul pont Vln h=> * h S * K mp ^ arco sul pont Bass joins Cello for duo eventually move to arco sul pont Bass & Cello cue G mp Bs Bs S E ElpE 35 5 70 Vln ord. mf 9 i . . . x l ! E j E E 5 | E z | E ^ g t f | E Bs irco -1 !——P-"' mf Vln — , - 1 J — — ..m^m. m^j..yj. tzz j"i te=8r^-r-^=. ^ ^ F ^ -̂If̂ —P - = — t ! j so sul pont -I ord. Vln • ?> ' sul pont ord. Bs arco l>3t [,V Vln 36 Ziwlgjcn, Let It Be Known Ben Wilson October, 2004 For Improvising Ensemble Tenor Saxophone Organ Electric Bass Drums 37 38 [Ml _ Bass line loops Bass line loops cue ncxl scclion 4 ffi : m = - : rrg?...... :; V fr<i=K=^——y=| —— j y ^ y - r E ^ ^iztzfe: .^^^^1=^=^0^^=^ • # * s* "ii^^zz=r=-r. j g = r 39 
work_4z2mdvfxm5cyflkjiomfv64hsa	----	XXXIX. Of the electric property of the torpedo. In a letter from John Walsh, Esq; F. R. S. to Benjamin Franklin, Esq; LL. D., F. R. S., Ac. R. Par. Soc. Ext., &c. [ 46* ] XXXIX. O f the eleSlr Property of the "Torpedo. In a Letter from John Walfh, Efq\ F. R. S. to Benjamin Franklin, Ffq\ L L . D., F, R. Ac. R. Par. Soc. Ext., 8cc. Chefterfield-Street, July x, 175*3. D e a r S i r , R.<:ad July 1, y Am concerned that other engagements 1 have prevented me from giving to the Royal Society, before their recefs, a complete ac­ count of my experiments on the eledtricity of the Torpedo; a fubjedt not only curious in itfelf, but opening a large field for interefiing inquiry, both to the eledfrician in his walk of phyfics, and to all who confider, particularly or generally, the animal ceconomy. T o fupply the deficiency in the befi: manner I am now able, I will requeft the favour of you to lay be­ fore the Society my letter from la Rochelle, of the 12th July 1772, and fuch part of the letter I after­ wards wrote from Paris, as relates to this fubjedh Loofe and imperfedt as thefe informations are, for they were never intended for the public eye, they are ftill the moft authentic, and fo far the moll O 0 0 2 fatif- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 fatisfadory I can at prefent offer, fince the notes I made of the experiments themfelves remain nearly, I am forry to fay it, in that crude and bulky ftaic in which you had the trouble to read them. letter from Mr. W alsh to Dr. F ranklin, dated la Rochelle, 12th July 1772. uIt is with particular fatisfadion I make to you “ my firft communication, that the effed of the “ Torpedo appears to be abfolutely eledrical; by " forming its circuit through the fame condudors “ with eledricity, for inftance metals, and water ; “ ar?d by being intercepted by the fame non-con- c< dudors, for inftance glafs, and fealing-wax. I “ will not at prefent trouble you with the detail o f “ our experiments, efpecially as we are daily ad- “ vancing in them ; but only obferve, that we have difcovered the back and breaft of the animal to be u in different ftates of eledricity: I mean in par- cc ticular the upper and lower furfaces of thofe two * affemblages of pliant cylinders, of which you a have feen engravings in Lorenzini *. By the v knowledge of this circtimftance we have been “ able to dired his (hocks, though they were very ? fmall, through a circuit of four perfons, all feel- cc ing th em ; likewife through a confiderable length “ °J wire held by two infulated perfons, one touching u his lower fur face, and the other his upper. W hen O bfervazioni intorno alle Forpedini di Stef. L o r e n z in i 6 7 8*. ^ Redi appears to be the lirft who remarked thefe fingular parts «<£ the T orp ed o in 1 6 6 6 . F ranc. R ed i, E xper, N a t. t .6* ] “ the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 ^ 3 ] the wire was exchanged for glafs, or healing-wax, no effeft could be obtained: but as foon as it wag refumed, the two perfons became liable to the fhock. Thefe experiments have been varied many ways, and repeated times without number, and they all determined the choice pf condudors to be the fame in the Torpedo as in the Ley- den Phial. T h e fenlations like wife, occafioned by the one and the other in the human frame, are precifely fiinilar. N ot only the (hock, hut the numbing fenfation which the animal fome times difpenfes, exprefifed in French by the words v i­ gour diffement and Jourmillement, may be exadly imi­ tated with the Phial, by means of Lane’s Elcdro- m etei; the regulating rod of which, to produce the latter efFed,, muft be brought almoA into contad with the prime condudor which joins the Phial. W e have not yet perceived any fpark to accompany the fhock, nor the pith balls to be ever affeded. Indeed ail our trials have been on very feeble fubjeds, whole fhock was feldom fenfible beyond the touching finger: I remember but one, of at leaft two hundred, that I myfelf rnufi have re­ ceived, to have extended above the elbow. Per­ haps the Hie of Re, which we are about to vifit, may furnifb us with Torpedos frefher taken and of more vigour, by which a farther infight into thefe m atter may be had. Our experiments have been chiefly jn the air, where the animal was more open to our examination than in water. It is a Angularity that the Torpedo, when inhibited, liquid be able to give to us, infulated hkewife, forty or fifty fuccefiive fhocks from n e a r l y the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 fame part; and thefe with little, if any diminu- tiv)fi in their force i indeed they were all very minute. Each cixort in the animal to give the fhock lV conveniently accompanied with a de* “ P^ffion of his eyes, by which even his attempts <c to give it to non-conductors can be obferved. “ animal, with refped to the reft of his body, “ is in a great degree motionlefs, but not wholly fo. \ qu will pleale to acquaint Dr. Bancroft, of our having thus verified his fufpicion concerning the Eoipedo and make any other communication “ of this matter you may judge proper. Here I “ ftiall be glad to excite, as far as I am able, both elect!icians and naturalihs, to pufh their inquiries concerning^ this extraordinary animal, whilft the <c fummer affords them the opportunity.” Ex Wads ©f a Letter ftom M r . W a l s h to Dr. F r a n k l i n , dated Paris, 27th Auguft, 1772. ■--------- “ I fpent a complete week in my ex- “ periments at the Ifle of Re, and had there every convenience for profecuting them to their extent, except that I was reftrained by the jealoufy of cc the government from making them where the “ animal was caught. At my return to la Ro- chelie, I communicated to the members of the Academy of that place, and to many of the prin- “ cipal inhabitants, all that I had obferved con- cc cerning the Torpedo, in the intention of ftirring i * B a n cro fts N atural Hiftory o f G u ia n a , p, 1 5 4 . [ 4% ] up D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 up a fpirit of inquiry, both as to its electricity and * general (Economy. ----- — “ T he vigour of the frefh taken T o r- pedos at the Ifle of Re, was not able to force the torpedinal fluid acrofs the minuteft trad of air not from one link of a Imall chain, fufpended “ freely,, to another; not through an almoft in- “ vifible feparation, made by the edge of a penknife, “ in a of tinfoil pafted on fea!ing-wax. The u fpark therefore (of cotirfe the attendant flapping noife) was denied to all our attempts to diicover it, not only in day-light, hut in complete dark* “ ne^- I obferved to you, in my laft, the fingu- “ Iarity of the Torpedo being able, when infulated, " to git̂ e to an infulated perfon a great number of fucceflive fliocks i in this fituation I have taken “ n° Ifefs than fifty from him in the fpace of a minute and an half. All our experiments con- “ firmed, that his eleAricity was condenfed, in the inflant of its explofion, by a ludden energy “ ° f ^ animal ; and as there was no gradual " accumulation, nor retention of it, as in the cafe C( ° f charged glafs, it is not. at all furprizing that “ no figns of attraction or repulfion were perceived <c in the pith balls. In fliort, the efteCl of the Tor- “ pedo appears to arife from a comprefled elaflic u fluid, refloring- itfelf to ils equilibrium in the fiilme way, and by the: fame mediums, as the elaflic fluid M' compreffed in charged glafs. The fkin of the “ animal, bad: conductor as it is, feems to be a “ better conductor of his ekaricky, than the “ thinefl plate of eliiftuc, krV. Notwithflandinp die weak'Tpring o f'th e tdfp'edttal ekaridhy, f was “ able. [ + 6 5 ] 3 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 6 6 ] « able, in the public exhibitions of my experiments “ at la Rochelle, to convey it through a circuit, “ formed from one lurface of the animal to the 44 other, by two long brafs wires, and four perfons, 4< which number, at times, was increafed even to C{ eight. T he feveral peribns were made to com- 44 municate with each other, and the two oufermod 44 with the wires, by means of water contained in u hafihs, properly difpofed between them for the 4f purpole ; each perfon dipping his hands in the neared bafins, connedively with his neigbour on 44 either fide.------ — The efFed produced by the Torpedo, when ** in air, appeared, on many repeated experiments* 44 to be about four times as drong as when in «4 water.” A clear and fuccind narrative of what palled at one of the public exhibitions, alluded to in the lad letter, appeared in the French Gazette of the 30th Odober >772 As it came from a very relpedtable quarter, not lefs fo from the private character of the gentleman, than from the public offices he held, I mud dehie leave of the Society to avail myielf of fuch a tedimony to the fads 1 have advanced, by giving a trandation of that narrative. E xtrad of a Letter from the Sieup Se i g n e t t e , Mayor of la Rochelle, and fecond perpetual Secretary of the Academy of that City, to the publifher of the French Gazette. 4< In the Gazette of the 14th Augud, you men- tinned the difeovery made by Mr. Walfh, Mem- “ her D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 . f m I berof th ep arliam e n t p f England, £nd of tlie “ Royal Society p f London* T h e experiment, o f “ which I am going to give you an account, was “ made in the prefence o f the Academy o f this “ city. A live Torpedo was placed on a table. “ Round another table flood five perfons infulated* tc T w o brafs wires, each thirteen feet long, were “ fufpended tp the ceiling by filken firings. One “ o f thefe wires refted by one end on the w et “ napkin on which the fifh lay ; the other end 64 was immerfed in a bafin full of water plated “ on the fecond table, on which flood four other u bafins likewife full o f water. T h e firft perfon “ put a finger o f one hand in the bafin in which «>. the wire was immerfed, and a finger o f the « other hand in the fecond bafin. T h e fecond “ perfon put a finger of one hand in this laft “ bafin, and a finger of the other hand in the « t h i r d ; and fo on fucceflively, till the five per- « fbn§ communicated w ith one another by the “ water in the bafins. In the laft bafin one end « of the fecond wire was immerfed ; and w ith v the other end M r. W alfh touched the back o f «« the Torpedo, when the five perfons felt a com- « motion which differed in nothing from that o f M the Leyden experiment, except in the degree o f “ fprce. M r. W alfh, who was not in the circle it of condu&ion, received no fhock. T h is expe- m rim ent was repeated feveral times, eveu w ith eight perfons; and always with the fame fuc- cefs. T h e action o f the Torpedo is commu- nicated by the fame mediums as that o f the « e,le6tric fluid. T h e bodies which intercept the V p t . L X III. P p p “ adion D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 ^ 8 ] 4< adion o f the one, intercept like wife the adion w o f the other. T h e effects produced by the “ Torpedo referable in every refped a w eakelec- “ tricity.” T his exhibition o f the eledric powers o f the Torpedo, before the Academy of L a Rochelle, was at a meeting, held for the purpofe in my apartments, on the 22d July 1772, and Rands regiftered in the journals of the Academy. T h e effed of the animal was, in thefe. experi­ ments, tranfmitted through as great an extent and variety of condudors as almoR at any time we had been able to obtain it, and the experiments in­ cluded, nearly, all the points, in which its analogy w ith the effed o f the Leyden Phial had been obferved. Thefe points were Rated to the gentle­ men prefent, as were the circumRances in which the two effeds appeared to vary. It was likewife reprefented to them, T h at our experiments had been almoR wholly w ith the animal in a ir: T h at its adion in water was a capital defideratum: T h a t indeed all as yet done was little more than opening the door to in q u iry : T h a t much remained to be examined by the Eledrician as well as by the AnatomiR : T h a t as artificial eledricity had thrown light on the natural operation o f the Torpedo, this might in return, if well confidered, throw light on artificial eledricity, particularly in thofe refpeds in which they now feemed to differ: T h a t for me, I was about to take leave o f the animal, as nature had denied it to the Britifh feas 1 and that the profecution of thefe refearches D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 retted in a particular manner w ith them , whofe ftiores abounded w ith it. T h e Torpedo, on this occafion, difpenfed only the diftindt, inftantaneous ftroke, fo well known by the name of the ele&ric fhock. T h a t pro- trafted but lighter fenfation, that Torpor or Numbnefs which he at times induces, and from w hich he takes his name, was not then experi­ enced from the an im al; but it was imitated with artificial electricity, and jfhewn to be producible by a quick confecution o f minute (hocks. T his, in the Torpedo, may perhaps be effected by the fuc- ceffive difcharge of his numerous cylinders, in the nature o f a running fire of m u lk etry : the ftrong fingle fliock may be his general volley. In the continued effedt, as well as in the inftantaneous, his eyes, ulually prominent, are withdrawn into their fockets. T h e fame experiments, performed w ith the fame Torpedos, were on the two fucceeding days repeated before numerous companies of the prin­ cipal inhabitants o f L a Rochelle. Befides the pleafure o f gratifying the curiofity o f fuch as en ­ tertained any on the fubjedt, and the defire I had to excite a profecution of the inquiry, I certainly wifhed to give all poflible notoriety to fadls, which m ight otherwife be deemed improbable, perhaps by fome of the firft rank in fcience. Great au­ thorities had given a fan&ion to other folutions o f the phoenomena of the Torpedo ; and even the Eledhician m ight not readily liften to afiertions, w hich feemed, in fome' refpedb, to combat the es of electricity, I had reafon to P p p 2 make [ 469 ] general principl D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 make fuch conclufions from different converfations I had held on the fubjeft w ith eminent perform both at London and Paris. It is but juftice to fay, that of all in that clafs you gave me the greateft encouragement to look for fuccefs in this refearch, fuid even affifted me in forming hypothefes, hoW the Torpedo, fuppofed to be endued w ith electric .properties, m ight ufe them in fo conducing an element as water. After generally recommending to others an ex­ amination o f the ele&ric powers o f thefe animals when acting in water, I determined, before I took m y final leave o f them , to make fome farther ex­ periments myfelf w ith that particular view ; fince, notwithftanding the familiarity in which we may t e faid to have lived w ith them for near a m onth, we had never detedted them in the immediate exer- cife of their eledtric faculties againft other filh, confined w ith them in the fame water, either in the circumftance of attacking their prey, or de­ fending themfelves from annoyance: and yet that they poffeffed fuch a power, and exercifed it in. a ftate of liberty, could not be doubted. A large Torpedo, very liberal o f his fhocks, being held w ith both hands by his eledtric organs above and below, was brifkly plunged into water to the depth of a foot, and inftantly raifed an equal height into air •, and was thus continually plunged and raifed, as quick as poffible, for the fpace of a minute. In the inftant his lower fur- face touched the water in his defcent, he always gave a violent {hock, and another {till more vio­ lent in the inftant of quitting the water in his afcent; D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 a fe e n t; both which (hocks, but particularly the laft, were accompanied w ith a w rithing in h it body, as if meant to force an efcape : Befidet thefe two (hocks from the furface o f the water, w hich may yet be confidered as delivered in the air, he conftantly gave at lead two, when w holly in the air, and conftantly one and fometimes two, when w holly in the water. T h e (hocks in water appeared, as far as fenfation could decide, not to have near a fourth of the force o f thofe at the furface o f the water, nor much more than a fourth o f thofe inti rely in air. T h e (hocks received in a certain time were n o t,' On this occafion, counted by a watch, as they had been on a former, when fifty were delivered, in a minute and a half, by the animal in an in­ itia te d and unagitated date : But from the quick- nefs, w ith which the immerfions were made, it may be prefumed there were full twenty o f thefe' in a minute ; from whence the number o f (hocks, in that time, mu ft have amounted to above an hundred. T his experiment, therefore, while it difcovered the comparative force between a (hock in water and one in air, and between a (hock delivered w ith greater exertion on the part o f the animal and one with left, feemed to de­ termine, that the charge of his organs with elec­ tricity was effected in an inftant, as well as the difcharge. T h e Torpedo was then put into a flat bafleet, open at top, but fecured by a net with wide mefties, and, in this confinement, was let down' into the water, about a foot below the liirface; being [ 471 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 E 4 7 2 ] being there touched, through the mefhes, w ith only a Angle fin g e r,o n one o f his ele&ric organs, w hile the other hand was held, at a dittance, in the water, he gave fhocks, which were diftin&Iv felt in both hands. , T h e circuit for the palfage of the effed being eon traded to the finger and thum b o f one hand, applied above and below to a fingle organ, produced a fhock, to our fenfation, of twice »tlie force of that in the larger circuit by the arms. T he Torpedo, ftill confined in the bafket, being raifed to within three inches of the furface o f the water, was there touched w ith a fliort iron bolt, which was held, half above and half in the w ater, by one hand, while the other hand was dipped, as before, at a dittance in the w ater; and flrong fhocks, felt in both hands, were thus ob­ tained through the iron. A wet hempen cord being fattened to the iron bolt, was held in the hand above water, while the bolt touched the Torpedo ; and Clocks were obtained through both thofe fubftances. A lefs powerful Torpedo, fufpended in a fmall net, being frequently dipped into water and raifed again, gave, from the furface o f the water, llight fhocks through the net to the perfon hold­ in g it. Thefe experiments in water manifefted, T h a t bodies, immerfed in that element, m ight be affec­ ted by immediate contad w ith the T orpedo; T h a t the ihorter the circuit in which the elec­ tricity D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 473 3 frk ity moved, the greater would be the effect;, And th a t the (hock was communicable, from th e animal in water, to perfons in air, through fome fubdances. How far harpoons and nets, confiding of wood and hem p, could, in like circumdances, as it has been frequently afferted, convey the effed, was, not fo particularly tried as to enable us to confirm, it. I mention the omiffion in the hope that fome one may be induced to determine the point by exp refs trial- W e convinced ourfelves,. on former occafions,{ th at the accurate Kaempfer *, who fo well de* fcribes the effed: of the Torpedo,, and happily compares it w ith lightning, was deceived in th e circumdance* that i t could, be avoided by holding, in the breath, which, we found no more to pre­ vent the (hock o f the Torpedo, when he was- difpofed to give it, than it would prevent the. (hock o f the Leyden Phial. Several perfons,. forming; as, many d id in d circuits, can be affeded by one droke o f the animal, as welL as when joined in a fingle circuit. F or in dance* four perfons, touching feparately his upper and lower fur faces,, were all affed ed ; two perfons like wile, after the eledricity had pafled through a wire into a bafin of water, tran f- m itted it from thence, i a two d id in d channels*, as their fenfation convinced them,., into another bafin of water, from whence, it was concluded* probably in an united date, by a>fingle wire.. How: * Kasmpf. Amcen. Exot. 1712, p. 5 14. mu cL D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 on the organ o f the other, was fenfible o f {hocks, fometimes delivered by one fifli, and fome- times by the other, as m ight be difcovered by the refpeCtive winking o f their eyes. T h a t the organs, uncharged, ferved fome way or other as conductors, was confirmed w ith artificial electricity, in paffing {hocks by th e m ; and in taking fparks from them , when electrified. T he deCtric eifeCt was never perceived by us t a be attended w ith any motion or alteration in the organs themfelves, but was frequently accom­ panied with a little tranfient agitation along the cartilages which furround both organs: this is not difcernible in the plump and turgid hate of the animal, while he is frefh and vigorous; but as his force decays, from the relaxation of his mufcles, his cartilages appear through the ikin, and then, the flight aCtion along them is difcovered. M ay we not from all thefe premifes conclude, that the effeCt o f the Torpedo proceeds from a modification o f the eleCtric fluid ? T h e T o r­ pedo refembles the charged Phial in that cha- raCteriftic point of a reciprocation between its two furfaces. T h eir effeCts are tranfmitted by. the fame m edium s; than which there is not per­ haps a furer criterion to determine the identity o f fubtile matter : T h ey , befides, occafion the fame impreflion on our nerves.. Like effeCts have like eaufes. But it may be objected, that the effeCts of the Torpedo, and o f the charged Phial, are not fimilar in all their circum ftances; that the charged. Phial occafions attractive or repulfive difpofitions [ 474 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 in neighbouring bodies; and that its difcharge is obtained through a portion o f air, and is ac­ companied w ith light and found; nothing of w hich occurs w ith refpedl to the Torpedo, T h e inaction o f the eledlricity o f the animal in thefe particulars, whilft its elaftic force is fo great as to tranfmit the effedt through an extenfive cir­ cuit and in its courfe to communicate a fhock, may be a new phenom enon, but is no ways repug­ nant to the laws of eledlricity; for here too, the operations o f the animal may be imitated by art. T h e fame quantity of eledric m atter, according as it is ufed in a denfe or rare hate, will produce the different confequences. For example, a fmall P hial, whofe coated furface meafures only fix fquare inches, w ill, on being highly charged, contain a denfe eledlricity capable of forcing a paffage through an inch o f air, and afford the phenom ena o f light, found; attradlion, and re- pulfion. But i f the quantity condenfed in this Phial, be made rare by communicating it to three large connedled jars, whofe coated furfaces fhall form together an area 400 times larger than that o f the Phial (I inflance thefe jars becaufe they are fuch as I u fe ); it will, thus dilated, yield all the negative phenom ena, if I may fo call them , o f the Torpedo; it will not now pafs the hun­ dredth part of that inch o f air, which in its con­ denfed hate it fprung through w ith eafe; it will now refufe the minute interfedlion in the ftrip o f tin fo il; the fpark and its attendant found, even the attradlion or repulfion o f light bodies, will now Q q q ^ be [ 475 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 1 4 7 6 ] he w an tin g ; nor will a point brought however near, if not in contact, be able to draw off the charge: and yet, with this diminiflied elafcicity, the eledtric matter will, to effedt its equilibrium, inftantly run through a confiderable circuit of dif­ ferent condudlors, perfedtly continuous, and make us' fenfible of an impulfe in its paffege. L e t me here remark, that the fagacity o f Mr*. Cavendifh in deviling and his addrefs in exe­ cuting ele&rical experiments, led him the firft to experience w ith artificial ele&ricity, that a fhock could be received from a charge which was unable to force a paffage through the leaf!: fpace of air. But, after the difcovery that a large area of rare eledlricity would imitate the effedt of the Torpedo, it may be inquired, where is this large area to be found in the animal? W e here approach to that veil o f nature, which man cannot remove. T his, however, we know, that from infinite divifion o f parts infinite furface may arife, and even our grofs optics tell us, that thofe lingular organs, fo often; mentioned, confift like our eledtric batteries o f many veflels, call them cylinders or hexagonal prifms, whofe fuperficies taken together furnifh a confiderable area. I rejoice in addreffing thefe communications to* You. He, who predided and fhewed that elec­ tricity wings the formidable bolt of the atm of- phere, will hear with attention, th at in the deep it fpeeds an humbler bolt, filent and invifible : He, who analyfed the eledtrified Phial, will hear w ith 2 pleafure D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 477 ] pleafure that Its laws prevail in animate Phials t H e, w ho by Reafon became an ele&rician, will hear w ith reverence o f an infiin&ive ete&rician* gifted in his birth w ith a wonderful apparatus* and w ith the Ikill to ufe it. ^However I may refpeft your talents as an elec­ trician, it is certainly for knowledge of more ge­ neral im port, that I am impreffed with that h ig h efteem, w ith which I remain* Dear Sir, Your affe&ionate and obedient fervant* John Walllu E X - D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 EXPLANATION of the PLATE OF T H E Male and Female Torpedo, or Ele&ric Ray. T A B . X IX . F I G . I. A view of the under furface of the female. a. An expofure, on flaying off the Ik in, o f the right electric organ, which confifts o f white pliant columns, in a clofe and for the moft part hexagonal arrange­ ment, giving the general appearance o f a honey-comb in miniature. Thefe columns have been fometimes denomi­ nated cylinders; but, having no inter- ftices, they are all angular, and chiefly flx-cornered. b. T h e fkin which covered the organ, fhewing on its inward fide an hexa­ gonal net work. c. T he noftrils in the form of a crefcent. T he mouth in a crefcent contrary to that o f the noftrils, furniihed with feveral rows of very fmall hooked teeth. [ 478 ] e. T h e D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 e. T he branchial apertures, five on each fide. / T h e place o f the heart. £*£• S ' p l a c e o f the two anterior tranfverfe cartilages, which, paffing one above and the other below the fpine, fupport the diaphragm, and uniting towards their extremities, form on either fide a kind o f clavicle and fcapula. h, h.The outward margin o f the great lateral fin. /. / . Its inner margin, confining w ith the ele&ric organ. L T h e articulation of the great lateral fin w ith the fcapula. /. T h e abdomen. m. m.m. T h e place o f the pofterior tranfverfe car­ tilage which is fingle, united w ith the fpine, and fupports on each fide the Imaller lateral fins. [ 479 ] T h e anus. pr T h e fin o f the tail.m. F I G. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 F I G. II. A view o f the upper furface o f the female. a. a. An expofure of the upper part of the right ele&ric organ. b. T h e Ikin which covered the organ. ?c.The eyes, prominent and looking hori­ zontally outwards, but capable of being occafionally withdrawn into their fockets. & T w o circular apertures communicating w ith the m outh, and furniflied each w ith a membrane, which in air, as well as in water, plays regularly backwards and forwards acrofs the aperture in the office o f infpiration, e. T h e place o f the right branchia, f . T he two fins o f the back. g. g. T h e place of the anterior tranfverfe car­ tilages. F I G. HI. A view o f the under furface o f the male, whofe fize, as here reprefented, is, in general, fmaller than that of the female. & a* T w o appendices, diftinguiftiing the male fpecies. [ 4«° ] XL. A D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_56j6t77zpvafxo7ktxyicw4cdu	----	Announcement.indd Announcement © 2008 S. Karger AG, Basel Accessible online at: www.karger.com/jvr Fax +41 61 306 12 34 E-Mail karger@karger.ch www.karger.com The GESELLSCHAFT FÜR MIKROZIRKULATION UND VASKULÄRE BIOLOGIE e.V. (German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology) invites applications and nominations for the Hermann-Rein-Award for outstanding achievements in the area of clinical or experimental research in microcirculation and vascular biology sponsored by Deutschland GmbH The prize amounting to EUR 2,000 is awarded on occasion of the next annual meeting of the German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology, September 25-27, 2008, in Aachen. The awardee will present the Hermann-Rein-Lecture during the meeting. Personal applications as well as other suggestions are invited. Applications should preferably be made by e-mail. For personal applications, please provide: - AA PDF-file of a peer-reviewed paper (published or accepted for publication) with the applicant being the only or first author (agreement of co-authors is needed) - Should an extraordinary study have been performed by two authors equally responsible, a joint application is possible - Published articles should nnot be older than 2 years upon application - Curriculum vitae, research fields, reference list ((PDF-file) In case of suggestions which should include author and publication, the according appli- cation material will be solicited from the candidate by the prize committee. The awardee will be announced, if possible, in the following: - Homepage and sendings of the German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology - Homepage and sendings of the European Society for Microcirculation and other scientific societies - Deutsches Ärzteblatt as well as other suited journals (e.g. Journal of Vascular Research, etc.) Applications to / Further information: Prof. Dr. A.R. Pries, Charité - Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Dept. of Physiology, Arnimallee 22, 14195 Berlin, Tel.: (+49-30) 84 45-16 32 or -16 31 (secr.), FAX: +(49-30) 84 45-16 34; e-mail: gfmmail@charite.de Deadline for applications: June 20, 2008 
work_5e5iawdhajgbjgv2noagwxmog4	----	Fernando Atique Doutor em História e Fundamentos Sociais da Arquitetura e do Urbanismo pela Uni- versidade de São Paulo (USP). Professor do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-graduação em História da Universidade Federal de São Paulo (Unifesp). Autor, entre outros livros, de Memória moderna: a trajetória do Edifício Esther. 2. ed. São Carlos: RiMa, 2013. fernando.atique@gmail.com “E nt re la ça m en to s co nfl it an te s” : a Fi la dé lfi a, o P ar qu e N ac io na l d a In de pe nd ên ci a A m er ic an a e B en ja m in F ra nk li n “A ur or a” . O fi ci na jo rn al ís ti ca d a fa m íli a Fr an kl in . F ila d él fi a, fo to gr afi a, 2 00 6 (d et al he ). ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015214 “Entrelaçamentos conflitantes”: a Filadélfia, o Parque Nacional da Independência Americana e Benjamin Franklin “Conflicting twists”: Philadelphia, Independence Park and Benjamin Franklin Fernando Atique resumo Quais são as relações possíveis entre uma cidade, um parque temático e um ator social dentro da seara patri- monial? É sobre esses entrelaçamentos que este artigo se debruça, apontando como a alteração da paisagem urbana da Filadélfia, nos Estados Unidos, foi processada de maneira a exaltar os feitos atrelados ao nascimento da nação estadunidense e, dentro desses, a ação do diplomata, inventor, educador e founding father Benjamin franklin. Des- sa forma, os conflitos que são inerentes ao campo preservacionista podem ser acompanhados em um território que, a despeito de ser visto como homogêneo, deflagra relações densas no que tange à memória e à urbanidade. palavras-chave: Estados Unidos; Parque da independência; memória. abstract What are the possible relationships between a city, a theme park and a social player within the preservationist field? This article focuses on these entanglements, pointing out how changes in Philadelphia’s cityscape were processed so to highlight those events and buildings linked to the birth of the American nation, among whi- ch the actions of the diplomat, inventor, educator and founding father Benjamin Franklin. Hence, conflicts that are inherent to the preservation field can be tracked in a territory which, despite being seen as homogeneous, elicits dense relations with memory and the urbanity. keywords: United States; Independence Park; memory. ℘ Althought the National Park Service had been commissioning major modern buildings for at least a decade, Venturi’s ideas were a radical departure from the conventional design philosophy.1 a citação acima, que faz referência ao memorial dedicado a Benjamin franklin pelo Serviço Nacional de Parques dos Estados Unidos, é revela- dora da dificuldade enfrentada pelos órgãos do patrimônio daquele país no trato com a memória, mas, também, no enfrentamento da tutela do patrimônio que lhes é cabível. No caso em questão, as discussões acerca dos limites que a memória e as fontes documentais impõem constituem-se num flagrante da “filosofia de projeto” arraigada naquela cultura. Posto isto, convém esclarecer que, neste texto, intenta-se evidenciar como a tutela de uma cidade relaciona-se com a mesma prática administrativa dos bens patrimoniais em nível nacional naquele país. Nesse sentido, mostra-se um tempo, um espaço e um ator social específico: a cidade da Filadélfia, as 1 grEiff, constance M. In- dependence: the creation of a National Park. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987, p. 222. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015 215 A r t ig o sdécadas centrais do século XX e Benjamin franklin. Essas três dimensões são tensionadas, segundo a estratégia ginzburguiniana, pelos fios repre- sentados por alguns profissionais do espaço construído: Edmund Bacon, robert Venturi e Penelope Batcheler. a trajetória desses atores no espaço em tela proporcionará compreender os limites administrativos e conceituais enfrentados pelos Estados Unidos no trato com sua memória e sua história no século XX. Para tanto, dirijima-nos à Filadélfia. A ideia de uma cidade “histórica” A história de ocupação da área em que se encontra a Filadélfia está intimamente ligada à trajetória de seu fundador, o inglês William Penn, que em princípio de 1680 recebeu do rei charles ii a doação de uma imen- sa porção de terras na américa do Norte para que pudesse fundar uma colônia que tivesse por base a tolerância religiosa. Membro da religious Society of friends, associação cujos membros são conhecidos também como quakers ou quacres, em português, Penn não gozava de liberdade de culto na grã-Bretanha e recebeu por indenização a perseguições sofridas pelo seu pai, a permissão para imigrar à américa e ali fundar uma cidade em terras demarcadas para tal fim.2 assim, em 1681 foi expedida a carta de concessão e, em 1682, Penn deu início ao processo de ocupação do que se convencionou chamar, em inglês, do commonwealth of Pennsylvania.3 o nome Pennsylvania foi sugerido pelo rei inglês, que, ciente da grande quantidade de árvores na área doada, a batizou de “Bosques de Penn” (em tradução aproximada para o português). o principal assentamento urbano do commonwealth foi planejado por William Penn e por seu principal assistente, thomas holme, autor do plano dessa que foi a primeira cidade totalmente planificada, a priori, nas colônias britânicas. o nome escolhido por Penn para a sede de seu commonwealth remete ao termo grego fila- delfos, que foi usado no livro bíblico do apocalipse para designar a igreja do “amor fraterno”: Filadélfia. a ideia de William Penn era desenvolver um núcleo onde houvesse a liberdade de culto, de ideias, além de desenvolvimento econômico. o plano desenhado por holme baseou-se numa quadrícula aos moldes dos traçados hipodâmicos, que se desenvolve no sentido norte-sul, e leste-oeste, sendo sobreposto por duas largas vias, denominadas Broad Street e high Street, que se cruzam no centro geométrico da imensa gleba entre os dois rios que dominam a paisagem: o Delaware e o Schuylkill. Em 1687, thomas holme desenhou um plano de ocupação de áreas circunvizinhas à cidade, tentando aglutinar outros vilarejos existentes, formados por imigrantes suecos e alemães. Por ter sido o porto da cidade locado no Delaware river, a cidade teve maior concentração de residências e demais funções urbanas neste front, deixando o lado oeste da cidade, defronte o Schuylkill, por anos, menos habitado.4 Segundo dados apresentados pelo Philadelphia Architec- ture: a guide to the city, em 1701, o núcleo possuía 2 mil moradores, mas, em 1740, já concentrava 10 mil habitantes. Esta era a segunda cidade em tamanho e volume de negócios nas 13 colônias britânicas, perdendo apenas para Boston.5 Essa concentração de pessoas desenvolvia certa atratividade em povos diversos, o que explica o crescimento acentuado verificado ano a ano. assim, quando o jovem Benjamin franklin chegou à cidade, ela estava em franco processo de crescimento e era muito frequentada por estrangeiros, em função da importância de seu porto. franklin, nascido 2 cf. thoMaS, george E. and BroWNlEE, David B. Build- ing America’s First University: an historical and architectural guide to the University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000, p. 23. 3 cf. PhilaDElPhia: a guide to the city. 2nd edition. Philadel- phia: foundation for architec- ture, 1994, p.10-12. 4 PhilaDElPhia, op. cit., p. 12. 5 Idem, p. 13. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015216 em Boston, migrou para a Filadélfia, em 1723, em busca de novas oportu- nidades de trabalho e, ali, firmou-se como educador (ele é considerado o fundador da Universidade da Pensilvânia), inventor, diplomata e um dos founding fathers da nação, após o processo revolucionário que pôs fim à dominação britânica. No século XViii, a cidade tornou-se capital federal, título que manteve até a inauguração de Washington D.c., em 1800. ao longo do século XiX, a localidade cresceu exponencialmente, tornando-se uma das primeiras metrópoles da américa. Uma das razões para tal crescimento foi o incremento industrial, que a colocou como um dos principais polos manufatureiros e exportadores do globo. Em 1900, com mais de 1 milhão e 200 mil habitantes, a cidade possuía forma e habitantes muito diversos dos da época do período revolucionário. Distritos históricos, como o Valley forge, e germantown eram conhecidos, mas a celebração ao patrimônio edificado ainda era muito pouco presente. contudo, durante as primeiras décadas do século XX, uma nova ideologia começou a vigorar no país, e a Filadélfia foi elevada à condição de “berço da memória nacional”. ali deveriam ser colocados em destaque os símbolos materiais do nascimento da nação americana, que avançava, a passos largos, em seu processo de contato pelos países mundo afora, num processo que cody analisou como “americanização”.6 ao mesmo tempo em que se construía um processo expansionista em que produtos, arquiteturas e tecnologias eram exportados, o país iniciava sua “celebração memorial”. Na Filadélfia, lugar em que o Congresso Continental tomou lugar, o Liberty Bell foi soado, em que a bandeira americana foi por Betsy ross costurada, e que a nação teve uma de suas principais sedes, entre 1790 e 1800, não causa estranheza que se criassem políticas, públicas e particulares, para a evocação dos feitos históricos. Pode-se dizer, então, que se inventava uma “cidade histórica”. ressalta-se que não se via a cidade cuja materialidade era ainda presente como histórica, ou passível de ser historiada, mas, sim, procurava-se dotar de historicidade uma cidade cuja vocação “memorial” deveria ser superestimulada. assim, quando em 28 de junho de 1948 o congresso dos Estados Unidos criou oficialmente o Independence Park, um processo de busca e eleição pelas principais memórias da “cidade-retrato da nação” estava sen- do coroado de êxito. Até 1956, quando na significativa data de 04 de julho o Parque foi oficialmente inaugurado, transformações intensas haviam se instaurado no discurso oficial e na estrutura física da localidade, dando, literalmente, nova forma à antiga cidade e descortinando as estruturas simbólicas de poder.7 Uma das mais significativas iniciativas adotadas na Filadélfia visando à sua colocação no patamar de cidade histórica americana, curiosamente, adveio da pena do polêmico urbanista Edmund N. Bacon. Nascido em 1910, nesta mesma cidade na qual trabalhou majoritariamente, Bacon diplomou-se em arquitetura na cornell University, em 1932. Entre 1947 e 1970 foi diretor executivo da Philadelphia city Planning commission, entidade pública que no pós-Segunda guerra interveio com grande força no território da antiga capital federal. Uma das principais premissas de Bacon era expressa por meio do dístico conceitual “symbolic historical me- mory” (memória histórica simbólica), que era uma variante interpretativa do paradigma biológico que dominou o urbanismo e o planejamento urbano em suas primeiras décadas. Bacon intentava conceituar “à americana” as 6 coDY, Jeffrey. Exporting American architecture (1876- 2000). New York: routledge, 2001. 7 cf. BoUrDiEU, Pierre. A eco- nomia das trocas simbólicas. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 2007. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015 217 A r t ig o satitudes típicas do planejamento moderno tecnocrático, baseado na aber- tura de vias largas, na renovação do solo urbano e na criação de pontos perspécticos simbólicos. Esse conceito de Bacon, conforme apreciação de um de seus estudiosos e colaboradores, gregory heller, referia-se ao fato de “a memória histórica simbólica estar sempre em mutação”, levando a crer que “em qualquer período histórico, temos diferentes interpretações dos eventos históricos” contemporâneos ou precedentes.8 Essa concepção, como expõe o mesmo autor, nada mais é do que o entendimento de que “o planejamento é um processo contínuo que cria conexão entre o passado, o presente e o futuro” e, portanto, não deve ser baseado apenas na tabula rasa como ponto de partido. Para Bacon, dessa forma, “a cidade é uma acu- mulação de ideias através dos tempos, cada uma respondendo à que veio antes”.9 Embora essa interpretação possa criar atitudes preservacionistas, ela não é, de fato, destituída de um ímpeto renovador. assim, quando em 1959 observamos o projeto levado a cabo por Edmund Bacon para a criação de uma das áreas mais importantes do independence Park, na Filadélfia – o independence Mall –, percebemos que sua iniciativa operou basicamente com duas ferramentas conceituais: 1) a manutenção de uma lógica de arru- amento, que permitia uma conexão com a quadrícula tradicional, advinda dos tempos de William Penn, mesmo que o parcelamento tradicional fosse descaracterizado; 2) a inserção de pontos focais que se reverteriam em elementos de impacto visual e, consequentemente, de ressignificação de arquiteturas eleitas como mais importantes na área. Esta atitude de Bacon com relação ao independence Mall reverteu, nitidamente, o caráter espacial do independence hall. o edifício, ao re- ceber a longa explanada entre as ruas chestnut e race, inverteu séculos de registros visuais e de memórias sobre sua ambiência: houve uma com- pleta mudança de sua fachada “oficial”, que veio a compor um complexo expositivo com o liberty Bell (o famoso sino da história americana) e as célebres comemorações de 4 de julho. Embora seja explícita no discurso de Bacon a manutenção da memória simbólica, outros elementos igualmente representativos foram deixados para trás na construção da esplanada, como a antiga casa do presidente e dezenas de imóveis oitocentistas, que abriga- vam comércios, serviços e configuravam a densidade do tecido da cidade. outro aspecto revertido com a abertura do mall por Bacon e equipe diz respeito à escala das comemorações atreladas à independência americana, que passaram a ser mais demoradas, e distribuídas ao longo de todo ano, já que a cidade da Filadélfia se transformou numa cidade também turística, preparada espacialmente para o afluxo de visitantes, onde encenações de época, souvenires e caricaturas do passado passaram a ser fornecidos aos que ali aportam em profusão. O “descongestionamento edificado” pro- movido por Bacon numa das áreas mais antigas de ocupação na cidade, configurou um parque público de 18ha, dentro do qual estão dispostos edifícios e artefatos ligados ao processo revolucionário e à independência americana, propriamente dita, como o independence hall, o liberty Bell, o Carpenters Hall, a Graff house, a City Tavern, o Welcome Park, a Benjamin franklin house e a Betsy ross house. a conexão espacial formulada para todas essas “atrações” redun- dou na declaração da área como “patrimônio nacional”, em 1966, e como conjunto de bens de “interesse ao patrimônio da humanidade”, em 1979. Por outro, acabou abrindo espaço, também, para que a administração dos Parques federais adotasse posturas museológicas típicas da sociedade 8 hEllEr, gregory. The power of an idea. Edmund Bacon’s plan- ning method inspiring consensus and living in the future. (Bachelor thesis). Middleton: Wesleyan University, 2004, p.84. 9 Idem, ibidem. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015218 americana de massa, conduzindo àquilo que Ulpiano Bezerra de Meneses chamou de “disneyficação”, ou seja, abrindo flancos para a “reprodução do já conhecido, mas projetado sob formas diversas, sem, porém, alterar a substância do mesmo, de si próprio, da própria identidade”. o que, segundo ele, “sob aparência do novo, sensorialmente estimulado, [...] reforça todo um estado de coisas e mina a centralidade, [impedindo] o conhecimento”.10 Pode-se dizer que a espetacularização e um suposto domínio da tempo- ralidade (uma janela de volta ao passado) alimentam algo familiar, mas não geram enfrentamento com o exibido, redundando em conhecimento. Esta ideia repercutiu em quase todos os projetos implantados no parque, que primaram por erigir simulacros de edifícios do passado, mui- tos baseados em parcos registros visuais e em poucos artefatos advindos de escavações de arqueologia histórica, comunicando uma permanência e um vigor temporal, de fato, inexistentes. Exemplos dessa política são os edifícios do independence hall, do carpenters hall, e a casa de um trabalhador do século XViii, restaurados segundo o entendimento quase “leduciano”11 de que restaurar é criar uma realidade que pode não ter existido no passado, mas a qual faria sentido se tivesse sido como hoje se vê pelos olhos contemporâneos. Os projetos criados por Venturi, Rauch e Scott-Brown, e analisa- dos na sequência, soam, contudo, divergentemente dentro do escopo do Parque Nacional da independência americana e revelam um trato com a história e com a memória diversos daqueles que evocamos até aqui. como fechamento desta análise sobre a cidade e o Parque, convém ressaltar que questionando a leitura de Bacon calcada no paradigma biológico, de que as cidades são seres vivos que crescem, amadurecem e se modificam, em grande parte necessitando de atitudes cirúrgicas, verdadeiras operações, devemos lembrar que a historicidade de um lugar também é feita pelos elementos que são “descartados” nessas “operações”, os quais podem vir a ser, tempos depois, reivindicados por parcelas da população, como curiosamente ele parece indicar em seu discurso. Exemplo disso foi a luta das comunidades afro-americanas da Filadélfia, pela permissão em escavar arqueologicamente o antigo sítio em que se erguia a casa do presidente americano, notadamente ocupada por george Washington em seu período presidencial (1789-1797). Essa luta, que redundou na abertura de um sítio arqueológico no mall pensado por Bacon, permitiu vislumbrar a senzala da antiga casa presidencial e, assim, trazer para o escopo da memória na- cional, grupos que, a despeito de sua grandeza numérica, foram tratados como minorias, muito por conta de sua impossibilidade de voz no cenário político e memorial. o presidente heroico, libertador, pai fundador de uma suposta nação igualitária, numa cidade evocada como terra “do amor fra- terno” desde sua criação, era um escravagista, que impunha maus tratos aos seus escravos conforme os artefatos arqueológicos revelavam. Defronte aos símbolos máximos da memória nacional, em território que foi arrasado para garantir maior espaço e maior ênfase aos símbolos nacionais, surgiram outras memórias, simbólicas e não contempladas outrora. Enfim, a tentativa verificada ao longo de todo o século XX de unificar os relatos e de promover uma visibilidade coesa dos símbolos nacionais e, consequentemente da memória nacional americana, abriu margem, so- bretudo na virada dos séculos, para a requisição de outros lugares dentro do mall nacional. Nos últimos anos, por exemplo, a área recebeu além do sítio arqueológico voltado à organização memorial dos afrodescendentes, 10 MENESES, Ulpiano t. Bezer- ra de. o museu e o problema do conhecimento. Seminário Museus-Casas, IV- Pesquisa e Documentação. Anais. rio de Janeiro: Ministério da cultura: casa de rui Barbosa, 2002, p. 17. 11 faz-se menção à célebre frase de Eugène Emmanuel Viollet- le-Duc (1814-1879), que definiu, em seu Dictionnaire Raisonné de l’Architecture Française du XI au XVI Siècle que “restaurar um edifício não é mantê-lo, repará- lo ou refazê-lo, é restabelecê-lo em um estado que pode não ter existido nunca em um dado momento” ViollEt-lE-DUc, Eugène Emanuel. Restauração. cotia: ateliê, 2007. 12 Nora, Pierre. Entre memó- ria e história: a problemática dos lugares. Projeto História, n. 10, São Paulo: PUc-SP, 1993, p. 8. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015 219 A r t ig o s Figura 1. “Aurora”, imagem da oficina jornalística da família Franklin, na Filadélfia. Fotografia: Fernando Atique, 2006. também o National Museum of american Jewish history, revelando que a área está se transformando, de fato, num panteão mnemônico, fruto de uma sociedade bombardeada pelo discurso memorial. O simulacro como estratégia preservacionista a contemporaneidade vem sendo dominada pelo excesso de apelo à memória. autores de diversas áreas têm sido veementes em apontar que a história tem sido preterida em favor da memória na sociedade de massas. Enquanto a primeira é palpável por meio de sua estrutura operativa (fontes e análises derivadas das mesmas), o que garante uma dose de “objetivida- de” e uma separação dos fatos e dos tempos, a memória é livre, errática e metamorfoseante, uma vez que ela se altera ao longo dos tempos, a partir da experiência dos que a evocam, ostentando fortes doses de evanescência. isso leva a encarar a memória como mais simbólica, mais etérea, pois não necessita de lugares para existir de fato. Pierre Nora já expôs em Lieux de memoire que a memória é “ditatorial e inconsciente de si mesma, organi- zadora e todo-poderosa, espontaneamente atualizadora”. Dessa maneira, “leva eternamente a herança, conduzindo o antigamente dos ancestrais ao tempo indiferenciado dos heróis, das origens e dos mitos”.12 o mesmo autor aponta que “os lugares de memória nascem e vivem do sentimento que não há memória espontânea, que é preciso criar arquivos, organizar celebrações, manter aniversários, pronunciar elogios fúnebres, notariar atas, porque estas operações não são naturais”.13 figura 2. “Simulacro” da casa de uma família trabalhadora na Filadélfia do século XVIII. Fotografia: Fernando Atique, 2006. 13 Idem, ibidem. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015220 a análise de Nora explica claramente um dos objetivos do indepen- dence Park, na Filadélfia: organizar os relatos do processo revolucionário, da assinatura da Declaração da independência, bem como do cotidiano de seus signatários, sobretudo do grupo que ficou conhecido como founding fathers, dentro do qual está a figura mítica de Benjamin Franklin. Des- sa maneira, a organização “memorial” precisaria de um agente, de um denominador comum, que no caso do parque americano recaiu sobre o National Park Service, entidade federal, que atuou em outras localidades estadunidenses dentro de certa linha de conduta, nos dizeres de constance Greiff, que via “a filosofia da restauração” incidente apenas para “a pele dos edifícios como históricos”, enquanto “ossos e músculos” necessários para “manter os edifícios em pé”, não [tinham] direito a valores históricos”.14 obviamente, como aconteceu com um dos edifícios mais simbólicos da área, o congress hall, a porta para a reconstrução integral dos mesmos foi aberta. o prédio em tela, tendo sido avaliado como condenado foi indicado como ótimo candidato à reconstrução integral, começando das fundações, passando pela introdução de esqueletos estruturais metálicos reforçados por concreto armado, os quais seriam “ornamentados” pelos materiais que ainda apresentavam boa aparência e matéria.15 como apresenta constance Greiff, a tática dividiu opiniões, já que alguns achavam que o caminho a ser seguido era este, pois se tratava de valer-se de um procedimento: similar ao empregado na “restauração” da Casa Branca, levada a termo em 1950- 51. Outros, contudo, dentro e fora do National Park Service, acreditavam que este não era o caminho acertado para tratar os edifícios na Independence Square. Na opinião dos contrários, a própria construção dos edifícios era um dos caracteres históricos deles mesmos, refletindo o conhecimento e as atitudes do século XVIII. Nenhuma estrutura metálica jamais teria a mesma aparência, a mesma pátina do tempo [tradução minha].16 Essa postura, cindida dentro das próprias organizações destinadas ao trato patrimonial nos Estados Unidos, nos revela a tentação pelo si- mulacro, a qual, como vista, já incidia em lugares como a casa Branca, e se expandia por sobre a cidade da Filadélfia, na mesma época em que se “historicizava” aquele território mediante a construção do Parque da in- dependência. curioso é ver como essa divisão de opinião chegou ao limite na construção do Memorial a Benjamin franklin, anos depois. franklin, que habitou a cidade da Filadélfia por períodos diversos, após 1723, e que se ausentou dela para exercer atividades de diplomacia na Europa, é considerado o morador mais ilustre da localidade, mesmo sendo nativo de Boston. hoje, pelos espaços da cidade é possível encontrar representações visuais e toponímicas diversas: estátuas presentes na universidade que su- postamente ajudou a criar (a UPenn); praças públicas, um shopping center, homens que se vestem como ele, como o célebre Dean Bennet; desenhos animados; pontes etc. Essa celebração toda, contudo, despertou o desejo de criação de um memorial no lugar em que sua antiga casa se erigia. Essa demanda, colocada pelo National Park Service, ainda nos anos 1950, só conseguiria vir a ser enfrentada nos anos 1970. Um dos principais entraves era a compreensão da própria área. Sabia-se que franklin adquirira terras que iam da rua Market até a rua chestnut, na quadra conformada entre as ruas Second e third, e no miolo de quadra construíra sua casa, entre 1764 e 65. as demais faces do lote foram deixadas livres, e só foram ocupadas 14 grEiff, constance M., op. cit., p. 105. 15 Idem, p. 106. 16 Idem, ibidem. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015 221 A r t ig o squando de seu regresso da Europa, em 1785. Naquele ano, ele edificara casas geminadas para aluguel defronte à rua Market, deixando um arco de passagem que fazia a ligação ao interior do lote, para acesso à sua casa, propriamente dita. após sua morte, seus descendentes demoliram a pri- meira casa, no ano de 1812, e abriram uma passagem entre a Market e a Chestnut que ficou conhecida como Orianna Street. Dentro do escopo de ações visando à intervenção na casa de franklin, o arqueólogo Edward M. riley, em 1950, preparou um relato pormeno- rizado a respeito das propriedades existentes neste sítio, que havia sido adquirido pelo National Park Service, em 1948. Em seu relatório, escreveu que se “acredita que o objetivo principal do Parque histórico Nacional da independência deva ser o de preservar e interpretar os vestígios remanes- centes históricos da antiga Filadélfia, ao invés de embarcar em um extenso programa de reconstrução de estruturas que foram demolidas”.17 com escavações arqueológicas instauradas, e severamente limitadas devido à ocupação contínua da área, foi possível, contudo, descobrir as antigas fundações da casa de franklin, o que levantou a questão, dentro National Park Service, da relevância de se reconstituir toda a casa. Edward riley defendia que era impossível dar feição à casa de franklin, uma vez que as evidências encontradas nos registros de viajantes, nas suas cartas à sua esposa, e nos demais documentos que faziam menção a casa, permitiam entender muito do cotidiano do morador, mas nada sobre o aspecto tec- tônico da obra. Entretanto, a ideia da reconstrução levou à demolição das casas contíguas à fundação principal, recém-encontrada, as quais eram comprovadamente mais novas, ampliando as descobertas arqueológicas com resquícios de elementos de cultura material, uma privy (fossa) e as fundações da oficina gráfica de Franklin, erigida entre 1786-87, ao lado da casa. o trabalho de arquivo estendeu-se ao longo de toda a década de 1950, redundando, inclusive, no aparecimento de um croqui feito no verso de um recibo, que dava informações rudimentares da organização espacial do imóvel. até 1969 a discussão acerca do sítio onde franklin viveu permaneceu aberta. Dividindo opiniões dentro do Serviço Nacional de Parques, como visto linhas atrás, bem como entre especialistas, que, nitidamente cientes das políticas preservacionistas que estavam no debate mundial naquele momento, reagiam contrários à ideia de uma reconstrução com’era, dov’era. Dentro do campo conceitual mobilizado para a obra, torna-se sugestiva a defesa feita por Ernest Allen Connaly, que, segundo Constance Greiff, dizia que documentação disponível permitia uma “boa descrição literária da casa”, mas não “o suficiente para dar suporte às definições arquitetô- nicas e aos detalhamentos” necessários ao reaparecimento da mesma.18 Greiff cita que após Connaly assumir a responsabilidade pelo Programa de Preservação do National Park Service, em 1966, a ideia de “reconstru- ção”, generalizadamente, deveria ser cautelosamente evitada, e o dístico “é melhor preservar do que restaurar; é melhor restaurar que reconstruir” tornou-se um mantra nas decisões nacionais com respeito à grande parte dos bens patrimoniais.19 São perceptíveis, portanto, alguns ecos da carta de Veneza, de 1964, nessa questão. o artigo 9º é claro ao dizer que “a restauração [...] termina onde começa a hipótese”. Connaly, na mesma linha, era enfático ao afirmar, quase que explicando o argumento dessa carta Patrimonial que, que sendo franklin um inventor, a casa que habitou era um “espécime único de seu pe- 17 rilEY, Edward. Report. Na- tional Park Service. Philadel- phia, 1950, p. 74. 18 coNNalY, Ernst alley cita- do por grEiff, op. cit., p. 202. 19 Idem, ibidem. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015222 ríodo”, justamente porque o ímpeto inventivo de franklin a dotou de caracte- res que desapareceram, e, portanto, eram impossíveis de serem supostos”.20 Vinculação mais explícita com as teorias preservacionistas daquela época podem ser vistas, porém, na defesa e conseguinte proposta para o sítio do memorial à franklin, feitas pela arquiteta Penelope hartshorne Batcheler, em 1970. Nativa do estado de Nova Jersey, e graduada em ar- quitetura pelo Illinois Institute of Techonolgy (IIT), Batcheler, foi a figura decisiva para o advogar da não reconstrução da casa de franklin, bem como para o estabelecimento das diretrizes que deveriam ser seguidas no projeto do memorial almejado. Sua vivência com Mies van der rohe, de quem foi aluna no iit até 1953, e seu aprendizado em restauração, na Suécia, no Segundo Pós-guerra, revelam algumas das fontes de sua con- duta profissional. Em entrevista concedida em 2005, Batcheler disse que “manutenção é preservação! Muitas preservações são baseadas em bons planos de manutenção”.21 Entendimento claramente afinado com as noções internacionais de preservação, discutidas naqueles anos, sobretudo no am- biente italiano, com gustavo giovannoni, e em especial por cesare Brandi e roberto Pane, derivados dos postulados oitocentistas de John ruskin. Importante, no entanto, é notar como a figura de Batcheler deu subsídios para a ação de Venturi, Rauch e Scott-Brown no que diz respei- to ao projeto da franklin court. Em janeiro de 1970, Penelope Batcheler apresentou à comissão designada a discutir o memorial de franklin, braço do Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation, uma proposta que, segundo Greiff, “seduziu o comitê”. Nas palavras dessa historiadora, Ba- tcheler tinha um esquema que: usaria as casas da rua Market como um museu e um teatro pequeno, onde seria exibido um filme sobre a vida de Franklin. A entrada para o teatro seria para o sul, para que os visitantes primeiramente passassem pelo arco. As fachadas da rua Ma- rket seriam tratadas com uma linguagem contemporânea, talvez em vidro, de modo que as velhas paredes de tijolo ficassem visíveis. No local da casa de Franklin, ela propôs um pavilhão de vidro seguindo o espírito de seu antigo professor, Mies van der Rohe. Dentro do pavilhão a planta da casa deveria indicar no piso e nas paredes divisórias parciais, inscrições com as descrições da casa advindas da correspondência de Franklin. Nichos de abertura para o solo abaixo permitiria uma visão dos vestígios arqueológicos. Ela também sugeriu plantar um jardim com uma amoreira e outras plantas que se sabiam terem sido cultivadas por Franklin.22 o encontro foi frutífero, e os parâmetros dados por Batcheler, mui- tos deles claramente perceptíveis como vinculados à carta de Veneza (diferenciação temporal e material, respeito pela ruína e pelos vestígios arqueológicos etc) acabaram sendo inovadoramente usados nos Estados Unidos. Em artigo publicado na revista Prospectus, editada pelo graduate Program in historic Preservation da Universidade da Pensilvânia, anny Su aponta como a figura de Batcheler provocou uma mudança de rumos na tutela daquele órgão preservacionista americano: A arquiteta do “parque”, Penelope Batcheler, propôs soluções alternativas para o planejamento e apresentação do Franklin Court, argumentando que “muito era desconhecido, o que poderia resultar em interpretações conjunturais e pessoais por parte dos arquitetos, que teriam de restaurar, o que era perigoso, e não autêntico” (Batcheler 1969, p. 2). Sua proposta para a visualização de vestígios arqueológicos 20 coNNalY, Ernst alley, apud grEiff, op. cit., p. 202. 21 BatchElEr, Penelope. in- terview. CRM, v. 2, 2005, p. 49. 22 grEiff, constance M, op. cit., p. 204 e 205. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015 223 A r t ig o ssob um abrigo minimalista de vidro e aço, que lembrava o Crown Hall de Mies Van der Rohe [...] agradou o National Park Service e a decisão de não reconstruir a casa de Franklin demonstrou a reorientação da Comissão para o problema: aquele sítio detinha-se em falar sobre Franklin, o homem, e, desviava-se da questão sobre a autenticidade das reconstruções.23 isso nos mostra de que maneira os órgãos preservacionistas exercem pressão e papel decisório acerca das soluções arquitetônicas, como era de se esperar, uma vez que detém os instrumentos legais para a tutela e a conservação de bens patrimoniais. Uma silhueta reveladora a necessidade de aprontar a sequência de obras em andamento no parque para 1976, quando se comemorariam os 200 anos da indepen- dência americana, levou o governo federal a decidir pela contratação de uma equipe de arquitetos da Filadélfia para tocar o projeto da Franklin court. Venturi & rauch foram, então, contratados por indicação de lee Nelson e de Penelope Batcheler, em 1972, expoentes dentro do National Park Service e defensores da não reconstrução da casa. ao começarem o trabalho, receberam as diretrizes para a obra: 1) as casas da rua Market deveriam ser restauradas24 exteriormente, mas internamente deveriam dar lugar a programas contemporâneos, facilmente adaptáveis; 2) o jardim de franklin deveria ser refeito, na parte interna do lote; 3) a exata localização da casa de franklin deveria ser demarcada, com um pavilhão protegendo os vestígios arqueológicos e, 4) um equipamento para dar suporte aos tu- ristas deveria ser introduzido na gleba, sem causar maiores conflitos com as preexistências.25 assim, a chegada de robert Venturi ao campo de trabalho encontrou um pavimento de decisões anteriormente tomadas. curiosamente, Ven- turi & Rauch era um escritório bem conhecido na Filadélfia, embora sem grandes obras até aquele momento. Venturi começou sua carreira como propositor de arquiteturas nos anos 1950, pouco tempo após se graduar na Princeton University, em 1947. Em seu currículo, contam-se colaborações com Eero Saarinen e louis Kahn, e, depois com os arquitetos William Short, entre 1960 e 1964, e com John rauch, com quem se associou em 1964 e de quem foi parceiro até finais da década de 1980. como visto, grande parte do que vinha sendo executado no campo patrimonial, nos EUA, e em especial na Filadélfia, até aquele momento, baseava-se na concepção de simulacro, como construções de réplicas, de celebrações encenadas e de investimentos em megashows, de maneira a permitir uma difusão do ideal de “tematização” da cidade. Venturi, ao contrário do que o senso comum poderia pensar por conta de sua defesa do pós-modernismo, negou a espetacularização aos moldes que se efetuava no parque. convidado a resolver certo impasse sobre o sítio em que outrora ficava a casa de Benjamin Franklin, se opôs à ambien- tação com’era, dov’era e soube tirar partido das definições que recebeu, o que, claramente, permite verificar que a proposta de Batcheler, foi apenas o guia referencial decisivo, mas não “o” modelo de ação espacial. Afirmamos, assim, que o conhecimento de técnicas, mas, sobretudo de conceitos internacionais atinentes ao campo da memória, fortaleceram o repertório assumido por Venturi neste projeto, enriquecendo-o e 23 SU, anny. franklin court, Philadelphia, Pa. Prospectus, Pennsylvania, 2007, p.23. 24 contraditoriamente, a ex- pressão “restauro” foi usada para denotar uma recondução a um momento histórico an- terior, o que entra em choque com das demais posturas con- ceituais empregadas na obra. 25 grEiff, constance M., op. cit., p. 219. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015224 preparando-o para a atividade que desenvolveria no Welcome Park, anos depois, em Washington D. c. como descrito na revista Prospectus, no já citado artigo de anny Su, o projeto elaborado por Venturi & rauch é marcado por uma “silhueta geral aberta da ghost structure, disposta de acordo com a construção original”.26 Essa edificação não monolítica tem por propriedade permitir a visualização por completa da área e opera por contraste: tanto com relação ao entorno imediato, fisicamente edificado, quanto conceitualmente, no que concerne a não reprodução “integral” de um cenário verificado nas outras edificações do parque. Venturi, Rauch & Scott Brown, que acabou sendo incorporada ao projeto no decorrer de sua elaboração, disseram, certa vez, ser a ghost uma “abstração visual”.27 De fato, o projeto tornou-se icônico ao apresentar uma solução sim- ples: uma estrutura esguia – uma linha – de metal pintada de branco, em que chaminés e algumas passagens são demarcadas, e que apresentam o gabarito e o arcabouço que diligente pesquisa efetuada permitiam afirmar. A obra poderia até ser justificada como dotada de reversibilidade, embora pareça ser desmesurado aplicar esse princípio do restauro crítico à obra que se eleva sobre uma plataforma de concreto, em que ardósia cinza configura o plano habitável da antiga casa e o mármore branco dá as dimensões de paredes, portas e janelas. A invenção de Venturi, Rauch & Scott-Brown consistiu em aplicar simbolismo a uma estrutura quase etérea, elevando-a a uma condição de impacto. Embora no restauro crítico uma das características da obra é a não competição com a pré-existência, o que tectonicamente é plenamente verificada na obra em análise, o caráter fantasmagórico da Ghost Structure 26 SU, anny, op. cit., p. 25. 27 VENtUri, robert, Scott- BroWN, Denise e iZENoUr, Steven. Aprendendo com Las Ve- gas: o simbolismo esquecido da forma arquitetônica. São Paulo: cosac Naify, 2003. Figura 3. Visão geral da Franklin Court. Fotografia: Fernando atique, 2006. Figura 4. Visão da Franklin Court. Fotografia: Fernando Atique, 2006. ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015 225 A r t ig o satrai a atenção, por vezes, sobrelevando-se às ruínas arqueológicas visíveis por meio dos visores instalados em pontos estratégicos da gleba. O trabalho do miolo da quadra, que por sugestão de Denise Scott- Brown o centro de apoio ao turista enterrou num dos muros livres da gleba, contrasta profundamente com a atitude de restauro estilístico empreendida nas casas da rua Market que passaram a ostentar uma imagem comple- tamente diversa da que possuíam antes de 1976. contradições e comple- xidades de um trabalho de restauro ainda não plenamente amalgamado na carreira do escritório? talvez. De fato, nota-se que enquanto a franklin court, por ser miolo de uma quadra possuía a capacidade de promover a relação figura-fundo por meio do vazio que a estrutura produzia, ensimes- mando-se, em certo sentido, as fachadas voltadas para aquela que era uma das ruas principais do plano de Penn e holme, deveria “conversar” com as imediações, que como vimos, procuravam um lugar no tempo passado. curioso é notar que a circulação dessa obra sempre valoriza a ghost Structure em detrimento de sua “entrada”: as casas da rua Market. Sinais de que o simulacro é menos educativo e menos atraente aos olhos do pú- blico, certamente. Em nome do “desafogo urbano” o parque da independência, que começou a ser projetado nos anos 1930, causou verdadeira renovação urbana na cidade da Filadélfia, antiga capital dos Estados Unidos e berço da memória nacional, território que abrigou a assinatura da Declaração da independência das 13 colônias in- glesas e foi palco de lutas durante o período revolucionário em finais do século XViii, fatos exaustivamente evocados pela história e pela memória da cidade. a localidade, que fora fundada por ordem de Willian Penn, baseando-se no traçado urbano de thomas holme, viu, para a implantação do parque, parte substanciosa de suas edificações oitocentistas desaparece- rem em nome do “desafogo urbano” e da criação de “visuais simbólicas” à maneira do movimento city Beautiful. Essa operação, controversa, mas propalada como “estratégica” à invenção de uma cidade turística, procurou estabelecer marcos físicos – por meio da paisagem, da eleição de símbolos, da colocação de projetos – que criassem um pronunciamento oficial sobre a independência americana em seu “berço”. Paralelamente, a inserção de projetos que negam a postura “recons- tituidora” de formas do passado, como a franklin court, de autoria de Venturi, Rauch & Scott-Brown, embora possam ser mobilizados pela crítica como expressões de um pós-modernismo que praticavam, em geral, pos- suem dados advindos do campo patrimonial, e de suas teorias. como visto, certa visão recorrente da “genialidade” dos arquitetos deve ser diminuída pela compreensão das requisições e dos condicionantes políticos e oficiais que embasaram as edificações que compõem o parque. As dimensões da tutela exercidas pelo National Park Service reverberaram no espaço da cidade e alteraram a postura de simulacro que o próprio órgão exercia. a franklin court, assim, é um ensaio bem-sucedido de aplicações de con- ceitos da carta de Veneza, e é tributária, em certo sentido, das mediações feitas pela arquiteta Penelope Batcheler, treinada em restauro no Suécia, no pós-guerra, e que parece ter tomado contato com a teoria brandiana. Analisar, dessa maneira, o espaço construído da Filadélfia nos leva a perceber como concepções urbanísticas, restauradoras e de gestão pública ArtCultura, Uberlândia, v. 17, n. 30, p. 213-226, jan-jun. 2015226 se enlaçam e repercutem sobre a imagem da cidade e sobre a memória dos habitantes, que, querendo ou não, são desafiados a refletir sobre a cidade, seus símbolos e seus agentes históricos. ℘ Artigo recebido em novembro de 2014. Aprovado em dezembro de 2014. 
work_5fhsts4kx5ckrckg57sl54epxi	----	HEROES AND MARTYRS OF QUALITY AND SAFETY ‘‘Cotton Mather, you dog, dam you! I’l inoculate you with this; with a pox to you’’: smallpox inoculation, Boston, 1721 M Best, D Neuhauser, L Slavin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qual Saf Health Care 2004;13:82–83. doi: 10.1136/qshc.2003.008797 T he semi-literate quotation in the title comes from a note attached to a bomb thrown into Cotton Mather’s house in Boston, Massachusetts on 14 November 1721 because of Mather’s public advocacy of the most important healthcare improvement of the colonial American era— smallpox inoculation.1 SMALLPOX Smallpox has a long history, with descriptions as early as 1350 BC in Egypt. Epidemiologists believe it originated in north eastern Africa about 10 000 BC. The mummy of Pharaoh Rameses V of Egypt who died about 1160 BC had lesions on his face that were thought to be caused by smallpox. Europeans brought ‘‘small pox’’ to the New World and received, in turn, ‘‘the great pox’’, or syphilis. Other names for smallpox are ‘‘red death’’ and the ‘‘speckled monster’’.2–4 The disease arrived in the western hemisphere in 1507 on the Caribbean island of Hispañola and went on to devastate the natives, making European conquest of the Americas possible. Later, there are reports of colonists giving North American Indians smallpox infected cloth in an early form of bioterrorism.5 New England had periodic epidemics in the 1600s and again in 1702. Those who survived were then immune and for 19 years there were no more smallpox epidemics in Boston. On 22 April 1721 the HMS Seahorse, a British ship arriving from Barbados, docked in Boston harbor. Within a day of passing the customary inspection a crew member exhibited symptoms of smallpox. He was quarantined in a house near the harbor and a red flag was put up in front of the house that read ‘‘God have mercy on this house’’.6–8 By early May nine more crew members showed signs of acute smallpox. They also were quarantined, but soon afterwards cases were appearing in resident Bostonians. Reverend Cotton Mather, a polymath with an interest in medicine, wrote in his diary on 26 May: ‘‘The grievous calamity of the small pox has now entered the town’’. Within the first few days about 1000 people left town with the hope of avoiding the disease. Cotton Mather was instrumental in introducing smallpox inoculation to the United States. He wrote regarding inoculation: ‘‘I had from a servant of my own an account of its being practised in Africa. Inquiring of my Negro-man, Onesimus, who is a pretty intelligent fellow, whether he had ever had the smallpox, he answered both yes and no. He told me that he had undergone the operation which had given something of the smallpox and would forever preserve him from it, adding that was often used in West Africa.’’ INOCULATION Inoculation has been reported as early as 1000 BC in China, where it was performed by introducing smallpox material via a scratch in the skin or by putting some cotton soaked in variola pus into the nostril, or by blowing the dried powder from scabs into the nostrils via a tube. In India, variolation was performed by introducing variola pus or scabs into the skin of healthy people. Lady Mary Wortley Montague gets the most credit for bringing inoculation or variolation to Great Britain. She learned of the technique in Turkey while with her ambassador husband on a diplomatic mission. Inoculation uses human smallpox. The inoculated person had a milder infection than taking smallpox ‘‘in the natural way’’, but was infectious to others during the induced illness. William Jenner’s cowpox vaccination (from the latin word vacca meaning cow) discovered in 1796 had lower mortality than inoculation and the patient was not infectious to others. Mather gets the most credit for bringing inoculation to North America, although he should share the honor with the unknown Onesimus. Mather sent a letter to Dr Zabdiel Boylston which convinced the doctor to start a campaign of inoculation. Other physicians in the Boston area also received letters from Mather, but they did not respond to his call to battle against this ‘‘most terrible of all the ministers of death’’. Dr Boylston wrote on 26 June 1721: ‘‘I inoculated my son, Thomas, of about six, my Negro-Man, thirty-six, and Jackey, two and a half Years old’’. He inoculated others in July and on 12 August 1721 he inoculated Mather’s son Samuel. In total, he inoculated 287 Bostonians and, of these, six died. VILIFICATION Many of the town’s people were against inoculation, including members of Mather’s congregation. All the physicians in town except Boylston were opposed to his crusade. They were led by the only physician in Boston with the MD degree, Dr William Douglass. John Checkley, an apothecary who had a personal feud with Mather, and Douglass formed the Society of Physicians Anti-Inoculators which met regularly in coffee houses to denounce inocu- lators. The July 17–24 edition of the Boston News-Letter published an article by Dr William Douglass that attacked Boylston for performing inoculations. On 7 August James and Benjamin Franklin published additional attacks in their newspaper, the New England Courant. The ministers of Boston thought this sensational article was ‘‘freighted with Nonsense, … Prophaneness, Immorality, … Lyes, Contradictions’’ and had James put in prison for four weeks while his apprentice Benjamin Franklin continued to publish the paper on his own. Years later Benjamin Franklin became an active supporter of inoculation. Give someone smallpox to prevent it? This treatment from Africa was too radical for Boston in 1721. Proving it required a breakthrough in research methodology. 82 www.qshc.com o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://q u a litysa fe ty.b m j.co m / Q u a l S a f H e a lth C a re : first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /q sh c.2 0 0 3 .0 0 8 7 9 7 o n 2 F e b ru a ry 2 0 0 4 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://qualitysafety.bmj.com/ In November 1721 a small bomb was tossed through the window of Mather’s house and landed in the room where Mather’s nephew was recuperating from the inoculation procedure. The fuse of the bomb burned out so the bomb did not explode and the attached note, quoted in the title of this article, was not destroyed. Mather and Boylston reported that 2% of 287 inoculated patients died compared with 842 deaths among the 4917 infected in the natural way (14.9%).9 As far as we know, this is the first use of numbers to evaluate a clinical trial. Mortality from the experimental group is compared with a control group and proportional mortality measured and compared to demonstrate a clear difference.8 It was these comparative quantitative data replicated in later epidemics which led to the slow but steady acceptance of inoculation in Boston. The success of inoculation paved the way for acceptance of Jenner’s vaccination. Beall et al describe Mather as ‘‘the first significant figure in American medi- cine.’’10 COTTON MATHER Unfortunately, we know next to nothing about Onesimus, a bit about Boylston, and a lot about Cotton Mather (1663– 1728) who comes across as the high priest of New England Puritanism. At the age of 16 he was one of the youngest graduates ever of Harvard University, father of 15 children, and a prolific writer whose bibliography alone takes up three published volumes.11 Many of his 468 publications were books rather than articles, and most are forgettable sermons. He liked to use a dozen words when one would do, and to quote in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin; in short, a vast opus of no or little appeal to our present age. However, some of these books are important. His 1702 ecclesiastical history of New England Magnalia Christi Americana is ‘‘a monument of early American literature’’,12 Bonifacius has a direct influence on Benjamin Franklin’s life,13 and The Angel of Bethesda is ‘‘the only large inclusive medical work of the entire American colonial period’’.14 Filled with folk remedies, it was not published until 1972. The curse of Cotton Mather is that he wrote one book too many and he has been condemned from the day of its publication down to the present. In Wonders of the Invisible World he sought to justify the Salem witch trials of 1672.1 15–17 This curse hangs over the head of all today’s vastly productive academics who might write just one book too many. HERO OR MARTYR? Mather was both. He was the first native born American to become a member of the Royal Society of London. Inoculation was the most important health improvement of colonial America as documented by the early (and perhaps the first) use of numerical analysis to evaluate a clinical trial. Authors’ affiliations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M Best, D Neuhauser, L Slavin, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Case School of Medicine, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Correspondence to: Professor D Neuhauser, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Case School of Medicine, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH 44106-4945, USA; dvn@case.edu REFERENCES 1 Silverman K. The life and times of Cotton Mather. New York: Harper Row, 1984. 2 Aronson SM, Newman L. ‘‘God have mercy on this house: Being a brief Chronicle of Smallpox in Colonial New England’’. Smallpox in the Americans 1492 to 1815: contagion and controversy. John Carter Brown Library of Brown University, December, 2002. 3 Stetten Jr D. Victory over variola. ASM News 1978;44:639–44. 4 Barquet N, Domingo P. The triumph over the most terrible of the ministers of death. Ann Intern Med 1997;127:635–42. 5 Hopkins D. Princes and peasants: smallpox in history. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983. 6 Rudolph R, Musher DM. Inoculation in the Boston smallpox epidemic of 1721. Arch Intern Med 1965;115:692–6. 7 Winslow O. A destroying angel: the conquest of smallpox in colonial Boston. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1974. 8 Blake JB. Public health in the town of Boston 1630–1822. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959. 9 Best MA, Neuhauser D, Slavin L. Benjamin Franklin: verification and validation of the scientific process in healthcare. Victoria, BC, Canada: Trafford Publishing, 2003. 10 Beall OT, Shryock RH. Cotton Mather, first significant figure in American medicine. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1954. 11 Holmes TJ. Cotton Mather, a bibliography of his work. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1940. 12 Mather Cotton. Magnalia Christi Americana. Murdock K, ed. Books I and II. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977. 13 Mather Cotton. Bonifacius: an essay upon the good. Levin D, ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966. 14 Mather Cotton. The Angel of Bethesda. Jones G, ed. Barre, MA: American Antiquarian Society, 1972. 15 Mather Cotton. Wonders of the invisible world. Observations as well historical as theological upon the nature, the number and operations of the devil. Boston: 1692. 16 Levine D. Cotton Mather: the young life of the Lord’s remembrancer, 1663– 1703. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978. 17 Boyer P, Nissenbaum S. Salem possessed. The social origins of witchcraft. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974. Heroes and martyrs of quality and safety 83 www.qshc.com o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://q u a litysa fe ty.b m j.co m / Q u a l S a f H e a lth C a re : first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /q sh c.2 0 0 3 .0 0 8 7 9 7 o n 2 F e b ru a ry 2 0 0 4 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://qualitysafety.bmj.com/ 
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work_5vc2olhvvrcg7k4tscywwelelu	----	Obituary Perry W Nadig 1928±1997 From the ®rst time I met Perry Nadig, I formed an image in my mind of explorer, adventurer. That ®rst time was in 1980, in Monaco at the second gathering of international scientists meeting and forming a group that was to become eventually the Interna- tional Society for the Study of Impotence. We have shared over the years many thoughtful heart to heart conversations of what we are about as scientists and where our scienti®c explorations were going. Who was Perry Nadig? He was ®rst a physician and urologist, whose compassion and care of patients was exemplary. He was not afraid to still say `I am the patient's advocate'. He received his education as a medical doctor at the University of Rochester in Rochester, New York, where he graduated in 1954, and where he was a member of the AOA. He was an intern and assistant resident in general surgery at one of the af®liated Yale Uni- versity Hospitals. He interrupted his medical educa- tion in 1957±1959, where he was a captain in the United States Army Medical Corp with service in Ethiopia. He returned to do his urology residency at the University of Kansas Medical Center in Kansas City, Kansas. He entered into private practice in San Antonio in 1962, and he has served as a clinical professor of urology at the University of Texas Health Science Center in San Antonio, Texas. He has also been a member of the Board of Directors of the Mission Pharmacal Company. A fellow resident, Dr Logan Holtgrewe, a previous president of the AUA, characterized Perry in a memorial service eulogy as surgeon of great skill. This friendship with Dr Holtgrewe led to Perry and his wife hosting the 1993 annual meeting of the American Urological Association in San Antonio. Perry and his wife were short term medical missionaries to Tanzania in 1966. Perry Nadig was a medical innovator, an educa- tor. He was a pioneer in the development of the vacuum device for treatment of erectile dysfunction. He published the ®rst peer review paper for use of that device in 1986. He has since published 25 peer reviewed articles and two book chapters. Perry Nadig was also a very devoted husband and father, who was married for 43 years. I knew he and his wife well and there were no two individuals that demonstrated the statement of being truly equal partners. Perry Nadig was an adventurer and traveler. As he said in his curriculum vitae of travel, `We go to those parts of the world that have not yet been found by tourists'. Examples of places that they visited were the Galapagos Islands, the Peruvian Amazon, Jordan (where he and his wife camped and visited archeological sites), the Sahara Desert (where he and his wife traveled by camel caravan), Botswana, and Papua, New Guinea. On one of the trips in 1989, he and his wife were visiting Antarctica on the ship Bahia Paraiso, which sank after striking a rock near the Antarctic circle. This was certainly a trip to long remember. Perry Nadig was an accomplished amateur photo- grapher. One of his photos on that trip to Antarctica was printed in the National Geographic magazine. Lastly, Perry Nadig was a remarkable human being. He was a witty man and no one could ever forget that `Kris Kringle' smile and demeanor which will always be remembered. I have been particularly touched by Perry's chosen epitaph, which was adapted from Ben Franklin, `Here lies Perry Nadig, physician, like an old book, it's cover torn, it's contents worn and shabby, food for the earth. But he is not here, for, as he believed, the book lives, it's cover redone, and it's contents revised by the Editor'. Dr Nadig believed that organ donations allows a human book to live. He would encourage you to be an organ donor. Memorial contributions can be made to the University of Rochester class of 154 scholarship fund, University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry, 601 Elmwood Avenue, Box 501, Rochester, New York 14692. International Journal of Impotence Research (1997) 9, 113±114 ß 1997 Stockton Press All rights reserved 0955-9930/97 $12.00 Finally, at the conclusion of Perry's memorial service in his hometown, a trio consisting of a trumpet, a trombone and clarinet played `When the saints go marching on'; what an appropriate tribute to remember at this meeting of the SSI as we meet in the city where this song has so much meaning and had its beginning. We will stand and have a moment of silence for this fellow physician. RW Lewis delivered at the SSI Annual Meeting on April 12, 1997, New Orleans, Louisiana Obituary 114 Obituary 
work_5yqqs5asirgtjjqvywnbj3or7m	----	Introduction This issue of Was de Desterro is an outgrowth of a seminar entitled "The Open Road: Three Centuries of American Literature and Culture", held at UFSC from July 14 to July 18, 198e. The seminar was produced by UFSC's pOs-graduageo program in Linguas e Literaturas Estrangeiras, it was chaired by Sergio Bellei and was supported in all its stages of planning by the Fulbright Commission and its Executive Secretary Marco Antonio da Rocha, by USIS, represented by John Matel in Porto Alegre, by Alvin Cohen in Brasilia and especially through the vivacious advocacy of Maureen Taylor, whose death we have lamented in these pages. Our intention in the seminar was to spread as large a net as possible around this vast beast American Culture and to that end we invited distinguished professors Townsend Ludington from the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill and Michael Zuckerman of the University of Pennsylvania. They are represented in these pages by Prof. Ludington's essay on John Dos Passos and his relationships to Portuguese-speaking culture and to Brazil and by Prof. Zuckerman's essay on American history-writing about the Founding Fathers. We also invited the Fulbright Professors then present in Brazil -- Cruce Stark of UFSC who declaimed a paper on the function ILRA DO DESTERRO, N9s 15 e 16 - 19 e 29 semestres de 1986. 7 of landscape in The Great Gatsby and The Scarlet Letter and Terry Caesar of UFRJ who spoke on the genre of travel writing in the developing years of the travel industry. John McElroy, also a Fulbright Professor at UFSC, delivered a paper at the seminar but is not represented here. Brazilian faculty came from all over Brazil: Paulo Gick and Rita i Schmidt came from Porto Alegre and spoke about Benjamin Franklin and William Faulkner; Leticia Cavalcanti came from Joao Pessoa and spoke on Saul Bellow. The UFSC faculty who hosted the seminar are represented here by essays from Sergio Bellei, the Seminar director, on strategies of reading based on an examination of Alceu Amoroso Lima and Henfil, the cartoonist, by Bernadete Pasold, who compares The Grapes of Wrath and Caned, by Susana Funck, who examines The Fixer, The Centaur and Henderson The Rain King, and finally by Arnold Gordenstein, the editor of this special issue who spoke on a reading of Eugene O'Neill. Present at the seminar were about seventy participants from all over Brazil. Discussions were lively if polite. One culminated in a broken chair -- the critic's effort to illustrate the use of a deconstructionist technique. Some effort was made to connect American and Brazilian cultures; as often happens, the Americans were more critical of America and more supportive of Brazil than the Brazilians -- and the Brazilians were the reverse. The present issue ends with a bibliography of basic background books for the study of American culture. More narrow or more deep bibliographic suggestions can be found in The Literary History of the United States or (for the nineteenth century) Norton's Eight Great Writers. Arnold Gordenstein UFSC The editors of ILHA DO DESTERRO wish to express an especial thanks to Susana B. Funck without whose hawk-eyed editorial skills this issue would not be nearly as perfict. 8 Page 1 Page 2 
work_63wd6xhrgrbyfkariqb72deti4	----	News N E W S ^ A group o f eleven historians from six countries, led by Professor Thorolf Rafto o f N o r w a y , issued a joint press statement on August 14, 1980, at the 15th International Congress o f the Historical Sciences in Bucharest, Rumania, calling attention to a book published that month in the Federal Republic of Germany under the editorship of Vilém Precan entitled, Acta Creationis: Independent Historiography in Czechoslovakia, 1969-1980. This statement read, " W e believe, as do all responsible historians, that freedom to think, to write, to publish, and to travel are essential for all historical work. W e should therefore like to call your attention to a volume which contains a collection o f essays by Czechoslovak historians supplemented by a bibliography of works completed but not published in Czechoslovakia since 1969." Dr. Precan, w h o was responsible for publication and distribution o f the pamphlet Acta Persecutionis at the 14th International Congress of the Historical Sciences in San Francisco in 1975, was forced to choose between prison in Czechoslovakia and exile for that action, which described the way in which the Czechoslovak government had dismissed many professional historians from their positions and forced them to undertake menial tasks after 1968. He now resides at Ferd.-Wallbrecht-Strasse 49, D-3000 Hannover 1, in the Federal Republic o f Germany. The splendid volume he has edited includes a bibliography o f unpublished works which Czechoslovak historians have written "for the drawer" in the last twelve years, as well as six articles com- pleted in Czechoslovakia which deal with various aspects of Czechoslovak history from the fifteenth century until the 1970s and which Dr. Precan has obtained for publication. The scholars w h o signed the declaration included Professor Rafto, Pro- fessors William Chaloner and Ralph Henry Charles Davis o f the United Kingdom, René N . Girault o f France, Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Gotthold Rhode o f the Federal Republic o f Germany, Marina Thorborg of Sweden, and Robert F. Byrnes, Gordon Craig, and Albright G. Zimmerman of the United S t a t e s . — R O B E R T F. B Y R N E S , Indiana University, Bloomington. ^ The annual meeting o f the Southern Historical Association is a regional conclave bringing together historians of the most diverse interests. An appre- ciable number of sessions each year is devoted to the history of Europe (in- cluding Russia) and its colonies. The 1982 annual meeting will be held in Louisville, Kentucky, during the second week of November. Proposals for 294 Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938900009626 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938900009626 https://www.cambridge.org/core News 295 sessions and papers are now being requested. While all proposals are welcome, fully developed sessions have the best chance for favorable consideration. Proposals with brief abstracts and vitae should be sent by October 1,1981, to Professor Michael Kennedy, Vice-Chairman, SHA Program Committee for 1982, Department of History, Winthrop College, Rock Hill, South Carolina 29733- ^ The United States Army Military History Institute sponsors an advanced research program in military history. Individuals selected to work as "ad- vanced research project associates" receive a $500 grant to cover expenses while conducting research and writing at the Institute. Deadline for sub- mission of applications is January 1. Request a form from Benjamin Franklin Cooling, Assistant Director for Historical Services, Department of the Army, U.S. Army Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania 17013. ^ The Berkshire Conference of Women Historians will award its annual prizes for the best book and the best article in any field of history written by a woman and published during 1981. Submissions for the book award should be sent to Jean Christie, 34 Bellingham Lane, Great Neck, New York 11023, and for the article award to Asuncion Lavrin, Department of History, H o w - ard University, Washington, D.C. 20059. Two copies of the book or article are required. Deadline for submission is February i , 1982. ^ The editors of a proposed seven-volume Biographical Dictionary of Mod- ern European Radicals and Socialists, to be published by Harvester Press, are seeking contributors with specific knowledge of European radicals and so- cialists. The dictionary will cover from 1780 to the present, and the first volume, from 1780 to 1815. Write Dr. P. Nicholls and Dr. P. Marsh, Institute of Advanced Studies, Manchester Polytechnic, All Saints Manchester MI 5 6BH, England, for further information or to indicate an individual on whom you could contribute an entry. ^ The Roger M. Blough Learning Center at Susquehanna University, Se- linsgrove, Pennsylvania, has received a complete set of copies of the personal papers of Vidkun Quisling, minister president of Norway under German occupation, executed for treason in October 1945. This is the only institu- tionally held set of papers outside of Scandinavia. Maria Quisling, Vidkun's widow, bequeathed the papers in recognition of an article by the late Lyder L. Unstad published in the Susquehanna University Studies in 1959. Unstad raised the question of the contradiction between Quisling's patriotic attitudes and his treasonous collaboration, citing evidence contrary to the popular opinion that he had aided the German invasion. Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938900009626 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938900009626 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_65j73wl6offvznegyb64dv2qeq	----	NSG155.indd Fax +41 61 306 12 34 E-Mail karger@karger.ch www.karger.com Neurosignals 2008;16:5–10 DOI: 10.1159/000109753 PENN Neurodegenerative Disease Research – In the Spirit of Benjamin Franklin John Q. Trojanowski Institute on Aging, Center for Neurodegenerative Disease Research, Alzheimer Disease Core Center, Udall Parkinson’s Research Center, Department of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine, University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine, Philadelphia, Pa. , USA sclerosis and frontotemporal dementia. This research could enhance our chances of aging successfully in the continuing longevity revolution, and the essay here provides context and background on this research. Copyright © 2008 S. Karger AG, Basel Introduction The United States, like many countries, is experienc- ing a seismic shift in its demographics due to 2 rapidly growing segments of the population: the ‘oldest old’, 1 85 years of age, and the ‘baby boomers’ born between 1946 and 1964 [1, 2] . It is estimated that between 2000 and 2030 this older population will double and that by 2050 there will be 5 times the number of those aged 85 and older compared to the year 2000 [3] . This rapid growth is due in large part to astonishing increases in life expectancy in the last millennium. For example, estimates suggest that life expectancy increased � 27 years in less than a century from 1900 to 1990, while an increase of about the same number of years occurred in the nearly 5 centuries extending from the Bronze Age to about 1900 [4] . Cur- rently, a 65-year-old man can anticipate living approxi- mately 18 additional years, while an 85-year-old woman Key Words Aging � Alzheimer’s disease � Parkinson’s disease � Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis � Neurodegenerative disease � Frontotemporal dementia Abstract Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) was entrepreneur, states- man, supporter of the public good as well as inventor, and his most significant invention was the University of Pennsyl- vania (PENN). Franklin outlined his plans for a college provid- ing practical and classical instruction to prepare youth for real-world pursuits in his ‘Proposals Relating to the Educa- tion of Youth in Pensilvania’ (1749), and Franklin’s spirit of learning to serve society guides PENN to the present day. This is evidenced by the series of articles in this special issue of Neurosignals, describing research conducted by seasoned and newly recruited PENN faculty, addressing consequences of the longevity revolution which defines our epoch at the dawn of this millennium. While aging affects all organ sys- tems, the nervous system is most critical to successful aging. Thus, the articles in this special issue of Neurosignals focus on research at PENN that is designed to prevent or ame- liorate aging-related neurodegenerative disorders such as Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s disease, amyotrophic lateral Published online: December 5, 2007 John Q. Trojanowski, MD, PhD, Institute on Aging and Center for Neurodegenerative Disease Research, University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine HUP, Maloney 3rd Floor, Department of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine 36th and Spruce Streets, Philadelphia, PA 19104-4283 (USA) Tel. +1 215 662 6399, Fax +1 215 349 5909, E-Mail trojanow@mail.med.upenn.edu © 2008 S. Karger AG, Basel 1424–862X/08/0161–0005$24.50/0 Accessible online at: www.karger.com/nsg http://dx.doi.org/10.1159%2F000109753 Trojanowski Neurosignals 2008;16:5–106 can look forward to living about 7 more years, and an 85- year-old man will have 6 additional years [3] . The good news about this longevity revolution is that Americans are not only living longer now, but disability rates in the United States continue to decline from the 1980s to the present [5] . The changes to date have been dramatic, but even greater transformations will occur in society as the baby boomers enter their 7th decade of life and live well beyond their ancestors to the 9th decade or even longer. Indeed, starting in 2006, the leading edge of � 77 million American baby boomers began turning 60! However, the longevity revolution is not all good news, since, if action is not taken now to plan for this demo- graphic ‘sea change’, aging-related disorders like Alz- heimer’s disease (AD) may have ominous consequences. In this regard, AD and related disorders provide an excel- lent example of the deleterious repercussions of societal inaction. For example, in 2000, there were about 4.5 mil- lion AD patients in the United States. Yet, since the prev- alence of AD is highest in individuals who are 6 85 years old, by 2050, the number of Americans with AD is ex- pected to reach 1 13 million if nothing is done very soon to delay or prevent the onset of AD [6] . Significantly, the costs to Medicare for treating AD patients were estimated to be about USD 62 billion in 2000. But, Medicare costs will increase to � USD 1 trillion by 2050 for treating ben- eficiaries with AD and related dementias if no effective treatments or preventions are developed [7–9] . Hence, if demography is the history of the future written now, then the future solvency of Medicare is in jeopardy, yet it is important to emphasize that the future is malleable and that it can be changed now. Indeed, models of the future incidence and prevalence of AD predict that if the onset of AD is delayed by just 1 year, this will reduce the num- ber of AD patients by � 800,000 over the next 5 decades, while an intervention that delays the onset of AD by 5 years will reduce the incidence of AD by 50%, thereby cutting the costs of this devastating dementia by half [8] . Thus, preventative and ameliorative strategies will be crucial to avoid the potential detrimental consequences of the current dramatic shift in demographics, and evi- dence suggests that delaying the onset of AD may well be within our reach. For example, reviews of factors associ- ated with the risk of developing dementia suggest there may be life styles and activities that show potential as pre- ventative strategies for dementia, but more research is needed to elucidate the determinants of successful aging and preventative strategies to reduce aging-related func- tional limitations [10, 11] . Further, intensified efforts also are needed to develop effective disease-modifying thera- pies for AD and other aging-related neurodegenerative diseases. To follow are highlights of efforts at the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania (PENN) to achieve these goals. PENN Research Programs on Aging-Related Neurodegenerative Diseases The long predicted ‘age boom’ is upon us, but we as a society are totally unprepared to manage it from medical, public health, education and fiscal perspectives. PENN has made a significant commitment to address this public health issue through research programs that focus on ag- ing and aging-related brain diseases, and several of these programs (but by no means all of them at PENN) are brief ly highlighted here. These programs ref lect efforts at PENN to fit the pieces of the neurodegenerative disease puzzle together so that we are able to understand the mechanisms that underlie them and thereby develop bet- ter ways to diagnose, treat and, perhaps, even prevent neurodegenerative diseases, therefore improving the quality of life for all members of our aging populations ( fig. 1 ). More details on recent progress from these re- search programs are provided in the 11 reviews by PENN faculty that follow this overview. Diagnosis Cure Quality of life Prevention Research Center of Excellence School of Arts and Sciences Center for Sleep and Respiratory Neurobiology Parkinson’s Disease and Movement Disorder Center Fig. 1. PENN neurodegenerative disease research – solving the puzzle! This figure schematically illustrates how the synergistic collaborations among the investigators and programs mentioned in this essay converge to find better diagnostics, cures and pre- ventions for aging-related neurodegenerative diseases in order to achieve the shared goal of improving the quality of life for the mil- lions of individuals who are now, or will in the future, be affected by these disorders. PENN, Aging and Neurodegenerative Proteinopathies Neurosignals 2008;16:5–10 7 For example, the PENN Institute on Aging (IOA), which was founded more than 25 years ago by Vincent Cristofalo, is dedicated to improving the health and well- being of our aging population through the efforts of ap- proximately 200 IOA fellows in highly collaborative pro- grams on aging research, education and clinical care (http://www.med.upenn.edu/aging). The IOA is cur- rently directed by John Q. Trojanowski, and PENN is among the top 10 National Institute on Aging (NIA) funded institutions. PENN faculty/IOA fellows lead many aging-focused grants funded by the NIA and oth- er components of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, industry, private foundations and other sources. While the IOA is cen- tered in the PENN School of Medicine, it seeks to have an impact across the PENN campus and beyond. Thus, Kathy Jedrziewski, the Deputy Director of the IOA, re- cently worked for the past 2 years with the Alzheimer’s Association, the Center for Disease Control and experts from around the Nation to formulate ‘The Healthy Brain Initiative’, which is a remarkable ‘roadmap’ for the public on how to maintain cognitive health throughout the life span (for details, see www.cdc.gov/aging and www.alz. org). Moreover, the IOA Pilot Grant Award Program stimulates new aging research and educational initia- tives among PENN faculty by supporting 8 new pilot ini- tiatives per year, for up to USD 50,000 per grant. These IOA Pilot Grants are made possible by funding from a private foundation and PENN School of Medicine re- sources. Preference for pilot awards is given to junior fac- ulty who seek to obtain pilot data to launch new initia- tives that clearly have a high likelihood of garnering sus- tained extramural support from the NIA, NIH or other external funding agencies. The Center for Neurodegenerative Disease Research (CNDR), directed by Virginia M.-Y. Lee, was founded in 1991 and is closely allied with the IOA by also function- ing as a ‘center without walls’ wherein PENN investiga- tors collaborate in the study of neurodegenerative dis- eases (http://www.uphs.upenn.edu/cndr/). The mission of the CNDR complements that of the IOA by focusing on multidisciplinary clinical and basic research to in- crease understanding of the causes and mechanisms leading to brain dysfunction and degeneration in AD, Parkinson’s disease (PD), frontotemporal dementia (FTD), amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) and related disorders that occur increasingly with advancing age. CNDR promotes a number of important research initia- tives such as the development of new and effective thera- pies and finding a cure for devastating aging-related neu- rodegenerative diseases through a number of mecha- nisms. For example, CNDR is the home of the Administrative and Neuropathology Cores of the Alzheimer’s Disease Core Center (ADCC; http://www.pennadc.org), which is one of 32 NIA-funded Alzheimer’s Disease Centers (ADCs) in the United States [12] . Working with CNDR, the PENN ADCC has contributed to a dramatic expan- sion in basic and clinical research on AD and related dis- orders at PENN over the past 18 years by providing lead- ership, education and core support to enhance and stim- ulate investigations into the etiology, pathogenesis, diagnosis, treatment and prevention of these neurode- generative diseases. The ADCC also funds Pilot Grants and it does so in partnership with the IOA and the Insti- tute of Medicine and Engineering, which is led by Dr. Peter F. Davies. Commensurate with this growth, PENN is recognized as an international leader in research on AD and related disorders. The mission of the PENN ADCC complements that of IOA and CNDR as it focuses on increasing understand- ing of and research on AD and related disorders at and beyond PENN, fostering interactions between this ADCC and other ADCs and/or institutions, interacting with the National Alzheimer’s Coordinating Center (NACC), par- ticipating in NACC-sponsored ADC collaborative stud- ies, and responding to NIA initiatives on AD and related disorders [12] . The Clinical Core of the PENN ADCC is located in the PENN Memory Center in close proximity to IOA offices in the PENN Ralston House. This ADCC Core is led by Steve Arnold, Associate Director of the ADCC, and the Clinical Core recruits, assesses and mon- itors AD and control subjects, including women and mi- norities. There also is a Latino Clinic that focuses on re- cruiting urban Latinos into the ADCC dementia and control study cohorts. The PENN Memory Center, which is led by Christopher Clark, works in close partnership with the ADCC and is dedicated to improving the health, well-being and quality of life of patients and their care- givers. Thus, the PENN Memory Center offers expert comprehensive diagnostic evaluation and a multidisci- plinary team approach that provides good medical man- agement, education and social support. As the home of the ADCC’s Clinical Core, the Memory Center is respon- sible for carefully collecting data on the course of AD and related diseases in patients and providing an environ- ment for the conduct of clinical research to improve the standard of care. Research ranges from the development of new diagnostic methods to the evaluation of new treat- ments. Trojanowski Neurosignals 2008;16:5–108 The other 2 key core components of the ADCC are the Data Management/Biostatistics Core led by Sharon Xie, and the Education and Information Transfer Core (EITC) led by Jason Karlawish. Both of these Cores are located in the PENN Ralston House adjacent to IOA offices. The ADCC Data Management/Biostatistics Core plays an im- portant role in providing biostatistical support for stud- ies conducted by ADCC investigators and their collabo- rators as well as in data management, which includes sharing PENN ADCC data sets with the other investiga- tors through regularly scheduled data downloads to NACC. Notably, the EITC is a unique feature of ADCs that plays a critical role in educating professionals and the public about AD and related dementias. This is critical for increasing the participation of patients and controls in AD research. Moreover, the PENN EITC has taken the educational mission to a new level of sophistication by developing educational videos on AD and healthy brain aging for the public with the support of the MetLife Foun- dation. Further, Jason Karlawish has made the participa- tion of cognitively impaired subjects in research a focus of his own studies, and his article in this special issue summarizes recent findings on the decision-making ca- pacity of individuals who are cognitively impaired. This line of investigation is novel and significant because it could facilitate efforts to develop ways to measure the benefits of interventions to enhance cognition, improve our understanding of the staging of dementia and im- prove communication among patients, clinicians and families. PENN also benefits from an excellent Division of Ge- riatric Medicine that is recognized for its outstanding clinical care program, as well as an exceptional Geriatric Medicine training program, which includes several fel- lowship opportunities. The division is led by Jerry John- son, and it is dedicated to: enhancing the health of older adults by establishing models of interdisciplinary clinical care that span the array of sites in which elderly receive care; training physicians to provide excellent clinical care of older adults with an emphasis on enhancing function- al status, quality of life and survival; conducting and fa- cilitating research on issues of premier importance to the elderly; sponsoring community-based education and demonstration projects. The division is located in the PENN Ralston House in close proximity to the IOA and shares clinic space with the PENN Memory Center and the ADCC. Geriatric Psychiatry, led by Steven Arnold, also is located in PENN Ralston House. Under the new leadership of Steven Arnold, Geriatric Psychiatry will de- velop innovative research programs that enhance and strengthen partnerships between PENN research pro- grams on aging-related neurodegenerative and neuro- psychiatric diseases. The most recent addition to PENN research programs on aging-related neurodegenerative diseases is a new Na- tional Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS) Morris K. Udall Parkinson’s Disease Center of Excellence to study the molecular mechanisms that un- derlie the movement and dementia aspects of PD, as well as the care and treatment of patients and training of phy- sicians. PD is one of the most common neurodegenera- tive diseases, second only to AD in the number of people affected. Estimates suggest that approximately 800,000 Americans have PD and this Udall Parkinson’s Center will enable PENN to better combine achievements in clinical care for PD patients with basic science studies of PD and related disorders. The theme of the Udall Center is cognitive impairment, a very much neglected aspect of PD. John Trojanowski leads the Center’s overall opera- tions and conducts neuropathology research, while How- ard Hurtig investigates potential markers of PD-related neurodegeneration and leads educational efforts for phy- sicians and the lay community. Andrew Siderowf and Murray Grossman each lead projects that will define the nature of cognitive impairments in PD, while Virginia Lee and Benoit Giasson each lead projects that study the nature of these impairments in mouse models and Sha- ron Xie oversees data management and biostatistics for the center. This Udall Center builds on 20 years of basic research on neurodegenerative diseases at PENN that en- ables psychiatrists, neurologists, geriatricians, patholo- gists, neuroscientists and biostatisticians to better inter- act under one virtual roof. Notably, PENN joins 13 other existing centers in this NINDS Udall Center network, but PENN is one of only 9 institutions that have both an NINDS-funded Udall Center and an NIA-funded Alz- heimer Center. Significantly, this new Udall Center partners with the PENN ADCC and it also takes advantage of outstanding clinical programs on PD and related movement disorders at PENN. For example, these disorders are the major clin- ical focus of the Parkinson’s Disease and Movement Dis- order Center (PD&MDC) of the PENN Neurological In- stitute at the Pennsylvania Hospital and the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania. Indeed, the PD&MDC, which was founded in 1982 and is led by Matt Stern and Howard Hurtig, has grown over the past 25 years to be- come the largest facility of its kind in the Delaware Valley (encompassing Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware) and a National Parkinson Foundation designated Center PENN, Aging and Neurodegenerative Proteinopathies Neurosignals 2008;16:5–10 9 of Excellence. Moreover, the PD&MDC is closely allied with the Parkinson’s Disease Research, Education and Clinical Center (PADRECC) at the Philadelphia Veterans Hospital. This PADRECC, which is led by Matt Stern and John Duda, draws patients from the veteran population of the entire Delaware Valley, making it a magnet clinical site for underserved minority patients. Exciting research on PD and related � -synucleinopathies that ref lect the powerful synergies between investigators in the Udall Center, the PD&MDC and the PADRECC are summa- rized in the review here by Rachel Gross, Andrew Sid- erowf and Howard Hurtig, the one by Sarah Kranick and John Duda as well as the review by Benoit Giasson and Vivianna Van Deerlin. New Partnerships/Directions for PENN Neurodegenerative Disease Research To prevent or ameliorate aging-related neurodegener- ative diseases as well as to promote healthy aging, PENN faculty seek to develop novel partnerships and to take their research in new directions. Examples of recently launched novel initiatives and partnerships include the establishment of the Marian S. Ware Alzheimer Pro- gram, as well as PD drug discovery programs funded by generous support from the Picower and Benaroya fami- lies. Another novel program is exemplified by the PENN Biomarker Core of the NIA-funded Alzheimer’s Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI) that is designed to test imaging and biological markers for measuring the pro- gression of mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and early AD, as well as for distinguishing normal controls from subjects with MCI or AD. With respect to the Marian S. Ware Alzheimer Program, this was successfully launched with generous philanthropic support from the Ware fam- ily in January 2004 to comprehensively attack the prob- lem of AD. This unique multidisciplinary program in- cludes 3 key components: (1) AD Drug Discovery, led by Virginia Lee and John Trojanowski; (2) AD Clinical Tri- al Design, led by Chris Clark and Jason Karlawish; (3) Continuity of AD Care, led by Mary Naylor of the PENN School of Nursing. Academic drug discovery programs for neurodegen- erative diseases have the potential to bridge the gap be- tween drug target identification, validation and proof of concept studies to hasten efforts to bring new therapies out of laboratories into the clinic. However, the funding opportunities for these programs are limited and it is gratifying that philanthropic sources of support for them are becoming available. For example, CNDR has been able to launch PD drug discovery programs with support from the Picower and Benaroya families. While these programs are new, they already are beginning to generate new leads for AD and PD drug discovery, and these ef- forts will be accelerated by the recruitment of Kurt Brun- den from biotechnology as Director of CNDR Drug Dis- covery [13–19] . Moreover, in his review for this special issue, Paul Taylor describes another novel direction for neurodegenerative disease drug discovery that involves manipulating autophagy to eliminate misfolded proteins, since the accumulation of misfolded proteins is a patho- logical hallmark of AD, PD, FTD, ALS and almost all other aging-related neurodegenerative disorders. However, partnerships with pharmaceutical and bio- technology companies as well as other entities are also needed to make these efforts successful, and a novel ex- ample of this is the NIA-funded ADNI program to de- velop and standardize AD biomarkers, as described in an article here by Leslie Shaw. Another related and novel PENN partnership is led by Christopher Clark, who ob- tained a Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Department of Health Tobacco Settlement grant to establish a Center of Excellence for Research on Neurodegenerative Diseases at PENN that focuses on studies to identify biomarkers for dementia of diverse etiologies, as described in his ar- ticle in this special issue. While biomarkers are critical for the early diagnosis of neurodegenerative diseases and for the expeditious as- sessment of disease-modifying therapies, additional tar- gets for drug discovery and novel model systems are needed to rapidly screen compound libraries for new drug targets. Thus, there is considerable excitement at and beyond PENN about the discovery of a new disease protein known as TDP-43 that provides a molecular link between ALS and FTD [20, 21] . These seemingly distinct disorders often co-occur for reasons that have not been clear, and Lauren Elman, Leo McCluskey and Murray Grossman provide a review here of evidence suggesting that FTD and ALS may be part of a spectrum of a single disorder linked to misfolding and aggregation of TDP- 43. This article is complemented by a related review writ- ten by Linda Kwong, Kunihiro Uryu, John Trojanowski and Virginia Lee that summarizes advances in under- standing the pathobiology of TDP-43 proteinopathies and why they are distinct from other neurodegenerative disorders, most of which are characterized by brain amy- loidosis. Efforts to develop powerful, cost-effective, rapid and informative model systems for studies of disease mechanisms underlying neurodegeneration as well as Trojanowski Neurosignals 2008;16:5–1010 drug screening systems are reviewed in 2 separate articles written by Aaron Gitler and James Shorter. Notably, both of these recently recruited faculty were attracted to PENN because of the depth, breadth and diverse strengths of neurodegenerative disease research at PENN. Concluding Remarks As the mechanisms underlying aging-related neuro- degenerative disorders such as AD, PD, ALS and FTD come into sharper focus, the pieces of the puzzle that must be solved to understand these disorders and develop better ways to diagnose and treat them are coming to- gether at PENN ( fig. 1 ). This is a direct result of the col- legiality and team spirit of the cadre of researchers who have made conquering neurodegenerative diseases the major goal of their career. While Benjamin Franklin may not have foreseen the growing public health threat that aging-related neurodegenerative diseases signify now for the Nation he played a key role in establishing, or for the world as he knew it, we think it is likely he would con- sider the research summarized here in keeping with his concept of the college he proposed that has become the University of Pennsylvania. Acknowledgements We are indebted to the patients and their caregivers who have facilitated the study of neurodegenerative diseases. J.Q.T. is the William Maul Measey-Truman G. Schnabel, Jr. Professor of Ge- riatric Medicine and Gerontology. Support for the research sum- marized here comes from the NIH (AG09215, AG10124, AG11542, AG14382, AG14449, AG17586, NS044233), the MetLife Founda- tion and the Ware, Picower and Benaroya families. Mary Leonard is thanked for her expert help with the figure. References 1 Meyer J: Age: 2000, Census Bureau Brief, C2KBR/01–12. Washington, US Census Bu- reau, 2001. 2 Hetzel L, Smith A: The 65 years and over population: 2000, Census Bureau Brief, C2KBR/01–10. Washington, US Census Bu- reau, 2001. 3 Older Americans 2004: Key indicators of well-being. Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics. Washington, US Government Printing Office, 2004. 4 Rowe JW, Kahn, RL: Successful Aging. New York, Pantheon Books, 1998. 5 Manton KG, Gu X, Lamb VL: Changes in chronic disability from 1982 to 2004/2005 as measured by long term changes in function and health in the U.S. elderly population. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 2006; 103: 18374– 18379. 6 Hebert LE, Scherr PA, Bienias JL Bennett DA, Evans DA: Alzheimer disease in the US population: prevalence estimates using the 2000 census. Arch Neurol 2003; 60: 1119– 1122. 7 The Lewin Group: Saving lives, saving mon- ey: dividends for Americans investing in Alzheimer research. Chicago, Alzheimer’s Association, 2004. 8 Brookmeyer R, Gray S, Kawas C: Projections of Alzheimer’s disease in the United States and the public health impact of delaying dis- ease onset. Am J Public Health 1998; 88: 1337–1342. 9 Cogan JF, Mitchell OS: Perspectives from the President’s Commission on Social Security Reform. J Econ Perspect 2003; 7: 149–172. 10 Jedrziewski MK, Lee VM-Y, Trojanowski JQ: Lowering the risk of Alzheimer’s disease: ev- idence-based practices emerge from new re- search. Alzheimers Dement 2005; 1: 152– 160. 11 Jedrziewski MK, Lee VM-Y, Trojanowski JQ: Physical activity and cognitive health. Alz- heimers Dement 2007; 3: 98–108. 12 Hodes RJ: Public funding for Alzheimer dis- ease research in the United States. Nat Med 2006; 12: 770–773. 13 Ballatore C, Hyde E, Deicher R, Lee VM-Y, Trojanowski JQ, Huryn D, Smith AB III: Pa- clitaxel C10 carbamates: potential candi- dates for the treatment of neurodegenerative tauopathies. Bioorg Med Chem Lett 2007; 17: 3642–3646. 14 Crowe A, Ballatore C, Hyde E, Trojanowski JQ, Lee VM-Y: High throughput screening for small molecule inhibitors of heparin-in- duced tau fibril formation. Biomed Biophys Res Comm 2007; 358: 1–6. 15 Lee VM-Y, Trojanowski JQ: Mechanisms of Parkinson’s disease linked to pathological � - synuclein: new targets for drug discovery. Neuron 2006; 52: 33–38. 16 Skovronsky DM, Lee VM-Y, Trojanowski JQ: Neurodegenerative diseases: new concepts of pathogenesis and their therapeutic impli- cations. Annu Rev Pathol Mech Dis 2006; 1: 151–170. 17 Trojanowski JQ, Duff K, Fillit H, Koroshetz W, Kuret J, Murphy D, Refolo L: New direc- tions for frontotemporal dementia drug dis- covery. Alzheimers Dement 2007;in press. 18 Yoshiyama Y, Higuchi M, Zhang B, Huang S-M, Iwata N, Saido TC, Maeda J, Suhara T, Trojanowski JQ, Lee VM-Y: Synapse loss and microglial activation precede tangles in a P301S tauopathy mouse model. Neuron 2007; 53: 337–351. 19 Zhang B, Maiti A, Shively S, Lakhani F, Mc- Donald-Jones G, Bruce J, Lee EB, Xie SX, Joyce S, Li C, Toleikis PM, Lee VM-Y, Tro- janowski JQ: Microtubule binding drugs off- set tau sequestration by stabilizing microtu- bules and reversing fast axonal transport deficits in a murine neurodegenerative tauopathy model. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 2005; 102: 227–231. 20 Kwong K, Neuman M, Samapathu D, Lee VM-Y, Trojanowski JQ: TDP-43 proteinopa- thy: the neuropathology underlying major forms of sporadic and hereditary frontotem- poral lobar degeneration and motor neuron disease. Acta Neuropath 2007; 114: 63–70. 21 Neumann M, Sampathu DM, Kwong LK, Traux A, Miscenyi M, Chou TT, Bruce J, Schuck T, Grossman M, Clark C, McKlusky L, Miller BL, Masliah E, Mackenzie IR, Feld- man H, Feiden W, Kretzschmar HA, Tro- janowski JQ, Lee VM-Y: Ubiquitinated TDP- 43 in frontotemporal lobar degeneration and amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. Science 2006; 314: 130–133. 
work_6nyam6oqevhjnpxwqmhrbn646e	----	On the Radial Dependence of the Herschbach Effect This article was downloaded by: [Harvard College] On: 30 August 2012, At: 22:21 Publisher: Taylor & Francis Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Molecular Physics: An International Journal at the Interface Between Chemistry and Physics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tmph20 On the Radial Dependence of the Herschbach Effect Daniel Kleppner a a Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge Massachusetts, and Center for Herschbach Studies, Belmont, Massachusetts Version of record first published: 18 Jul 2012 To cite this article: Daniel Kleppner (2012): On the Radial Dependence of the Herschbach Effect, Molecular Physics: An International Journal at the Interface Between Chemistry and Physics, 110:15-16, 1591-1592 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00268976.2012.699707 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tmph20 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00268976.2012.699707 http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions Molecular Physics Vol. 110, Nos. 15–16, 10–20 August 2012, 1591–1592 INVITED ARTICLE On the Radial Dependence of the Herschbach Effect Daniel Kleppner* Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge Massachusetts, and Center for Herschbach Studies, Belmont, Massachusetts (Received 31 May 2012; final version received 7 June 2012) We present the first results of a study of the radial dependence of the Herschbach effect. The effect displays distinctive short-range behaviour, evidently due to a contact interaction, and also reveals mid- and long-range behaviours. Cosmological implications of the long-range Herschbach effect are explored. Although the Herschbach effect – an elevation of spirit, usually accompanied by a sharpening of vision – has been long recognized, not until the present work has there been a systematic investigation of its spatial dependence. This Note reports the initial results of a study of this elusive but significant phenomenon. At short distance, 5 3.5 m, which we refer to as the anecdotal range, the effect is propagated by narratives of personal experience ranging from leporidae raising and star gazing in California to lightning watching in Japan and arbor dodging in Massachusetts. Instructive and sometimes humorous incidents from the life of Benjamin Franklin appear from time to time. These are but a few of the extensive collection of anecdotes in the database of Project Dudley. This dataset has been classified according to subject, location, date, etc. Appropriate ethnographic data has been attached to each entry and the collection has been cross-correlated for statistical independence. The result reported here must be regarded as tentative while the collection undergoes final fact-checked following the Manual of Best Practice by the American Society of Anecdotal Skeptics (ASAS). To quantify the strength of a Herschbach anecdote, we define the total impact T which is the product of the impact-factor (I) and the number of auditors (N). I is determined by observing the brain activity of a representative sample of test subjects while the anecdote is narrated by a professional storyteller or a stand-up comedian. The brain activity is monitored by electroencephalography (EEG) and data from dor- mant auditors is deleted. The auditors are drawn from a representative sample of the Friends of Dudley Herschbach (FDH). First results suggest that the value of T for verbally transmitted anecdotes falls off with distance from the speaker so abruptly that the detailed behaviour is unimportant. Consequently, the total impact T¼IN can be well described by taking N¼n Aeff, where n is the number of auditors per unit area at the event, and Aeff is an effective area. The radius of Aeff is generally the lesser of eyeshot and earshot. This behaviour is reminiscent of the Fermi contact interaction between an atomic nucleus and a valence electron and so we refer to the phenomenon as the Herschbach anecdotal contact interaction (HACI). The mid range Herschbach effect displays a fundamentally pedagogical nature. A somewhat dis- quieting aspect of this study is the failure to identify the precise dimensions of the mid-range and these remain a matter of some debate. For instance, although fresh- man seminars are pedagogical, they nevertheless dis- play hallmarks of the contact interaction. At the other radial extreme, there is compelling evidence that Herschbach’s pedagogical power extends beyond the walls of academe to science festivals, scientific con- ferences, public lectures, essays, radio interviews and YouTube presentations. The proliferation of such loci suggests that mid range actually penetrates into the far field. Nevertheless, the principal arena for the mid range Herschbachian interaction extends from front row to the back row of a freshman lecture hall. The reaction to the mid-range Herschbach differs significantly from the normal response of a freshman class to a heroic lecturer. The distinction appears to arise from the reciprocal nature of the pedagogy which encourages the class to display a back reaction. Consequently, not only is the class not discouraged *Email: kleppner@MIT.EDU ISSN 0026–8976 print/ISSN 1362–3028 online � 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00268976.2012.699707 http://www.tandfonline.com D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd C ol le ge ] at 2 2: 21 3 0 A ug us t 20 12 from grilling the lecturer, it is actually encouraged to engage in mind-expanding pursuits such as writing poems and delving into history, pursuits normally discouraged, if not actually prohibited, in a science class. Most importantly, student–teacher bonding is strengthened by the free exchange of sacred knowledge such as that a scientist can be 99% wrong and nevertheless be famous, that nature speaks in many tongues, all of which are alien, and that in geometrical constructions all angles that look equal are equal. The long range Herschbach effect conveys the beauty, joys and virtues of science to a community that encompasses all of humanity. Such an effect must be recognized as among the great forces of nature. Prominent among its force carriers are parables, aphorisms, metaphors, narratives, biographies and occasional gossip. These carriers propagate in a medium of talks, lectures, interviews, and essays. (In the spirit of full disclosure, which is fundamental to the Herschbach effect, one must also mention that there have been after dinner speeches.) The far field Herschbach effect has yet to reveal its radial dependence. In particular, there is no evidence that it is affected by gravity and so we have the possibility that the field extends throughout the universe. When one considers the energy, enthusiasm and brilliant insights of the Herschbach effect, one cannot avoid the possibility that the Herschbach field may hold the answer to one of the great problems of physical science – the origin of dark energy. Further study is required. Acknowledgement The author wishes to thank the Herschbach Effect Foundation for supporting this study, and Benjamin Franklin for stimulating the Herschbach effect. (Note added in proof) The author is grateful to an anonymous colleague for pointing out that Dudley Herschbach is 14 billion years too young to be the source of dark energy. 1592 D. Kleppner D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd C ol le ge ] at 2 2: 21 3 0 A ug us t 20 12 
work_6ny76ehee5hohpgfve6tgzpjge	----	Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 RESEARCH Open Access A community-based intervention in middle schools to improve HPV vaccination and cervical cancer screening in Japan Tomoko Ito1*, Remi Takenoshita2,6*, Keiichiro Narumoto2,3,6, Melissa Plegue4, Ananda Sen4, Benjamin Franklin Crabtree5 and Michael Derwin Fetters4 Abstract Aim: Japan has low rates of cervical cancer screening and Human papilloma virus (HPV) vaccination. This research examines the effectiveness of a family medicine resident-led, intervention in increasing knowledge about HPV and cervical cancer in middle school-girls and increasing knowledge and intention to have cervical cancer screening in their mothers. Methods: We utilized a pre-test/post-test intervention design in three rural middle schools with 7th grade middle school-girls and their mothers. A school-based activity educated girls about HPV and cervical cancer. A home-based activity utilized a homework assignment for girls and their mothers. Pre/post intervention surveys were completed by the girls and their mothers. Major outcomes included changes in knowledge among girls and mothers and barriers to be screened for cervical cancer among mothers. Results: Sixty-five students and sixty-three mothers completed the study. Two out five mothers were not in compliance with current screening recommendations. Identified barriers included: embarrassment (79%), poor access (56%), fear of having cancer (52%), and cervical cancer screening being an unknown procedure (46%). Forty-four percent of mothers deemed their daughters to be at risk for cervical cancer. Trusted sources of information included: doctors (97%), newspapers/television (89%), government (79%), the Internet (78%), and friends (62%). Student knowledge scores (7-point scale) improved significantly from pre- to post-intervention (4.8 vs. 5.9, p < 0.001). Knowledge scores (14-point scale) among mothers also significantly improved (11.7 vs. 12.0, p = 0.024). Conclusions: These data suggest a community-based intervention on a sensitive topic by family medicine residents can be implemented in middle schools, can improve school-girls’ knowledge about HPV and cervical cancer, and can reach their mothers. Additional research could examine whether those intending to be screened receive screening and how to reach women who still resist screening. Keywords: Early detection of cancer, Japan, Papillomavirus vaccines, Vaccination, Intervention Summary of implications of the research/article for practicing GP’s This research illustrates that a community-based interven- tion featuring a lecture by family physicians to middle school-girls, followed by a homework assignment for the girls and mothers, can increase knowledge about HPV * Correspondence: tomoko_itou@hotmail.com; remi.japan@gmail.com 1Shiga Center for Family Medicine, 1825 Yuge, Ryuo, Gamo District, Shiga Prefecture 520-2501, Japan 2Shizuoka Family Medicine Program, Shizuoka, Japan Full list of author information is available at the end of the article © 2014 Ito et al.; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. Commons Attribution License (http://creativec reproduction in any medium, provided the or Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.or unless otherwise stated. vaccination and cervical cancer screening. About two of five mothers in this rural area were not in compliance with cervical cancer screening. Reported barriers to screening included: embarrassment, poor access, fear of having cancer, and cervical cancer screening being an un- known procedure. While these girls and mothers under- stand that HPV infection can cause cancer, confusion persisted about whether all forms of HPV infection are linked to cervical cancer. The intervention did not in- crease substantively the number of mothers intending to be screened; this is likely due to high rates of intention to This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative ommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and iginal work is properly credited. The Creative Commons Public Domain g/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, mailto:tomoko_itou@hotmail.com mailto:remi.japan@gmail.com http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 2 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 be screened at baseline. As virtually all mothers consider physicians a trustworthy information source, physicians should actively encourage daughter and mother participa- tion in these preventive services. Introduction Cervical cancer is the second most common cancer among women between the ages of 20–49 in Japan [1]. Japan had a national cervical cancer screening program from 1982 to 1998 targeting women 40 years of age and older; however, this national program ended when the responsibility was transferred to local governments. The current cervical cancer screening recommendation in Japan is to screen women 20 years of age and older every two years [2]. Since 2009, the Japanese government has offered a free cervical cancer screening coupon to women at the ages of 20, 25, 30, 35, and 40 [3]. Despite these recommendations and incentives, Japan has the lowest rate of cervical cancer screening among devel- oped countries [4]. Despite an initial start with a compulsory vaccination pro- gram, Japan differs from other developed countries in the adoption of HPV vaccination. Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) vaccination has been shown to be effective for pre- venting cervical cancer and began in 2009 in Japan. A com- pulsory program to have HPV vaccinations began in Japan in April of 2013; however, case reports emerged suggesting severe side effects of HPV vaccine. Hence, the Japanese gov- ernment withdrew the compulsory program in June, 2013. The Japan Times [5] reported a total of 8.29 million people had received HPV vaccines through December 2012. Ac- cording to a Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (MHLW) panel, 1,925 cases of side effects were reported through the end of December 2012. In the MHLW report from July, 2014, the rate of very serious side effects per one Figure 1 Study design. million HPV inoculations included: anaphylaxis - one case, Guillan-Barre syndrome - 0.6 cases, acute disseminated en- cephalomyelitis (ADEM) - 0.4 cases, though the relationship between these symptoms and vaccination were not proven. In all, 20 cases per 1 million were rated as serious cases of pains or body convulsions, pains in joints or difficulty in walking [6]. This is less than the 26.0 serious cases per million inoculations of Japanese encephalitis vaccine [5]. With regard to the burden of cervical cancer in Japan, in a ten-year period, about 16,000-28,000 women per year are di- agnosed with cervical cancer and about 2,400-2,700 of them die as a result [7-9]. Educational efforts by health professionals have the po- tential to enhance knowledge among adolescents and adult women about cervical cancer, the purpose of screening, and the value of prevention through HPV vaccination [3,10]. Given their role in “womb-to-tomb” care, family physicians are well placed in the community for playing an influential role in promoting HPV vaccination and cervical cancer screening. The purpose of this research was to as- sess the feasibility of a family medicine resident-led, school- based educational intervention to increase knowledge of cervical cancer and the role of HPV vaccinations in middle school-girls while indirectly increasing knowledge and cer- vical cancer screening intentions in their mothers. Materials and methods Design, setting and participants We utilized a pre-test/post-test intervention design (Figure 1). The study took place in three middle schools in the rural town of Shizuoka Prefecture, Japan in April and May, 2013. Participants included first-year female middle school students (7th grade equivalent) from the three schools and their mothers. All female students and their mothers were eligible Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 3 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 for inclusion; there were no exclusion criteria. This project was approved by the Hamamatsu Medical School Institutional Review Board. Intervention The project involved a two-part intervention with both school-based and home-based components. The school- based component lasted approximately one hour, and was comprised of a 20-minute slide presentation by two female family physicians (TI and RT) about HPV and cervical cancer, and a 9-item worksheet filled out by middle school-girls during the presentation. It was car- ried out using an interactive-lecture format in a school classroom. The content was developed to address three fundamental topics: 1) the high prevalence and incidence of cervical cancer among young women, 2) cervical can- cer is preventable and 3) how to prevent cervical cancer. The school-based component was reviewed with teacher representatives of the three participating middle schools. Any content felt by the teachers to have sexual connota- tions was not acceptable and removed. The school teachers agreed to the final content. The home-based component centered on a required homework assign- ment in which the girls reviewed the worksheet they had completed with their mothers. Data collection Pre-/post-surveys about HPV and cervical cancer screen- ing were administered to assess knowledge of HPV and cervical cancer among the middle school-girls. The inves- tigators distributed the pre-intervention survey three days before the school-based exercise with the girls. The post- intervention survey was distributed after the school-based exercise taken by the girls, and the post-intervention sur- veys were collected within the following seven days. This survey was developed using questions from previ- ously published surveys [11-19] and included 9 true/false questions that required 5–10 minutes to complete. A similar instrument that differed by having more ques- tions was administered to the mothers that assessed knowledge, beliefs about HPV and cervical cancer, as well as future intentions to be screened for cervical can- cer. The instrument for mothers included 20 items. This survey involved true/false questions (including the same questions asked of the daughters), as well as additional questions that were specific to the mothers or deemed not appropriate for students by the school (ie., whether HPV is sexually transmitted, whether having the vaccine precludes the need for screening, and whether cervical cancer screening should be done regularly). Additional questions were posed to mothers using a four-point Likert scale addressing prevention of cervical cancer, their risks of cervical cancer for their daughters in the future, barriers to cervical cancer screening, trustworthy sources of information, and appropriate times to educate daughters about cervical cancer screening. This instru- ment required mothers about 15 to 20 minutes to complete. Mothers also completed five demographics items on age, highest educational level, personal and family experience with cervical cancer, and history of cervical cancer screening administered pre-intervention only. Both student and mother instruments targeted a 6th grade reading level. Data analysis Descriptive statistics were calculated for demographic var- iables filled out by the mothers at the baseline survey. The major outcomes included changes in student knowledge of HPV and cervical cancer pre- and post-intervention, mothers’ knowledge, attitudes and beliefs, mothers’ inten- tions to obtain cervical cancer screening, and differences between mothers compliant with cervical cancer screening recommendations and those not compliant. Sixty-three mothers completed both the pre- and post-intervention survey (Table 1). Two mother-daughter pairs did not an- swer any questions on the post questionnaire and were not included in the analyses. For some instruments, par- ticipants did not answer all questions. Such unanswered questions were treated as missing values and the results reported are based on valid responses, except as indicated below for the knowledge questions. Knowledge scores for students were computed by summing together the number of correct responses on seven applicable knowledge questions asked at both pre- and post-intervention. In cases where students missed answering a question (one case at pre- and one post- intervention), missing responses were treated as ‘incor- rect’ responses. Two questionnaires filled out by fathers were dropped from the analyses since the questions were designed for women. The two girls whose fathers had completed the parent survey were included in the ana- lysis of student scores. All 67 students had scores for the pre-survey and at post there were 65 valid scores (2 stu- dents did not complete any of the post questionnaire). Scores could range from 0 to 7 based on responses to the 7 knowledge questions. Average scores were com- pared for the 65 students who completed both surveys using a paired t-test. Mothers’ knowledge scores were computed by sum- ming together the number of correct responses on 14 applicable knowledge questions asked at both pre- and post-intervention. As with students, a missing response by any of the mothers when other questions had been answered was considered incorrect. Knowledge scores could range between 0 and 14. The item measuring intention to be screened in the future, “Do you intend to be screened for cervical cancer?” originally had Table 1 Mother demographics N = 63 Compliant (n = 39) Non-compliant (n = 25) Overall N (%) Age, p-value = 0.803 <=30 1 (2.6) 0 (0.0) 1 (1.6) 31-35 3 (7.9) 4 (16.0) 7 (11.1) 36-40 10 (26.3) 7 (28.0) 17 (27.0) 41-45 19 (50.0) 10 (40.0) 29 (46.0) > = 46 5 (13.2) 4 (16.0) 9 (14.3) Education, p value = 0.332 Junior High School 2 (5.3) 0 (0.0) 2 (3.2) High School 13 (34.2) 14 (56.0) 27 (42.9) College/Special School 19 (50.0) 9 (36.0) 28 (44.4) University 4 (10.5) 2 (8.0) 6 (9.5) Cervical Cancer History [n = 58], p value = 1.00 Herself 1 (2.9) 0 (0.0) 1 (1.7) Family/Relatives 1 (2.9) 0 (0.0) 1 (1.7) Friends 2 (5.7) 2 (8.7) 4 (6.9) None/Don’t Know 31 (88.6) 21 (91.3) 52 (89.7) Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 4 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 responses of “no,” “yes, in this year” and “yes, in 2–3 years.” This was dichotomized into “no” or “yes.” Regarding two change-in-beliefs questions asking about mothers’ trust of information from multiple sources and appropriate timing of education about cervical cancer education, the categories (strongly disagree, disagree, agree and strongly agree) were collapsed into two categor- ies (agree vs. disagree). The responses to these questions from mothers between pre- and post- were compared using the McNemar test. Results Demographics Sixty-five female 7th grade students completed the study and were either 12 or 13 years of age. Most mothers were over the age of 40 (60%) and all but 2 had graduated from high school. Regarding personal experience with cervical cancer, only one of the mothers had a personal history of cervical cancer, while five had a relative or friend who had had cervical cancer. At baseline 19 mothers reported that they had never been screened for cervical cancer, while an- other 6 indicated that they had not been screened in more than 3 years. Thus, 25 (40%) mothers were not compliant with screening recommendations at baseline. Regarding perception of their daughters’ vulnerability to getting cervical cancer in the future, 28 (44%) respondents agreed or strongly agreed that their daughters were vulnerable to future cervical cancer. There was no relationship between agreeing/disagreeing with this statement and maternal age, education, cervical cancer history or intention to be screened pre-intervention. Daughters’ and mothers’ knowledge about HPV and cervical cancer Figure 2 provides a comparison of student and mother knowledge scores. Average knowledge scores for students on a seven-point scale were significantly higher from before to after the intervention (4.8 vs. 5.9, p-value < 0.001). Simi- larly, average scores for mothers on a 14-point scale for the 63 mothers who completed both surveys were significantly higher from before to after the intervention (11.7 vs. 12.0, p-value = 0.024). The relationship between change in score for both mother and daughter was investigated by categorizing the change for both groups as increasing, staying the same or decreasing. Cross-tabulation was used to exam- ine the relationship between corresponding mother and daughter score changes. A chi-square test was not sig- nificant (Fisher’s Exact p-value = 0.664), indicating that a change in score for students from pre- to post- was in- dependent of change in score for mothers, i.e., increase in students’ knowledge scores doesn’t correspond to an increase in mothers’ knowledge scores. As shown in Table 2, responses to specific knowledge questions improved for most items; however, unexpect- edly, both student and mother understanding that all HPV infections do not lead to cervical cancer decreased. Otherwise, for students, increase in knowledge scores were seen on all other questions with greatest gains in understanding that HPV causes cervical cancer (44% improvement), cervical cancer is asymptomatic at an early stage (32% improvement), and cervical cancer is preventable (25% improvement). Mother knowledge scores were high at baseline, and increases in knowledge Figure 2 Comparison of student and mother knowledge scores pre- and post- intervention*. *Since students and mothers answered a different number of knowledge questions, student scores could range from 0 to 7, while mother scores could range from 0 to 14. Comparison on the same scale was made by dividing the score by the maximum possible (7 for students and 14 for mothers). Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 5 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 were modest, though a clinically notable difference was a 14 percentage point gain for understanding that safe sexual practices can prevent cancer. When comparing knowledge scores among mothers compliant with cervical cancer screening recommendations and among mothers not com- pliant, there were no significant differences. Table 2 Correct knowledge about HPV vaccine and cervical ca Cervical cancer is caused by HPV infection? Cervical cancer is genetic? All HPV infections lead to cervical cancer? Cervical cancer is decreasing in recent years? Cervical cancer is preventable? Cervical cancer is asymptomatic usually in early stage? Early detection of cervical cancer might save one’s life? HPV is sexually transmitted? If vaccinated, you don’t need to be screened? Screening test should be done regularly? HPV vaccination can prevent cervical cancer Safe sex (steady partner, use of condoms) can prevent cervical cancer Pap test can prevent cervical cancer Healthy lifestyle (ie., regular exercise, disciplined lifestyle, healthy diet) can pre NA = Not asked as deemed to be too sensitive and unacceptable by the local midd Mothers’ beliefs about barriers to cervical cancer screening Mothers also responded to questions about barriers to cer- vical cancer screening and prevention of cervical cancer. At the baseline assessment, many mothers identified barriers to cervical cancer screening including: embarrassment (79%), ncer responses of students and mothers Students, N = 65 Mothers, N = 63 Pre Post Pre Post 46% 100% 86% 97% 51% 63% 71% 81% 75% 49% 89% 76% 83% 92% 100% 98% 72% 97% 70% 78% 65% 97% 98% 98% 85% 92% 95% 97% NA NA 91% 97% NA NA 98% 97% NA NA 92% 95% NA NA 95% 95% NA NA 75% 89% NA NA 94% 95% vent cervical cancer NA NA 11% 11% le schools. Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 6 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 poor access (56%), fear of having cancer (52%), and cer- vical cancer screening being an unknown procedure (46%). Among mothers who were in compliance and mothers out of compliance with cervical cancer screen- ing recommendations, there were differences in their re- sponses on the importance of cervical cancer screening being an unknown procedure, with 72% of non- compliant mothers agreeing and only 29% of compliant mothers agreeing (p-value < 0.001). Mothers’ beliefs about trustworthy sources of information and timing of education about HPV and cervical cancer screening Mothers answered questions about sources of trusted infor- mation and beliefs about when it is appropriate to educate women at baseline assessment. Regarding sources of trusted information about cervical cancer, the percent indi- cating strong agreement or agreement for five sources was: doctors (97%), newspapers/television (89%), government (79%), the Internet (78%), and friends (62%). Mothers also were asked about the appropriate timing of education about cervical cancer, and at baseline, the percent indicating strong agreement or agreement for four sources was: begin- ning of junior high (83%), end of junior high (79%), high school (65%) and college or later (52%). When compared pre- and post- intervention using McNemar’s test, there were no differences for either trusted source of information or beliefs, an indication that the intervention did not have an effect on these factors. Impact of intervention on intention to receive cervical cancer screening among those not compliant with screening guidelines Twenty-five mothers (40%), including 19 who had reported no history of cervical cancer screening and six who reported no screening in over 3 years, were not in compliance with Japanese screening recommendations. In the subset of 23 mothers who answered both the pre- and post-intervention survey, five women who had not indicated an intention to be screened at baseline, changed and indicated intention to be screened after the intervention. A McNemar test indi- cated that the intervention did not significantly promote intention to receive cervical cancer screening on those out of compliance, though sample size is small so ability to make inferences is limited. A chi-squared test indicated a signifi- cant relationship with those who had been screened in the past being more likely to intend on being screened again (100.0% vs. 65.2%, p < 0.001). Discussion These data provide information about the nature of know- ledge about HPV vaccination and cervical cancer risk in one rural community. These findings illustrate that two out of five mothers in this rural area were not in compliance with cervical cancer screening. Identified barriers to screen- ing included: embarrassment, poor access, fear of having cancer, and cervical cancer screening being an unknown procedure. As previous screening predicts future intention to be screened, the women with greatest need are those who are not currently compliant. Close to half of mothers (44%) feel that their daughters are at risk for cervical cancer in the future. For their education, mothers identify as par- ticularly trusted sources of information their doctors and media/newspapers. Student and mother knowledge scores improved sig- nificantly from baseline to post-intervention, indicating that in the short term this school-based intervention was effective for promoting knowledge about HPV vac- cination and cervical cancer screening for 7th grade girls. The magnitude of improvement was much greater for the students than mothers, attributable to the high base- line knowledge scores. It was not possible to assess long- term knowledge retention, nor whether the intervention actually impacted the rate of HPV vaccinations among these middle school-girls, nor the rate of cervical cancer screening of their mothers. Despite high knowledge scores at baseline, 40% of the mothers were not in compliance with cervical cancer screening. This suggests that there are other factors be- sides knowledge that impact these women’s decision making about whether to receive cervical cancer screen- ing. Previous research suggests factors that may prove to be barriers to cervical cancer screening. Fetters et al. found that 12 of 19 Japanese women receiving care in a U.S. clinic approved of the U.S. style of the pelvic exam- ination and they valued such measures as using a private room, covering the perineum with a sheet and explain- ing the procedures being used [20]. This contrasts with the typical style of examination in Japan where a woman receives pelvic examinations lying on an examination table in a stall with a curtain placed at the waist for priv- acy even though her pelvis is exposed openly to staff [20]. In an opinion paper, Konno et al. mentioned that in order to make public health measures of cervical can- cer effective, education, environment and enforcement are very important, but that the Japanese cervical cancer screening environment gives the patients no control and often no privacy [3]. In related research from Taiwan, Wu found barriers to breast cancer screening to include: 1) excuses (no time, forgot, cumbersome and lazy), 2) no need for screening, 3) modesty, 4) discomfort, 5) logis- tics, 6) lack of information/knowledge, and 7) fear of finding cancer [11]. In their report about barriers to HPV vaccination in Asia Oceania, Garland et al. raise the barrier of reluctance to discuss issues around sex [11]. This barrier clearly applies in Japan where medical students have no routine exposure to discussions on sexuality. Few family medicine training programs in Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 7 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 Japan even offer women’s health training [21]. Few prac- ticing primary care physicians provide contraceptive or prenatal [22,23]. Reluctance to have screening may also reflect a sense of vulnerability, or unpleasant, negative experiences, e.g., discomfort, poor explanations in the past [3,20]. Future research should explore the potential barriers to, and benefits of, women seeking care for women’s health issues with family physicians. There are a number of limitations to this study. While the educational intervention content was appropriate for improving student knowledge, it may be insufficient for the educational needs of their mothers. While there was mean- ingful increase in the number of women who intended to be screened after the intervention, it is not clear whether the intervention was actually linked to the mothers’ inten- tions to be screened. A number of mothers reported they had never been screened for cervical cancer. As obtaining a Pap smear is routine practice with all pregnant women, it is likely that those reporting that they had never been screened were unaware of that they had been screened when pregnant with their daughters-interpreting them as non-compliant is still a reasonable position. Finally, the current survey was unable to discern reasons for why women continue to resist cervical cancer screening despite apparently having good knowledge about cervical cancer and HPV. Future research could explore such reasons with the aid of depth interviews of mothers and daughters from both the “changed-behavior group” and the “unchanged-be- havior group.” A follow-up survey will be needed to determine if intention to receive cervical cancer screening translates into care-seeking behavior. The current research suggests this relatively inexpensive, community-based intervention pro- vides a novel strategy for reaching individuals in the com- munity who are not necessarily accessing the health care system. If further research on actual behavior is positive, such community-based interventions could be used as a tool for increasing HPV vaccination and cervical cancer screening throughout Japan. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Authors’ contributions TI and RT contributed to design development, implementation of the intervention, data analysis and presentation, and authoring of the paper. KN contributed to design development, advising about the intervention, interpretation of the data and final editing of the paper. MP and AS contributed to the data analytics, interpretation, presentation, and authoring of the paper. BF and MF contributed to the design development, advising about the intervention, data analysis and presentation, and authoring of the paper. All authors reviewed and approved of the submitted manuscript. Acknowledgements We thank the students, parents and teachers of Morimachi town. We appreciate the helpful advice of Drs. John W. Creswell, Paryono Paryono, and Karl Rew. We also thank Kiyomi Ozawa of the Morimachi Educational Committee, Natsuko Morita and Sachiko Takeshita of the Shizuoka Family Medicine program, and Ayaka Yajima of the University of Michigan for their assistance. Author details 1Shiga Center for Family Medicine, 1825 Yuge, Ryuo, Gamo District, Shiga Prefecture 520-2501, Japan. 2Shizuoka Family Medicine Program, Shizuoka, Japan. 3Department of Obstetrics, Gynecology and Family Medicine, Hamamatsu University, School of Medicine, Hamamatsu, Shizuoka, Japan. 4Department of Family Medicine, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA. 5Department of Family Medicine and Community Health, Research Division, Rutgers Robert Wood Johnson Medical School, Piscataway, New Jersey, USA. 6Mori Machi Family Medicine Clinic, 387-1 Kusagaya, Mori, Shuchi District, Shizuoka Prefecture 437-0214, Japan. Received: 5 August 2014 Accepted: 29 October 2014 References 1. Matsuda A, Matsuda T, Shibata A, Katanoda K, Sobue T, Nishimoto H: Cancer incidence and incidence rates in Japan in 2007: a study of 21 population-based cancer registries for the monitoring of cancer incidence in Japan (MCIJ) project. Jpn J Clin Oncol 2013, 43:328–336. 2. Hamashima C, Aoki D, Miyagi E, Saito E, Nakayama T, Sagawa M, Saito H, Sobue T: Japanese guideline for cervical cancer screening. Jpn J Clin Oncol 2010, 40:485–502. 3. Konno R, Sagae S, Yoshikawa H, Basu PS, Hanley SJB, Tan JHJ, Shin H-R: Cervical cancer working group report. Jpn J Clin Oncol 2010, 40:i44–i50. 4. OECD Publications: OECH health data 2011. Paris: Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD); 2011. 5. HPV vaccine raises questions (Editorial): The Japan Times. 2013. June 14. 6. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare: HPV vaccination. 2013. http://www. mhlw.go.jp/bunya/kenkou/kekkaku-kansenshou28/pdf/tsuuchi_h26_07_ 16_1c.pdf. 7. Matsuda A, Matsuda T, Shibata A, Katanoda K, Sobue T, Nishimoto H: Cancer incidence and incidence rates in Japan in 2008: a study of 25 population-based cancer registries for the monitoring of cancer incidence in Japan (MCIJ) project. Jpn J Clin Oncol 2014, 44:388–396. 8. Center for Cancer Control and Information Services: Cancer mortality from Vital Statistics in Japan (1958–2012). National Cancer Center; 2014. 9. Center for Cancer Control and Information Services: National estimates of cancer incidence based on cancer registries in Japan (1975–2010). Japan: National Cancer Center; 2013. 10. Garland SM, Cuzick J, Domingo EJ, Goldie SJ, Kim YT, Konno R, Parkin DM, Qiao YL, Sankaranarayanan R, Stern PL, Tay SK, Bosch FX: Recommendations for cervical cancer prevention in Asia Pacific. Vaccine. 2008, 26(Suppl 12):M89–98. 11. Wu TY, Chung S, Yeh MC, Chang SC, Hsieh HF, Ha SJ: Understanding breast cancer screening practices in Taiwan: a country with universal health care. Asian Pac J Cancer Prev 2012, 13:4289–4294. 12. Gu C, Chan CW, He GP, Choi KC, Yang SB: Chinese women's motivation to receive future screening: the role of social-demographic factors, know- ledge and risk perception of cervical cancer. Eur J Oncol Nurs 2013, 17:154–161. 13. Luszczynska A, Goc G, Scholz U, Kowalska M, Knoll N: Enhancing intentions to attend cervical cancer screening with a stage-matched intervention. Br J Health Psychol. 2011, 16:33–46. 14. Laranjeira CA: Portuguese women's knowledge and health beliefs about cervical cancer and its screening. Soc Work Public Health. 2013, 28:150–157. 15. Kahn JA, Ding L, Huang B, Zimet GD, Rosenthal SL, Frazier AL: Mothers' intention for their daughters and themselves to receive the human papillomavirus vaccine: a national study of nurses. Pediatrics. 2009, 123:1439–1445. 16. Price RA: Knowledge and intention to participate in cervical cancer screening after the human papillomavirus vaccine. Vaccine. 2011, 29:4238–4243. 17. Wong LP: Knowledge and attitudes about HPV infection, HPV vaccination, and cervical cancer among rural Southeast Asian women. Int J Behav Med 2011, 18:105–111. 18. Black LL, Zimet GD, Short MB, Sturm L, Rosenthal SL: Litrature review of human papillomavirus vaccine acceptability among women over 26 years. Vaccine. 2009, 27:1668–1673. http://www.mhlw.go.jp/bunya/kenkou/kekkaku-kansenshou28/pdf/tsuuchi_h26_07_16_1c.pdf http://www.mhlw.go.jp/bunya/kenkou/kekkaku-kansenshou28/pdf/tsuuchi_h26_07_16_1c.pdf http://www.mhlw.go.jp/bunya/kenkou/kekkaku-kansenshou28/pdf/tsuuchi_h26_07_16_1c.pdf Ito et al. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014, 13:13 Page 8 of 8 http://www.apfmj.com/content/13/1/13 19. Marlow LA, Zimet GD, McCaffery KJ, Ostini R, Waller J: Knowledge of human papillomavirus (HPV) and HPV vaccination: an international comparison. Vaccine 2013, 31:763–769. 20. Fetters MD, Masuda Y, Sano K: Japanese women's perspectives on pelvic examinations in the United States. Looking behind a cultural curtain. J Reprod Med 2003, 48:194–200. 21. Fetters MD, Fujioka Y: なぜ、日本の家庭医学研修に婦人医療研修が含 まれるべきなのか? (Why women's health training is needed during family medicine residency training in Japan). Jpn J Fam Pract 2009, 15:44–51. 22. Kitamura K, Fetters MD, Ban N: Contraceptive care by family physicians and general practitioners in Japan: Attitudes and practices. Fam Med 2004, 36:279–283. 23. Kitamura K, Fetters MD, Ban N: Preconception care by family physicians and general practitioners in Japan. BMC Fam Pract 2005, 6:31. doi:10.1186/s12930-014-0013-0 Cite this article as: Ito et al.: A community-based intervention in middle schools to improve HPV vaccination and cervical cancer screening in Japan. Asia Pacific Family Medicine 2014 13:13. Submit your next manuscript to BioMed Central and take full advantage of: • Convenient online submission • Thorough peer review • No space constraints or color figure charges • Immediate publication on acceptance • Inclusion in PubMed, CAS, Scopus and Google Scholar • Research which is freely available for redistribution Submit your manuscript at www.biomedcentral.com/submit Abstract Aim Methods Results Conclusions Summary of implications of the research/article for practicing GP’s Introduction Materials and methods Design, setting and participants Intervention Data collection Data analysis Results Demographics Daughters’ and mothers’ knowledge about HPV and cervical cancer Mothers’ beliefs about barriers to cervical cancer screening Mothers’ beliefs about trustworthy sources of information and timing of education about HPV and cervical cancer screening Impact of intervention on intention to receive cervical cancer screening among those not compliant with screening guidelines Discussion Competing interests Authors’ contributions Acknowledgements Author details References 
work_6pbqkuxuavhsjcc4ncg6kqk53m	----	Benjamin Franklin, F. R. S., Sir Joshua Reynolds, F. R. S., P. R. A., Benjamin West, P. R. A. and the invention of bifocals | Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London Login to your account Email Password Forgot password? Keep me logged in New User Institutional Login Change Password Old Password New Password Too Short Weak Medium Strong Very Strong Too Long Congrats! Your password has been changed Create a new account Email Returning user Can't sign in? Forgot your password? Enter your email address below and we will send you the reset instructions Email Cancel If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to reset your password. Close Request Username Can't sign in? Forgot your username? Enter your email address below and we will send you your username Email Close If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username Cookies Notification This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Find out more. × brought to you byCarnegie Mellon University Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome All Journals Biographical Memoirs Biology Letters Interface Interface Focus Notes and Records Open Biology Philosophical Transactions A Philosophical Transactions B Proceedings A Proceedings B Royal Society Open Science Brought to you by Carnegie Mellon University Sign in 0 Cart Search Anywhere This Journal Quick Search anywhereEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Quick Search in JournalsEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Advanced Search Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome Home Content Published ahead of print Latest issue All content Subject collections Blog posts Information for Authors Guest organizers Reviewers Readers Institutions About us About the journal Editorial board Author benefits Policies Journal metrics Open access Sign up Purchase eTOC alerts RSS feeds Newsletters Request a free trial Submit Restricted access MoreSections Get Access Get Access Tools Add to favorites Download Citations Track Citations Share Share on Facebook Twitter Linked In Reddit Email Cite this article Levene John R. 1972Benjamin Franklin, F. R. S., Sir Joshua Reynolds, F. R. S., P. R. A., Benjamin West, P. R. A. and the invention of bifocalsNotes Rec. R. Soc. Lond.27141–163http://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1972.0015 Section Restricted accessArticle Benjamin Franklin, F. R. S., Sir Joshua Reynolds, F. R. S., P. R. A., Benjamin West, P. R. A. and the invention of bifocals John R. Levene Google Scholar Find this author on PubMed Search for more papers by this author John R. Levene Google Scholar Find this author on PubMed Search for more papers by this author Published:01 August 1972https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1972.0015 Abstract For nearly two centuries now, the invention of bifocal spectacles has been almost exclusively attributed to Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790). Pieces of evidence exist, however, that make such sole attribution for such a simple, yet so important, an invention, questionable or even improbable. The aim of this paper is to review the evidence and to examine the principal roles, interrelationships and influences, of three persons involved in the early history of bifocals, namely Benjamin Franklin, and two famous artists, Sir Joshua Reynolds and Benjamin West. Footnotes This text was harvested from a scanned image of the original document using optical character recognition (OCR) software. As such, it may contain errors. 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Keep me logged in Institutional login Purchase Save for later Item saved, go to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old $22.00 Add to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old Checkout Restore content access Figures Related References Details 31 August 1972 Volume 27Issue 1 Article Information DOI:https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1972.0015 PubMed:11615544 Published by:Royal Society History: Published online01/01/1997 Published in print01/08/1972 Copyright and usage: Scanned images copyright © 2017, Royal Society Statistics from Altmetric Close Figure Viewer Browse All FiguresReturn to FigureChange zoom levelZoom inZoom out Previous FigureNext Figure Caption NOTES AND RECORDS About this journal Contact information Purchasing information Submit Author benefits Open access membership Recommend to your library Help Author benefits Purchasing information Submit Open access membership Recommend to your library Contact information Help ROYAL SOCIETY PUBLISHING Our journals Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies Our journals Historical context Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies THE ROYAL SOCIETY About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire Back to top Copyright © 2021 The Royal Society 
work_6wh7mm5n6vbofmobyaq4uvv2my	----	PII: 0042-6989(95)90020-9 RETINAL, DETACHMENT SURGERY 1121 1123 ll22 ANATOMICAL AND FUNCTIONAL OUTCOME IN RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATED BY ADVANCED PROLIFERATIVE VITREORETINOPATHY IN CHILDHOOD A. KARILA, B. MASHHOUR, D. CHAUVAUD, Y. POULIQUEN Department of Ophthalmology, H&pita1 H&l-Dieu de Paris, France. eurpaSe To analyse anatomical and functional results of retinal detachment swery in cases complicated by proliferative vitreoretinopatby in childhood. M&Q& Thirty six consecutive cases of retinal detachment complicated by PVR stages Cl and more in childhood were analysed retrospectively. All the cases associated scleral buckling, pars plana vitrectomy, complete membrane peeling, injection of liquid perflomcarbon (LPFC), endophotocoagulation, and internal tamponade. In selected cases lensectomy and/or relaxing retinotomy were requiered. &J&S Predominant etitogies were blunt trauma and high myopia. Anatomical swxs was obtained with one operation in 7 cases, and 2 OI more operations in 14 cases. Final visual acuity was <O.l, O.l-0.4 and 0.4 or more in 23, 10 and 3 cases respectively. Conelusion Complicated retinal detachment in childhood represents a high proportion of overall RD in childhood and could be treated wing agressive vitreoretinal procedures with comparative visual outcome to RD’s in adult. REOPERATIONS FOLLOWING VITRECTOMY FOR DIABETIC RETINOPATHY Helbig H. Kellner U. Bornfeld N. and Foerster M. H. Department of Ophthalmology, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University of Berlin (Germany) Purpose: The assess risk factors and visual outcome of reoperations after vitrectomy for diabetic retinopathy. Methods: The charts of 327 consecutive patients (412 eyes) operated by the authors in the last 4 years for complications of diabetic retinopathy were retrospectively reviewed. Preoperatively the retina was flat in 171 eyes, in 239 eyes it was detached. Mean follow up was 16 months. Basulls; 114 eyes required vitreoretinal reoperations. 46 for recurrent vitreous hemorrhaae. 46 for retinal detachment and 20 for removal of silicone. In 34 eyed a third operation, in 11 eyes a 4th, in 5 eyes a 5th, and in 2 eyes 6 operations were necessary. Visual prognosis after reoperation for vitreous hemorrhage was good, while after reoperation for retinal detachment funtional results were guarded. Risk factors for detachment were iatrogenic retinal breaks and lack of endoohotocoaaulation. With increasina number of reooerations visual progbosis bec”ame worse. but even-after 5 operations ambulatory vision was preserved in some cases. Cataract surgery was performed in 54 out of 306 phacic eyes. No severe complications were seen after cataract surgery. Conclusions: With current indications for vitreoretinal surgery in diabetic retinopathy reoperations are necessary in a considerable proportion of cases. Although visual prognosis is guarded after reoperations for retinal detachment, ambulatory vision can be preserved in many cases even after repeated reoperations. Cataract surgery can be safely performed after vitrectomy in diabetic patients. 1X24 RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATING RECURRENT OCULAR TOXOPLASMOSIS FERON EJ". MRRTENS DAE'. VAN MEURS JC'. SAARSMA GS'. SUTTORP MSA’. ROTHOVA A=. ’ The Rotterdam Eye Hospital, Rotterdam $Netherlands) . The Netherlands Ophthalmic Research Institute, Amsterdam (Netherlands). ’ The University Hospital of Utrecht, Utrecht (Netherlands) . Purpose Recurrent ocular toxoplasmosis is an important cause of blindness throughout the world. Permanent loss of vision can either be the result of direct involvement of the macula or optic nerve in the inflammation, or can he related to well-recosnized conmlications such es macular oedema, scbretinal neovascularisation, retinal or choroidal vascular occlusion. Relativelv little is known about the incidence and prognosis-of retinal detachment es a complication of the disease. Methods We have performed a retrospective study of 15 immmocompetent patients with ocular toxo- plasmosis, complicated by retinal detachment either at an active or inactive stage of the disease. Results The retinal detachments associated with ocular toxoplasmosis were either rhegmatogenous (8 patients), tractional (2 patients) or combined rhegmatogenous/tracticnal (5 patients). A high frequency of complications was observed: proliferative vitreoretinopathy (5 patients), macular oucker I2 oatients~. aiant retinal tear (1 patie‘nt). * " - Conclusipne The complexity and the high complication rate of the retinal detachments described in our series of ocular toxoplasmosis patients contrasts with previous reports in the ;iterature. s53 
work_73nhvbwbmvakliekvks5wk24em	----	XC. An account of a remarkable monument found near Ashford in Derbyshire: In a letter from the Reverend Mr. Evatt, of Ashford, to Mr. Whitehurst, of Derby. Communicated by Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S [ 544 j XC. A n Account o f a remarkable Monument fo u n d near AfMord Derbyfliire : a L e tte r fr o m the R everend M r . Evatt, o f Afhfbrd, to M r.. Whitehurft, o f Derby. Communicated hy Benjamin Franklin,, L L . D . F. R. S. Dear Sir, Afhford, October 5, 1761. Read May 13, r | 1 H E following is the beft account I J [ am able to give you o f the curiofity X told you of, difcovered fome time ago in our neighs Bourhood 3 to which I have added, an im p erfed drawing, that, I hope, will, notwithftanding, give you a tolerable idea of it. In the year 1759, as fome people were making a turnpike-road through the village of W ardlow, near this place, they thought proper to take out of an adjoining field, a heap of ftone, that had lain there time im m em o­ rial, and without any tradition, that I could find, w hy it was thrown together in that place, although it was manifeft it was a work o f art. Here, to their great furprize, upon removing the ftone, they found a m o­ nument, to the memory o f feventeen perfons, or more, who had been there interred, in the manner exprefied in the drawing annexed. [Vide Tab. X V .] T h e bodies appeared to have been laid upon the lurface of the ground, upon long flat ftones, and their heads and breads proteded from the incum bent weight of ftone, by fmall walls made round them , with a flat ftone over the top, as I have endeavoured 1 to D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 iPhilos. jrans. VoZ. XU. TAB. JOT/?.54 4 'rrz/nm w. ' A U k 6. a . t^ //ie ^(w n w m o n tT (z^wu/ 7 &. c ̂ <//A£ '/ẑ k or 07i£A atoont //to-Aazn£y wnr/ t/ut/Zoe a / / / / / si/wat w partly Zorî ô is/n /i^orej? . /;. f JAe //zi -̂e JtkaX rdtrnrJ zyi#n w/ftrA./Zie' 0 0 /^A were Aiu/a. & ZA%At̂ orfam- ojf//is. ( 3 / r v / & w /u/ ^ zoou warifizi^/o zna& zt cornel Jet®? S . t j / i e j ^ r e s it / / i o n A n o w m a z/s/ /Zwn/i^uAe/?. o . ̂ tJAe/ 6iats /Zero 'w/nc/r t/ie dZtones, won () /C S s iai/T D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5+5 ] to exprefs in the figures, excepting the two capital ones, m arked a, a, w hich were walled up, and co­ vered from head to foot, in the form o f a long cheft, w ith a Hone cover over each. Upon removing the rubbilh, many bones, fuch as jaw-bones, teeth, and the like, were found unde­ cayed; but none at all o f the larger bones o f the body, that I could learn. T h e heap o f flones, that covered them , was 32 yards in diameter, and about five feet h ig h ; and the (tones, o f which the coffins, or tombs, were compofed, appear, very plainly, to have been taken from a (tone quarry, above a quarter o f a mile diltant. In the drawing, you fee a part o f the circle is vacant; but it is probable it was not fo, as there were found feveral bones and teeth in that (pace; _ the caufe m ight be, that as part lay next the road, it m ight have m et w ith an accidental di- ltu rb a n c e ; or, what is yet m ore likely, the people that came to lead the (lone away, beginning on that ide of it, destroyed that part, before they were aware that it was any-ways remarkable, or worthy note. T h e re is one circumftance, that feems to denote the m onum ent to have been rather m o d e rn ; which is this. I t appears, from the beft obfervations I could m ake, that the wall, marked 4, was eroded before th e m onum ent was made, as I think it hardly pro­ bable, that the perfons, w ho built it, would be at th e trouble to remove that part o f the circle, that was w ithout, for the fake of building a field-wall, entirely level; w hich is die cafe, for all that portion o f the circle, frotti the infide o f the wall, was as level as any other part o f the field : and as walls, I appre­ hend, are not o f very antient date here, ( if the above ' 4 ^ 2 |)g D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 546 ] be a fa d ) I cannot help concluding, that the monu­ m ent mu ft have been eredted in fome or other o f the wars of the houfes o f York and Lancafter, or later. But this is only conje&ure, and muft be fubmitted to the judgm ent of the more curious, or thofe who may have heard of, or leen, fome fimilar ones ; for my part, in my reading, I have not met with any thing at all like it. T h e feveral coffins were about two feet high each; the two complete ones about j .6 long each ; and the others had the flat ftone nearly the fame le n g th ; but the covering extended only as far as the breaft. T hefe are all the particulars I am now able to give you, o f this remarkable m o n u m en t It is now to­ tally deftroyed. I f any of your friends, to w hom you may, poffibly, communicate this, could afcertain, in any meafure, the date of it, ftiould be extremely glad to hear it from you, as, I think, it would greatly affift me in tracing fome other remarkable curiofities in our neighbourhood, by way of preparation for a natural hiftory of this part o f our county. * I am, Dear Sir, Your fincere friend, and hum ble fervant, Samuel Evatt. X C I. Dejcriptio D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_75gvp6xiwjalbgi6p74k3xwlti	----	XLVIII. A letter of Mr. William Shervington to Benjamin Franklin, Esq; of Philadelphia, concerning the transit of Mercury over the sun, on the 6 of May 1753, as observed in the Island of Antigua: Communicated by Mr. Peter Collinson, F. R. S [ 3 * 8 ] X LVIII. A Letter of Mr. W illiam Sher- vington to Benjamin Franklin, Efq\ of Philadelphia, concerning the T ranut of Mercury over the Sun, on the 6 of May 1 7 5 3 , as obferved in the IJland of A nti­ gua : Communicated By Mr. Peter C ollin- fon, F. R. S. S I R , Aatigua, June 20,1753. Read Nov. /T R . Benjamin Mecom having re- ,753* 1V1 ceived half a dozen circulatory letters from you relating to Mercury’s tranfit over the fun the 6 o f laft May, he put them into m y hands. One would have fufficed for our ifland, as we are not overburthen’d with men, who have a tafte that way. Hereunder I fend you the refult o f my obfervation * thereof. Sunday, May 6, at 6h f yi", I obferved the weftern limb of Mercury to touch the weftern limb o f the fun ; and, at 10' 37", he touch’d the fame with his eaftern limb, and totally difappear’d. Lat. of the place 170 o' N . Lon. by eftimation i p 45' W . from London. This was taken by a Graham’s watch, and cor­ rected by two altitudes taken by a moft exquifite quadrant; viz. . At * D r. Charles R ofe, who was in Antigua at this tim e, fays, that thefe obfervations were taken by Capt. Richard T yrrel, o f the faid ifland, I D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 3*9 ] A t 6& j 8 ' 7m, I obferved the diftance o f the fun’a upper limb from the zenith = 7 2 0 21' j o 7. A nd, a tp h 3 lf I obferved the fame = 36° i f o". By the common procefs (which you may have, i f neceflary) I found the watch was o ° 4!' 28'" too fa ft* j therefore, h % F rom “ “ «*» 6 i o 37 T ak e — — — o 4 4 28 mmmmm+rnmmmm mmmmmmrn T rue appar*. tim e o fM ercs. exit here, 6 32 32 Pray impart your obfervation to Your Well-wifher, W illiam Shervington. ifland, and w ho is poflefled o f a valuable collection o f aftronomical inftrum ents, made by M r. Bird in the Strand, L ondon, and that M r. Shervington only was prefent. * M r. Shervington has taken the m ean o f thefe tw o altitudes from the error o f his watch 5 and there can be no doubt that his obfervation is a good on e, w h ich, compared w ith that made in Surry-ftreet by Mr. Short, p . 109, /. 1. & c . fixes the longitude o f the place o f his obfervation in Antigua 4 h 5 ' j o 7', or 6 l ° 3 0 " , w eft of St. Paul’s , London. XLIX . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_75gz6jwjfval3i7gkzfl6ycefi	----	Announcements ABC Fax + 41 61 306 12 34 E-Mail karger@karger. ch www.karger.com © 2001 S. Karger AG, Basel Accessible online at: www.karger.com/journals/pps International Conference on Psychiatry and Religion Psychological Aspects of Biblical Concepts and Persons Amsterdam, The Netherlands March 4–6, 2002 Secretariat: Leids Congress, Bureau BV PO Box 16065 NL–2301 GB Leiden, The Netherlands Fax +31 71 5128095 E-Mail info@leidscongresbureau.nl 24th European Conference on Psychosomatic Research Lisbon, June 19–22, 2002 The conference stands as a key point in the development of psy- chosomatic research throughout the world. There will be plenary lec- tures, symposia, free communications and poster presentations. Abstracts for symposia, communications and posters can be sub- mitted until December 31, 2001, also by electronic mail. Secretariat: MEMOTUR, Travessa da Memoria 913 P–1300-402 Lisboa (Portugal) Tel. +351 21 364 4091, Fax +351 21 364 3525 www.memotur.em.pt 3rd European Conference on Psychotherapy (Association of European Psychiatrists) Heidelberg, Germany, May 29–June 1, 2003 Main topics: Neurobiological Principles Revelant to Psycho- therapy, Novel Psychotherapy Techniques, Non verbal therapies. Secretariat: AKM Congress Service GmbH, Haupstr. 18 D–79576 Weil am Rhein, Germany Tel. +49 7621 9833 0 Fax +49 7621 7871 www.akm.ch/aep2003 17th World Congress on Psychosomatic Medicine (International College of Psychosomatic Medicine) Waikoloa, Hawaii, USA August 23–28, 2003 Secretariat: Queen’s Office of CME Harkness 117 1301 Punchbowl St Honolulu, Hawaii 96813, USA Tel. +1 808 537 7009 Fax +1 808 547 4031 www.icpm.org 25th European Conference on Psychosomatic Research Berlin, Germany, June 24–27, 2004 Secretariat: Prof. H.C. Deter Universitätsklinikum Benjamin Franklin Abteilung für Psychosomatik und Psychotherapie Hindenburgdamm 30, D–12200 Berlin, Germany Tel. +49 30 84453996 Fax +49 30 84454590 
work_77hxgh6zk5gpzcibdot37oumty	----	dre3997158_15_Heuser 23..24 Neuroprotektive Ansätze bei der antidepressiven Behandlung Die Unipolare Depression ist mit einer Prä- valenz von 8,1% und einer Lebenszeitprä- valenz von über 10% in Deutschland eine der häufigsten psychischen Erkrankungen [1]. Trotz effektiver medikamentöser und nicht-medikamentöser Therapieoptionen führt die Standardtherapie bei gut einem Drittel aller Patienten nicht zum ge- wünschten Erfolg; dies gilt gleichermaßen für pharmako- wie psychotherapeutische und deren Kombinationsstrategien [2]. Diese als „therapierefraktär“ bezeichnete Gruppe zeichnet sich durch eine nach mindestens zwei konventionellen Behand- lungsversuchen persistierende, klinisch re- levante Symptomatik aus. Hierbei gilt, dass eine Residualsymptomatik, d.h. feh- lende vollständige Remission, mit einer deutlich schlechteren Prognose hinsicht- lich Rückfallrisiko, somatischen Sympto- men und einer langfristigen sozioökono- mischen Beeinträchtigung einhergeht [3]. Auch stellen depressive Episoden einen Risikofaktor für spätere demenzielle und/ oder Herzkreislauferkrankungen wie KHK, Herzinfarkt, ischämischen Hirninsult sowie für das Metabolische Syndrom dar [4]. Interessanterweise zeichnet sich die thera- pierefraktäre Depression (TRD) durch spe- zifische pathophysiologische Aspekte aus. Die bei Depressionen häufig leicht erhöh- ten Konzentrationen peripherer pro-in- flammatorischer Marker wie z.B. CRP, TNF-α, MIF oder IL-6 zeigen sich bei der TRD in besonderem Maße erhöht, sodass für die TRD eine inflammatorische Patho- genese naheliegt [5–9]. Auch sind erhöh- te Entzündungswerte ein Prädiktor für die antidepressive Wirksamkeit einer experi- mentellen antientzündlichen Behandlung [10]. Auf zellulärer Ebene wird hier eine chronische Aktivierung der hirneigenen Makrophagen (Mikroglia) angenommen [11]. Diese führt zu veränderter lokaler Homöostase von Neurotransmittern und endogenen neuroprotektiven Molekülen. So resultiert eine entzündliche Aktivierung der Mikroglia einerseits in einem verstärk- ten Abbau des Serotonin-Vorläufers Tryp- tophan mit gesteigerter Synthese neuro- toxischer Nebenprodukte [12]. Anderer- seits führt eine chronische Aktivierung von Mikroglia zu einer lokalen Reduktion von lokal synthetisierten, neuroprotektiv und anti-inflammatorisch wirksamen Vita- min-A-Derivaten (Retinoiden) [13]. So- wohl Entzündungsreaktion als auch die hiermit in Verbindung stehende gestörte Retinoidhomöostase kommen zum Teil als Mechanismen der TRD in Betracht. Hier setzen innovative, anti-inflammato- rische und neuroprotektive Therapieoptio- nen an, um den Behandlungserfolg in die- ser Zielgruppe zu verbessern. Eine besonders vielversprechende Sub- stanz ist das bereits in dermatologischer Indikation lang etablierte und gut verträg- liche ZNS-gängige Antibiotikum Minocy- clin. Minocyclin, aus der Klasse der Tetra- zykline, ist seit langem bekannt für seine pleiotrope Wirkung in der Therapie ent- zündlicher Akne. Weitere pleiotrope Wir- kungsweisen beinhalten neuroprotektive und anti-inflammatorische Effekte im Ge- hirn [14]. Tierexperimentell vielfach belegt kann Minocyclin mittlerweile als „Pro- totyphemmstoff“ der Mikrogliaaktivierung bezeichnet werden [15]. In eigenen präkli- nischen Arbeiten konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass Minocyclin seine neuropro- tektiven und anti-inflammatorischen Ei- genschaften sowohl in der Haut als auch im Hirn über eine direkte Augmentation lokaler Retinoidwirkung vermittelt [16, 17]. Mit der gezielten Hemmung einer Mikro- gliaaktivierung und der Wiederherstellung einer gestörten Retinoidhomöostase hat Minocyclin somit das Potenzial eines ech- ten „Disease Modifyers“ in der Therapie der TRD. Auch das mittlerweile vermehrt in antidepressiver Indikation eingesetzte Ketamin, welches pharamakodynamisch einen Modulator am NMDA-Rezeptor dar- stellt, zeigt ebenfalls deutliche anti-inflam- matorische Eigenschaften [18]. Die zu- grundeliegenden Mechanismen, welche auch in vitro beschrieben sind [19], sind noch Gegenstand aktueller, auch eigener Forschungsvorhaben. Ob sich der vielversprechende Ansatz einer Minocyclinbehandlung bei therapierefrak- tärer Depression auch in der klinischen Praxis bewährt, wird derzeit in einer bun- desweiten Proof-of-Concept Studie unter- sucht [20]. Hier erhalten Patienten zusätz- lich zu ihrer konventionellen antidepressi- ven Medikation 200 mg Minocyclin oder Placebo über einen Zeitraum von 6 Wo- chen. Interessenkonflikte Folgende Firmen haben an der Klinik für Psy- chiatrie die Durchführung von klinische Stu- dien unterstützt: Axovant, Biogen, Genen- tech/Roche, Janssen/Johnson&Johnson, Lilly, Lundbeck, Probiodrug, TRX-Pharmaceuticals Autor Isabella Heuser Direktorin der Klinik für Psy- chiatrie an der Charité Univer- sitätsmedizin Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin Korrespondenzadresse Prof. Dr. Isabella Heuser Direktorin der Klinik und Hochschulambu- lanz für Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie Charité-Campus Benjamin Franklin Hindenburgdamm 30 12203 Berlin isabella.heuser@charite.de Literatur [1] Busch MA et al. [Prevalence of depressive symptoms and diagnosed depression among adults in Germany: results of the German Health Interview and Examination Survey for Adults (DEGS1)]. Bundesgesundheitsblatt Gesundheitsforschung Gesundheitsschutz 2013; 56: 733–739 [2] Rush AJ et al. Acute and longer-term out- comes in depressed outpatients requiring one or several treatment steps: a STAR*D re- port. Am J Psychiatry 2006; 163: 1905–1917 [3] Fava M. Diagnosis and definition of treat- ment-resistant depression. Biological Psy- chiatry 2003; 53: 649–659 [4] Cherbuin N, Kim S, Anstey KJ. Dementia risk estimates associated with measures of de- pression: a systematic review and meta-anal- ysis. BMJ Open 2015; 5: e008853 [5] Miller AH, Maletic V, Raison CL. Inflamma- tion and its discontents: the role of cytokines S23Heuser I. Neuroprotektive Ansätze bei… Drug Res 2017; 67: S23–S24 Symposium der Paul-Martini-Stiftung H e ru n te rg e la d e n v o n : C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . U rh e b e rr e ch tli ch g e sc h ü tz t. in the pathophysiology of major depression. Biol Psychiatry 2009; 65: 732–741 [6] Raison CL, Capuron L, Miller AH. Cytokines sing the blues: inflammation and the patho- genesis of depression. Trends Immunol 2006; 27: 24–31 [7] Howren MB, Lamkin DM, Suls J. Associations of depression with C-reactive protein, IL‑1, and IL‑6: a meta-analysis. Psychosom Med 2009; 71: 171–186 [8] Lanquillon S et al. Cytokine production and treatment response in major depressive dis- order. Neuropsychopharmacology 2000; 22: 370–379 [9] Uher R et al. An inflammatory biomarker as a differential predictor of outcome of depres- sion treatment with escitalopram and nor- triptyline. Am J Psychiatry 2014; 171: 1278– 1286 [10] Raison CL et al. A randomized controlled trial of the tumor necrosis factor antagonist in- fliximab for treatment-resistant depression: the role of baseline inflammatory biomark- ers. JAMA Psychiatry 2013; 70: 31–41 [11] Setiawan E et al. Role of translocator protein density, a marker of neuroinflammation, in the brain during major depressive episodes. JAMA Psychiatry 2015; 72: 268–275 [12] Hochstrasser T et al. Inflammatory stimuli reduce survival of serotonergic neurons and induce neuronal expression of indoleamine 2,3-dioxygenase in rat dorsal raphe nucleus organotypic brain slices. Neuroscience 2011; 184: 128–138 [13] Hellmann-Regen J et al. Accelerated degra- dation of retinoic acid by activated micro- glia. J Neuroimmunol 2013; 256: 1–6 [14] Garner SE et al. Minocycline for acne vulga- ris: efficacy and safety. Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2000; 2: CD002086 [15] Yrjanheikki J et al. A tetracycline derivative, minocycline, reduces inflammation and pro- tects against focal cerebral ischemia with a wide therapeutic window. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A 1999; 96: 13496–13500 [16] Regen F et al. Inhibition of brain retinoic acid catabolism: a mechanism for minocyclineʼs pleiotropic actions? World J Biol Psychiatry 2016; 17: 634–640 [17] Regen, F et al. Inhibition of retinoic acid catabolism by minocycline: evidence for a novel mode of action? Exp Dermatol 2015; 24: 473–476 [18] Loix S, De Kock M, Henin P. The anti-inflam- matory effects of ketamine: state of the art. Acta Anaesthesiol Belg 2011; 62: 47–58 [19] Kawasaki T et al. Ketamine suppresses pro- inflammatory cytokine production in human whole blood in vitro. Anesth Analg 1999; 89: 665–669 [20] Clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT02456948 S24 Heuser I. Neuroprotektive Ansätze bei… Drug Res 2017; 67: S23–S24 Symposium der Paul-Martini-Stiftung H e ru n te rg e la d e n v o n : C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . U rh e b e rr e ch tli ch g e sc h ü tz t. 
work_7jyhbpzz5rdwbnlzllduy2ul7i	----	Analysis of phase and envelope of high frequency components in the magnetocardiogram to identify high risk patients JACC February 1996 ABSTRACTS- Poster 373A Insufficiently reflect the complete verddcular mass electrically activated. The a~Jptication of electrical presordial mapping is time consuming, and may not detect the Information content as recorded by magnetocardicgrap~. Magne- tocardingraphio precordial mapping (MCG) with synchroneous recording of 49 channels using SQUID sensors ~ performed in a magnatfcatiy shielded room (background noise < 5 fTIv'Hz) in normal parsons (norm), in post- myocardial infarction patients (post-MI pts) and in patients prone to sus- tained veofdcular tacbycardia (VT-pts). Visual or automatic definition of the T-wave's end in single channels was unreliable with or without filtering due to the high sensitivity of the recording. Thus, the dispersion was dotermined by analysing the synchronlclty of the end of T-wave: the ampl~rdas of all tracings were normatized, summed up and filtered. The Ql"-disporsion was quantltied in this sum crave as the negative slope of the end of the T-weve, indicating a non-homoganslty of cardiac repelarizatfon. Resu~: Group. N Downslope of MCG.T.wave map Norm 25 -2.8:~ 1.3 Post-MI-pts 30 -1.7:1:0.0 VT-pts 12 -1.2:E0.9 slgnllk:anoe: norm vs post-Ml: p = 0.002, norm vs V'l'-pts: p - 0.004, post-MI ~ VT-pts: p ,, 0.05 Thus, the inhomngenezty in repolarization in the 49-channel presordial magnatsoardiograpbic mapping is indicated by a slow downslopo of the end of the combined T-w~ve in VT-patients. This dewnsfope is intermediate in post-MJ-patlents without anl"=ythmias and steep in normals. ~ A n a l y s i s o f P h a s e a n d E n v e l o p e o f High Frequency Components In the M a g n e t o c a r d i o g r a m t o I d e n t i f y H i g h R i s k Patients Michael Oeff, Alfred Unkl, Peter Endt, Lutz Trahms I Cardiopulmon. Dept., Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Fmie Unfversft~t Berlfn; I Physikalisch-Technische Bundasanstalt Berlin, FR Germany Low amplitude fragmented catdias signals am usutiay not detectable within the QRS complex due to inadequate filtering; variable signals are eliminated by the signal averaging technique. To investigate if low amplitude cardiac signals within the QRS complex different from background noise character- ize patients (pts) w~th high risk of malignant tachyarrhythmias, single-beat high resolution rnegnofocardicgraphic recordings (MCG) of 16 normal per- sons (NORM) and 12 patients mit ventricular tachyan'nythmlas (VTVF) were investigated. Multichannsi MCG was recorded in a highly shielded room with a baskgmund noise of < 5 tT/~'R"z. Complex binomial bandpass filtering (70-100 Hz) was applied to preserve fragmented activity dudng ventdcular activation (i.e. within the QRS). Unpredictable (Pv) and periodic changes (Pc) of the low amplitude fragmented signals within QRS were calculated by analysis of phase and envelope of these signals (representing combined time and frequency analysis) and graphically displayed. Results: Presentation of Pv and Pc of cardiac low amplitude signals in consecutive alngle-beat analysis. Identification of periodic, however variable micropotentials within and efter the QRS complex, differentiating NORM from VTVF (N: normal pemons, +: VTVF persons). O,I; 0 . 5 0.4 I .3 P " 0 , : 0.1 O,O 4- 4- 4--I- • .I. 4. t~4. % , ~ + , =.o ,.a ~o o.o zo.o u.o P c ~ Single-beat analysis of high resolution magnetocardicgram using binomial filtering and 2-dimensional spoctrofemperal analysis identified variable irreg- ular mlcropetantisls even with the QRS to identify patients with malignant tachyanythmlas. Non-l.nvasive Recording of the Arrhythmogenic ~ubslrats Within the O R S , Complex Using M a g n e t o c a r d i o g r a p h y Michael gall, Lutz Trahms f, Peter Endt, Heinz-Pater Schultheiss. Cardiopulmon. Dept., Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Freie Universit~t Berlin: 1 Physikalisch-Technisohe Bundesenstaft Berlin, FR Germany Electrical instability of the ventdcutar myocardium is characterized by frag- mented etectrograms during its aclJvation. Signal averaged ECG (SAECG) only detects "late potentials" longer than the QRS-complex. To investigate the clinical significance of pathologic activation within the total QRS com- plex, high-resolution magnetoeardiographic mapping was poffonned in 26 nomnal persons (NORM), 32 post-MI patieofs (33 ± 7 days after MI) wilhout symptomatic arrhythmias (aMl-pts), and in 24 pts with venfficular tachycardia (Vl"-pts). The magnetocardtOgTam (MCG) was recorded in a shielded room (multi-sensor SQUID-system, 37 channels, noise < 5 f l " l V ~ ) and analyzed using binomial non-recursive filtering providing a ,near phase response of the MCG. A scorn (FI) characterized the extent of the intraventrlcular frag- mentation. MCG results were compared to signal average ECG findings (SAECG). Results'. Group R (~r, it~ve SAECG NORM 2O ± 6 0/27 aMId31s 28 ~ 11 3/32 VT-pts 50+17 11/22 NORM vs aMh p = 0.002, NORM vs VTVF: p = 0,0001, aMIvs VTVF: p = 0.0001 Outing 1 -year-foflow-up of the post-MI pts, 2 pis having higher score values (34, 40, resp.) suffered from anbythmic events. Thus, high-resolution magnetocardiographic mapping with QRS analysis using new filtering techniques allowed idantifK:atJon of patients prone to malignant tachyarrhythmias and may reveal a prognostic relevance. Clinical S i g n f f i c a n c e o f V e n l d c u i e r L a t e P o t e n l i e l s i n I d i o p a t h i c Dilated C a r d i o m y o p a t h y - - A P r o s p e c t i v e S t u d y i n 120 Patlents Wolfram Grimm, Volker Menz, J0rgan Hoffmann, Ursula Knop, Jens Winzenburg, Bernhard Maisch. Phillips-University Marburg, Gen'nany Signal-avemgod ECG (SAECG) was performed in 120 patients with idio- pathic dil&'ed card~omyupatby (DCM, 50 -4- 12 years, EF 31 4- 11%). DCM was defined as cardiomegaly with left venMcular EF _< 50% in the absence of any comnery alenosis > 50% by angicgrapby, and no hiato~j of byperten- sign or valvular disease. All 120 study patients with DCM were prospectively followed beginning from the time of SAECG analysis until May 1995. Major arrhy~mic events during follow-up were defined as sustained VT or VF, or sudden cardiac death, i.e. death within 1 hour after the onset of symptoms or unwitnessed death. In patients without bundle branch block (n = 82), time domain analysis of the SAECG (Corezonles PREDICTOR) was used to detect late potentials. Late potentials were considered to be present if 1) QRS-duration was > 114 ms, and2) RMS 40 was < 20 p.V and/or LAS 40 was > 38ms a t 4 0 Hz filtering. In patients with bundle branch block (QRS > 110 ms; n = 38), speofrotemporal analysis of the SAB?J3 was performed automatically with the use of software (FFT-Plus, ART). Late potentials were considered to be present if a nsrmality factor of < 30% was derived from analysis of the x, y or z lead. Results: SAECG revealed ventdcular late potentials in 22 of 120 patients wit~ OCM (18%). Oudng 11:1:6 months follow-up, 14 of 120 study patients with DCM (12%) had a major arrhythmlc event as defined above. Major an'bythmic events did occur in 3 of 22 patie~s with late potentials (14%) and in 11 of 98 patian',s wiffmat late potentials (11%). Sensilk, ify, specifity, positive and negative predictive accuracy of late potentials for the occurrence of major arrhythmic events were 21%, 82%, 14% and 89% r e s p e ~ . Cono/usion: In this selected patient popula, on with idiopathic dilated car- diomyopethy, ventdcutar late potentials detected by SAECG have a low sensitivity and a low positive ~ accuracy for the ocourrence of major arrhythmic events during follow-up. 
work_7mh77h53tjgbhaa2qttsrrkmw4	----	Professor Dudley Brian Spalding, FRS, FREng It is with sadness that we report the death of Professor Brian Spalding FRS FREng after a short illness on 27th November 2016. Brian Spalding was born on 9th January 1923 in New Malden, England. He graduated with a BA and MA in Engineering Science at Oxford University in 1944 and after one year with Shell spent the year 1945-46 with the UK Rocket Propulsion Establishment in Germany near Braunschweig. In 1948 Brian accepted an ICI Fellowship at Cambridge University to study for a PhD, which he obtained in 1952. The subject of his thesis was the combustion of liquid fuels and this is where he developed his lifelong interests in fluid flow, combustion and heat and mass transfer. Brian Spalding joined the Department of Mechanical Engineering at Imperial College as a Reader in Heat Transfer in 1954, was promoted to Professor of Heat Transfer in 1958 and subsequently also became Head of the Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) Unit. He held both positions until his retirement in 1988. He became a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1983 and a Fellow of the Royal Academy of Engineering 1989. At various times, he has been visiting Professor at MIT, the University of California, Berkeley, and the University of Minnesota; in the late 1970's he was Reilly Professor of Combustion at Purdue University. Brian Spalding was a truly outstanding researcher and teacher who was widely recognised as being one of the leading authorities in his field and who made many important and innovative contributions in a broad range of subjects. His contributions to science and engineering were wide ranging and ground breaking. For example, his early research, circa 1950, led to a model for evaporating and burning liquid fuel droplets that is still used today. However, his greatest contributions were probably in the area of what is now termed Computational Fluid Dynamics, CFD. In the mid 1960’s Brian was amongst the very first to realise that the developing power of the ‘digital’ computer could be used to devise discrete methods for solving the partial differential conservation equations describing fluid motion, combustion and heat and mass transfer. Moreover, the solutions could take into account the myriad complexities of geometry and boundary conditions which would provide engineers with the means to analyse problems in detail far beyond the limited scope of analytical solutions. Brian and his group devised a suite of computer programs for solving, first the thin-shear-layer equations and then extended them to solve the equations describing recirculating flow, in both two and then three dimensions. Together with S Patankar the SIMPLE Brian and Colleen Spalding, Palermo, Sicily September 2016, courtesy of Valerie Kaufmann algorithm was devised to simultaneously determine the pressure and velocity fields. Brian Spalding and the Heat Transfer group revolutionised the analysis of fluids in motion through computer modelling and he initiated the application of CFD to problems of interest to engineers. He was one of the most influential persons in the development of CFD, which stimulated the parallel development of ‘mathematical models of turbulence’ and combustion. Indeed, most of today’s commercially available CFD software tools trace their origins to the work Brian Spalding and his group carried out in the decade spanning the mid-60s and mid-70s. In 1974 Brian Spalding founded Concentration Heat and Momentum Limited (CHAM), a world- leading consulting company, which specialised in computer simulation of fluid-flow and heat- transfer processes, with offices in more than 25 countries. CHAM’s clients continue to use Brian's pioneering software to obtain computer simulations of fluid flow. Brian was Chairman and Managing Director of CHAM and, until his death, he was actively engaged in devising models for combustion, heat and mass transfer and fluid flow and the development CFD software. Brian was a prolific contributor to education in terms of writing textbooks, organising short ‘post- experiences’ courses and delivering an inspirational MSc course. This attracted students from all over the world to a stimulating environment and led to many of these pursuing doctoral studies with him. Brian Spalding's awards include the Institution of Mechanical Engineers' James Clayton Prize, the American Society of Mechanical Engineers' and the American Institute Chemical Engineers' Max Jakob Memorial Award, the Institute Francais de l'Energie's Medaille d'Or, the Combustion Institute's Bernard Lewis Medal, The International Centre for Heat and Mass Transfer's Luikov Medal, the Global Energy International Prize and the Benjamin Franklin Medal (Franklin Institute). Brian is survived by his wife Colleen and two sons and a daughter. WPJ 9/01/2017 
work_7ocrg3va4rgsvdv2bkwlndsbdm	----	Gift from the American Philosophical Society 105 GIFT FROM TH E AM ERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY The President has suggested that the Fellows will be interested to read the correspondence that passed between the American Philosophical Society and the Royal Society concerning the recent gift to the Society o f the sum o f $10,000. The American Philosophical Society has set aside from its annual budget the sum o f $10,000 to be made available for the aid o f science and learning in Britain. The President o f the Society consulted the office o f the British Consulate General in Philadelphia and has just received a letter from the Acting Consul- General, a copy o f which is enclosed herewith. This indicates that the Royal Society under its Charter would use this gift for the promotion o f natural know­ ledge. Inasmuch as it was the desire o f the American Philosophical Society not only to aid the Royal Society but also to have it distribute part o f this sum to those institutions and agencies where it would be most needed, a question has arisen whether the Royal Society would undertake this service. In the hope that you may be willing to do this, we are this day cabling to the Royal Society a credit for $io,ooo, and we request you to distribute this money where it may be o f greatest service to science and learning in Britain. W e make this gift in filial regard for the Royal Society which was the model upon which Benjamin Franklin in 1743 founded ‘ The American Philosophical Society for Promoting Useful Knowledge in the British Plantations in America’ and as evidence o f the spirit o f friendship and common purpose among men o f science in both countries. W ith assurances o f high esteem we are with great respect, ( ) E d w i n G. C onklin, 21 March 1941. Executive Vice-President. The desire o f the American Philosophical Society, to help the men o f science in this country through the Royal Society, has been so urgent in its friendliness, that our correspondence concerning it has hitherto been conducted entirely by cable. You will already have learned that the cheque for the sum o f -£2,475 was duly received by the Royal Society on 26 March, only a fortnight after we first learned, through the Foreign Office, o f your Society’s most generous intention. In accordance with your cable indication that the news o f this fraternal gift would be made public in America on Sunday 30 March, I sent a statement in the form o f a letter to The Times newspaper, with a request for its publication on Monday 31 March. A copy has also been supplied as a basis for wider publication through official channels. In my letter to The Times I have mentioned the circumstances under which the offer was made and accepted, and have given for the information o f the readers a D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 io6 brief, but I hope not inaccurate account of the origin o f the American Philosophical Society, with special mention o f the fact that its founder, Benjamin Franklin, early created for it a close association with the Royal Society, through his election to our Fellowship. I have further made what acknowledgment the space permitted o f the peculiarly gracious character o f your Society’s action. You may be sure that it will be warmly welcomed by all men o f science in Britain, and that they will gladly recognize the fine spirit o f comradeship which inspired it. There has yet been no opportunity for a formal report o f the matter to the Council o f the Royal Society, but I am confident that your Members may be assured in advance, that there will be no difficulty in finding use for their gift, in the promotion o f such scientific activity in Britain as they had in mind. At the present time the scientific and technical activities of our country are, of necessity, predominantly employed in connexion with the nation’s needs for the conduct o f the war ; and it is heartening beyond measure to know that those o f the United States o f America will now be likewise engaged on behalf o f the same cause. We do not lose sight o f the fact, however, that victory will be barren unless it preserves for the world, restoring to the countries which have been brutally robbed o f it, the freedom o f thought and o f action required for the unhampered pursuit o f knowledge by research, for the benefit o f all mankind. This is, in effect, the purpose proudly declared by both our Societies. W e are aware that one o f the cares o f the Royal Society should be to keep alive, even under the stress o f our nation’s tremendous need and responsibility, a sufficient measure o f these normal and beneficient activities, to prepare for their full and rapid resumption when peace returns. Your Society’s generosity will therefore be welcomed by Britain’s men o f science, not only for the direct and intrinsic value o f the gift, but also, and even more, for the evidence which it brings o f the desire o f their American friends to help and to encourage them, even amid the proper and insistent claims o f a nation at war, to preserve the spirit and the aim of all true science. It cannot, I think, be doubted that this friendly and gracious action will stimulate, in the men o f science in both our countries, that spirit of co-operation in the furtherance o f common ideals, which means now so much for the future o f the world. I beg that you will kindly transmit to the members o f the American Philo­ sophical Society my heartfelt acknowledgment on behalf o f the Royal Society. (signed) H. H. D ale, 31 March 1941. President R.S. This generous gift was also the subject o f a speech delivered by D r Frank Aydelotte, Rector o f the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, New Jersey, on the occasion o f the Annual Meeting o f the American Philosophical Society on 26 April 1941. (See p. 107). D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_a3k6ufvrlbhthenntkhc7gstrq	----	LETTERS From the Editor: Slavic Review publishes letters to the editor with educational or re- search merit. Where the letter concerns a publication in Slavic Review, the author of the publication will be offered an opportunity to respond. Space limitations dictate that comment regarding a book review should be lim- ited to one paragraph; comment on an article should not exceed 750 to 1,000 words. The editor encourages writers to refrain from ad hominem discourse. D.P.K. To the Editor: I am pleased that Slavic Review has again (vol. 54, no. 4) reviewed my book The Slave Soul of Russia: Moral Masochism and the Cult of Suffering. However, Laura Engelstein has mis- attributed one of her quotations. It was the late Nicholas Vakar, not I, who said that "Rus- sian habits of obedience have been the cause, not the result, of political autocracy" (The Taproot of Soviet Society, 1961, 40). I made my source perfectly clear on page 2 of my book. Another misrepresentation is Engelstein's assertion that my book is "based on quota- tions from a smattering of oddly chosen literary works" (870). In fact my evidence in- cludes, in addition to literary works, Orthodox attitudes regarding the importance of smirenie, Russian proverbs such as "Derzhi golovu uklonnu, a serdtse pokorno," other kinds of folklore such as bridal laments and folktales about Ivan the Fool, Russian cultural prac- tices such as beating oneself with a birch switch in the hot bania, observations of many Russian philosophers from Petr Chaadaev to Nikolai Berdiaev on the prominent role of submissiveness among Russians, and key historical changes such as Petr Stolypin's reforms and the post-Soviet antimasochistic trend. Surely my evidence is not as narrow as Engel- stein suggests. It includes both of what she terms the "representational" and the "actual." Most unfortunate is Engelstein's assertion that Russian masochism, as I describe it, is an "allegedly pathological disposition" (870). On the contrary, I stated: "no claim is being made here about whether masochism is 'pathological'" (Slave Soul of Russia, 7). By assum- ing that psychoanalysts deal only with "pathological" matters in the clinical context, she is confusing what a psychiatrist does with what a psychoanalytic scholar of culture does. DANIEL RANCOUR-LAFERRIERE University of California, Davis Professor Engelstein does not wish to reply. To the Editor: Our reactions to William T. Lee's comments on our book, Soviet Defense Spending, A History of CIA Estimates, 1950-1990 (Slavic Review 58, no. 1), are best described by a quotation from Benjamin Franklin. In a letter written to his sister over 230 years ago, Mr. Franklin eloquently noted, "As to the Abuses I meet with . . . you must know I number them among my Honours. One cannot behave so as to obtain the Esteem of the Wise and Good, without drawing on one's self at the same time the Envy and Malice of the Foolish and Wicked, and the latter is a Testimony of the former" (Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., and Leo- nard W. Labaree, eds., Mr. Franklin, A Selection from His Personal Letters, 1956). Since he left the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) as a disgruntled employee about thirty years ago, Mr. Lee has had almost exclusively negative and harsh words for CIA analyses and analysts. His attack on our book sustains this record. We recommend that in order to obtain a more balanced perspective your readers should also consult the judgments of our book made Slavic Review 58, no. 3 (Fall 1999) 
work_a5jox2pbwfhzvpzjglixq55soq	----	272 Environmental Conservation iv) He/she should have a broad understanding of environmental processes and conservation, and therefore be able to draw on and develop the expertise of the team. The function of the TEC should involve performing such duties as: helping to appoint the team, liaising with head teachers and their staff, coordinating the relation- ship between teacher and CEA, acting as consultant/ adviser to the group, coordinating policy, communica- ting with and coordinating the local community, keeping abreast of topical issues and publications as well as local organizations etc., fund-raising (possibly!), and all the time training the team by developing skills, discussing ideas and problems, and encouraging initiative. An atti- tude of adventure should he encouraged throughout. Finance The plan is to set up a team of keen unemployed naturalists (teachers, graduates, and others) to work with the primary schools in the (human) catchment area of Langtree School (a comprehensive school at Wood- cote, Oxfordshire, England). The scheme will be rely- ing very heavily on the Manpower Services Com- mission (MSC), from whom we have obtained the support for six part-time places. A charitable Trust is, however, being established to cover administrative and supervisory expenses and to provide a cushion against any political or MSC changes, so that donations will always be welcome. STEPHEN R. HART Hammonds Farm, Checkendon Reading RG8 ONS, England, UK. Leaf from a Graduate Student's Paper: Our Message about The Biosphere Evidently Sinking In* I never really thought about The Biosphere until Polunin addressed our class. Though I had heard of The Biosphere before, I had never thought about how it encompasses our very life. I told some of my friends that we were drawing up some proposals about The Bios- phere and were possibly going to get them published in an internationally read environmental journal. They scoffed and asked how I could think that they could take us, a bunch of idealistic college students, seriously about something as important as The Biosphere. I did not ans- wer, but thought to myself about that Ben Franklin quote which was on the board the other day: 'They man who does things may make mistakes, but he never makes the biggest mistake of doing nothing.' I kept thinking that they can go on studying their eco- nomics, political science, and business law, but that they will have to make the decision of whether to act or not someday. Clearly, education will have to play a key role if we are to save The Biosphere. We must learn to get along with The Biosphere, for it is our environment, our air, and our life-blood. If we do not modernize and rethink our environmental policies soon, it may become too late. Teaching the responsibilities and consequences of human occupance of The Biosphere is analogous to teaching people about their own homes. If you do not maintain the condition of your home—its physical plant and family—it will soon start to degrade. Once degradation has started, new policies must be implemented quickly to stop failure of the structure of the house and its inhabiting family. A house is not a home without people living in it, just as The Biosphere is nothing without [plenty of] that indefinable thing we call life. I thought that point five of our propo- sal was very good: Upholding The Biosphere as sacred, as life itself is sacred, will serve to help Manking to save it. * Kindly communicated by Professor Henryk Skolimowski, whose submission with his students on 'The Biosphere as Seen by Students from Ann Arbor, Michigan', was published late last year (Environmental Conservation, 10(4), p. 356, 1983).—Ed. International Conservation Conventions: Are They Being Implemented? The undersigned and Laura H. Kosloff are currently conducting investigations into the implementation of international conservation conventions. The 'imple- mentation gap' is a well-recognized but inadequately studied phenomenon which seriously hampers conser- vation efforts. Information on whether, and if so how, international legal instruments for conservation are being implemented in individual countries has never, so far as we are aware, been collected or analyzed. The information or materials in which we are most interest- ed includes: —Copies or at least citations of any reports, memo- randa, or papers, discussing the implementation of CITES, World Heritage, Ramsar, Western Hemi- sphere, as well as other international conventions and agreements dealing with habitats, species, or genetic resources. (This information can be general or specific with respect to a particular country.) —Information on the specific national legislation implementing these conventions in individual countries, and on the legislation's strengths and weaknesses (in carrying out such implementation). —Personal and organizational views on the imple- mentation and effectiveness of particular conven- tions, their strengths and weaknesses, their particu- lar advantages and drawbacks, and the politics of their adoption and implementation. Any information which readers of Environmental Conservation may be able to provide will help us in understanding what is happening with the current body of international conventions, in what directions they can and should go in the future, and whether further conventions would be appropriate. Your cooperation would be greatly appreciated. Confidentiality can be maintained if desired. Please send any responses and pertinent information to the undersigned. MARC C. TREXLER, Research Associate International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) Avenue du Mont-Blanc 1196 Gland Switzerland. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0376892900014351 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0376892900014351 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_a6c3mugg7jghrbfev3jsk3huzy	----	Salvage esophagectomy: ``We made too many wrong mistakes'' COMMENTARY Salvage esophagectomy: ‘‘We made too many wrong mistakes’’ Thomas W. Rice, MD,a,b and Eugene H. Blackstone, MDa,c Is salvage esophagectomy the solution to failure of definitive chemoradiotherapy for esophageal cancer? Is the addition of a more extensive lymphadenectomy to salvage esophagectomy a therapeutic step forward or a further compounding of a therapeutic oversight? In considering the report by Wang and colleagues,1 we are reminded of Yogi Berra’s explanation for his team’s failure: ‘‘We made too many wrong mistakes.’’ Wang and colleagues1 reported a 14-year experience of salvage esophagectomy in 140 patients. Despite salvage surgery in all, 25% were excluded from the analysis. An additional problem in understanding the applicability of this experience is that the denominator for the entire experience with definitive chemotherapy for squamous cell esophageal cancer was unstated. In this highly select group of patients, not surprisingly, the ability to resect (R0) an early yp-stage cancer (ypN0M0) has been associated with improved survival.2 As previously reported, tumor biology, reflected by the response to chemo- radiotherapy (resection of recurrent cancer and not persistent cancer), was associated with improved survival.2 After a vigorous multistep analysis that failed to demonstrate a cutoff for optimal lymphadenectomy (number of nodes excised), Wang and colleagues1 arbitrarily chose to dichotomize this continuous variable. In the ensuing multivariable analysis, this ‘‘forced’’variable (�15 resected nodes resected) was associated with improved survival. However, was this not using statistical From the Department of Surgery, a Cleveland Clinic Lerner College of Medicine, Cleveland, Ohio; Department of Patient Experience, b Cleveland Clinic, Cleveland, Ohio; and Clinical Investigations, c Heart and Vascular Institute, Cleveland Clinic, Cleveland, Ohio. Disclosures: Authors have nothing to disclose with regard to commercial support. Received for publication Jan 20, 2014; accepted for publication Jan 31, 2014; available ahead of print March 7, 2014. Address for reprints: Thomas W. Rice, MD, Department of Patient Experience, 9500 Euclid Ave, Desk P29, Cleveland, OH 44195 (E-mail: ricet@ccf.org). J Thorac Cardiovasc Surg 2014;147:1812 0022-5223/$36.00 Copyright � 2014 by The American Association for Thoracic Surgery http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtcvs.2014.01.048 1812 The Journal of Thoracic and Cardiovascular Sur manipulations until the desired answer had been obtained? Possibly, the relationship is nonlinear. Lymphadenectomy was the focus of their report; however, this potentially spurious finding does not answer the questions concerning salvage esophagectomy. It is not unexpected from previous publications that an adequate R0 resection of a ‘‘recurrent’’ early yp-stage cancer has the potential for cure.2 However, this clinical scenario represents a highly selected and uncommon patient after definitive chemoradiotherapy. Salvage esophagec- tomy and extended lymphadenectomy is not the answer: treatment planning in a multidisciplinary setting is. No extent of lymphadenectomy will remedy the lack of communication during the prescribing of therapy. Salvage esophagectomy is a marker of a serious failure of the medical system. Failing to prepare, you are preparing to fail. —Benjamin Franklin References 1. Wang S, Tachimori Y, Hokamura N, Igaki H, Nakazato H, Kishino T. Prognostic analysis of salvage esophagectomy following definitive chemoradiotherapy for esophageal squamous cell carcinoma: the importance of lymphadenectomy. J Thorac Cardiovasc Surg. February 9, 2014 [Epub ahead of print]. 2. Rice TW. Esophageal nightmare: cancer recurrence after definitive chemo- radiation. Is salvage esophagectomy possible? Semin Thorac Cardiovasc Surg. 2013;25:83-6. gery c June 2014 Delta:1_given name Delta:1_surname http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref1 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref1 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref1 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref1 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref2 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref2 http://refhub.elsevier.com/S0022-5223(14)00178-0/sref2 mailto:ricet@ccf.org http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtcvs.2014.01.048 Salvage esophagectomy: “We made too many wrong mistakes” References 
work_a7qhzwplijento5m6ifsgdvlzi	----	994-96 The Impact of the Vessel Position on the Accuracy of Vessel Measurement in Routine Quantitative Coronary Arteriography 320A ABSTRACTS JACC Febreary 1995 Methods: The effect on visual assessment of stenosis severity of digi- tal coronary angiograms was evaluated on a set of 100 image sequences using lossy (15: 1) Joint Photographic Experts Group (JPEG) compression software. A panel of 3 angiographers reviewed 6200 frames from 10 clini- cal exams both with and without standard JPEG compression. Original and compressed versions of each sequence were viewed in random order by all panel members blinded to compression status. Images were viewed on the same display used for digital acquisition with the Philips Digital Cardiac Imag- ing (DCI) System. Panelists identified and graded severity of 99 stenoses in quartiles with >50% considered to be significant. Results: There was no significant difference in the number of lesions iden- tified with each modality. Overall agreement for severity of all lesions be- tween compressed and non-compressed modalities was 0.60 and Kappa = 0.52. If lesions were dichotomized into "significant" (>50%) or "insignifi- cant" (::::50%). agreement was 0.94 and Kappa = 0.88, suggesting that when disagreement occurred, it tended to be within one severity grade. These agreement statistics are consistent with previously reported intra-observer variability in the review of cine-coronary angiograms. Conclusions: The significant reduction in digital storage and exchange re- quirements provided by lossy JPEG does not result in a decrease in diag- nostic quality of digital coronary angiograms. Variability in visual assessment from original and compressed data formats is comparable to intra-observer variability from identical data formats. Therefore, JPEG compression does not result in loss of diagnostic information and is a valid means of reducing storage and exchange requirements of coronary angiograms. Angiographic projection: tions of the vessel and catheter. The error in converting the vessel's size is dependent on the fractional positions of the catheter and vessel along their illuminating x-ray beams. We studied in 207 daily biplane angiograms the general magnitude of the measuring error, as well as its fractional parts with regard to the artery being studied (LAD n = =5, RCA n = 53, LCX n = 59) and the selected angiographic projection (RAO 30°, LAO 60°). Results: The position difference between the vessel and catheter causes a measuring error of more than 5% in one third of the analyses. The resulting error in the vessel measurements (mean ± std) is: The measuring error for the LAD coronary artery is in LAO 60° projection 45%, for the RCA in RAO 30° projection 65% and for the LCX coronary artery in LAO 30° projection 22% lower, than in the opposite projections. Conclusions: Since the position caused errors might be superimposed by detection errors, the total measuring error, using the coronary catheter for conversion to absolute vessel sizes, might increase markedly. Improve- ment of the measuring accuracy might be achieved by: (i) Selection of an angiographic projection with minimum displacement of the artery from the catheter, (ii) error balancing by emptylfilled catheters. Catheterization labora- tories equipped for biplane angiography should apply biplane angiographic correction procedures for position errors or use analytic calibration, which calculates the angiographic magnification of a vessel directly. 0.12±004 0.21 ± 0.06 LAO 60° 012±0.05 021 ± 0.07 RAO 30° lesion diameter error Imml: normal diameter error [mml: Variability Sources in Quantitative Coronary Arteriography 1994-95 1 Quantitating Pulmonary Capillary Volume Using Digital Parametric Angiographic Analysis Paul A. Robiolio, Vera H. Rigolin, John S. Wilson, Jack 1. Cusma, Thomas M. Bashore, J. Kevin Harrison. Duke University Medical Center, Durham, NC Assessment of the distal pulmonary vasculature in patients with pulmonary hypertension has been limited to qualitative description of pulmonary arteri- ograms. Digital parametric imaging, using contrast density and transit time, has been used to quantitate blood volume and flow in the coronary and re- nal vascular beds. This study was performed to determine whether digital parametric imaging can quantitate vascular volume in the distal pulmonary capillary bed with pulmonary flow intact. Two digital angiograms of the pulmonary vasculature were acquired in 11 patients with varying degrees of pulmonary hypertension. A balloon flotation catheter was advanced distally into the pulmonary artery. The first angiogram (static image) was performed with blood flow occluded by inflation of the catheter balloon. Non-ionic contrast was then hand injected to completely fill the vasculature beyond the balloon occlusion. The second angiogram (flow image) was performed with the balloon deflated and blood flow preserved. A hand injection of a rapid bolus of contrast, 1-2 cc, was given. Digital subtrac- tion image data were obtained at 15 frames/sec at end expiration for both angiograms. Contrast density measurements of the distal pulmonary vascu- lature were determined from the static images in various 2 x 2 mm areas using digital parametric imaging. The maximum density in these same areas was similarly determined from the flow images. The correlation of the density measurements between the static and the flow images in 64 regions of interest was excellent (R = 0.92, regression slope = 0.98). This correlation was similar to that observed for repeated in- jections using the same technique (flow image) (R = 0.97, regression slope = 0.97). Conclusion: Digital parametric measurements of pulmonary capillary vol- ume obtained with blood flow preserved are the same as those obtained with flow occluded and the entire bed replaced by contrast. This method allows quantitation of pulmonary vascular volume and flow using a simple, single contrast injection in the distal pulmonary artery. Uncertainties in radiation risk estimates at low doses «0.1 Gy) include the shape of the dose-response curve, use of a relative or absolute risk model, and the length of the latent cancer induction period. Coronary procedures are often repeated within short in many patients, but neither absorbed doses nor imparted energies are routinely measured. We used LiF thermolumines- cence dosimeters in 15 consecutive diagnostic (D) and 15 PTCA (I) proce- dures, with stent implantation in 1 case, multivessel PTCA in 2, and PTCA of chronic occlusion in 2. A Philips Optimus 2000 DCI was used, with a standard 1994-971 Patients' Radiation Risk During Diagnostic and Interventional Coronary Procedures Flavio Ribichini, Giuseppe Steffenino, Antonio Dellavalle, Veronica Rossetti, Riccardo Cerati, Mario Garbarino 1. Division of CardiOlogy Ospedale S. Croce, Cuneo, Italy: 1 Fiat Sepin. Torino, Italy 1994-981 5.70 590 MEASRATE 4.38 340 923 1520 FRAME Independent variable 23.67 100 STEN Coefficient of variation % contribution to total variance Thomas Linderer, Karl Wegscheider, Werner Wunderlich, Frank Fischer. Div. of Cardiology, KJinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University Berlin, FRG In a trial of progression/regression of coronary artery disease the results of quantitative coronary arteriography are affected by the following main fac- tors: (i) the frame selected for analysis (FRAME). according to the general agree- ment, that the lesion should be measured at enddiastole. (ii)the frame rate (RATE). To obtain a truelyenddiastolic image of a coronary lesion, a cine frame rate of 25 frames/sec is mandatory up to date. Newer digital equipped systems allow to use a frame rate of 12.5/sec, but there is concern, that one miss a truely representative enddiastolic image. (iii) the measurement variance (MEAS) obtained from repeated measure- ments. We analyzed the impact of these variability sources on the measurements in a study of 29 coronary lesions. The lesions were filmed at 25 and 12.5 frames/sec. The truely enddiastolic frame as well as the frame preceed- ing and following it was analyzed. Each frame was measured twice, using computer-assisted analysis of vessels. A nested multivariate analysis of vari- ance was developed to quantify the effects of the independent variables RATE (12.5 instead of 25/sec). FRAME (enddiastole or a frame deviating from it) and MEAS (measuring the same frame twice) on the "outcome" in the sample the mean % diameter stenosis. The total variance in the sample by considering different stenosis (STEN; 15-75% diameter stenosis) was set to 100%. Results: Multivariate analysis of variance shows the following influence of the various components on the size of % diameter stenosis: The Impact of the Vessel Position on the Accuracy of Vessel Measurement in Routine Quantitative Coronary Arteriography Werner Wunderlich, Beate Rohrig, Frank Fischer, Thomas Linderer. Div. of Cardiology, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University Berlin, FRG Conclusions: Frame selection is the major source of variability quantifying coronary lesions. Compared to the total variance the variance attributable to frame selection is nearly 3 times higher than the measurement variance and nearly 5 times higherthanthe rate attributable variance. Thus, one hasto take great care of selecting appropriate frames and may use the lower frame rate (12.5/sec) to reduce radiation exposure and facilitate digital image archiving. To convert computer-detected vessel dimensions in digitized angiograms from pixels into millimeters, the coronary catheter is commonly used as a calibration object. The absolute size of the vessel is then inferred from the ratio of the known to detected size of the catheter. However, the reliability of this inference is significantly affected by different angiographic magnifica- 1994-961 
work_abr4tzt3xbal5bohmhziv4iqda	----	Untitled-1 © 1938 Nature Publishing Group No. 3583, jULY 2, 1938 NATURE 9 The Benjamin Franklin Memorial, Philadelphia T HREE days of stately ceremonies, including the unveiling of a heroic white marble statue of Benjamin Franklin, lectures on pure and applied science, a two million dollar philatelic exhibition, military and naval displays, exhibits contrasting the science of Frank- lin's time with that of to-day, marked the formal dedica- tion of the Ben- jamin Franklin Memorial on May 19-21, at the Franklin Institute, Philadelphia, Pa. to the new Franklin shrine by representatives of to-day's printing industry were prominent features of the dedication. "From this time forward the Benjamin Franklin Memorial will be his [Benjamin Franklin's] permanent home, and I extend a hearty invitation to all people every- where to visit him and make him their friend," said Mr. Pepper in a dedica- tory address. The French Am- bassador to the United States, Count Rene Doynel de Saint Quentin ; Herbert C. Hoover, former President of the United States ; Daniel C. Roper, Secretary of Com- merce; George Wharton Pepper, formerly a senator of the United States ; Roland S. Morris, president of the AmericanPhilo- sophical Society and formerly am- bassador from the United States to Japan ; Sir James Colquhoun Irvine, principal and vice- chancellor of the University of St. STATUE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN IN THE FRANKLIN JLu.L, FRANKLIN INSTITUTE, PHILADELPHIA The new 'home' of the eighteenth century sage who revealed the iden- tity of lightning and electricity and made important investigations and discoveries in many other fields of natural philosophy, is fittingly located in a classic struc- ture dedicated to scientific progress. In the spacious building on Ben- jamin Franklin Parkway in Phila- delphia, the Frank- lin Institute, founded in 1824 and active in the promotion of science and the mechanic arts, maintains its "Wonderland of Andrews, Scotland ; and Dr. Louis Martin, director of the Pasteur Institute, Paris, were among the notable figures participating in cere- monies honouring the Philadelphia printer who became a world-famed man of science and statesman. The annual award of medals by the Franklin Institute ; the conferring of degrees by the University of Pennsylvania, which is the out- growth of an academy founded by Franklin ; the participation by thousands of school children in massed choruses and bands and in a colourful "Young Philadelphia Parade" ; and a pilgrimage Science" Museum, where more than 4,000 action exhibits reveal the part played by science in every- day life ; and its Fels Planetarium, noted for its reproductions of the heavens. The spiritual centre of this building, and a public shrine to the memory of the great statesman and natural philosopher, is the new Franklin Memorial. There, in a lofty memorial room inspired by the Pantheon in Rome, rises the heroic statue; a seated figure in white Seravezza marble, more than twice life-size. Upon its huge pedestal of rose aurora marble from Portugal, it extends to a height of 18 feet above the floor. The sculptor, James Earle Fraser, whose © 1938 Nature Publishing Group 10 NATURE jULY 2, 1938, VoL. 142 notable statues, groups and relief portraits grace many parks and public buildings throughout the United States and Canada, began work on the Franklin statue five years ago, and has described his own conception in the following words : "A massive figure, tranquil in body, with latent power in his hands, but with an inquisitive expres- sion in the movement of his head and the alertness of his eyes, ready to turn the full force of his keen mind on any problem that concerned life." In a manner that would have aroused the keen interest of her famous ancestor, ten-year-old Miss Louisa Johnston Castle, of Wilmington, Delaware, a lineal descendant of Franklin, unveiled the statue by turning a searchlight upon a photo-electric cell. In the three-day programme, Franklin was commemorated as "Patriot and Man", as "Philo- sopher and Educator", and as "Printer and Business Man". Special exhibits depicting the advance of science from Franklin's day to the present time, on display in the Wonder land of Science Museum, vied with lectures by noted men of science and educators of two continents in the tribute to the great American's scientific achieve- ments. Developments in electricity were shown, from an electrical machine which Franklin once owned to a modern half-million volt surge generator producing man-made lightning. Progress in print- ing, 'Poor Richard's' own craft, was demonstrated from a hand-press used in Franklin's original printing shop to modern presses that print in four colours. Paper-making was performed by hand just as it was in Franklin's day, and the entire modern process from pulp to finished paper also was demonstrated on a miniature scale-model Fourdrinier paper-making machine. A replica of the "Pennsylvanian Fireplace", one of Franklin's outstanding inventions, was shown in contrast with an exhibition of the development within the last twenty years in automatic oil-heating equip- ment for home use. In a notable series of lectures on pure science, given at the Franklin Institute on May 20, Sir James C. Irvine spoke on "Benjamin Franklin in Saint Andrews, 1759", Dr. C. E. K. Mees, director of the Research Laboratory of the Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester, N.Y., who is a native of Wellingborough, England, and was educated at Harrogate and St. Dunstan's, on "Photography and the Advance of Pure Science" ; Dr. Gilbert N. Lewis, dean of the College of Chemistry, University of California, Berkeley, Calif., on "Old and New Views of Acids"; Dr. George D. Birkoff, the dis- tinguished mathematician of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., on "Electricity as a Fluid" ; Dr. Forest Ray Moulton, permanent secretary of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C., on "The Influence of Astronomy on Science"; Dr. Arthur L. Day, formerly director of the Geophysical Laboratory, Carnegie Institution, Washington, D.C., on "Vol- canoes, Geysers and Hot Springs"; Dr. Louis Martin, director of the Pasteur Institute, Paris, on "L'Hospitalisation des Maladies Contagieuses" ; Dr. Thomas H. Morgan, of the California Institute of Technology, Pasadena, Calif., on "Human Heredity and Modern Genetics"; and Dr. Merritt L. Fernald, of Harvard University, on "Must All Rare Plants Suffer the Fate of Franklinia ?" Lectures on applied science were given at the Franklin Institute on the following day by Dr. Willis R. Whitney, vice-president in charge of research, General Electric Company, Schenectady, N.Y., who spoke on "It's Called Electricity" ; Dr. Abel Wolman, professor of sanitary engineering, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., on "The Trend of Civil Engineering since Benjamin Franklin"; and Dr. Harvey N. Davis, president of the Stevens Institute of Technology, Hoboken, N.J., on "Engineering and Health". Delegates from leading learned societies and educational institutions of the United States and Europe were welcomed at the dedication ceremony by Philip C. Staples, president, and Dr. Henry Butler Allen, secretary and director of the Franklin Institute. Sir Albert Seward, delegate from the Royal Society of London, was in attendance with Lady Seward, and presented to the Institute a photostat copy of the certificate making Franklin a fellow of the Royal Society in 1756. Artificial Production of Snow Crystals JN NATURE of August 28, 1937, p. 345, an account was given by G. Seligman of experi- ments carried out at the University of Hokkaido by Prof. U. Nakaya. Since that article was written, Prof. Nakaya has made considerable progress towards his aim to produce, artificially and under strictly controllable conditions, the great variety of natural snow crystals*. He assumes that we can trace the entire history of the fallen snow crystal from observations of its size, form and habit, and infer the physical state of • "Preliminary Experiments on the Artificial Production of Snow Crystals". By lJkitlr6 Nakaya, Isonosuke Sata and Yatar6 Sekido. "Further Experiments on the Artificial Production of Snow Crystals". BY; Nakaya, Toda and Maruyama. (J. Fac. SC1.., Hokkaldo Univ., Senes II, Vol. II, No. 1; 1938.) The Benjamin Franklin Memorial, Philadelphia 
work_aclbij4tprhstoyga4jeygwdki	----	S0034670513000892jra 69..92 Learning from Franklin’s Mistakes: Self-Interest Rightly Understood in the Autobiography Christopher S. McClure You are young and have all the world before you; STOOP as you go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps. –—Cotton Mather’s advice to the young Benjamin Franklin Abstract: Benjamin Franklin divides the mistakes he lists in the Autobiography into “errata” and “great errata.” He derived no benefit from the latter, but some benefit from the former. Examining Franklin’s regret, or lack of regret, at these errata opens a window onto Franklin’s understanding of morality. The laxity in his list of virtues and his flexibility with regard to conventional morals stem from the insight Franklin tells us he gained from these errata. For Franklin, or at least his persona in the Autobiography, there was no conflict between egoism and altruism, and he is therefore the embodiment of a type of self-interest well understood. Tracing the story of the errata, which Franklin inserted into an earlier draft of the work’s first part, and Franklin’s later actions provides the key to understanding the rhetorical strategy of the Autobiography, and the reason he never wrote his proposed Art of Virtue. In the opening of the Autobiography, Benjamin Franklin tells his son that if he could live his life over again, he would ask only “the Advantages Authors have in a second Edition to correct some Faults of the first.”1 He does not say he would correct all of these faults, though, but that he would happily repeat his life again, faults and all, if given the chance, thus implying that he may in fact have gained something from some, if not all, of his mistakes.2 Throughout the first part of the work, Franklin points out several of the faults in this first edition of his life, which, in keeping with the printer’s terminology, he calls errata. Christopher S. McClure is a Postdoctoral Fellow, Harvard University, 1350 Massachusetts Ave, Cambridge MA, 02138 (cmcclure@fas.harvard.edu). 1Benjamin Franklin, Autobiography and Other Writings, ed. Ormond Seavey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 3. 2Franklin’s statement here is also ambiguous regarding the issue of whether, on repeating his life, he would do so with the benefit of the wisdom he had gained on his first attempt. The Review of Politics 76 (2014), 69–92. © University of Notre Dame doi:10.1017/S0034670513000892 69 mailto:cmcclure@fas.harvard.edu Commentators generally give little weight to these errata, and see them simply as youthful indiscretions committed before Franklin’s moral and religious conversion.3 Franklin, though, tells the story of these errata in order to show how he arrived at his central insight into morality and virtue and why he thought that a true understanding of these could not be contained in a list of dogmatic injunctions, but required a kind of reflective prudence that allowed one a degree of latitude in one’s actions that could often appear to others as transgressions of conventional moral standards. The key to understanding the story of the errata is paying attention to what Franklin says he gained or lost from each of the five he mentions, and his dis- tinction between “great errata” and “errata” simply. With the former Franklin gained nothing and gave himself a great deal of trouble, while with the latter he in fact gained something, despite in one way or another contravening con- ventional morality.4 He came to understand that the rules of virtue and the dictates of revelation are set out not because they are ordained by God, or in accord with some metaphysical order, but because they are good for us, and, although Franklin never says as much in so many words, when rightly understood, these do not require sacrifice, charity, or any kind of altru- ism, but may in fact require some transgression of traditional moral stan- dards.5 I will argue in this paper that this apparent moral flexibility and Franklin’s unabashed self-interest were always simultaneously in the service of others, which Franklin came to see was the route to the most satis- fying kind of happiness, and were informed by the lesson Franklin learned from the errata. Scholars, and notably Aldridge, claim that Franklin’s motivation in later life was primarily a sense of altruism and charity, and it is easy to read him this way, but Franklin never makes any such claims about his own 3See, for example, Lorraine Pangle, The Political Philosophy of Benjamin Franklin (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 65. Charles L. Sanford, “An American Pilgrim’s Progress,” American Quarterly 6 (1954), quoted in Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography: An Authoritative Text, ed. J. A. Leo Lemay and P. M. Zall (New York: W. W. Norton, 1986), 311, sees the errata as analogous to Christian’s sins in Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress. 4By conventional morality, or traditional standards of morality, I mean loosely what would have been considered the moral norms of Franklin’s time and place (many of which, of course, remain the moral standards of today). That is, one should be honest, not steal, commit adultery, pay one’s debts, etc. 5Pangle, Political Philosophy of Benjamin Franklin, 122, notes that “even when [Franklin’s] appeal was to charity, he found a way of weaving prudent calculation into the mix.” Edmund Morgan, Benjamin Franklin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 17–25, 30, quoted in Jerry Weinberger, Benjamin Franklin Unmasked (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2005), xii, also notes that Franklin does not include charity in his list of virtues. 70 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS actions.6 In the Autobiography Franklin explains even his most public-spirited actions in terms of some benefit to himself, and primarily in terms of his own happiness.7 For example, Franklin explains his motivation for starting a sub- scription library, one of his best-known benefactions, first in terms of a benefit to himself. “This Library afforded me the Means of Improvement by constant Study,” Franklin says, since the booksellers in Philadelphia did not carry the kinds of books Franklin needed and it was inconvenient to order books from England (Autobiography, 81, 79). More importantly, Franklin was able to gratify his sense of vanity by claiming at first that the library was not his idea, and waiting until another claimed credit for it, and was then shown to be taking credit for Franklin’s achievement: “If it remains a while uncertain to whom the Merit belongs, some one more vain then yourself will be encour- ag’d to claim it, and then envy will be dispos’d to do you Justice, by plucking those assum’d Feathers, & restoring them to their right Owner” (Autobiography, 81). Franklin was thus able to maintain a reputation for modesty through this device, while taking credit for the populace of the colo- nies being “better instructed & more intelligent than People of the same Rank generally are in other Countries” (Autobiography, 80). The Library Company was also incorporated in perpetuity by a charter a few years after its incep- tion, and thus served as a lasting legacy (Autobiography, 80). Franklin similarly says about his scheme for matching funds contributions for a hospital, “I do not remember any of my political Maneuvres, the Success of which gave me at the time more Pleasure. Or that in after-thinking of it, I more easily excused my-self for having made some Use of Cunning” (Autobiography, 127). This same pattern is apparent in Franklin’s other acts of public utility, which frequently involve some manipulation of human nature. This manipulation and Franklin’s self-interested motives were often the targets of famous detrac- tors such as John Adams.8 I will show, however, that although these critics 6Alfred Owen Aldridge, Benjamin Franklin and Nature’s God (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967), 58, says of Franklin that “the system he evolved was funda- mentally altruistic.” 7See Steven Forde, “Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography and the Education of America,” American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (1992): 359, who describes what we could call Franklin’s hierarchy of goods, from wealth to virtue to happiness: “The Autobiography first caters to the reader’s presumptive (and presumptively legiti- mate) concern with wealth, then directs it toward a much fuller vision of human hap- piness and the well-lived life.” 8John Adams, “John Adams on Franklin,” Boston Patriot, 15 May 1811, quoted in Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, ed. Lemay and Zall, 244, speaks of the “the turpi- tude of [Franklin’s] intrigues” and his ability to dissemble for the sake of different audiences. For a good discussion of this phenomenon see Gordon Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin (New York: Penguin, 2003), 9ff.: “In fact, the his- toric Franklin, the Franklin of the eighteenth century, seems to elude us as much as Gatsby’s ever receding green light eluded him. When we actually recover the LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 71 have seen through the upright façade Franklin presents of himself, they failed to grasp his true motives.9 An important theoretical message of the Autobiography, then, stems from a careful examination of the errata and especially the difference between the great and non-great errata, or the conse- quences Franklin drew from this distinction. These errata, I will argue, provide the key to understanding both the moral message of the Autobiography and the work’s rhetorical strategy. We know from manuscript evidence and ink analysis that Franklin inserted all of the errata in one sitting at some point after writing the first part, in which they all appear.10 This quintessentially Franklinian strategy suggests very strongly that the errata were inserted with a specific purpose in mind, and, I argue, that purpose is conveying a subtler and less conventional message than that which we find in the list of virtues he sets out in part 2. Franklin engages in this rhetorical strategy because he believes it will be a more effec- tive means of conveying this message to those who can be so persuaded. The most significant difference between the message he conveys in his list of virtues and that gleaned from the errata is that the former exhibits a tension between egoism and altruism that is absent from the latter. Franklin presented his teaching this way, I suggest, because he understood that the American character, informed both by deep Christian conviction and the drive toward acquisitiveness among other things, would likely always betray a serious uneasiness between the private and the public good.11 It was this tension that Franklin hoped to channel in the Autobiography. He hoped to Franklin of the eighteenth century, he does not seem to fit the image we have created of him.” Pace Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Routledge, 2005), 18, who speaks of “the really unusual candid- ness of his autobiography.” 9I do not attempt in this article to assess the veracity of Franklin’s claims about himself or others. Instead, I focus on the message Franklin is trying to convey in the Autobiography, since this message is more important, and perhaps even truer, than the facts. 10P. M. Zall, “The Manuscript and Early Texts of Franklin’s ‘Autobiography,’” Huntington Library Quarterly 39, no. 4 (1976): 378. 11Many thinkers have identified the tension between self-interest and selflessness as an important strand in the American character. In particular, many note the tension between the commercial and religious character of America. This is more fully articu- lated by authors such as Weber, who in Protestant Ethic points out the complex relation- ship between capitalism and Protestantism, and Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 500ff., who describes the paradoxical nature of self-interest well under- stood and the contrast between the seventh day of each week, when “the commercial and industrial life of the nation seems suspended” and “a deep repose, or rather a solemn meditation follows” as Americans contemplate their duties, and the other days of the week (517). 72 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS educate Americans by instilling something like what came to be known as self-interest rightly understood. The deeper message of the errata, however, was that there is no tension between the enlightened self-interest of those like Franklin, who had a very sophisticated understanding of this, and the good of others (even if those others were not so enlightened). So Franklin hoped to teach most Americans to adhere as closely as possible to a standard whose full elaboration lies hidden in the text, and which could only be fol- lowed by those few who were as disciplined as Franklin.12 This article will begin with a discussion of two errata and two great errata, and will proceed to examine the most important and complex erratum, the Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain. I will then explain the rhetorical strategy behind the errata, and why Franklin set out his teaching in an autobiography rather than in his never-written Art of Virtue. Bad Mistakes and Good Mistakes Franklin mentions five errata in the first part of the Autobiography. Three of these he calls “errata” simply, and two, “great errata” (22, 44, 46, 35, and 44, respectively). The two great errata, from which Franklin gained nothing, and could potentially have lost a great deal, are, first, spending so much of the money his brother’s friend Vernon had entrusted to him that he was not able to repay it for several years, and, second, not bothering to write to his fiancée Deborah while he was in England except to let her know that he was not coming back to Philadelphia any time soon. The three errata from which Franklin did gain something are, first, running away from his brother in Boston and going to Philadelphia, second, making advances on his friend’s mistress, and, third, writing his Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity. This list of errata can be further subdi- vided into three groups. One pair of errors, one great and one not great, involve some kind of property: Vernon’s money and Franklin himself as an indentured laborer. Another pair, also of one great and one simple error, involve Franklin’s relations with women: the neglect of his fiancée and his attempted familiarity with his friend’s mistress. In this section we will examine these two pairs in this order. The final and most important erratum for our purposes, the dissertation, is in a class of its own and so will be treated in the following section. In what Franklin calls “one of the first great Errata of my Life,” he enabled his impecunious friend Collins’s constant drinking by dipping into the money Franklin’s brother’s friend Vernon had entrusted to him (Autobiography, 35). Despite repeated promises to repay what he owed to Franklin, Collins left for a job in Barbados and never contacted Franklin again. Franklin’s inability to repay this debt weighed greatly upon him, and although he never specifies 12I elaborate on this in the next section, below. LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 73 why this is so, we may suppose that if Vernon had recalled the debt sooner, not only would Franklin’s reputation have been damaged, but he might also have found himself in debtor’s prison. Franklin gained nothing from this error, and lived in constant fear of having this debt recalled (Autobiography, 34, 36, 55). In another act of misappropriation which Franklin calls “one of the first Errata of my Life,” but not one of the great errata, Franklin fled from his brother to whom he had indentured himself and went to live in Philadelphia (Autobiography, 21–22). The indentures binding Franklin to his brother had to be kept secret because they were part of a scheme whereby Franklin appeared to be the printer of his brother’s newspaper, his brother having been forbidden from the position. Because of these circumstances, Franklin was confident that his brother would not pursue him on the basis of the secret indentures, and was able to flee with impunity. Unlike the debt he owed to Vernon, the “Unfairness” of this action “weigh’d little with” him because Franklin resented the way his brother had behaved towards him (Autobiography, 22). Also, whereas Franklin gained nothing by spending money that belonged to Vernon, he gained a great deal by stealing himself, so to speak, from his brother and establishing himself in Philadelphia. One of the themes of the early part of the Autobiography is Franklin’s need to be independent in order to succeed, and so we see him escaping the influence of bad friends such as Collins and Ralph, bad characters such as Keith and Keimer, and his indolent business partner Meredith. Franklin’s escape from his brother is the first step on this road to independence, and it is fair to wonder whether he would have attained the heights he did if he had stayed on with his brother for several more years in Boston. He had made himself “a little obnoxious to the governing Party” there, and his “indiscrete Disputations about Religion began to make [him] pointed at with Horror by good People, as an Infidel or Atheist” (Autobiography, 22).13 It is clear from the narrative that Franklin believed he needed a change of venue if he was going to pursue his already great ambition. The second great error Franklin committed was to forget his engagement to Deborah Read, his future wife, and to write her only one letter, which said that he would not be returning to Philadelphia in the near future (Autobiography, 44). Franklin, looking back on this event, regarded this as a great erratum because he gained nothing by it, and risked a great deal. Rather than remaining faithful to his fiancée, Franklin allowed “that hard-to-be-goveren’d Passion of Youth” free rein, and constantly risked his health in the arms of “low Women” (Autobiography, 70). These “intrigues,” as he calls them, were also expensive, and it was because of his expenses (not only with low women, but also at the theatre and in the pubs, etc.) 13See Weinberger, Benjamin Franklin Unmasked, 57–63. 74 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS that he “was constantly kept unable to pay [his] Passage” (Autobiography, 70, 44). He also jeopardized his eventual marriage to Deborah, who married another while Franklin was in England. The non-great erratum that parallels Franklin’s neglect of Deborah is his attempting “Familiarities” with his unsavory friend Ralph’s mistress, Mrs. T. (Autobiography, 46). This error, also motivated by the passions of youth, did not subject him to any danger, but in fact, he says, “I found my self reliev’d from a Burthen” (Autobiography, 46). Specifically, Franklin no longer had to read the long and poor sections of the epic poem Ralph was writing. He also lost any hope of being repaid what Ralph owed him, but this was irrelevant, since, as Franklin notes, “he was totally unable” (Autobiography, 46). In addition, he was also no longer obliged to lend any- thing more to Ralph, or to Mrs. T., as he had been doing (Autobiography, 46). In wronging Ralph and Mrs. T., Franklin clearly gained something, even if not by design, and lost little or nothing. From the two libidinal errata, then, Franklin did not learn the lesson that one should never give in to one’s sexual impulses, or that one should always remain faithful. It may turn out that most of the time it will be best to remain faithful and to avoid acting on such impulses, but these are not, from Franklin’s account, absolute moral imperatives. What he learns is that there is usually nothing to be gained from such activity, and a lot to lose, but, given the right circumstances, attempting familiarities with a friend’s girlfriend may prove a boon. Similarly, he does not learn from the two errors involving a breach of contract that one should never take what belongs to someone else. What he learns is that spending money that belongs to someone else without being able to repay it causes one a great deal of distress, but that breaking a con- tract in some circumstances may be a great benefit. Again, what he learns from these errors are not unbreakable rules by which the virtuous must always live, but the need for flexibility and reflection regarding one’s actions. As for whether it is wrong to harm others, Franklin demonstrates a certain ambivalence in these four errata. As we have seen, Franklin has no qualms about leaving his brother because he had been treated badly by him in the past. Similarly, he gives no indication that he was particularly sorry to have broken Ralph’s trust, and the idea that he might have harmed Mrs. T. in some way with his advances does not seem to have entered his mind. Given these considerations, it is clear that Franklin regards these as errata because they are transgressions by conventional standards, but not because he has any feelings of guilt about them. Indeed, he never makes any attempt to redress the supposed wrong done to Ralph or Mrs. T., and, although he does say that he “made [his] Brother ample Amends for the Service [he] had depriv’d him of by leaving him so early,” by taking care of his brother’s son after he died, he does not say, as he does with his corrections of the two great errors, that he had corrected an erratum. Indeed, Franklin LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 75 might not have been able to make such amends as he did unless he had com- mitted the erratum against his brother and set himself up in Philadelphia. The reader might suppose, because of his presentation of the two great errata, that Franklin at least felt guilty toward Vernon and Deborah. We might assume that he was in constant fear because of his debt to Vernon through a sense of obligation to repay one’s debts, and that he supposed this an error because he had done Vernon a great harm. Also, when he tells us that he forgot his engagement to Deborah and wrote her only one letter, we expect him to say that this was an error because he had broken her trust and felt guilty about harming her so. Franklin no doubt wants to leave this thought in the reader’s mind, since these would be the conventional reactions to such behavior. There is, however, no evidence in the text that he regards the great errata as errors because of a sense of guilt or obligation. We can only conjecture why he regarded these as errors, and what Franklin does tell us is that he feared the consequences that would redound to him from these actions, not that he felt aggrieved at having injured Vernon and Deborah. This is early evidence of a theme that will be developed below: Franklin does not do good to others unless there is also a benefit to him. Before the end of part 1 of the Autobiography Franklin makes a point of telling the reader that he corrected the two great errata as best he could. When called on to repay Vernon, he begged for a little more time and even- tually did pay back his debt with interest (Autobiography, 64–65). He also did marry Deborah Read, despite the uncertainty about whether her previous husband was alive or dead (Autobiography, 70–71). He thus avoided getting into trouble with the law for his debts, maintained his credit, and was able to marry a woman he had affection for, and who turned out to be a “good & faithful Helpmate,” not to mention finding a remedy for the “violent natural Inclinations” of youth, for which, he says elsewhere, “Marriage is the proper Remedy” (Autobiography, 71; “Old Mistresses Apologue,” 243). Just as he was able to take full advantage of the transgressions of the regular errata, he was able to avoid the dangers posed by the great errata. Franklin’s Dissertation and His Discovery of the Truth about Morality The fifth erratum Franklin records, the writing of his Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain, was so serious that the editor of the ten- volume collection of Franklin’s writings would not include it.14 “The work has no value,” he claims, “and it would be an injury and an offence to the memory of Franklin to republish it,” since, the editor notes, Franklin 14Franklin wrote the Dissertation as a response to William Wollaston’s The Religion of Nature Delineated (London: James and John Knapton, 1731), for which he set the type in London. 76 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS indeed does number it among his errata and in fact burned all but one copy of it.15 The editor’s decision appears imprudent given that the dissertation was, according to Franklin, an accurate synopsis of his thoughts on morality and deism at the time, and therefore, in some sense, an explanation of why he committed the errata. The most immediate reason why writing the dissertation was an error is that it gave him a bad reputation, or at least threatened to; his boss Palmer thought more highly of Franklin after having read the dissertation, but thought the principles “abominable” (Autobiography, 44). In a letter to Vaughan in 1779, Franklin says that he came to dislike the dissertation “as conceiving it might have an ill tendency,” and he burnt all but one copy (quotes in Autobiography, 301). This of course reminds the reader of the trouble Franklin had gotten into earlier in Boston with his Socratic disputa- tions, which, as noted above, were giving him a bad reputation for atheism. There were Londoners at the time Franklin wrote his dissertation, though, who were not so easily shocked. As with the other non-great errata, Franklin gained something from writing the Dissertation. The work brought Franklin to the attention of intellectual circles in London and this occasioned his meeting Bernard Mandeville (Autobiography, 44–45). These, though, are only the most proximate consequences Franklin experi- enced from writing the Dissertation. We know that Franklin carefully revised the Autobiography, and yet the discussion of the dissertation was left as a grammatical jumble that conflates its doctrine with his actions in such a way as to make it clear that Franklin regarded his deism as the motivating force behind his youthful errata.16 In fact, the dissertation is best understood as the most visible symptom of the root cause of his errata: his early beliefs and the justification those beliefs provided him. The theory that Franklin expounds in the dissertation explains why he thought it would be acceptable to behave in ways that he knew were considered wrong by conventional stan- dards. In the dissertation, Franklin claims that there is no real distinction between virtue and vice, and in his own life this predictably translated into an excuse to commit whatever immoral actions he was inclined to. In this way the relation between Franklin’s deism and his errata follow the same paradigm as his failed attempt at vegetarianism. After reading a work about the benefits of a vegetable diet, Franklin decided that eating meat was “a kind of unprovok’d Murder” (Autobiography, 36). Later, while on a ship where the sailors were frying freshly caught cod on the deck, Franklin “balanc’d some time between Principle & Inclination” and decided 15Benjamin Franklin, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, ed. A. H. Smyth (New York: Macmillan, 1905), 2:vi. For those brave enough to read it, the dissertation can still be found in Benjamin Franklin, The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. L. W. Labaree (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 1959), 57–71. 16See Zall, “The Manuscript and Early Texts of Franklin’s ‘Autobiography.’” LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 77 that since big fish eat small fish, there was no good reason that he should not in turn eat them (Autobiography 36). “So convenient a thing it is,” Franklin con- cludes, “to be a reasonable Creature, since it enables one to find or make a Reason for every thing one has a mind to do” (Autobiography 36). While Forde sees this as an example of Franklin’s virtue of reasonableness, it is in fact an example, humorous because familiar to everyone, of inventing reasons for indulging inclinations one knows should not be indulged.17 The act of writing and making copies of the Dissertation for distribution was itself an indulgence of Franklin’s vanity; vanity at his superior intellect, and ability to challenge the dominant moral framework of his time (he was first convinced of the truth of deism by reading works that were attempting to refute it: Autobiography, 58). Each of the four errata Franklin mentions in the previous section was simi- larly an indulgence and a transgression against convention that he justified by the deistic principles he would set out in the dissertation. Franklin tells us that he “became a thorough Deist” when he was fifteen (Autobiography, 58). The first erratum, running away from his brother, occurred when Franklin was seventeen. Though he was legally bound to remain with his brother, and knew that he should have felt morally obliged to do so as well, he had no compunction about leaving and as we have seen, he did not feel any guilt about acting on his impulse to be free of these constraints. His intrigues with low women and Mrs. T. and his forgetting of Deborah were clearly indulgences of passion which Franklin would have known were not in accord with the “religious Impressions” he had learned from his parents (Autobiography, 58). It is not entirely clear why Franklin was willing to lend so much of Vernon’s money to Collins, but whether it was simply to be an amiable fellow, or a simple lack of judgment or prudence, Franklin would also have known that spending another’s money was wrong. Despite the errors Franklin committed while an adherent of deism, the experience of committing them, and writing the dissertation, were necessary steps on the path to understanding the truth about morality. In this sense, writing the dissertation is the most important erratum since it caused the greatest harm, or potential harm, but also led to the greatest benefit. In the midst of discussing the trouble his deism gave him, he says, I began to suspect that this Doctrine tho’ it might be true, was not very useful. My London Pamphlet, which had for its Motto those Lines of 17Forde, “Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography and the Education of America,” 360, although I agree when he speaks of “the moderating role of reason in moral delibera- tion that is central to the outlook of the Autobiography.” Cf. J. A. Leo Lemay, “Franklin’s Autobiography and the American Dream,” in The Renaissance Man in the Eighteenth Century (Los Angeles: William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 1978), quoted in Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, ed. Lemay and Zall, 349, who sees this episode as an example of Franklin’s “profound skepticism concerning reason.” 78 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS Dryden … and from the Attributes of God, his infinite Wisdom, Goodness & Power concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong with the World, & that Vice & Virtue were empty Distinctions, no such things existing: appear’d now not so clever a Performance as I once thought it. (Autobiography, 58–59) More specifically, Franklin observed that his friends Ralph and Collins both did him wrong, “without the least Compunction,” after he had “perverted” them to deism, and that he himself had wronged Vernon and Deborah Read (Autobiography, 58). It is quite possible from the narration that Ralph’s abandoning his wife and child when he went with Franklin to London was less burdensome to him because of his deism (Autobiography, 41). Franklin also suspects that Keith’s mistreatment of him had something to do with the governor’s freethinking ways (Autobiography, 58). Just as Franklin could do as he pleased regardless of the consequences to others while under the spell of deism, so those he had converted to the doctrine had no qualms about acting on their own impulses even when that meant doing wrong to Franklin. As with the other errata, Franklin’s main regret was not that he harmed others, but the consequences that bore directly on him. The friends he had “perverted,” he says, “wrong’d me greatly,” and his harming Vernon and Deborah was not in itself a problem, but, he says, this harm “at times gave me great Trouble” (Autobiography, 58; my italics). Both espousing this doctrine to others and acting according to its princi- ples were only causing Franklin grief. So, when Franklin tells us of his discovery that deism, “tho’ it might be true, was not very useful,” and of his discovery of morality, we should not be surprised that this reformation is not a conversion from selfishness to altruism, but a move to a more complete and efficient understanding of self-interest (Autobiography, 59). When Franklin speculates that the doctrine of his dissertation might be true, but not useful, he means that there was likely no metaphysical ground- ing for conventional notions of virtue and vice, or right and wrong, but this did not mean one could live as if these notions did not exist with impunity. Franklin discovered that despite his supposed proofs that nothing could be wrong with the world, he could understand readily enough when he had been wronged by others, and he could also tell that being wronged did not make him happy. This was Franklin’s discovery of the true ground of moral- ity, that “certain Actions might not be bad because they were forbidden by [revelation], or good because it commanded them; yet probably those Actions might be might be forbidden because they were bad for us, or com- manded because they were beneficial to us, in their own Natures, all the Circumstances of things considered” (Autobiography, 59). Franklin thus became “convinc’d that Truth, Sincerity & Integrity in Dealings between Man & Man, were of the utmost Importance to the Felicity of Life” LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 79 (Autobiography, 59).18 This discovery was the most important thing Franklin gained from his deistic beliefs, and writing the dissertation was a necessary step on the road to that discovery. It is for this reason that Franklin claims that there was “something of Necessity” in the errors of his youth. He uses the term “necessity” in the same loose sense in which he describes the error that had crept into his meta- physical reasoning. When Franklin claims that the immoral and unjust actions he had committed were not entirely willful, “because the Instances I mentioned, had something of Necessity in them, from my Youth Inexperience, & the Knavery of others,” this claim may at first appear as a tongue-in-cheek attempt to exculpate himself from any wrongdoing, and thus as evidence that Franklin had not in fact learned very much about right and wrong (Autobiography, 59). In fact, though, by speaking of necessity in this context, Franklin makes it clear that he remains uninterested in assign- ing moral blame, and is not about to feel guilty for what he has done. His understanding of right and wrong, “in their own Natures,” goes hand in hand with his deepening understanding of human nature and the path to happiness, and has nothing to do with moral dessert (Autobiography, 59). Without his doubts about religion, and his attempt to give a coherent account of the nature of virtue and vice, liberty and necessity, pleasure and pain, Franklin would not have gained what became this central insight about morality. It was because of this gain that Franklin numbers the Dissertation among his errata, but not among the great errata. What Franklin learned was not a set of rules of morality, however, but the reasons behind conventional virtue. With this understanding of the foun- dations of morality he was able to act according to these precepts with a flexi- bility which sometimes made him appear something of a scoundrel to those who were perceptive enough to see through Franklin’s upright façade, but not astute enough to perceive his more complex understanding of morality.19 18Many scholars see in this development a new focus on pragmatism. See, for example, James Campbell, “The Pragmatist in Franklin,” in The Cambridge Companion to Benjamin Franklin, ed. Carla Mulford (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 106. 19Weinberger (Benjamin Franklin Unmasked, 159, 174, 55) claims that Franklin’s Dissertation was a “slapstick parody of Deism” and one of a number of “metaphysical burlesques,” and that the moral conversion Franklin describes “never happened at all.” This is because, Weinberger argues, “Franklin concluded that our commonsensical concepts of morality—justice, free will, deserving (merit and demerit), devotion, virtue and vice, the noble, evil, and reward and punishment—make no internal logical sense, despite the fact that they seem so obvious” (203). I am in partial disagree- ment with these points. I do not think that the Dissertation was a burlesque, although I agree that the account Franklin offers is not as straightforward as it at first appears. Also, it may be true that Franklin did not take many of the terms listed above seriously, but he clearly did undergo a moral reformation of some sort. Kerry Walters, 80 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS Teaching Men as If You Taught Them Not: The Rhetorical Strategy of the Autobiography In this section I will explain why Franklin’s list of virtues is not what he meant for all of his readers to imitate dogmatically, and why he did not write the Art of Virtue or pursue some of his other projects. I will also explain how Franklin applies the lessons he learned from his errata in the anecdotes he recounts in the later sections of the work. Franklin opens the Autobiography by telling his son that he wrote it so that his posterity could learn the means he made use of to go through life “with a considerable Share of Felicity” and imitate these means (Autobiography, 3).20 What these means are, though, he does not make entirely clear. He does set out a set of rules, or virtues, in the second part of the Autobiography, and many, if not most, have taken this as a list of the general principles he meant for his readers to imitate. This list, though, as I will argue in this section, is not the whole story. Franklin thought that a majority of readers, and especially young readers, could benefit only from the story of moral and religious redemption he tells and from the list of specific virtues he sets out. This is in keeping with his reluctance to challenge the religious beliefs of those he does not think capable of living well without them. In the Autobiography he tells of a man he met who “undertook … to travesty the Bible in doggrel Verse as Cotton had done to Virgil. By this means he set many of the Facts in a very ridiculous Light & might have hurt weak minds if his Work had been published” (Autobiography, 24).21 He also thought, though, that a sizable minority, which would only increase with Revolutionary Deists (New York: Prometheus Books, 2011), 60–61, wonders how seriously Franklin wanted readers to take the Dissertation, but concludes that “there is more reason to think that Franklin was deadly earnest in his defense of the bleak cosmic machine portrayed in the Dissertation,” and that “in his references to it in later life, he never gives any indication that his purpose in writing it was anything more than to push the Newtonian worldview to its logical conclusions.” 20Notice here that Franklin refers to the intended beneficiaries of the work in the plural, indicating that it was never meant solely for his son, as some have argued. Pace Wood (Americanization of Benjamin Franklin, 139) who claims that “it is more likely that Franklin actually did intend the first part of his memoir for his son, perhaps partly as an admonishment to William to cut his expenses and do as his father had done.” 21Aldridge, Benjamin Franklin and Nature’s God, 127–28, also recounts a letter from Franklin to a deist acquaintance in which Franklin says, “You yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous Life without the Assistance afforded by Religion. … But think how great a Proportion of Mankind consists of weak and ignorant Men and Women, and of inexperienc’d, and inconsiderate Youth of both Sexes, who have need of the Motives of Religion to restrain them from Vice.” LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 81 the growing influence of the Enlightenment, would find it more and more dif- ficult to believe not only in divinely revealed rules for living, but in any kind of dogmatism.22 One of the main audiences for the Autobiography, though, is the youth of America. Franklin initially intended the work as a model for his posterity to imitate, and the letters of both Abel James and Benjamin Vaughan empha- size the potential value of the work as a means of influencing the minds and character of young people (Autobiography, 73–75). The placement of these letters at the head of the second part of the work is significant in this respect. The focus of this short second part is Franklin’s list of virtues, and this list provides the clearest set of lessons the young person would be able to grasp.23 He also, of course, meant for the actions he recounts to be imitated. Franklin, though, included only those details about his life and his actions he thought would be beneficial to his readers, and this includes both the stories of his errata, and his less than upright behavior, as he seems to suggests in a letter to Benjamin Vaughan: “To shorten the work, as well as for other reasons, I omit all facts and transactions, that may not have a tendency to benefit the young reader, by showing him from my example, and my success in emerging from poverty, and acquiring some degree of wealth, power, and reputation, the advantages of certain modes of conduct which I observed, and of avoiding the errors which were prejudicial to me.”24 This last clause leaves open the possibility that Franklin committed errors which were not prejudicial to him, and that Franklin wanted at least some of his readers to benefit from that lesson as well.25 As noted above, all of the 22As Franklin (Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, 224) says in a letter to Lord Kames about his proposed Art of Virtue, “all Men cannot have Faith in Christ; and many have it in so weak a Degree, that it does not produce the effect [of making men virtuous]. Our Art of Virtue may therefore be of great Service to those who have not Faith.” See also Weinberger, Benjamin Franklin Unmasked, 40, who is correct to note that “it is not unreasonable, I think, to see the Autobiography as a Franklinian warning about a danger of the dawning modern age: the possible death of God.” 23Mark Twain, “The Late Benjamin Franklin,” in The Galaxy 10 (July 1870): 138–40, quoted in Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, ed. Lemay and Zall, 272, recounts how both Franklin’s actions and his aphorisms were used to inspire young boys to good be- havior. Franklin, he says, “was of a vicious disposition, and early prostituted his talents to the invention of maxims and aphorisms calculated to inflict suffering upon the rising generation of all subsequent ages. His simplest acts, also, were con- trived with a view to their being held up for the emulation of boys forever—boys who might otherwise have been happy.” 24Franklin, letter to B. Vaughan, October 24, 1788, in Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, ed. Lemay and Zall, 206; my italics. 25There is a similar potential ambiguity in a letter to the Duke de La Rochefoucauld (in Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, 205), in which Franklin states that “what is done [viz., the Autobiography down to his fiftieth year] will be of more general Use to young 82 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS errata were inserted into part 1 after the first draft was complete, and Franklin must have intended for thoughtful young people and more observant readers to draw the appropriate lessons from these upon deeper reflection. It is for this type of reader that Franklin sets out the more complex story of the errata, his discovery of the foundation of morality, and his flexible use of conventional virtue in the service of his own happiness.26 Uncovering this story requires more interpretive work on the reader’s part, and a comparison between the story of the errata and the more obvious story of Franklin’s moral redemption and what he says about his list of virtues. Franklin is not explicit about the lesson of the errata because of his fear that proclaiming self-interest to be the real motive of virtuous action would lead most individuals to use this as an excuse to act without reflection on whatever inclinations happened to move them, as Franklin had when committing his errata under the spell of deism. Few would be able to learn the lesson Franklin did from these errata, and really understand when moral transgres- sion would contribute to one’s true happiness and when it would lead only to an apparent benefit that would in fact do more harm than good. Franklin offers his list of virtues, lax as it is, in part because he thought that many would not be able to fully understand this insight or to act on it, and would therefore continue to think about virtuous action in terms of sacrifice and altruism and adherence to a set of injunctions. Roughly three years after writing the Dissertation, Franklin tells us, he “con- ceiv’d the bold and arduous Project of arriving at moral Perfection,” and sets out a list of thirteen virtues he plans to adhere to (Autobiography, 84). As men- tioned, many have taken this list of virtues very seriously. Other scholars have noted the looseness of many of these rules, as well as the humor in them.27 To Readers; as exemplifying strongly the Effect of prudent and imprudent Conduct in the Commencement of a Life of Business” (my italics). 26Implicit in this argument is the notion that Franklin had a plan in mind for the design of the Autobiography, which he was able to follow through despite the difficul- ties he faces in writing the different parts of the work. I therefore agree with Hugh J. Dawson, “Franklin’s ‘Memoirs’ in 1784: The Design of the ‘Autobiography,’ Parts I and II,” Early American Literature 12, no. 3 (Winter 1977/1978): 287–91, who argues that the moralism of part 2 depends on the narrative of part 1, but disagrees that there was a fundamental change of design between the two parts. I also disagree with Aldridge, “Form and Substance in Franklin’s Autobiography,” in Essays on American Literature in Honor of Jay B. Hubbell, ed. Clarence Gohdes (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967), 48, who claims that the plan of the Autobiography was a “virtual disaster.” 27Weinberger, Benjamin Franklin Unmasked; Ralph Lerner, Playing the Fool: Subversive Laugher in Troubled Times (Chciago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 89–108; Ralph Lerner “Franklin, Spectator,” in The Thinking Revolutionary (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987); Paul E. Kelly “Franklin’s Satiric Vein,” in Cambridge Companion to Benjamin Franklin. There remain those too who see this list of virtues as emblematic of Franklin’s LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 83 cite the most obvious examples of this laxity and humor, Franklin defines tem- perance not as a prohibition against alcohol and gluttony, but as “Eat not to Dulness, Drink not to Elevation,” sincerity not as never telling a lie, but as “Use no hurtful Deceit,” and chastity not as being chaste, but as an injunction to “Rarely use Venery but for Health or Offspring; Never to Dulness, Weakness, or the Injury of your own or another’s Peace or Reputation” (Autobiography, 84– 85). This definition of chastity was in fact so shocking that many editions of the Autobiography did not include it.28 Not only does Franklin avoid absolute pro- hibitions for the most part in these virtues, he also leaves far more room for per- sonal interpretation than one finds in, for example, the Ten Commandments. Despite the leeway he gives himself in these rules, Franklin found it very difficult not to transgress them. He made so little progress that he was “almost ready” to give up. As in the case of his abandonment of vegetarian- ism in the face of fresh fried cod, “something that pretended to be Reason” sometimes urged him to give up his plan for moral perfection because attain- ing that goal would probably make him “envied and hated” (Autobiography, 92). Despite these challenges, he kept working toward this goal throughout his life, but found that it was too much to expect perfect mastery of even this loose set of moral virtues. Franklin did not, however, subject himself to harsh punishment for his transgressions, nor did he see any value in feeling guilty about them.29 The penalty for his failures to keep to these virtues was not flagellation, repentance, or wearing a hair shirt, but wiping them off his book with a “wet Sponge” (Autobiography, 91). To this imperfect attempt to master this list of virtues Franklin attributes “the constant Felicity of his Life” until the year he wrote this part of the Autobiography, and his expected continued happiness for the years that were left to him (Autobiography, 92). Franklin then tells us that he had planned to publish his list of virtues along with comments which would have shown the advantages of possessing each virtue and the consequences of not having it, along with the “Means & Manner of obtaining Virtue” (Autobiography, 93). This would have been Franklin’s Art of Virtue. This book was never written, however, because he claims to have been too busy to write it.30 This is not an entirely persuasive claim since piety. I do not share this position. See, for example, William Pencak, “Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography, Cotton Mather, and a Puritan God,” Pennsylvania History 53, no. 1 (1986): 1–25. 28Aldridge, Benjamin Franklin and Nature’s God, 11. 29Franklin very rarely admits to any feelings of guilt. One significant exception is his deep regret at not inoculating his son from smallpox, from which his son later died. This, however, is not a matter of moral guilt, but more of a regret at a scientific error, or an error in judgment. 30For a discussion of this excuse see Douglas Anderson, “The Art of Virtue,” in Cambridge Companion to Benjamin Franklin, 31–32. 84 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS Franklin was quite prolific and found time to write many pieces that are less important than the Art of Virtue arguably would have been had it been completed.31 The main teaching of the Art of Virtue would have been that “vicious Actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the Nature of Man alone consider’d. That it was therefore every ones Interest to be virtuous, who wish’d to be happy even in this World” (Autobiography, 94). This maxim, though, as we have seen, was the most important lesson Franklin learned from his errata. This epiphany is brought home to the reader through the narration of the Autobiography in a way that it never could have been in a list of virtues and corresponding instructions. For this reason, and others which I will discuss below, I submit that Franklin’s Autobiography in fact fulfills the same goal as the Art of Virtue. Franklin tells us that the Art of Virtue was connected to a plan “that required the whole Man to execute, and which an unforeseen Succession of Employs prevented [his] attending to” (Autobiography, 93–94). In other words, the book and the plan would have required that its author devote his life to it, but Franklin’s own life got in the way. Similarly, Franklin says that he was planning to publish his list of virtues in this work, and in fact this list is published, as he knew it would be, in his Autobiography. When Franklin tells us that he appeared to be humble without being so, and that he decided to avoid dogmatic statements and to try a less overbear- ing method of persuasion, he is in fact revealing his rhetorical strategy in the Autobiography, and the real reason he wrote it rather than the Art of Virtue. By repeatedly harking back to his unfinished project, Franklin prompts the reader to think about the relation between it and the Autobiography. The latter is not dogmatic, as the former might have been, and in this way Franklin was able to put into practice the lesson he had learned from Pope, 31Weinberger, Benjamin Franklin Unmasked, xv, claims that Franklin “did not believe that the deepest and most important questions could be answered by abstract philoso- phical systems of the kind that became schools of thought,” and “that is why Franklin wrote no comprehensive formal treatise.” I agree that Franklin did not think he could teach the deepest lessons he learned through a systematic treatise, but I do think, as I argue below, that he thought he could impart at least part of his wisdom to some readers through the experience he shares in the Autobiography. I am in closer agreement with Weinberger’s statement that “there is something much better [than a didactical philosophical teaching in Franklins works]: the questions, lines of thought, and con- clusions to which we are prodded by Franklin’s artful provocations” (5). Pangle, Political Philosophy of Benjamin Franklin, 4, also notes that “Franklin knew … the great public utility of his own vanity: he knew that in telling stories he was at his most charming and persuasive, and at some level he realized that his vision of happi- ness and of democratic citizenship could be advanced in no better way than by telling his own story.” LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 85 that “Men should be taught as if you taught them not” (Autobiography, 19). In fact, Franklin had a model on which to base this narrative mode of teaching in one of his early favorites: John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress (Autobiography, 13).32 Franklin found a copy of this book on the person of a drunken Dutchman who had fallen overboard during the journey to Philadelphia (Autobiography, 23). It is here that Franklin notes both the genius of Bunyan’s writing and the tremendous popularity of the work. Franklin must have noticed, though, as the reader does, that it was not doing the Dutchman much good. Franklin, in writing of his own progress through the world may well have sought to replace Bunyan’s work with an updated version for Americans with his own Autobiography. Again, Franklin may have seen this as a more efficacious method of disseminating his teaching, and one that would flatter his vanity. It is no coincidence that Franklin waits until after discussing his purport- edly failed plan to write the Art of Virtue to mention the addition of a thir- teenth virtue to his original list of twelve. This extra virtue, humility, was suggested by a Quaker friend of Franklin’s who told him that he was often “overbearing & rather insolent,” and too eager to point out the errors of others (Autobiography, 94). Seeing that his friend was correct, Franklin deter- mined to change his approach, and, he says, “perhaps for these Fifty Years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical Expression escape me” (Autobiography, 95). This is not to say that Franklin became less sure of himself. He was still determined to prove to others that he was right and to win them to his side, since he was, as he admits, an incorrigibly proud man, but he adopted a more subtle strategy: “I cannot boast of much Success in acquiring the Reality of this Virtue; but I had a good deal with regard to the Appearance of it” (Autobiography, 94). Even Franklin’s occasional admissions that he could not conquer his vanity and pride are part of this appearance of humility. When he tells us that if he did overcome his pride he would be proud of his humility (indeed, marking a box in the space pro- vided for humility in his book would have disqualified him from doing so), he is revealing an all-too-human weakness that most can identify with. These admissions are thus part of Franklin’s charm, and also an ingenious way of raising our esteem for him, and further flattering his vanity. The specific definition Franklin provides for the virtue of humility is, “Imitate Jesus and Socrates” (Autobiography, 86). There may be something tongue in cheek about the attempt to imitate two such figures, but the imita- tion of Christ had been a valid goal of many Christians for centuries. The most obvious way of understanding this injunction is that Jesus and Socrates were paragons of humility. There is, however, another sense in which Franklin 32For Franklin’s use of Bunyan as a model, see Sanford, “An American Pilgrim’s Progress,” 310. 86 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS imitates Jesus and Socrates in the Autobiography and evinces more of the appearance than the reality of humility. Franklin was a keen observer of Reverend Whitefield, a controversial preacher who spent time in Philadelphia. He was fascinated by Whitefield’s ability to persuade his hearers, even against their better judgment, as Franklin found out for himself, and his ability to be heard by so many. Franklin paid careful attention to his sermons, came to be able to distinguish new from old material, and made an experiment of tracing the boundaries of the extent to which his voice would carry when preaching (Autobiography, 111). Franklin also observed, though, that Whitefield’s “Writing and Printing from time to time gave great Advantage to his Enemies,” since what- ever he happened to say during a sermon might be overlooked or forgotten, but his writings endured, and provided ample material to criticize. According to Franklin, “if he had never written any thing he would have left behind him a much more numerous and important Sect. And his Reputation might in that case have still been growing, even after his Death … his Proselites would be left at Liberty to feign for him as great a Variety of Excellencies, as their enthu- siastic Admiration might wish him to have possessed” (Autobiography, 112). Shortly after relating this observation, Franklin discusses an important difference between the Quakers and the Dunkers that he must have wanted the reader to connect with what he had said about Whitefield. The Quakers, who were pacifists, were forced into various expedients in order to support the military campaigns of Pennsylvania, while the Dunkers could be more flexible because they had decided not to set down their articles of belief in writing, believing that “we are not sure that we are arriv’d at the End of this Progression, and at the Perfection of Spiritual or Theological Knowledge” (Autobiography, 119). By writing the Autobiography rather than the Art of Virtue, Franklin was able to present his list of virtues as a goal he had a hard time achieving, rather than as a dogmatic exhortation to others, and he was able to teach the more com- plicated lessons he learned from his errata, including the need for moral flexi- bility, that appears beneath the surface of the Autobiography. By putting on the masks that nearly all readers recognize, and which make it difficult to know who exactly Franklin is and what he is trying to teach, he was able to avoid presenting his thoughts in such a way that he could be attacked as Whitefield was. And the mention of the advantages Whitefield might have enjoyed by refraining to set out his beliefs in writings, brings to mind the two historical figures who are famous for having had a major impact on the world without writing anything down: Jesus and Socrates. Franklin, in concealing his true thoughts and his most important teaching, came as close as one could in the age of the printing press to avoiding the dangers of writing too frankly, and allowing a mythical status to grow around him after death. Franklin was thus able to learn from Whitefield, and to beat him at his own game. Franklin too had contemplated forming his own sect, the “Society of LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 87 the Free and Easy,” but as in the case of the Art of Virtue, he claims that he was too busy with his affairs to pursue this project. In fact, he was able to have a larger impact on Americans through his Autobiography than he would have had with this sect, and a key part of this success was his ability to appear humble and avoid any dogmatism while attempting to instill his teaching. We can now state more clearly what in particular Franklin learned from his errata, and how he applied this insight throughout his life by examining another lesson Franklin gleaned from his observation of Whitefield. Franklin relates that he attended a sermon by Whitefield, whose purpose was to raise money for an orphanage in Georgia, a project Franklin disap- proved of. Despite his resolution not to give Whitefield anything for this mis- guided enterprise, Franklin found himself incapable of keeping his money in his pocket, and gave everything he had when the plate was passed (Autobiography, 109). “As he proceeded,” Franklin says, “I began to soften, and concluded to give the Coppers. Another Stroke of his Oratory made me asham’d of that, and determin’d me to give the Silver; & he finished so admirably, that I empty’d my Pocket wholly into the Collector’s Dish, Gold and all” (Autobiography, 109). Another member of the Junto was at the same sermon and had taken the precaution of emptying his pockets before he arrived, but he was so taken with the sermon that he tried to borrow some money from a more resilient neighbor, who answered, “At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now; for thee seems to be out of thy Right Senses” (Autobiography, 110). In the next section of the work, which the reader is clearly intended to compare to the section about Whitefield, Franklin tells us that he decided to engage in his own public projects. Rather than an orphanage in Georgia, he proposed to create a college and a militia. He delivered a harangue from the same pulpit and in the same building Whitefield had used for his sermon, and convinced his fellow citizens to form a militia. Not having enough good canons for the purpose of defense, Franklin went with two others to New York to borrow some from Governor Clinton. “He at first refus’d us peremptorily,” Franklin says, “but at a Dinner with his Council where there was great drinking of Madeira Wine, as the Custom at that Place then was, he soften’d by degrees, and said he would lend us Six. After a few more Bumpers he advanc’d to Ten. And at length he very good-naturedly conceded Eighteen” (Autobiography, 114). Just as Franklin had been softened by Whitefield’s oratory, Clinton was sof- tened by Madeira, and, we must suppose, having the agreeable Franklin as a drinking companion. In both anecdotes, there is the same three-step pro- gression, from a firm resolution to give nothing to giving in completely. Franklin had learned that it is possible to persuade the intransigent by driving them out of their right senses. He also learned that it could sometimes be useful to be flexible on the virtue of temperance. Alcohol, Franklin 88 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS concluded, has its uses.33 Franklin’s definition of temperance, we recall, is “Eat not to Dulness, Drink not to Elevation,” but it is reasonable to suspect that Franklin came quite close to elevation at the dinner he describes with Clinton (Autobiography, 84). From the errata Franklin learned that if there is an important benefit to be had from bending the rules, and even engaging in what some might call stooping, and no harm to oneself, the rules should be bent. This is the insight that informs his list of virtues with all its caveats and loopholes, and the lessons he continued to learn which are not encompassed by this list. In some sense, this is a Machiavellian lesson, since Franklin learned that the most important consideration is the practical outcome rather than adherence to rules for their own sake. Though the goal, in Franklin’s case, is invariably his own happiness, the esteem of his fellow Philadelphians played an essential role.34 One further example should suffice to make this point. When it became clear that General Braddock, who had come to defend the colonies and found a complete lack of horses and carriages, was going to return to England, Franklin devised a scheme by which to cajole Pennsylvanians to hire out their horses and wagons. He reprints the advertisement in its entirety, because, he says, it was a “Piece of some Curiosity” (Autobiography, 140). The curious thing about it is that it contains a bald-faced lie: the threat that “violent Measures will probably be used” and that “it was proposed to send an armed Force immediately into these Counties, to seize as many of the best Carriages and Horses as should be wanted, and compel as many Persons into the Service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them” (Autobiography, 143, 142).35 There is no evidence that Braddock had ever considered taking such measures. The citizens of the colony, though, Franklin must have thought, had shown that they did not, or could not, understand how important it was to keep this armed force for the purpose of defense, and so Franklin had recourse to this lie to persuade them to do 33Indeed, when he was leading his own troops in the building of a fort on the fron- tier, he suggested to a preacher whose sermons were not well attended the expedient of taking charge of the men’s daily ration of rum, and withholding it until after the sermon to ensure their attendance (Autobiography, 154). This anecdote is meant to be compared with another in which Franklin withholds rum from some Indians he is trying to make a treaty with until after their business is concluded. 34Pangle astutely notes in this regard, “And this benevolence is no small matter. Friendship and trust are essential to happiness, and hence a heartfelt concern with the welfare of others is to be encouraged not just in others but in ourselves. Merely feigning virtue would show that one had missed the great lesson that Franklin spent his life trying to teach: that doing real good is essential to happiness and, thus, that virtues like justice and honesty are not ultimately a sacrifice of self-interest but are integral to the richest happiness” (Political Philosophy of Benjamin Franklin, 62). 35See Pangle, Political Philosophy of Benjamin Franklin, 123. LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 89 what was in their real best interest.36 Franklin defines the virtue of sincerity as “Use no hurtful Deceit,” and this anecdote provides a good example of such a use of non-hurtful deceit (Autobiography, 85).37 Franklin’s writing of the Autobiography itself conforms to the insight he learned from his errata. It is, as he suggests in the first paragraph, a flagrant example of his incorrigible vanity, and therefore a transgression of the virtue of humility. In order to fit the pattern set out above, this transgression must have been motivated by Franklin’s enlightened pursuit of his own happiness. The most important respect in which this is true of the Autobiography becomes clear from two letters Franklin inserts in the second part of the work. According to Abel James, the completed Autobiography will “be useful & entertaining not only to a few, but to millions,” since he knew “of no Character living nor many of them put together, who has so much in his Power as [Franklin] to promote a greater Spirit of Industry & early Attention to Business, Frugality and Temperance with the American Youth (Autobiography, 72–73). Benjamin Vaughan similarly compares it favorably to the works of Tacitus, Caesar, and Plutarch, and says that it is likely to play an important role in “the forming of future great men,” especially since Franklin’s life is “connected with the detail of the manners and situation of a rising people” (Autobiography, 72, 74, 77). These two early admirers foresaw that the Autobiography would be of inestimable worth to Franklin’s posterity. In setting out his life in writing, he had a chance to play an important role in forming the character of all future Americans, and thus to achieve a kind of immortality. This thought must have deeply pleased Franklin. Conclusion Franklin’s persona in the Autobiography, as seen through the lens of the errata, perhaps unlike Franklin himself, had perfectly squared the circle of combining egoism and altruism, and was thus amoral and essentially hedonistic. It never seems to have occurred to Franklin, or at least the charac- ter he portrays in the Autobiography, that he should act on the basis of 36Franklin also incurred great financial risk in this endeavor when he offered to stand surety for Braddock. While this appears to be a purely altruistic act, one that exposed Franklin to the risk of financial ruin, it must be noted that Franklin presents himself here as the linchpin between Braddock and the colonists without which the colony would have been defenseless. This must have surely flattered his pride. 37Another example of Franklin’s relaxed attitude toward dishonesty used for a good cause is his exculpation of the Presbyterian preacher Hemphill who was discovered to be plagiarizing his sermons. After this discovery, Franklin says, “I stuck by him, however, as I rather approv’d his giving us good Sermons compos’d by others, than bad ones of his own Manufacture” (Autobiography, 101). Aldridge, Benjamin Franklin and Nature’s God, 8, notes further that Franklin regularly lied to “strict religionists” about his beliefs. 90 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS anything other than his own good, or more specifically, his own happiness. When we follow the path he sets out in the story of his errata, we see that his understanding of what would make him truly happy changed because of these experiences. While a young man he was charmed by the deism espoused by many of the leading lights of his time. Franklin came to develop his own form of this theory, in which he proclaimed that there was no real distinction between right and wrong, or virtue and vice. The practical effect of adopting deism, though, turned out to be a lack of com- punction in acting on his youthful passions and impulses. This, we learn from his discussion of his dissertation and early deism, was the justification for his behavior toward Vernon and Miss Read, which he came to call his great errata. He also found that those whom he had converted to deism had committed great wrongs against him, apparently without any second thoughts. These experiences taught him that at least in practice, if not in the realm of metaphysics, there was indeed a difference between virtue and vice and right and wrong, and that he should make the pursuit of moral perfection one of the main goals of his life. In fact, reflection on what Franklin learned from the errata reveals that his list of virtues is only an approximation of the most fundamental lesson he derived from them. Franklin spoke not only of great errata, which caused him, he says, much trouble, but also of errata which, though wrong by any conventional stan- dards, were in fact beneficial, and in two out of three cases, necessary to both his success in life and the moral insight that informed his actions for the rest of his life. This insight was that the true, but nearly always misunderstood, reason for the rules found in the Bible or in the moral systems of different peoples and philosophers is that they are good for the one who follows them, and are in fact the surest means to one’s continual happiness. It was this that allowed Franklin to avoid wrestling with notions of charity, sacrifice, and nobility. He did not struggle with the supposed conflict between egotism and altruism because he came to understand that this was a false dichotomy. Doing good to others, Franklin learned, was the surest way to make oneself happy. Franklin, then, moves from the self-interest of the Dissertation to an understanding of self-interest rightly understood. This lesson, though, was not one Franklin could spell out explicitly with all its ramifications. Most, Franklin thought, would not be able to fully under- stand this, and would, as he had when younger, act simply on their unexa- mined inclinations, thinking that whatever conduces to one’s happiness is right. Acting on the basis of Franklin’s insight, when fully understood, rather than on a list of rules derived from it, would often involve transgres- sing conventional moral standards. As we have seen, though, the transgres- sions Franklin commits later in life are in fact motivated by his sophisticated understanding of self-interest and are thus, in one way or another, in the service of his fellow man. LEARNING FROM FRANKLIN’S MISTAKES 91 Franklin has been read in many, and often opposing, ways over the years, and nearly every work about him begins with a statement about the difficulty of knowing who the real Franklin was. This was an intentional strategy on Franklin’s part. Many if not most readers will focus on the list of virtues and see Franklin’s main purpose in the work as trying to instill these. Franklin, though, also wrote for those more skeptical readers who would not be inclined to accept this teaching at face value, but who could only be taught less directly by leading them to make their own discoveries. For these readers, Franklin hoped to show the worth of virtue to one’s happiness through the example of his own life offered as an autobiography.38 Franklin wanted to teach, through the story of the errata, though, that one could bend the rules of virtue for the sake of happiness only if one had understood that service to others is the surest means to true happiness. 38Benjamin Franklin, Way to Wealth, or Poor Richard Improved (Philadelphia: Jacob Johnson, 1808), is in some sense dogmatic, but certainly not metaphysical, and, as Forde says (“Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography and the Education of America”), Franklin’s exhortations to wealth are meant as a first step on the path to virtue for the poor. 92 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS Learning from Franklin's Mistakes: Self-Interest Rightly Understood in the Autobiography Bad Mistakes and Good Mistakes Franklin's Dissertation and His Discovery of the Truth about Morality Teaching Men as If You Taught Them Not: The Rhetorical Strategy of the Autobiography Conclusion 
work_afut3xmjlzf7tczliqkee6ehqa	----	Coupling Literature and Statistics TITLE: AUTHORS: REPORT NO.: PUBLISHED IN: Coupling Literature and Statistics Robert Boruch and Judith Zawojewski A-415 Teaching Statistics. 1988, 10(2), 37-42 and D. Green (Ed.) (1994) Teaching Statistics at its Best. In press. NTL. LOUIS. UNIV TEL:1-708-853-0214 May 12'94 15:02 No.011 P.06 .. · .... · ~ ..... Coupling Literature and Statistics Robert Boruch and Judith azwojewski lllillois. USA INTRODU:COON Did you know that Alennder Damas wrote a short 'StOiy eDtided Skllitdics!l ·Or·that .Jl.ohiMsn Cr:usoe. explore<l in the 1890's by both Itallan and American statisticians. Gravity's Rainbow. and innumerable other stories ILLUSTIL\TIONS IN LITERATURE often exploit simple ideas about probability and Statistical reasoning. coaect aud otberwiae. is not swlsdcs? Are you ~ware that lmmorlats, such as difficult to find in ~-20th century fiction. Por Mark Twain. fiction writers such as Len Deighton, instance, tbe gambler's fallacy is fouod in Edgar novelists such as Thomas Pynchon. and Allan Poe's TM Gold Bug, in fiction by Dorothy autobiograpbets such as Ben Franklin, present ideas Sayers, iD Artbur Conan-Doyle's SMrlock Holm.u (rigblly andothclwise) based on the gamblerS' fallacy stodes, amlin Kahn's The Code Breakers. From aud simple dlstrlbutloos? WDUam Kru.skal' s tboughtful1reafment of IIWDbers In Most people are not aware that a great deal. or . prose. we find Charles Dickens loathing CSreadful probabWty 8Dd SWistics can be found in prose. poetry statisti.~ and Anthony Tmllope loving tbem.· Rubin's and drama. Srneewn and Smeeron (1984, 198~~ remarkable series~ of papers for tbe American mustraled ways in wbich statistical ideas can be StiJii#ido1l ·leadB us through tbe stmlstlcal worlds of Introduced In many facets of English Studies, Herodotus, Thucydides, Darwilr and· Wtlliam · including· U~ 1beir studies have lndicated the Shakespeare. Some of the same spirit is r:dlectecs in reastbWty of bleudlni statistics and Euglish Studies. more a:udemporary tteatments of scientlfl~evideDCC It seems timely, tben,. to &hare .a collection· of' by WltltaUJ.. Ooldlng, author or Lord of lhe.FIJU, in Illustrations In literature and historY that have bc:cD N• reviewing tbe works ot 'HerodotU and H. G. WeDs. compiled by one of tbe authors ov:er a nUlllber of Other ~tw~cal Ideas can be. identified In years. They are based on reading; tliat are common coni:emporary'·work. Michael Cricilton· explores· ·. In precollep 8Dd litJc:ral art9 college am:ialla. ~·. analysis. fox: l~e, .in !lis recem ILLUSTRATIONS IN HISTORY . 'lbe 17th 8Dd 18th camules c.oDStltute a watershed period- for thlnldDg about probability and statistics. Tbe works by Gnmnt and others on civic and medical statistics ~ ridl examples. Poisson's work as a mlHtary .sratlstldail for Napoleon was· dis~nated ami adopted in 18th cenrury philosophical wrltlni- That Jn tum was adopted durin.a tbe prc:colonial and colooial periods iD the United States. To judie from Garry W1lls' Inventing America. Jefferson's constlmtlooal writing and personal papers contain strong lDflUCDCM of numerical thinking c:haractmstic of ths earlier period. Madison's Federalist papers alSO Clddblt the tbeme8. The 19th century growth of applied statistics appears clearly In popular literature of the period. 1bere were similarities in some respects to contempclla&y debates. As.o;aults on tbe validity of census data. for instance. worrled joumallsts, businessmen. . and poUdcinns, u well as census ot.ficlals. Coums were alllmportno.t in government representation, government subsidy or geographic explOJ;'ltion. business. and so on. Even the subtler matters appear early. The contllct between two cultures about wbich C.P. Snow has written was Congo. He alludes to it in Andronwda. Srfain to help delermine if his apes are really ,apes from -IaDpage. appeanm.ce ud behaviour. FraDds Crick's problem in extraCting ~-ray photOBfaphs t'mm ·Rasallnd Franklin in Double Helix has pfeCCdent in early sdemitfc Ideas about Pythago!ean privacy. of researob. (to-judge by de. Saati.lla' s biography of Gai.Deo ). Tbe problem appears In more modem fonn in popular treatments ot sdenttflc work. sw:h as Koestler's Mldwif~ Toml and Jere111y Bernstein's Scilmtific Exp~rience. John Cheever exploits prhnltlve nodons of coincidence and IUcellbood Jn tbe opeulng to Bulin Park.. ln Bombu. Len Deighton em in computiDg simple probabDittes for be:iq ShOt down In missions duriDg World Warn. In more popular writing, science tlcdon IDd spy novels an: a rich Naurce of cumplcs of the usc of stalist.ical ideas. Isaac Aslmov. c. Slmak. and other scieucc fidlon authors refer' repeuecny IDd explicitly to odds. num.elical prollabillty, distributiODS and otbt:r coDCeptS. In a recent science fiction television series and book. The Hitr:hhilcer's GuiM to th~ GakD:y, inlprobabillty ls a keyslooe of the stories. ~TL. LOUIS. UNIV TEL:1-708-853-0214 Teacblq Statistia throagb Eoglllb Classes Clearly. them am JDaDY JBustradoDs of probability· and stltiStics in prose, poeuy aud drama. The eumples given bere are the result of casual interest. or hobby. of collecting StiCh examples. If we are to serlously CODSider embeddiq statistics lessons into non-mathematics courses, we need to systemadcally assess the actual readings. assignments and discussions tbJu: occur as a part of regUlar coursework. We bavc ~tly begun sudl an attempt as part of an Natlonal Science FoUDdation fimded project on Statistical Li.Uracy: A Cross·Disciplin4 Devdopmenl Project. Al present. we are compiling Dsts of "'typical" literature readings required of Dinrh grade students in the Olicago metropolitan area. lben. we are systematically reading those sources with the purpose of identifying any uses of probablUty. swlstlcs or statlstical reasoning. Based . .. 2 May 12'94 15:03 No.011 P.07 on I!Je iiiDsttatlons already shared in tbls article. we baw-n=aaon-to-believe-tbat· we-wm-find-mmy-plaees- m wbicb man tmroducf.ory 1essoas {or vtpeUeS) m statistics may be embedded. Coupled with tbe in10mWion from Smeeron and Smeeron (1985) that such lessons arc feasible. we bope we can begin to l!UeJrare IDstmctlon in statistical. tblnklng into all areas. Retereaces Smeeton,. N.C. and Smeeton. E.A. (1984). Statistical Ideas in English Stndies. Tt!DChing Statistics, 6(3). 92-94. Smeeton. N.C. and Smeeton. ._EA (198S). The Interface Between EngliSh and Stal:i.SI:ics. Teaching Srazisrics, 7(2), 34-37. . . ·. 
work_agtxqmgazzbkffavi2vu6v3ewu	----	Delegate list F Abbas Aga Khan University, Karachi Pakistan K Akakura Chiba University School of Medicine Japan M Aragón-Castro Instituto Nacional de Cancerologia, Mexico City Mexico G Aus Ryhov Hospital, Jönköping Sweden J Baniel Beilinson Medical Centre, Tikva Israel D Bottke Benjamin Franklin Medical School, Berlin Germany C Cheng Singapore General Hospital Singapore N Clarke Christie Hospital, Manchester UK R Coffey University College Dublin Ireland S Egawa Kitasato University School of Medicine, Kanagawa Japan N Fleshner Sunnybrook Health Sciences Center, Toronto Canada F Garcia-Sanchez Centro de Transfusion de Madrid Spain C Goessl Benjamin Franklin Medical School, Berlin Germany M Graefen University Hospital, Hamburg Germany T Habuchi Akita University School of Medicine, Akita Japan T Hachiya Ihon University School of Medicine, Tokyo Japan N Hegarty University College Dublin Ireland A Kapoor McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario Canada S Langley Royal Surrey County Hospital, Guildford UK F Liedberg Lund University Hospital, Malmo Sweden C Llorente Fundacion Hospital, Alcorcon Spain V Lokeshwar University of Miami School of Medicine USA W Lynch St George’s Hospital, Sydney Australia S Machtens Hannover University Hospital, Hannover Germany B Malavaud Hôpital Rangueil, Toulouse France I McIntyre Christie Hospital, Manchester UK J van Moorselaar University Medical Centre, Utrecht Netherlands R Morton Baylor College of Medicine, Texas USA R Miano Tor Vergata University, Rome Italy M Müller Benjamin Franklin Medical School, Berlin Germany C Ohyama Tohoku University School of Medicine Japan E Plas Lainz Hospital, Vienna Austria H van der Poel Antonivan Leeuwenhoek Hospital, Amsterdam Netherlands F Rabbani Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, New York USA R Reiter Jonsson Comprehensive Cancer Center, Los Angeles USA G de Rienzo University Di Bari, Bari Italy R Scaletsky Hospital das Clinicas, Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre Brazil A Sciarra University La Sapienza, Rome Italy Prostate Cancer and Prostatic Diseases (2002) 5, Suppl 1, S37–S38 � 2002 Nature Publishing Group All rights reserved 1365–7852/02 $25.00 www.nature.com/pcan S Taneja New York University Medical School USA B Tombal University Hospital UCL, Brussels Belgium R Valicenti Thomas Jefferson University Hospital, Philadelphia USA C Wood MD Anderson Cancer Center, Houston USA A Zlotta Erasme Hospital, University Clinic of Brussels Belgium Faculty M Soloway (Chairman) University of Miami School of Medicine USA R Buttyan Columbia University, New York USA F Debruyne University Medical Center, Nijmegen Netherlands C Evans University of California Davis School of Medicine, Sacramento USA M Gleave University of British Columbia, Vancouver Hospital and Health Sciences Centre Canada P Hammerer University Hospital, Hamburg Germany W Isaacs The Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine USA H Lilja Lund University Sweden J Schalken University Hospital, Nijmegen Netherlands Delegate list S38 Prostate Cancer and Prostatic Diseases Delegate list 
work_ahptffxctfhkrjb2czc4pwmmbi	----	Carmen M. Méndez-García, editor. Tradition and (R)evolution: Reframing Latina/o Identities in Contemporary US Culture. Biblioteca Benjamin Franklin, 2018, pp. 158. Ex-centric Narratives: Journal of Anglophone Literature, Culture and Media; Issue 3, 2019; eISSN: 2585-3538. ©2019 The Authors. This is an open access article under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution ShareAlike 4.0 International License (CC-BY-SA 4.0). See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- sa/4.0/. Carmen M. Méndez-García, editor. Tradition and (R)evolution: Reframing Latina/o Identities in Contemporary US Culture. Biblioteca Benjamin Franklin, 2018, pp. 158. https://doi.org/10.26262/exna.v0i3.7556 Yiorgos Kalogeras (Professor Emeritus, School of English, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Identity politics has always been and still remains a crucial issue among 21st century minority groups. How this issue reflects in the humanities and most particularly in literature constitutes the focus of this collection of essays. The formulation of fictional identities that are local but not parochial or exclusionary, multicultural but not diluted, polemical but not without political alliances, transformative and fluid but not unmoored preoccupy the writers of the individual chapters. The paradigm is Latina/ο, Chicana/ο, Hispanic; the search and analysis target what lies behind such terms/names, ethnically-wise, politically-wise, gender- wise. The book is divided into three sections: “Identities and Interculturality, Drawing Identities,” “Identities and Tradition, Remembering Identity,” “Identities at the Margins, Reframing Identities.” A total of fourteen chapters in addition to an introduction by the editor Carmen M. Méndez-García read through a long list of Latina/ο, Chicana/ο, Hispanic authors, old and new, pioneers and well established in the US literary canon. One of the chapters, Daniel Enrique Pérez’s “Jotería Legacies: Queer Chicana/o Cultural Production as a Cultural Heritage Site,” even proposes to go beyond the boundaries of the US literary canon and establish the connections with a broader global tradition. As I have pointed out, this is one of the intentions of the volume: to connect the local with the transnational, to propose a transnational localism, if I may suggest such a term. Militating against the idea that ethnic and minority literatures are subject matter limited and parochial has been the project of the scholars who entered the academy since the sixties and seventies. Ellen McCracken’s “Truth in the Middle: Trauma and Collective Family Memory in Reyna Grande’s The Distance Between Us” adds her own voice to discuss the panhuman meanings of ethnic and minority literatures. Through a memoir and photographs and by employing trauma theory to discuss diaspora, the author demonstrates how the personal is made universal. Carmen González Ramos’ “Recipes for a Latina Identity: Feminist Food Politics in Children’s Literature” argues how female empowerment can be strengthened through the positive imagery of kitchen and recipes. Marina Bernardo Flórez’s “Representing Identity beyond Multiculturalism in Chicano Children’s Literature: Maya Christina Gonzalez’s Picture Books” maintains that Chicano children’s books/picture books can be made appropriate for Chicanos but even more so for a more inclusive audience. https://doi.org/10.26262/exna.v0i3.7556 174 Yiorgos Kalogeras One could suggest that such chapters may imply that a post-ethnic identity predicates that ethnicity is no longer important in the self-identification of the subject socially, culturally, existentially. Such a stage sounds suspiciously like a stage of complete assimilation. And yet, could post-ethnicity or even assimilation be conceived as nothing more than still another identity assumed by the immigrant, the ethnic, the diasporic in an effort to belong? Could home permanently erase the memory and the influence of homeland? Francisco José Cortés Vieco’s “Interculturality Interrupted: Judith Ortiz Cofer’s The Latin Deli” places its emphasis on interculturalism as didacticism for the younger generations. The chapter implies symmetric relationships between different social groups living in one same place, leading ultimately to integration, cohesion and mutually enriching exchanges. It does not predicate oblivion of one’s ethnic background. Neither does María Laura Arce Álvarez’s “The New Mordor: Dominican-American Identity and the Reconstruction of the Other in Junot Diaz’s The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Woo.” Arce Álvarez introduces us to a third space, a fantastic universe, where identity is perceived as in a constant conflict. The author employs the metaphor of the third space, of in-betweeness, of uncertainty and dislocation. Maria Teresa Monroe’s “Spring Is for Me! Floral and Binary Representations in The Miraculous Day of Amalia Gómez” focuses on a legendary figure of Chicano Studies, John Rechy, and predicates that for Rechy the recognition of a double consciousness that accepts the ambiguities inherited by religious observance, especially Catholic beliefs, is crucial. Nevertheless, along with Vanessa de Veritch Woodside’s “Prickly Politics and ‘Becoming’ Chicana in Palacio’s Ocotillo Dreams,” we are reminded of the hazards of border-crossing and racial profiling affecting all brown-skinned individuals. The road towards integration and a post-ethnic identity is not always feasible. Inéz E. Veauthier’s chapter “Past, Present, and Future: Memory and Belonging in Chicano Literature” focuses on the work of Ana Castillo and Helena María Viramontes. Veauthier maintains that a politics of transformation is crucial for the Latina/o, Chicana/o, Hispanic. Memory guarantees survival but also becomes a means of redefinition of cultural, gender and political identity. For Erin A. Montero Rangno in “Mujeres Abnegadas, Disobedient Eves and the Mariposa Consciousness: Finding a Darker Shade of Queer in Rigoberto González’s Butterfly Boy: Memories of a Chicano Mariposa,” lexical transformation is an act of empowerment. As Montero Rangno suggests, Rigoberto González’s autobiography demonstrates that discourse does not belong to white gay males alone. Much in the same way, Xamuel Bañales, in “Toward a Cinema de Jotería y de Liberación,” underscores the pejorative use of words. His chapter aims at raising awareness that Cinema de Joteria films should emphasize power relations and authenticity in the presentation of their content and seek to transform deeply ingrained lexical prejudices. Sophia Emmanouilidou’s “La Pinta Poetics and the Creation of the Social Imaginary in raúlrsalinas’ Un Trip Through the Mind Jail y Otras Excursions” Review: Carmen M. Méndez-García: Tradition and (R)evolution 175 undertakes to discuss the politics of marginal identities in a broader ethnic context. Life in prison and in the margins is transformed by raúlrsalinas into a poetry for the formation of communal identity and political alliances. This is the only chapter in the volume that deals with poetry and that comes as a surprise. Poetry has always been a far more effective conscience forming genre, and certainly a more political and politicized form of expression. All in all, this is definitely a well thought and organized volume that merits the attention of a wider audience. 
work_andgqnnsffalvjv5zu4d3iq4ii	----	Electricity: A New Open Access Journal Editorial Electricity: A New Open Access Journal Andreas Sumper 1,* and Paula Ferreira 2 1 Centre d’Innovació Tecnològica en Convertidors Estàtics i Accionaments (CITCEA-UPC), Departament d’Enginyeria Elèctrica, ETS d’Enginyeria Industrial de Barcelona, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 08028 Barcelona, Spain 2 ALGORITMI Research Center, University of Minho, Campus de Azurém, 4800-058 Guimarães, Portugal; paulaf@dps.uminho.pt * Correspondence: andreas.sumper@upc.edu; Tel.: +34-93-413-7311 Received: 24 September 2020; Accepted: 25 September 2020; Published: 28 September 2020 ����������������� Electricity has fascinated humans since the early days. Its name comes from the Greek word “elektron”, which means amber. The pioneering work of Benjamin Franklin, Alessandro Volta, and Michael Faraday created the basis for making electricity as a source of power in the 19th century. Since the invention of the light bulb by Thomas Edison, electricity found a mass market, together with other applications in traction and drives. Since then, electricity has been fundamental to the development of our society and the basis for further technological development. Electricity is a prerequisite for social, industrial, and commercial development, and therefore any research and innovation that brings electricity technology a step forward will cause a tremendous positive impact. Electricity supply is also a crucial part of the future for sustainable and clean energy and is part of the solution for the global challenge of climate change. Electricity also means social development, and for this reason, the UN Sustainable Development Goal 7 is defined as reliable and affordable access to electricity. Despite a long history of research in electricity from the 19th century onwards, there are a lot of open problems and new challenges that remain to be solved. The rise of new techniques in computation, materials, simulation, and the demand for new applications of electricity technology impel new opportunities for researchers. Researchers need to have access to the latest developments in this field, able to disseminate the cutting-edge research results at a fast speed globally, and in an open-access format. Herewith, we introduce you Electricity (ISSN 2673-4826, https://www.mdpi.com/journal/electricity), an international, open-access journal in the field of electrical engineering and research for fast scientific dissemination. We encourage you to submit your manuscripts for consideration for publication in the area of electrical engineering, according to the scope of the journal. Electricity research requires a multidisciplinary perspective and the scope of the Electricity journal also reflects the need to integrate technological developments related to digitalization, social wellbeing, environmental concerns, and new market organizations. The electrification of the economy is a prerequisite for reaching the goal of decarbonization of our society and this transition, together with digitalization, should result in a promising future. Electricity 2020, 1, 60–61; doi:10.3390/electricity1010004 www.mdpi.com/journal/electricity http://www.mdpi.com/journal/electricity http://www.mdpi.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5628-1660 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3712-4803 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/electricity http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/electricity1010004 http://www.mdpi.com/journal/electricity https://www.mdpi.com/2673-4826/1/1/4?type=check_update&version=2 Electricity 2020, 1 61 We will be happy to receive your recent research and reviews, as well as significant insights of demonstration projects and case studies. We are very confident you will find your way to contribute with your research work to this journal. Suggestions for special issues from guest editors are very welcome, and in particular, we are encouraging proposals from recent research to disseminate in open-access form and in the short term. Last but not least, We hope you will enjoy reading the articles on and in Electricity. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. © 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). http://creativecommons.org/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. 
work_awjaugru2ndvnkzeotaazybkee	----	Agenda.qxd A g e n d a I n d e r S c h w e i z / E n S u i s s e Woche/Semaine 21, 2002 26. bis 28 Mai, 2002 Colloque de printemps, Neuchâtel Frühjahrskolloquium, Neuenburg Woche/Semaine 36, 2002 5./6. September, 2002 Fortbildungskurs SGDV Physikalische Therapiemassnahmen in der Dermatologie, Zürich Prof. R. Dummer Dermatologische Klinik Universitätsspital Zürich Gloriastrasse 31 CH–8091 Zürich Tel. +41 1 255 25 07 Fax +41 1 255 89 88 Woche/Semaine 43, 2002 24. bis 26. Oktober, 2002 3. Unionstagung der Schweizerischen Gesellschaften für Gefässkrankheiten, Flims 3e congrès de l’Union des Sociétés Suisses des Maladies Vasculaires, Flims Park Hotels Waldhaus Organisation: Dr. Schlegel Pharmatmarketing AG Heidi Fuchs / Michael Gross Sennweidstrasse 46 CH–6312 Steinhausen Tel. +41 41 748 76 00 Fax +41 41 748 76 11 E-Mail m.gross@schlegelpharma.ch www.schlegelpharma.ch Woche/Semaine 44, 2002 31. Oktober bis 2. November, 2002 84. Jahresversammlung, Bern 84e Réunion annuelle, berne Frau M. Hürst Dermatologische Klinik Inselspital CH–3010 Bern Tel. +41 31 632 22 72 I m A u s l a n d / A l ’ é t r a n g e r Week 17, 2002 April 25–27, 2002 4th International Day on Pediatric Dermatology, Rome European Society for Pediatric Dermatology ESPD President: Prof. Giuseppe Fabrizi Department of Dermatology Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Largo A. Gemelli, 8 I–00168 Rome E-Mail fabrizi.unicat-derm@ntt.it Woche 25, 2002 18./19. Juni, 2002 6. Krefelder Hautschutztag, Krefeld Wissenschaftliche Leitung: Prof. S.W. Wassilew Information: Organisationsbüro Hautschutztag, KMB Media Postfach 20 08 39 D–41208 Mönchengladbach Tel + 49 2166 628250 Fax +49 2166 628255 E-Mail kmbmedia@muebri.de Week 26, 2002 June 27–29, 2002 10th International Conference on Behçet’s Disease, Berlin Organisation: Prof. C.C. Zouboulis Scientific Secretariat: Department of Dermatology University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin The Free University of Berlin Fabeckstrasse 60–62 D–14195 Berlin Tel. +49 30 8445 6911/6910 Fax +49 30 8445 6908 E-Mail zoubbereszedat.fu-berlin.de Woche/Semaine 27, 2002 1. bis 5. Juli, 2002 20th World Congress of Dermatology, Paris Congress Secretariat: Colloquium/ WCD 2002 12, rue de la Croix Faubin F–75557 Paris Cedex 11 Tel. +33.(0)1.44.64.15.15 Fax +33.(0)1.44.64.15.16 E-Mail p.fournier@colloquium.fr www.derm-wcd-2002.com Woche 30, 2002 21.–26. Juli, 2002 18. Fortbildungswoche für praktische Dermatologie und Venereologie, München Tagungsleiter: Prof. Dr. G. Plewig Kongressbüro: Gertrud Hammel Telefon (089) 5160-6065 Fax (089) 5160-6066 E-Mail Fortbildungswoche@lrz.uni-muenchen.de Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel 
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work_bkjja6o6ubhsbgxkwyti52mmne	----	Accepting uncertainty Derek Richards Editor, Evidence-based Dentistry Evidence-Based Dentistry (2004) 5, 59. doi:10.1038/sj.ebd.6400283 In this issue Nigel Pitts finishes his series of articles about the jigsaw of Evidence- based dentistry and its three broad domains of research, dissemination and implementation, and we have a range of systematic reviews and randomised con- trolled trials covering issues from the use of radiographs in epidemiology, the long- evity of restorations to appliances to treat temporomandibular pain dysfunction and sleep apnoea. Yet as the evidence base of dentistry is explored through the work of The Cochrane Oral Health group and other researchers using systematic reviews and conducting good quality research using robust study designs, we are discovering that there are relatively few certainties about the practice of dentistry. But this is nothing new, for as clin- icians we are faced with uncertainties in practice from day to day as patients present with a range of unpredictable and untimely conditions. Perhaps for the clinician, being able to acquire the skills to recognise, understand and master this uncertainty is one of the more important skills. To do this we need to be able to recognise our own skill, expertise and knowledge base. I hope that in our own way this journal helps in this regard. For me the ongoing tension between what is known and what is unknown, what is certain and what is uncertain, is a driving force for evidence-based practice. It is also one of the core skills of evidence practice, critical appraisal, that helps the individual understand and deal with uncertainties in the existing evidence-base. The latest version of the General Dental Council’s document The First Five Years:1 sets out the Council’s require- ments on the content and scope of the 5-year programme for dental undergrad- uates. It states clearly that undergradu- ates ‘should be able to evaluate the evidence and critically assess its rele- vance to treatment planning, advice and treatment provision’. This document also includes references to developing other key evidence-based skills such as literature searching and basic under- standing of statistics. However there are a vast number of learning objectives contained within this document repre- senting a crowded curriculum. I for one would welcome a move towards a more problem-based approach to learning within dental schools. I believe that not to do so perpetuates the traditional didactic approach which leads to dentists feeling as this individual in a quote from a paper by Baldwin et al:2 I feel that a career in dentistry, does not tax the intellect or stimulate the indivi- dual (who is obviously of above average intelligence) leading to a moribund professional life y. with very little variety. A problem-based approach recognises uncertainty and consequently helps peo- ple understand and come to terms with it. For it is worth remembering that it is some time since Benjamin Franklin noted that ‘‘In this world, nothing is certain but death and taxes.’’ And that uncertainty is also recognised by pure scientists, for it was in 1927 that the German physicist Heisenberg developed the Uncertainty Principle which, put simply states; that the more precisely the position of a particle is given, the less precicisely once can say what its moment is. This was an important moment in physics and the development of quan- tum theory. I find it interesting that we can accept readily uncertainty in a pure science like physics which has given us Heisenberg’s Uncertainty Principle, yet we have much more difficulty accepting uncertainty in Health Sciences. 1. General Dental Council. The First Five Years: A Framework for Undergraduate Dental Education, 2nd edn. General Dental Council, London; 2002. 2. Baldwin PJ, Dodd M, Rennie JS. Postgraduate dental education and the ‘new’ graduate. Br Dent J 1998; 185:591–594. www.nature.com/ebd 59 EDITORIAL Accepting uncertainty References 
work_blqf6zvb6fee3el5bglpq5txpy	----	Les Francs-Maçons, la connaissance scientifique et les machines au siècle des Lumières Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'Université de Montréal, l'Université Laval et l'Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Érudit offre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998. Pour communiquer avec les responsables d'Érudit : info@erudit.org Article « Les Francs-Maçons, la connaissance scientifique et les machines au siècle des Lumières » Jacques Charles Lemaire Lumen: Selected Proceedings from the Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies / Lumen : travaux choisis de la Société canadienne d'étude du dix-huitième siècle, vol. 25, 2006, p. 73-81. Pour citer cet article, utiliser l'information suivante : URI: http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1012078ar DOI: 10.7202/1012078ar Note : les règles d'écriture des références bibliographiques peuvent varier selon les différents domaines du savoir. Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter à l'URI https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Document téléchargé le 5 April 2021 10:04 6. Les Francs-Maçons, la connaissance scientifique et les machines au siècle des Lumières L'enseignement supérieur des matières scientifiques, qui avait reçu tant de faveur à l'époque de la Renaissance, tombe en déliquescence à l'épo- que de Louis XIV. Sous les règnes de Louis XV et de Louis XVI, les universités françaises se consacrent en ordre principal à la diffusion d u savoir théologique (la Sorbonne), au droit et à la médecine. Les sciences pures (mathématiques et physique) n'entrent pas dans la composition des programmes de formation universitaire. Quiconque entend se for- mer dans ces disciplines se trouve bien démuni : seul le Collège royal (ancêtre du Collège de France), où professait Lalande, comportait des cours portant sur les sciences, à côté de nombreux enseignements de caractère littéraire. Astronome et mathématicien, Joseph-Jérôme Le Français de Lalande (1732-1807) comprend assez tôt le rôle que la franc-maçonnerie de son temps peut exercer en faveur de la connaissance scientifique. Initié dans une loge de Bourg-en-Bresse (Saint-Jean des Elus), il fonde à Paris la loge Les Sciences aux environs de 1765 et en préside les travaux. La dénomina- tion même de cet Atelier (assez mal connu en raison de la disparition de ses archives) indique clairement l'intention de son initiateur1 : dans l'es- prit de l'Encyclopédie de Diderot et d'Alembert, ces maîtres d'œuvre qui n'ont entretenu aucun lien étroit avec la société maçonnique, les mem- bres de la loge Les Sciences entendaient favoriser le développement des connaissances techniques en raison de leur conviction intime, élaborée à la fin du traité De l'esprit (1758) d'Helvétius, lui-même membre fon- 1 Jean-Paul De Lagrave, Madame Helvétius et la Société d'Auteuil, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, 1999, p. xiii et 77. LUMEN XXV / 2006 1209-3696 / 2006 / 2500-0073 $10.00 / ©CSECS / SCEDHS 74 Jacques Charles Lemaire dateur de la loge2, selon lequel l'éducation scientifique, fondée sur l'ob- servation d u monde et la maîtrise des lois de la mécanique3, revêtait une importance capitale dans la formation morale de l'être humain. Helvétius disparaît le 11 mars 1776, l'année même où est instituée la loge Les Neuf Sœurs, qui va reprendre le flambeau allumé par Les Sciences. On a dit de cet Atelier qu'il constituait davantage une académie qu'un Atelier maçonnique. Cette appréciation est assez injuste dans la mesure où la dimension de réflexion philosophique et la volonté de «rassembler ce qui est épars», propres à la réalité maçonnique, sont proclamées dans un article de son règlement, approuvé par le Grand Orient de France en 1777 : «La loge des Neuf Sœurs, en faisant des vertus maçonniques la base et l'appui de son institution, a cru devoir y joindre la culture des sciences, des lettres et des arts. C'est les ramener à leur véritable origine. Les arts ont eu, comme la Maçonnerie, l'avantage inappréciable de rapprocher les hommes4». D'entrée de jeu, Les Neuf Sœurs, qui comptent aussi des artistes sur ses colonnes — des peintres (Greuze et Vernet), des sculpteurs (Houdon) et des gens de lettres (Chamf ort, Voltaire, Florian, Parny5, Delille6, Roucher, Louis Sébastien Mercier7, etc.) — accordent une place éminente aux hommes de science. Lalande, auteur de l'article «franc-maçon» de Y Ency- clopédie, est son premier Vénérable8 : il sera suivi en 1779 par Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790), alors ministre plénipotentiaire des États-Unis à 2 Gordon R. Silber, «In search of Helvetius's Early Career as a Freemason», Eighteenth Century Studies, vol. 15, 1982, p. 421-441, et Louis Amiable, Une Loge maçonnique d'avant 1789 : la Loge des Neuf Sœurs, augmenté d'un commentaire et de notes critiques de Charles Porset, Paris, Édimaf, 1989, p . 14-15 d u commentaire. 3 Irving Louis Horowitz, Claude Helvétius : Philosopher of Democracy and Enlightenment, New York, Paine-Whitman, 1954, p . 159. 4 L. Amiable, Une Loge maçonnique d'avant 1789 : la Loge des Neuf Sœurs, op. cit., p . 32. 5 Jacques Charles Lemaire, «Parny et la franc-maçonnerie», Études sur le XVIIIe siècle, 2, 1975, p . 43-55. 6 Edouard Guitton, Jacques Delille (1738-1813) et le poème de la nature en France de 1750 à 1820, Paris, Klincksieck, coll. «Publications de l'Université de Haute Bretagne», 1974, p. 296-314. 7 Robert Amadou, «Un discours maçonnique de Louis Sébastien Mercier. Soyons maçons et point académiciens», Renaissance traditionnelle, 13,1973, p. 20-27, et «Encore à propos de Louis Sébastien Mercier», Renaissance traditionnelle, 27,1976, p. 214. 8 Charles Porset, «Lalande et le courant rationaliste», Franc-Maçonnerie et Lumières au seuil de la Révolution française, Paris, Grand Orient de France, 1985, p . 29-43. Les Francs-Maçons 75 Paris et inventeur du paratonnerre9. C'est sous le vénéralat de Franklin que Les Neuf Sœurs inaugurent (en novembre 1780) la Société Apollo- nienne, ou groupement académique dévoué à l'instruction des sciences et des arts, dont les séances hebdomadaires, ouvertes aux hommes comme aux femmes, aux francs-maçons comme aux profanes, avaient pour mission d'activer les connaissances nouvelles10 en un temps où le clergé catholique avait réussi à se réserver l'enseignement supérieur comme un monopole. Antoine Court de Gébelin (1719-1784), membre des Neuf Sœurs, préside la Société Apollonienne. Ce savant d'origine protestante, auteur d'un ouvrage monumental intitulé Le Monde primitif analysé et comparé avec le monde moderne11, était l'ami12 du docteur Franz Anton Mesmer (initié à la franc-maçonnerie dans son Autriche natale), dont il défendait les thèses relatives au magnétisme animal13, ou propriété qu'ont les corps de recevoir l'action d'un fluide universellement répandu et unique moyen de maintenir l'équilibre de toutes les fonctions vitales14. Con- sidéré comme un fondateur lointain de la psychanalyse par ses recher- ches sur l'inconscient15, Mesmer, qui entre 1781 et 1784 partage son temps entre Spa (une ville d'eau située dans la Belgique d'aujourd'hui) 9 Claude-Anne Lopez, Le Sceptre et la Foudre. Benjamin Franklin à Paris, Paris, Mercure de France, 1990, p. 233. 10 L. Amiable, Une Loge maçonnique d'avant 1789 : la Loge des Neuf Sœurs, op. cit., p. 187-190. 11 Wallace Kirsop, «Cultural Networks in Pre-Revolutionary France : some Reflexions on the Case of Antoine Court de Gébelin», Australian Journal of French Studies, vol. 17, 1981, p. 233. 12 Cette amitié s'explique en partie par la guérison d'une affection contractée en 1783, que Court de Gébelin devait à Mesmer. Voir Anne-Marie Mercier-Faivre, «Franc-maçonnerie et protestantisme : le mythe des origines à travers le Monde primitif de Court de Gébelin (1773-1782)», Franc-Maçonnerie et religions dans l'Europe des Lumières, Paris, Honoré Champion, coll. « Les Dix-huitièmes siècles », 1998, p. 63. 13 Les partisans de Mesmer fondent à Paris une Société de l'Harmonie destinée à répandre les théories sur le magnétisme. L'un des principaux animateurs de ce groupe, avec Nicolas Bergasse, auteur de Considérations sur le magnétisme animal, est un franc-maçon assez actif, Savalette de Langes. Voir Robert Darnton, La fin des Lumières. Le mesmérisme et la Révolution, trad. Marie-Allyx Revellat, Paris, Perrin, coll. « Pour l'histoire », 1984, p. 44 et 76. 14 Les théories de Mesmer ont été vivement combattues par Condorcet et par Franklin, au nom de motifs scientifiques que l'un et l'autre ont explicitement justifiés (Robert Darnton, La Fin des Lumières. Le mesmérisme et la Révolution, op. cit., p. 62-64). 15 Franklin Rausky, Mesmer ou la révolution thérapeutique, Paris, Payot, 1977, p . 219-239. 76 Jacques Charles Lemaire et Paris, a beaucoup œuvré, dans les milieux mondains16 qui se passion- nent pour ses baquets et ses expériences sur les fluides, pour la recon- naissance d'une harmonie universelle physique, morale et sociale17. Le succès de son Mémoire sur la découverte du magnétisme animal (Genève, 1779) comporte des connotations politiques qui ont été mises en évidence par Robert Darnton18. La Société Apollonienne répond à la demande d u temps en offrant aux contemporains de véritables «lumières», c'est-à-dire des connais- sances dans les matières délaissées par l'université «officielle» (en par- ticulier les sciences et la technologie), et en y associant des valeurs propres à la philosophie maçonnique (l'idéal d u bonheur terrestre, les idées de liberté et de progrès)19. En 1781, la Société Apollonienne se mue en Musée de Paris et demeure animée par Court de Gébelin auquel vient s'adjoindre l'abbé Cordier de Saint-Firmin, un historien et homme de lettres membre des Neuf Sœurs et parrain de Voltaire dans cette loge20. A la fin de l'année 1781, le Musée de Paris subit la concurrence d'une autre société savante d'origine maçonnique, appelée le Musée français ou, tout simplement, le Musée. Cet établissement d'enseignement, qui se place comme l'autre dans la tradition au moins nominale de la partie du palais fondé à Alexandrie et occupé par Ptolémée qui y rassemblait les savants et les philosophes les plus célèbres de son époque, accentue plus encore que son prédécesseur l'intérêt pour les sciences et les techniques. Il est fondé et animé par Jean-François Pilâtre de Rozier (1756-1785), physicien et aéronaute de 16 On ne doit pas compter au nombre des hommes de science francs-maçons Joseph Balsamo, dit Cagliostro, dont l'appartenance maçonnique est incontestable, mais qui s'est fait connaître dans la bonne société d u temps comme un mystagogue aux théories fumeuses et friponnes, et non comme un chercheur honnête et désintéressé. 17 Une description précise de ces expérimentations se lit dans CL-A. Lopez, Le Sceptre et la Foudre. Benjamin Franklin à Paris, p. 155-156, et l'ensemble de la théorie de Mesmer est finement exposé dans R. Darnton, La fin des Lumières. Le mesmérisme et la Révolution, op. cit., p. 18-20. 18 R. Darnton, La Fin des Lumières. Le mesmérisme et la Révolution, op. cit., p. 115-136. 19 Didier Masseau, L'invention de l'intellectuel dans l'Europe du XVIIIe siècle, Paris, P.U.F., coll. « Perspectives littéraires », 1994. p . 66-74, et Daniel Roche, La France des Lumières, Paris, Fayard, 1993, p. 396. 20 Charles Porset, Voltaire franc-maçon, La Rochelle, Rumeur des âges, 1995, p. 35 et Jacques Charles Lemaire, «L'image de Voltaire dans l'historiographie maçonnique de langue française», Revue de l'Université de Bruxelles, 1977, p . 313. Les Francs-Maçons 77 renom (passionné par la découverte des frères Montgolfier, il s'est tué en 1785 en tentant de traverser la Manche en ballon), membre de la loge du Grand Chapitre général21. Pilâtre appartenait à l'entourage de Mon- sieur, frère d u roi (le futur Louis XVIII), et obtint l'appui d u prince et de son épouse pour fonder son établissement avec l'autorisation d u gou- vernement. Son Musée poursuit une double ambition tout à fait origi- nale : offrir aux savants et aux amateurs des laboratoires pour réaliser leurs expériences, mais aussi enseigner à u n public plus large l'usage des machines et lui indiquer toutes les applications possibles de ces instru- ments mécaniques22. Le programme d'enseignement du Musée com- prend des cours de physique et de chimie servant d'introduction aux arts et métiers ainsi q u ' u n enseignement des mathématiques et de la phy- sique expérimentale spécialement appliqué aux arts mécaniques. Les organisateurs du Musée insistent donc sur la mise en pratique de la pensée scientifique : cette dimension «utilitaire» correspond parfaite- ment aux vues des rédacteurs de l'Encyclopédie. Devant le succès éclatant remporté par les activités d u Musée dans les sphères savantes (l'Académie des sciences, l'Académie française, la Société royale de médecine dispensent leurs encouragements au Musée) et dans les milieux de la bourgeoisie intellectuelle, Pilâtre reçoit de Monsieur un immeuble situé en plein cœur de Paris, non loin d u Palais-Royal, où est organisée une exposition publique permanente des inventions utiles aux arts et aux techniques. C'est à l'occasion de l'inauguration de ce nouveau siège de la société qu'est tiré, au début de décembre 1784, u n magnifique feu d'artifice en l'honneur de Buff on23. Pour assurer une bonne gestion du Musée, Pilâtre s'adjoint une équipe d'administrateurs et un secrétaire perpétuel. Le premier en date des secrétaires élus est Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry (1750-1819), membre de la loge des Neuf Sœurs24. 21 A. Le Bihan, Francs-maçons parisiens du Grand Orient de France (fin du XVIIIe siècle), Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, coll. « Mémoires et documents — Commission d'histoire économique et sociale de la Révolution française », 1966, p . 396. 22 L. Amiable, Une Loge maçonnique d'avant 1789 : la Loge des Neuf Sœurs, op. cit., p. 187-204. 23 Ibid., p. 197. 24 A. Le Bihan, Francs-maçons parisiens du Grand Orient de France (fin du XVIIIe siècle), op. cit., p. 367. 78 Jacques Charles Lemaire La disparition de Pilâtre le 15 juin 1785 dans les circonstances tragiques évoquées plus haut25 n'a pas ralenti les activités d u Musée. Au contraire. Deux frères d u roi, le comte de Provence et le comte d'Artois, apportent publiquement leur soutien à l'entreprise. Moreau de Saint- Méry s'applique à étendre les diverses disciplines d'enseignement et à étoffer les cours des professeurs, parmi lesquels on compte plusieurs membres des Neuf Sœurs. Jean-François Marmontel (1723-1799), se- crétaire perpétuel de l'Académie française, enseigne l'histoire avec, comme adjoint, Joseph-Dominique Garât (1749-1833), futur ministre de la Justice (1793-1794)26. Condorcet (1743-1794), autre m e m b r e de l'Académie française, dispense des cours de mathématiques appliquées à l'astronomie et au calcul des probabilités27. Le comte Antoine de Fourcroy, chimiste, développe le secteur de ce qu'il est convenu d'appe- ler, à l'époque, les «sciences naturelles28». En décembre 1785, le Musée abandonne son nom au profit de la dénomination de Lycée, en souvenir de l'école philosophique animée à Athènes par Aristote. Sa faveur est si grande que le Lycée éclipse définitivement le Musée de Paris. Au sein d u Lycée, le rôle de Condorcet revêt une importance capitale. C'est lui qui est ordinairement chargé de la leçon inaugurale relative à la chaire de mathématiques. Dans ses allocutions, il ne manque jamais d'insister sur l'importance d u rôle de la raison et de l'expérience dans la réflexion scientifique29. Ces prises de position sans ambages en faveur de la recherche débarrassée des oripeaux de la scolastique, et sa convic- tion très ferme à l'égard de la grandeur de l'esprit humain, lui ont valu 25 La montgolfière de Pilâtre, qui est accompagné de Pierre-Ange Romain, s'écrase contre les rochers de Wimereux, près de Boulogne, au petit matin d u 15 juin 1785. Une première tentative de traversée de la Manche en ballon, dans le sens Douvres-Calais, avait été réussie par Jean-Pierre Blanchard et l'Américain John Jefferies le 7 janvier 1785. Voir Raymond Fontaine, La Manche en ballon : Blanchard contre Pilâtre de Rozier, Dunkerque, Westhoek Éditions, 1982, p. 119-149 et 151-168. 26 Voir sa notice biographique dans Marc Régaldo, Un Milieu intellectuel : la Décade philosophique (1794-1807), Lille, Thèse de l'Université, t. 5, p. 724-726. 27 La question de l'appartenance maçonnique de Condorcet demeure controversée. Voir en particulier Elisabeth et Robert Badinter, Condorcet (1743-1794). Un intellectuel en politique, Paris, Fayard, 1988, p. 179, ainsi que Pierre Guillaume et Pierre Lesigne, «Sur Condorcet franc-maçon», Chroniques d'histoire maçonnique, 38,1987, p. 21-43. 28 W.A. Smeaton, «The Early Years of the Lycée and the Lycée des Arts. A Chapter in the Lives of A.L. Lavoisier and A.F. Fourcroy», Annals of Science. A Quaterly Review of the History of Science since the Renaissance, 11,1956, p . 257-267. 29 Janine Bouissounouse, Condorcet. Le Philosophe dans la Révolution, Paris, Hachette, 1962, p. 115. Les Francs-Maçons 79 quelques menaces de la part d u pouvoir judiciaire. Mais l'esprit révolu- tionnaire souffle déjà ses premières brises et Condorcet ne sera pas sérieusement inquiété. Le Lycée lui-même traverse la période des insur- rections sans trop de dommages et se perpétue sous le titre de Lycée républicain à partir de décembre 179330 pour prendre le nom d'Athénée de Paris en 1802, puis d'Athénée royal sous la Restauration. Il clôt définitivement ses cours en 1843, alors que les universités ont pris le relais de la formation scientifique. En marge du rôle des francs-maçons dans l'enseignement des sciences dans les sociétés savantes, on doit également compter avec l'apport des initiés dans différentes disciplines scientifiques31. Dans cette catégorie aussi, la loge des Neuf Sœurs a établi une sorte de suprématie. Elle accueille en son sein des spécialistes de sciences naturelles comme le comte Bernard de Lacépède (1756-1825)32, l'inventeur de divers instru- ments de physique Pierre Le Changeux (1740-1800), les mathématiciens Charles-Gilbert Romme (1750-1795)33 et François Chabanneau (1754- 1842), le chimiste Antoine Cadet de Vaux (1743-1828) et le médecin Pierre Cabanis (1757-1808), familier du baron d'Holbach34. Les architectes y 30 Un ami de Fourcroy, Charles-Louis Cadet de Gassicourt, qui a participé à la fondation d u Lycée de Paris en 1787 et qui a été initié aux mystères maçonniques la même année, écrit une ode vibrante en faveur d u Lycée républicain à l'époque révolutionnaire. Voir Mémoire du général baron Thiébault, publiés sous les auspices de sa fille, Mademoiselle Claire Thiébault, d'après le manuscrit original, éd. Fernand Calmettes, Paris, Pion, 1893, t. 1, p . 404, et Jacques Charles Lemaire, «Cadet de Gassicourt, propagateur de Fantimaçonnisme templier», La Pensée et les Hommes, n. 49,2002, p . 165. 31 Louis Sébastien Mercier, Tableau de Paris, Amsterdam, 1782-1788, t. 2, p . 300, et 1.11, p . 18. 32 Jean Théodoridès, «Le comte de Lacépède (1756-1825), naturaliste, musicien et homme politique», dans Comptes rendus du 96e Congrès national des sociétés savantes. Toulouse 1971, Section des sciences. 1, Histoire des sciences, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, 1974, p . 49. 33 Ardent révolutionnaire, Charles-Gilbert Romme est aussi connu comme promoteur du calendrier républicain. Voir François Garrigue, «Formation et composantes de l'esprit républicain chez le Conventionnel Gilbert Romme», dans J. Viard (éd.), L'esprit républicain : Colloque d'Orléans des 4-5 septembre 1970, Paris, Klincksieck, 1971, p . 175-187. 34 Cabanis, qui est aussi lié avec Lacépède, Garât et Chamfort, est introduit aux Neuf Sœurs par Roucher (Martin S. Staum, Cabanis. Enlightenment and Medical Philosophy in the French Revolution, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1980, p . 18). Il se brouillera avec le poète, hostile aux positions de Robespierre, au moment de la Terreur (Antoine Guillois, Le Salon de Madame Helvétius. Cabanis et les idéologues, New York, B. Franklin, 1894, p. 53, 59 et 84). 80 Jacques Charles Lemaire sont bien représentés, mais ce sont surtout des hommes de cour qui, comme Charles Guillaumot (1730-1807) ou Bernard Poyet (1742-1824), ont la charge de la construction ou de l'entretien des monuments publics. Ouverts aux spéculations théoriques, les francs-maçons de la généra- tion pré-révolutionnaire ne sont pas moins intéressés par les concrétisa- tions technologiques de leurs hypothèses de recherche. Si les créations d'automates rencontrent peu d'écho dans les loges35, les expériences sur l'électricité36 ou les innovations en matière de déplacement dans les airs y recueillent une faveur insigne. Un franc-maçon architecte s'illustre dans la construction de machines volantes, et il s'agit sans doute d ' u n des inventeurs les plus célèbres que le XVIIIe siècle français ait engen- drés : Jacques-Etienne Montgolfier (1745-1799)37. En compagnie de son frère Joseph-Michel (1740-1810), qui n'a, semble-t-il, jamais été reçu dans une loge maçonnique, Jacques-Etienne commence sa carrière comme élève de Soufflot puis, à la mort de son père, rentre à Annonay pour reprendre la direction de la manufacture familiale de production de papier. Déjà, il se signale dans cette activité par une première invention : un procédé de fabrication d u papier vélin inconnu jusqu'alors. La lecture des Observations sur différentes espèces d'air (1772) d u chimiste britannique Joseph Priestley38, le découvreur de l'oxygène (1774), lui donne l'idée d'enfermer dans une enveloppe de papier u n gaz plus léger que l'air, afin que cette enveloppe puisse s'élever dans l'atmosphère. Avec l'aide de Joseph-Michel, Jacques-Etienne construit dans u n premier temps u n ballon de soie d'une vingtaine de mètres cubes qui, rempli d'un air chaud produit par la combustion de paille mouillée mêlée de laine, s'élève dans l'air. Les deux frères répètent leur expérience, à Annonay d'abord, puis, le 19 septembre 1783, devant le roi et toute la cour réunie à Versailles39. La montgolfière, symbole d'une nouvelle maîtrise de la nature et figure 35 Alfred Chapuis et Edmond Droz, Les Automates. Figures artificielles d'hommes et d'animaux. Histoire et technique, Neuchâtel, Éditions d u Griffon, 1949, p . 251-270, ainsi que André Doyon et Lucien Liaigre, Jacques Vaucanson, mécanicien de génie, Paris, P.U.F., coll. « Publications de la Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines, Université de Grenoble», 1966, p. 416. 36 R. Darnton, La Fin des Lumières. Le mesmérisme et la Révolution, op. cit., p . 38. 37 A. Le Bihan, Francs-maçons parisiens du Grand Orient de France (fin du XVIIF siècle), op. cit., p. 364. 38 Priestley a été naturalisé français grâce à l'intervention d u comte de Lacépède (voir J. Théodoridès, «Le comte de Lacépède (1756-1825), naturaliste, musicien et homme politique», loc. cit., p. 50). 39 Patrick Wald-Lasowski, «Globes !», Revue des sciences humaines, n. 200,1985, p . 9-42. Les Francs-Maçons 81 emblématique d'une modernité qui se donne en spectacle au plus grand nombre40, était née. L'aérostat acquiert au fil des mois des dimensions de plus en plus grandes (jusqu'à 750 mètres cubes) et transporte des animaux, puis des personnes. Le 21 novembre 1783, Pilâtre de Rozier et le marquis d'Arlandes s'élèvent jusqu'à mille mètres dans le ciel et parcourent quelques kilomètres au dessus-de Paris, la distance entre le château de la Muette et la Butte aux Cailles41. Deux francs-maçons parisiens, le constructeur de l'engin aérostatique et son premier pilote, laissent de cette manière leur nom dans l'histoire des pionniers de l'aviation. Mais, tandis que l'intrépidité de Pilâtre lui vaut de mourir prématurément, Jacques-Etienne Montgolfier, fait chevalier de l'Ordre du Roi par Louis XVI, poursuit ses recherches et invente en 1792 une autre machine, appelée «bélier hydraulique», ou dispositif qui utilise le choc provoqué par l'eau dans une conduite brusquement fermée pour forcer une partie de cette eau à monter plus haut que son point de départ. Les francs-maçons de l'époque des Lumières, et les membres de la loge des Neuf Sœurs en particulier, ne se sont donc pas cantonnés dans une vaine spéculation théorique. Les uns ont cherché à mettre leur savoir à la disposition de leurs contemporains en suppléant aux carences du clergé dans l'enseignement des matières scientifiques et techniques. D'autres, davantage animés par une intuition pratique, ont innové en offrant à la civilisation les fruits concrets de leurs réflexions. En fils spirituels de l'Encyclopédie, «concrétisation d e la p h i l o s o p h i e d u temps42», tous ont contribué de la manière qu'ils estimaient la plus adéquate au progrès intellectuel et social de l'humanité. JACQUES CHARLES LEMAIRE Lettres Romanes, Université de Bruxelles 40 Michel Delon, « Montgolfière », dans M. Delon (dir.), Dictionnaire européen des Lumières, Paris, P.U.F., 1997, p . 725. 41 Benjamin Franklin a dressé le compte rendu officiel de l'ascension (Cl.-A. Lopez, Le Sceptre et la Foudre. Benjamin Franklin à Paris, op. cit., p. 204). 42 Robert Darnton, L'Aventure de l'Encyclopédie (1775-1800). Un best-seller au siècle des Lumières, trad. Marie-Allyx Revellat, Paris, Perrin, 1982, p . 387. 
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work_bv5y5op7hrd7jmyznhw27zkaei	----	Book Reviews changing views of human nature, and is written by the editor, who is Professor of English in the University ofCalifornia at Los Angeles. Clearly, both sides of the coin are necessary for a balanced view of the Renaissance and Dr. Kinsman has done well to illuminate the reverse face. SIR CYRIL BURT, ESP and psychology, edited by Anita Gregory, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975, 8vo, pp. vii, 179, £4.50. Although Cyril Burt (1883-1971) is best known for his work on the application of psychology to education, to the development of children and to the assessment of mental qualities, he also contributed to ESP, as an obituarist had to point out (The Times, 15 October 1971). This book, stimulated by the same obituarist, contains eight carefully selected essays based on articles, lectures or reviews, all published except the last two. They range from 1935 to 1967, but most were written in the 1960s. Burt believed that consciousness is a central feature of psychology, and that the application of mathematics to psychology is likewise essential. These two extremes arose out of his work in educational and developmental psychology, which closely resemble para-psychology because in each an amalgam of personal experience and impeccable experimental and statistical data is essential. Burt's attraction to ESP is therefore understandable, and in the brief but informative introduction the editor explains this and other background features of his interest in, and approach to, what in his day was an unorthodoxy. However, his statement that ESP is a natural phenome- non that should be part of psychology, although held as heretical when made, may now, in view ofincreasing data, be more acceptable. The editor has chosen only papers intended for the general reader, and together they provide us with an excellent survey of Burt's work on ESP. Whether right or wrong, as may be judged in the future, there is no doubt that ESP forms an important part of the history ofpsychology in general. WHITFIELD J. BELL, jr., The colonialphysician and other essays, New York, Science History Publications, 1975, 8vo, pp. [2 11], 229, illus., paperback, [no price stated]. Since 1940 Whitfield Bell, a historian by training, has been publishing papers on the history of North American medicine. He now collects together sixteen of them, and as the title of the book, which is also the title of the first paper, suggests, they deal pre- dominently with the eighteenth century. All but three ('A portrait of the Colonial physician', 'Philadelphia medical students in Europe, 1750-1800', 'Body-snatching in Philadelphia') are centred on the activities of individuals, and amongst others there are John Redman, Benjamin Franklin, John Morgan and William Shippen. Each essay is a scholarly contribution with full documentation and written in a pleasing style. As a collection they present an excellent survey of eighteenth-century American medicine, together with vivid insights into the activities of particular physicians. Moreover, as most of this medicine stemmed from European practice, Dr. Bell's book should be studied carefully by all those engaged in any aspect of medicine in the eighteenth century, as well as students ofAmerican medicine. It can be warmly recommended, and it is to be hoped that Dr. Bell, the accepted authority on Colonial American medicine and science, will now provide an integrated history ofthis formative period. 341 at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300022997 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300022997 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_bw7muugykfcktlzpx7jgjr44fy	----	THE Pennsylvania Magazine OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY The "Industrious Poor" and the Founding of the "Pennsylvania Hospital THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL,* the first hospital in thethirteen colonies, was founded in Philadelphia in 1751.1Doctor Thomas Bond initiated the idea for the hospital, but it took the support of Benjamin Franklin, a coterie of Quaker merchants and a number of other public-spirited citizens to assure the success of this venture to aid the sick-poor of colonial Penn- sylvania.2 * The writer is indebted to the financial support provided by the American Philosophical Society and the Barra Foundation of Philadelphia, and to the suggestions made by John Munroe of the University of Delaware, Whitfield J. Bell Jr., of the American Philosophical Society, Robert Brunhouse of the University of South Alabama, John Woodward of the University of Sheffield and Norman Capener, Vice-President of the Royal College of Sur- geons, London. 1 The primacy claim of the Pennsylvania Hospital is not undisputed. The Philadelphia General Hospital correctly maintains that the Philadelphia Almshouse, from which the Philadelphia General evolved, antedates the Pennsylvania Hospital by some twenty years. The Almshouse, however, was primarily a welfare institution during the eighteenth century, even though many of its inmates did suffer from physical or mental afflictions of some sort. The Pennsylvania Hospital, on the other hand, was specifically founded as a hospital. 2 For a brief discussion of the Pennsylvania Hospital's first twenty-five years, see William H. Williams, "The Early Days of Anglo-America's First Hospital," The Journal of the Ameri- can Medical Association, Apr. 3, 1972, vol. 220, 115-119. For a more detailed discussion of the Pennsylvania Hospital's first fifty years, see William H. Williams, "The Pennsylvania Hospital, 1751-1801" (doctoral dissertation, University of Delaware, 1971). 431 4 3 2 WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS October Anglo-America's first hospital was a conscious copy of the British voluntary hospital as it developed in provincial centers outside of London. These voluntary hospitals were spawned by a reform move- ment that swept Great Britain during the eighteenth century. The institutions thus founded differed from the older Royal Hospitals in that the former were maintained entirely by voluntary sub- scribers and attended by consulting physicians, gratis,3 while the latter received support from both municipal government and volun- tary subscribers, and used salaried physicians on their staffs. Great Britain's first voluntary hospital was established at Westminster in 1720, but more important to the Pennsylvania Hospital was St. George's, established at Hyde Park in 1733. St. George's was the prototype for the first English provincial voluntary hospital founded at Winchester in 1736. The Winchester institution, in turn, became the prototype for most of the subsequent provincial hospitals.4 There is no doubt that the founders of the Pennsylvania Hospital had in mind the creation of a "small provincial hospital" of the Winchester type.5 Franklin's 'Pennsylvania Cjazette, in an effort to promote the local undertaking, cited the successful examples of the voluntary hospitals at Hyde Park, Bath, Edinburgh, Liverpool, Exeter and, of course, Winchester. The Qazette even carried some information on Anglican clergyman Alured Clarke, the founder of the hospitals at Winchester and Exeter.6 Acquiring specific information on the newly founded provincial hospitals, whether at Winchester or elsewhere, was no great problem to colonial Philadelphians. The Cjentlemans <iMagaziney published in London but widely read in the colonies—Franklin thought it the best of England's magazines—carried detailed accounts of indi- vidual hospitals. In 1736, it announced the opening of the hospital at Winchester and later provided a detailed account of that insti- tution's first year. The Cjentlemans ^Magazine ended its report on 3 W. H . McMenemey, "The Hospital Movement of the Eighteenth Century and Its Development," The Evolution of Hospitals in Britain, F . N . L. Poynter, ed. (London, 1964), 57. 4 Alured Clarke, A Collection of Papers Relating to the County Hospital for Sick and Lame at Winchester (London, 1737), x; Gentleman's Magazine, X I (London, 1741), 474; X I I (London, 1742), 152; X I I I (London, 1743), 640; XIV (London, 1744), 52; An Account of the Public Hospital for the Diseased Poor in the County of York (York, 1743), 3. 5 Benjamin Franklin, Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital, I. Bernard Cohen, ed. (Baltimore, 1954), 4. 6 Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 8 and 15, 1751. I973 THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL 433 Winchester (often referred to as Hants) by noting that "so truly charitable an undertaking is worthy the immitation of all counties in Britain." Further praise for the Winchester hospital appeared in 1739 a n d then, in 1741, the Qentlemans (Magazine published a de- tailed account of the new county hospital at Exeter. Subsequent issues carried details of other newly established hospitals, including those at Bristol, York, Bath, Reading and Northampton.7 Information was also available on British hospitals through numerous hospital reports published by the individual institutions. The first report from Winchester appeared in 1737, and by 1744 Dr. Philip Doddridge, a nonconformist divine, was able to look over published reports of at least five provincial hospitals while in the process of planning the new voluntary hospital at Northampton.8 Although there is no proof that these published reports were in the hands of the founders of the Pennsylvania Hospital at that insti- tution's inception, there is reason to believe that the supporters and managers of the Philadelphia institution made a conscious effort to collect published reports put out by the various British hospitals.9 Newspapers also carried many reports on the voluntary hospitals in Great Britain. In 1749, for example, an unidentified letter writer noted that the hospital at Edinburgh had been much in the news- papers lately.10 Certainly many of these newspaper articles made their way to Philadelphia. Philadelphians touring Great Britain supplied yet another avenue of information. A case in point was Dr. Phineas Bond, brother of the founder of the Pennsylvania Hospital and later one of that hospital's first physicians, who re- turned from Europe in 1743 after spending some time in London and Edinburgh. Although there is no extant supporting evidence, it 7 Gentle?nanis Magazine, VI (London, 1736), 618; VII (London, 1737), 636', IX (London, J739) 4°8; XI (London, 1741), 474, 497, 652; XII (London, 1742), 152; XIII (London, 1743), 640; XIV (London, 1744), 52; XVIII (London, 1748), 198; Verner W. Crane, Benjamin Franklin and a Rising People (Boston, 1954), 25. 8 Alured Clarke, A Collection of Papers; W. H. Me Me ne my, "The Hospital Movement of the Eighteenth Century and Its Development," $3. 9 Occasional references indicate that a systematic effort by the Pennsylvania Hospital to collect material on contemporary British hospitals was underway at an early date. Board of Managers Minutes, Pennsylvania Hospital Archives, I, 147; James Pemberton to William Logan, Feb. 5, 1761, Pemberton Copy Book, 1740-1780, Historical Society of Pennsyl- vania, 199. 10 A Letter From a Gentleman in Town to His Friend in the Country Relating to the Royal infirmary of Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 1749), 1. 4 3 4 WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS October seems safe to presume that the Philadelphia physician toured the important hospitals of those cities and reported to his brother what he saw.11 Philadelphians were receptive to the idea of a voluntary hospital because the Quaker city suffered some of the same problems and exhibited some of the same attitudes found in British provincial centers. The growing number of sick paupers was a trans-Atlantic phenomenon as was the Christian impulse to give to those who were less fortunate. Indeed, the example of the Good Samaritan was often called upon to rally support for the voluntary hospitals on both sides of the Atlantic,12 and more often than not the deeply devout occupied the front ranks of the movement. Quakers John Bellers and Henry Hoare, Anglican divine Alured Clarke, and non- conformist clergyman Philip Doddridge, who were front and center in the British voluntary hospital movement, had their Philadelphia counterparts in Quakers John Reynell and Israel Pemberton, and Anglican clergyman Richard Peters. The drive for increased medical knowledge also led to support for new hospitals on both sides of the Atlantic during the eighteenth century. As early as 1714, John Bellers called attention to the potential of hospitals in the field of medical education, an argument taken up by Bishop Seeker (the future Archbishop of Canterbury) and echoed in Philadelphia by Franklin's (gazette when it pointed out that hospitals "not only render the physicians and surgeons who attend them still more expert and skillful . . . but afford such speedy and effectual instruction to the young students of both professions, who come from different and 11 James Thacher, American Medical Biography (Boston, 1828), 179. Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh in Rebels and Gentlemen (New York, 1962), 244, maintain that Thomas Bond visited England in 1748, returning to Philadelphia in the same year full of such enthusiasm for the English hospital movement that he immediately proposed the establishment of a hospital in Philadelphia. Actually, Thomas Bond left Philadelphia in 1748 but his destination was Barbadoes, his purpose to improve his health. John Ross to Cadwalader Evans, Nov. 13, 1748, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XIII (1889), 381-382. The fact that Thomas Bond did not travel to England in 1748 was called to my attention by Elizabeth Thomson of the Yale University School of Medicine. Miss Thomson, a biographer of Bond, is convinced that the founder of the Pennsylvania Hospital did not travel to Europe from 1739 to the founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital in 1751. 12 Pennsylvania Gazette•, Aug. 8, 1751; A. Logan Turner, The Story of a Great Hospital, The Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh (London, 1937), 84. 1973 THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL 435 remote parts of the country for improvement, that they return with a more ample stock of knowledge in their art, and become blessings to the neighborhoods in which they fix their residence/'13 Physicians and surgeons were particularly cognizant of this aspect of the hospital movement and were leaders, in many cases, in the founding of new hospitals. John Harrison in the founding of the London Hospital, a group of physicians and surgeons in the founding of St. George's, the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh in the rise of that city's Royal Infirmary and, of course, Thomas Bond in the founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital are just a few cases in point. But neither Christian charity nor the growing desire for medical knowledge can wholly explain why the voluntary hospital movement suddenly blossomed during the eighteenth century. Rather, there was some other aspect of the movement that elicited the same strong support in both Winchester and Philadelphia. The poor and how they should be treated were much on the minds of eighteenth-century Anglo-Saxons. With the increase in beggars and other dependents, poor rates were bound to increase, much to the consternation of the middling sort and their betters. But, noted Alured Clarke in 1737, the antidote was at hand. The hospital, Clarke argued, "will considerably lessen the poor rates in every parish." The same theme was sounded by other hospital supporters, but in greater detail. Poor rates, it was argued, would decline be- cause the hospital was more efficient and therefore less costly than such previously used methods as hiring physicians to treat the sick-poor at home at public expense. By contrast with the older practices, pointed out the Rev. Richard Grey, the care of the sick- poor in a hospital would be only a tenth as expensive. The refrain was picked up in Philadelphia by the Qazette which agreed with Grey that the difference in cost was "at least ten to one."14 !3 John Bellers, An Essay Towards the Improvement of Physick in Twelve Proposals (London, 1714), passim; David Owen, English Philanthropy, 1660-1960 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), 40; Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 8, 1751. 14 Alured Clarke, A Proposal For Erecting a Public Hospital (Winchester, 1736), 5; Gentle- marts Magazine, XI (London, 1741), 475; XIII (London, 1743), 640; Richard Grey, A Sermon for the Sick and Lame at Northampton County Infirmary (Northampton, 1744), 16; Pennsyl- vania Gazette, Aug. 15, 1751. 4 3 ^ WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS October In 1743, the Qentlemans ^Magazine pointed out that if a poor laborer died from medical neglect, his wife and children became a burden to the parish. It was obvious, therefore, that saving the sick-poor was essential on purely fiscal grounds. Eleven years later, Franklin seemed to be alluding to this very same point when he noted that a hospital allowed the sick-poor to "become useful to themselves, their families and the public for many years after."15 Being useful meant, in part, keeping off the poor rolls and therefore keeping down the poor rates. The latter goal was very much on the minds of mid-eighteenth-century Philadelphians and contributed to the incorporation of the Overseers of the Poor in 1749, a s w e ^ a s t o the founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital two years later.16 As the poor increased in number their betters began to express a feeling of uneasiness about the future of the social order. At Win- chester, in 1736, Alured Clarke pointed out that the hospital was a means of procuring the affections of the poor and softening their passions. At Northampton, in 1744, the Rev. Richard Grey was even more to the point when he noted that hospital care would "tend to give the poor in general grateful and honorable sentiment of and inspire them with proper love and reverence towards their superiors . . . and by consequence promote that harmony and sub- ordination in which the peace and happiness of society consists."17 To insure that British sick-poor were aware of their debt to the respective hospitals and, more important, to those who supported those institutions, discharged patients were required, upon release from the hospital, to offer formal thanks to the managers or gover- nors for treatment rendered. Across the Atlantic the same practice was followed, as the founders of the Pennsylvania Hospital required discharged patients to "sign certificates of their particular cases and of the benefit they have received in this hospital to be either pub- lished or otherwise disposed of as the managers may think fit."18 15 Gentleman's Magazine, XIII (London, 1743), 640; Benjamin Franklin, Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 3. 16 The incorporation of the Overseers of the Poor was aimed at keeping down Philadelphia's poor rates by allowing the Overseers to accept private contributions, thus enabling private philanthropy to shoulder some of the burden of public charity. William Clinton Heffner, History of Poor Relief Legislation in Pennsylvania, 1682-1913 (Cleona, Pa., 1911), 73, 74. 17 Alured Clarke, A Sermon Preached in the Cathedral Church of Winchester . . . 1736 (Lon- don, 1737), 8; Richard Grey, A Sermon for the Sick and Lame at Northampton County In- firmary, 10, 11. 18 Board of Managers Minutes, I, Pennsylvania Hospital Archives, 39. I973 THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL 437 More central to the rise of voluntary hospitals than the drive to keep down poor rates, or the desire to render the poor more content with their lot, was another aspect of the attitude of the nonpoor toward the victims of poverty. In her study of the English poor during the eighteenth century, Dorothy Marshall noted a decreasing sympathy for paupers. Disciplining the lazy and extravagant was advocated with greater energy than previously, with workhouses and contractors the expedients proposed and employed. Complaints were often heard of the ill management of private charities "which are too heavily felt to need any particular explanation . . .," and public laws enacted for the benefit of the poor were merely dis- missed as being ineffectual. In Winchester, it was charged, large sums of money given to charity were so misused "that a great many families are known to live in idleness, on the support they receive from the public and private contributions, which are frequently found here "19 Pennsylvania Hospital spokesman Benjamin Franklin was of the same mind. Franklin criticized charitable institutions aimed at aiding the poor because they made the poor "less provident/' The giving of mankind "a dependence on anything for support . . . be- sides industry and frugality during youth and health, tends to flatter our natural indolence, to encourage idleness and prodigality, and thereby promote and increase poverty, the very evil it was intended to cure: thus multiplying beggars instead of diminishing them."20 Nor did Pennsylvania's Quakers seem much more inter- ested than Franklin in supporting large institutions that would alleviate the sufferings of the poor. Although, in the latter half of the eighteenth century, Pennsylvania's Friends would lead the way in charitable ventures of an institutional nature, in 1751 recipients of organized Quaker benevolence along the Delaware seemed to be largely restricted to those of the Friendly persuasion.21 19 Dorothy Marshall, The English Poor in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1926), 13, 14, 22, 23; Alured Clarke, A Collection ojPapers, iv, xiv; Clarke, A Proposal for Erecting a Public Hospital, 1. 20 Albert Henry Smyth, ed., The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, V (New York, 1907), 123. 2 1 Up until mid-century, Quakers in Pennsylvania were not much different in their chari- table benevolence t h a n other colonial sectarian groups. Generally, Quaker philanthropy was aimed at helping fellow Quakers. The one Philadelphia institution t h a t the Quakers did establish prior to 1751 in the field of poor relief was an alms house exclusively for the use of Quaker unfortunates. For a discussion of the change in Quaker attitudes towards institutional 4 3 8 WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS October In short, an apparent paradox existed. A transoceanic society, ostensibly unsympathetic to institutions aiding the poor, simultane- ously spawned a number of voluntary hospitals which, quite obvi- ously, were aimed at aiding the impoverished. A closer look at the situation, however, indicates that rather than a paradox, the found- ing of the Pennsylvania Hospital as well as the founding of the many British provincial hospitals was a logical outgrowth from this lack of faith in the established methods of dealing with poverty. Since the sixteenth century English society had distinguished between various types of poor. Although the distinctions might vary, generally two subgroups were recognized: those who could work but wouldn't; and those who would work but couldn't. The members of the former group were often referred to as 'Vagabonds" or "sturdy beggars," while the latter group included the indigent elderly and the dependent young. A third subgroup which would later be labeled the "industrious" or "worthy poor" was also be- ginning to be recognized by the sixteenth century. Like Gaul, the British poor were divided into three parts. Relief for the poor was aimed at providing particularly for the elderly and the young via almshouses, orphanages, and apprentice- ships. As already pointed out, however, sometimes the "vagabonds" and "sturdy beggars" were unwittingly supported by charity.22 Exasperated because the poor rolls featured lazy but able paupers, it was only logical that eighteenth-century Great Britain turn to work- houses to force the reluctant poor to work. In Philadelphia, Franklin applauded the concept of the workhouse as it was being applied in Great Britain and suggested that Pennsylvania needed the same sort of institution. Franklin's main concern was to encourage the "work ethic" (i.e,> industry and thrift) among able-bodied colonists, because "as matters now stand with us care and industry seem absolutely necessary to our well being, they should therefore have every encouragement we can invent. . . ,"23 charity, see Sydney James, A "People Among Peoples: Quaker Benevolence in Eighteenth Century America (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). 22 A. G. R. Smith, The Government of Elizabethan England (New York, 1967), 80; Marcus W. Jernigan, Laboring and Dependent Classes in Colonial America, 1607-1783 (Chicago, 1931), 191; Samuel Mencher, Poor Law to Poverty Program (Pittsburgh, 1967), 22, 23. 23 Franklin to Peter Collinson, May 9, 1753, The Papers of Benjamin Franklin^ IV, L. W. Laboree, ed. (New Haven, 1961), 482. As might be expected, a workhouse was established I973 THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL 439 Leaders in the British voluntary hospital movement, while gen- erally castigating the lazy-poor as an unjustified burden to public and private charity, singled out the "industrious poor" for praise. Encomiums for the latter group reached a crescendo in 1748 when the Rev. John Nixon called them "the strength and bulwark of the nation/'24 The irony of it all was that eighteenth-century British charity rarely aided the industrious poor, because that group was self-sufficient and, therefore, "not entitled to a parochial relief." Some of the "industrious poor" even tended to be "ashamed to receive any constant assistance from the parish collections. . . ."25 Obviously the "industrious poor" were the most deserving, but how to help them without further aiding the lazy-poor? In 1741 the Cjentlemaris ^Magazine, in an article concerning the "many peculiar advantages of public hospitals," pointed out that unlike other charities, the hospital is not subject to imposters be- cause they would "be discovered by the physicians and surgeons." Moreover, while the profligate and lazy were being weeded out, care would be given to the "multitudes" who had not come under the "care of a parish or workhouse; and yet are most of all entitled to the regards of the public, since they are in present want, and are of the diligent and industrious, which is the most useful and valuable part of all society." Four years later at Northampton, the Rev. Thomas Holme assured his listeners that the voluntary hospital benefited not only society in general, but in particular "those most useful members of it, the industrious poor." Holme went on to say that only deserving objects would be provided for in the hospital and "lazy and clamor- ous poverty will find no relief." Other voices joined in to inform the public that the new voluntary hospitals were particularly aimed at aiding the industrious and hard-working poor.26 in Philadelphia in 1767 to promote industry and frugality among the poor. Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh, Rebels and Gentlemen, 232. 24 Richard Grey, A Sermon for the Sick and Lame at Northampton County Infirmary, 15; Thomas Holme, A Sermon.... (Northampton, 1745), 27; John, Lord Bishop of Peterborough, A Sermon.... (Northampton, 1748), 18; John Nixon, A Sermon.... (Northampton, 1749), 14. 25 Alured Clarke, A "Proposalfor Erecting a Public Hospitaly 7, 4; Richard Grey, A Sermon for the Sick and Lame at Northampton County Infirmary, 13. 26 Gentleman's Magazine, XI (London, 1741), 476; Thomas Holme, A Sermon . . ., 27; Subscription Book, Bristol Royal Infirmary Archives, Bristol, England, 1; An Account of the Public Hospital for the Diseased Poor in the County of York, 2; Henry Layng, A Sermon. . . . (Northampton, 1749), 14. 4 4 ° WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS October It was obvious from the beginning that many more sick-poor would apply to the new voluntary hospitals than those institutions, given the limited number of beds available, could admit. Knowing that they would have to be selective with hospital applications, the founders of most British institutions gave a great deal of control over admissions to a governing body chosen by the contributors. (An exception to this generalization was the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh.)27 Given the prejudices of the day against "beggars" and "vagabonds," the prospective hospital patient had best produce a good character reference as well as a curable, noncontagious illness compounded by poverty.28 A vital first step in the process of establishing voluntary hospitals in Britain was the recognition that there were "industrious" and, therefore, "worthy" poor. There is some evidence that eighteenth- century America was moving in the same direction. In New York, in 1769, it was argued that to assist the industrious poor was not charity but justice, and a recent study of Philadelphia during the 1790's found a distinction being made in the press between the in- dustrious or worthy poor on the one hand and the "vicious" and lazy poor on the other. This distinction, however, was not universally made in eighteenth-century America and the founders of the Penn- sylvania Hospital, with the exception of Franklin, did not speak to this subject. Franklin did deal at some length with poverty but, in most of his correspondence and publications, did not distinguish between the industrious and lazy poor. Indeed, through Franklin's eyes "industrious" and "poor" would have seemed mutually ex- clusive terms since poverty was largely the product of idleness and extravagance.29 2 7 An Account of the Rise and Establishment of the Infirmary, Or Hospital for the Sick-poor, erected at Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 1730), 11. 28 Sick-poor applicants to most eighteenth-century British hospitals had to be suffering from a "curable," noncontagious malady before they could be admitted. The precedent for refusing incurables to British hospitals had been established in the seventeenth century. Contagious diseases were barred from the Pennsylvania Hospital, but some incurable insane patients were admitted. Board of Managers Minutes, I, Archives of Pennsylvania Hospital, 38. 2 9 Jackson Turner Main, The Social Structure of Revolutionary America (Princeton, 1965), 157; John K. Alexander, "The City of Brotherly Fear," Cities in American History, K. Jackson and S. Schultz, eds. (New York, 1972), 81. For the view t h a t most colonists did not make this distinction, see Main, 198. For papers of some of the most important founders of the Pennsylvania Hospital, see Coates-Reynell Papers, Pemberton Papers, and John Smith's 1973 T H E P E N N S Y L V A N I A H O S P I T A L 44I And yet, on one occasion, Franklin seemed to recognize that some of those suffering poverty did possess praiseworthy traits. In 1751 the Pennsylvania Assembly passed an act to establish the Pennsyl- vania Hospital. The first few words of the act justified the hospital on the grounds that it would save and restore "useful and laborious" people to the community. Since these "useful and laborious" people also had to be poor in order to qualify for hospital admission, the words of the act indicate that its author and supporters were sensi- tive to the fact that some of Pennsylvania's poor were not lacking in industry. The author of the act was Benjamin Franklin.30 The act establishing the Pennsylvania Hospital made plain that the purpose behind the founding of that institution was to provide, specifically, for the "laborious" sick-poor. This is understandable in view of the fact that industry and thrift were, in all probability, even more highly esteemed among Philadelphians than among the supporters of voluntary hospitals abroad. Franklin, of course, stands out as the great exponent of the "work ethic," but the other leading supporters of the Pennsylvania Hospital, such as Quaker merchants John and Israel Pemberton and John Reynell, were of the same mind.31 In order to assure that the Pennsylvania Hospital's avowed pur- pose to provide for the "useful and laborious" poor was carried out, a screening process was set up whereby each prospective patient was required to procure a letter signed by an influential person Diaries, all in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Franklin became even less sympathetic toward the poor in his later years. Howell V. Williams, "Benjamin Franklin and the Poor L a w s , " Social Science Review, X V I I I (1944), 7 7 - 9 1 . 30 Benjamin Franklin, " T h e Act to Encourage the Establishing of an Hospital for the Relief of the Sick Poor of this Province, and for the Reception and Cure of L u n a t i c s , " Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 5; Benjamin Franklin, The Autobiography and Other Writings, L. Jesse Lemisch, ed. (New York, 1961), 134. Although, as noted in n. 29, Franklin became increasingly critical of the poor, he, nevertheless, continued to hold the Pennsylvania Hospital in high esteem. Ibid., 134, 135. 31 Verner W. Crane, Benjamin Franklin and a Rising People, 30; Judy M. DiStefano, "A Concept of the Family in Colonial America: The Pembertons of Philadelphia" (doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University, 1970), 275, 278, passim; Carl L. Romanek, "John Reynell, Quaker Merchant of Philadelphia" (doctoral dissertation, Pennsylvania State University, 1969), 5, 6. 4 4 2 WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS October describing his case. Patients recommended by contributors to the hospital were to be given first preference to the limited beds avail- able.32 As in Great Britain, charity of this type demanded deference as well as good character on the part of the applicant since his ad- mission depended on recommendations from his betters. Those sick- poor who were turned away from the hospital probably turned to municipal almshouses for succor. A random comparison of patients at the Philadelphia Almshouse (House of Employment and Better- ing House) and the Pennsylvania Hospital during the late eighteenth century supports this assumption. On a typical admission day in 1794, for example, the Philadelphia Almshouse discharged one patient it described as "one of the worst kind," a second who was labeled "a skulking fellow," and a third who was laconically char- acterized as "worse." Typical of Almshouse admissions that year was Nathaniel Cope, "another of those worthless scoundrels who there is no possibility of keeping in or out and who continually makes a meer slipper of this institution to their own conveniency." Although a few of the Pennsylvania Hospital's patients were of the caliber of a Nathaniel Cope, on the whole they seemed a better sort than most of the rabble who ended up in the Philadelphia Aims- house.33 As initially pointed out, the founding of the Pennsylvania Hos- pital can be best seen as an extension of the British voluntary hospital movement to the "New World." During the eighteenth century, the reluctance of the British middle and upper classes to support the older, more established forms of charity was reconciled with self-interest and a genuine desire to help the "industrious poor." The voluntary hospital movement met with strong support because it avoided some of the pitfalls experienced by the older forms of charity and, at the same time, served to benefit the "indus- trious" or "worthy" poor, a group that British philanthropy had 32 Board of Managers Minutes, I, Archives of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 38, 39. 33 Entries for Apr. 3, June 16, 1795, Book of Daily Occurency, House of Employment and Almshouse of Philadelphia, Mar. 25, 1794-Sept. 28, 1795, on microfilm courtesy of Dale Fields, Historical Society of Delaware; Board of Managers Minutes, I - V I I , Rough Minutes,, 1753-1801, Pennsylvania Hospital Archives. This is not to say that only those with un- impeachable character were allowed into Anglo-America's first hospital. Certainly, if there were empty beds and enough money available to support those beds, less desirable types, were also admitted. I973 THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL 443 hitherto ignored. There were, of course, many other reasons given for the support of the hospital movement—the gentleman's zMaga- zine listed more than ten—34 but the main impulse grew out of a desire to help, in particular, those poor who showed a decent respect for the "work ethic." It was in the same spirit that Anglo-America's first hospital was created. University of Delaware, Georgetown WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS 34 Gentleman's Magazine, XI (London, 1741), 476, 477. 
work_bwpz5kw6d5fmlp5sgjtdpz2aoe	----	eser.indd © 1934 Nature Publishing Group APRIL 7, 1934 NATURE 523 are characterised by a variety of algebraic treat- ment and a wealth of illustrations and examples, but nowhere does technical manipulation outrun the geometry. The first of these, a provocative little book, appeared at a time when metrical systems alternative to that of Euclid were known only to the few. It is not surprising that such a teacher carried throughout his life the esteem and appreciation of his students. One of his most distinguished pupils, A. C. Aitken, writes of the critical time in his own student days when the University of Otago was temporarily without a professor of mathematics, and. how willingly Sommerville filled the gap by weekly correspond- ence. The written solutions and comments went far beyond what was necessary for mere elucidation. Beginning in 1905, Sommerville wrote more than thirty original papers and notes which have been published in well-known journals at home and abroad. The first, entitled "Networks of the Plane in Absolute Geometry" (Proc . Roy. Soc. Edin- burgh, 25) is typical of the sequel. The main theme is that of combinatory geometry, exem- plified by a systematic investigation of "The Division of Space by Congruent Triangles and Tetrahedra" (1923) in the same journal, and extended to n dimensions (Palermo, 48, 9-22 ; 1924). Out of this grew the work upon the relations connecting angle sum and the volume of a polytope in space of n dimensions (Proc. Roy. Soc. London, 1927). Sommerville was ever ready to apply his special gifts to unusual examples, as in his analysis of preferential voting and a highly original treatment of the musical scale. He was also much interested in astronomy, and was one of the founders of the New Zealand Astronomical Society and its first secretary. At the Adelaide meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science held in 1924 he was president of Section A. His was a life of unsparing activity, and the fruits of his work will abide. There has passed from Scotland one who had already become her leading geometer of the present century. H. w. TURNBULL. WE regret to announce the following deaths : Dr. James Mackintosh Bell, O.B.E., formerly of the Canadian Geological Survey, and in 1905-1911 director of the Geological Survey of New Zealand, on March 31, aged fifty-six years. Dr. James Munsie Bell, dean of the School of Applied Science in the University of North Carolina, who has carried out important researches in physical chemistry, on March 3, aged fifty-three years. Prof. Arthur Ranum, professor of mathematics at Cornell University, on February 28, aged sixty- three years. News and Views Caleb Whitefoord, F.R.S. (1734- 1810) CALEB WHITEFOORD, friend of Benjamin Franklin in the hey-day of the latter's fame, was born in 1734, at Edinburgh (the exact date would seem to be unrecorded). Whitefoord was the natural son of Col. Charles Whitefoord, himself the third son of Sir Adam Whitefoord, Bt., of the shire of Ayr. He died on February 4, 1810, at his home in Argyle Street, in the vicinity of Soho, and was buried in Paddington Churchyard. Graduating at the Uni- versity of Edinburgh, Whitefoord sought London as the best field for the exercise of his varied gifts, chief among these being a faculty for satirical journalism. Eventually there were few literary, scientific and political celebrities of his period outside his circle. Intimacy with Franklin (they w ere then neighbours in Craven Street, Strand) led to the opinion that Whitefoord would make an eligible diplomatic agent for the purpose of assisting in the restoration of peace with America. Accordingly, he became secretary to the Commission which concluded peace with the United States at Paris, in 1782. He was elected a fellow of the Royal Society on June 24, 1784, when Sir Joseph Banks was president. A fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and of the Society of Antiquaries, London, he was a vice-president of the Society of Arts, and a member of the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia. Whitefoord's portrait was painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds in the eventful year 1782, and hangs in the National Portrait Gallery; a mezzotint of this by S. W. Reynolds is prized. A pleasing drawing (head and bust), by R. Cosway, is reproduced in the European Magazine for 1810. In 1790 White- foord presented a fine portrait of Benjamin Franklin, by .Joseph Wright, to the Royal Society. Such interesting connexion with the Society is further emphasised by the circumstance that Whitefoord, with Count Rumford, signed, in 1801, the certificate of recommendation for the election of Warren Hastings. Industrial Research and the State MR. STANLEY BALDWIN, as Lord President of the Council, may be regarded as a Minister of Research, since he is r esponsible to Parliament for the Committee of the Privy Council for Scientific and Industrial Research. He is keenly alive to the possibilities of scientific and industrial research, and this attitude marks the message he sent recently to the conference of industrial research associations, reference to which was made in NATURE of March 31, p. 504. Mr. Baldwin confirmed his promise on behalf of the Government in replying to a question in the House of Commons on March 27, when h e said : "ABOUT two years ago, steps were taken by the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research to ascertain the views of the Councils of Research Associations connected with the Department on a WE regret to announce the following deaths 
work_bxa5a4ois5ddljsxaeu5mrr4zq	----	Wilkins Lecture - Benjamin Franklin: natural philosopher W i l k i n s L e c t u r e Benjamin Franklin: natural philosopher B y B. F. J . S c h o n l a n d , F.R.S. [Delivered 26 January 1956— Received 9 February 1956) [P lates 17 a n d 18] ‘ I t is re la te d o f H eraclitu s, t h a t w hen his Schollars h a d found h im in a tra d e s m a n ’s shop, w h ith e r th e y w ere a sh am ed to e n te r he to ld th e m “ Quod n eque ta li loco dii d e su n t im m o rtales ” t h a t th e Gods were as well co n v ersan t in such places as in o th e r s ; I n tim a tin g t h a t a divine pow er an d w isdom e m ig h t be discerned even in those com m on a rts, w hich are so m uch despised.’ J o h n W ilkins, M athem atical M agick (1648) The 250th anniversary of his birth is an appropriate occasion on which to review the scientific work of Benjamin Franklin, th a t versatile genius and 'm ultitude of m en ’. His achievements as a natural philosopher fall into three main divisions, the first of which contains his many valuable general contributions to the scientific thought of his day. These occupied much of his spare time throughout a very busy life. They began with a discussion of the causes of earthquakes, published anonymously a t the age of 27, and ended with one on the earth ’s magnetism and geological history, which he wrote a t the age of 82. In the second group may be placed his work on the nature of electricity which occupied six all too short years of his middle age. In the third group, which followed the second, lies his bold experimental work on lightning and the electrification of thunderstorms. Since the first two of these subdivisions have been rather fully discussed by others, I shall deal with them in less detail th an with the third, the importance and interest of which has not been fully appreciated. Franklin was the last, the Benjamin, of eight sons born to Josiah Franklin, tallow-chandler of Boston, Massachusetts, on 17 Jan u ary 1706 (new style). In his boyhood he was taken by his father to watch various kinds of artisans a t work so th a t he might choose the trade he preferred. He wrote in later life th a t ‘it has been useful to me, having learned so much by it as to . . .construct little machines for my experiments, while the intention of making the experiments was warm and fresh in my mind ’. I t was he whom Boswell quoted to Johnson as having said th a t ‘man is a tool-making anim al’. The great Doctor’s comment was, unfortunately, somewhat below his usual standard. Though Franklin’s interest in science and technology began early, it seems to have been the eighteen months he spent in London as a journeyman printer a t the age of 19 which kindled in him a strong desire to contribute something to natural philosophy. Here he met Hans Sloane, and saw the collections which were to found the British Museum. Here he made a friend of Henry Pemberton, the popularizer of Newton’s work, who was engaged in editing the third edition of the Principia 28 [ 433 ] Vol 235. A. (12 June 1956) D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 434 B. F. J. Schonland and in writing his ‘View of Sir Isaac Newton’s philosophy’. Here, too, he joined in the discussions of some of the convivial philosophical circles which flourished in th a t age of intellect and fashion. Soon after his return to Philadelphia he formed a similar circle, the Leather Apron Club, later known as the Junto, which, during its th irty years under Franklin’s leadership, played a very significant p a rt in the development of the American colonies. From it sprang the American Philosophical Society which he thought of as ‘a society of virtuosi or ingenious men, residing in the several colonies. . . who are to m aintain a constant correspondence.. . with the Royal Society of London and with the Dublin Society’. And from the Ju n to came the idea of the Library Company of Philadelphia which made possible Franklin’s electrical researches. This subscription library was founded in 1732, with Peter Collinson, Quaker cloth merchant, as its London correspondent and fairy god­ father. Collinson was a most distinguished botanist and plant collector, a member of the Penn family and a Fellow of the Royal Society. Long afterwards Franklin wrote th a t he had sent to the Library Company ‘ the earliest accounts of every new improvement in Agriculture and the Arts and every Philosophical Discovery, among which in 1746 he sent over an account of the new German experiments in Electricity, together with a Glass Tube and some directions for using it. This was the first Notice I had of th a t curious subject, which I afterwards prosecuted with some diligence, being encouraged by the friendly Reception he gave to the Letters I wrote to him upon it. ’ Collinson was a most generous and helpful friend to the Library Company and to Franklin himself for many years. In 1746 Franklin was 40 years old. He had prospered in a number of business enterprises and was a leading citizen of Philadelphia. His local reputation as an ingenious thinker and inventor was considerable. The time had come when with the aid of his friends of the Ju n to and the equipment sent by Collinson he was to ‘find electricity a curiosity and leave it a science’. The ‘ German experiments ’ were in fact quite remarkable technical developments in electrical equipment. The frictional electrical machine of Hauksbee had been much improved by replacing the hand-held cloth by a spring-loaded earthed leather cushion to press against the rotating glass globe. The charge developed on the globe was collected by light brushes or a chain and passed to a separate insulated conductor where it could be stored. Most im portant of all was the recent discovery in Germany and in Holland—F ranklin’s term ‘G erm an’ covers them both—of the power of the Leyden jar to ‘condense’ electricity. The Library Company of Philadelphia, aided by gifts from Collinson and Thomas Penn, soon had an electrical laboratory equipped as well as any in Europe. Their electrical machine was dem onstrated in England later and adjudged by Lord Charles Cavendish to be more powerful than any seen before; their unique electrostatic motors were strong enough to tu rn a roasting turkey on a spit. To work in this laboratory Franklin organized his friends into what m ust surely have been the first fairly large research team in history. His colleagues were Philip Syng, a silversmith who made most of the apparatus, Thomas Hopkinson, a dis­ tinguished lawyer, and Ebenezer Kinnersley, a B aptist Minister. Directing and D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Wilkins Lecture 435 inspiring the work was Franklin, ‘never before engaged in any study th a t so totally engrossed my attention and my tim e ’. He was careful to give due credit in his publications to the contributions of his friends. In his first letters to Collinson he used the pronoun ‘w e’ throughout the exciting account he gave of ‘our electrical inquiries’. The subject into which they plunged with such enthusiasm can be described as an amusing curiosity whose meaning was a complete mystery. I t had only recently become known from the work of Stephen Gray and Desaguiliers th a t substances could be divided into conductors and insulators. Less th an tw enty years had elapsed since du F ay had established th a t electrification was of two types, vitreous and resinous, depending upon the material which was rubbed, and th a t these were self-repellent but mutually attractive. The nature of electricity and electrical forces was most obscure. Recent dis­ cussions of these questions retained the idea which had originated with Gilbert and was repeated by Newton th a t insulators were surrounded by invisible effluvia or atmospheres which could be set into vibration by friction, these vibrations creating electricity. Others, particularly from the school of the Abbe Nollet, ‘electrician’ to the Court of Louis XV, considered electrification by friction to produce an effluent stream of an electric effluvium which escaped from the pores of the rubbed body and an affluent stream which flowed in from outside to take its place. The prickly sensation felt when a hand was placed near electrified m atter was held by Nollet to give evidence of these streams. Light bodies were attracted or repelled according to the particular stream of electric wind in which they happened to lie. Such ideas were far from clear, the experimental evidence for them was poor and they contained nothing which could lead to the further development of the subject. Fifty years ago Rutherford said of them : ‘W ithout detracting in the least from the merits of these philosophers, it is not unreasonable to suppose th a t the turbidity of their writings was a fair index of the state of their conceptions of electric actions.’ For these vague notions of vibrations in an ethereal atmosphere and of the creation of invisible effluvia Franklin and his group substituted a perfectly simple and direct conception, th a t of an elementary electric fluid. A year after they had begun their work Franklin wrote ‘we had for some time been of opinion th a t the electric fire was not created by friction, b u t collected, being really an element diffused among and attracted by other m a tte r’. Their experiments indicated th a t all bodies had ‘a common stock of electricity, which can be added to, or sub­ tracted from by suitable means, causing them to become positively or negatively charged. . ‘He nce ’, he said, ‘have arisen some new terms amongst us; we say B is electrized positively, A negatively.. . the parts of the tube or sphere th a t are rubbed, do in the instant of the friction, a ttra c t the electrical fire and therefore take it from the thing rubbing.’ This is the first statem ent of the principle of the conservation of electric charge, th a t the total quantity of electricity in any insulated system is invariable. By inventing this one-fluid theory of electricity in which the fluid as an ‘ element ’ had a material existence Franklin avoided the very serious difficulty of conceiving 2 8 - 2 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 436 B. F. J. Schonland of two such fluids, positive and negative, which a ttra c t each other and m ust therefore annihilate each other in coming together. The particles of the single fluid were considered to be attracted by m atter but m utually repellent. The repulsion observed between positive or ‘ over-charged ’ bodies was in accord with this view. B u t it could not explain why negatively charged bodies, each deficient in the electric fluid, should repel each other. This was a difficulty which gave rise to discussion and elaborate speculation for m any years afterwards. Franklin him ­ self could see no solution to it in terms of a ‘m odel’, and thought th a t it would have to be left as an inexplicable natural law. Another fundam ental contribution made by the Philadelphia school arose in th e course of their explanation of the condensing action of the Leyden jar. This they interpreted correctly and for the first time as being caused by the addition or removal of charge from one coating together w ith the removal or addition of an equal q uantity of opposite charge to the other. ‘ There is really no more electrical fire in the phial after w hat is called its charging, th an before, nor less after its charging. ’ In putting forward this explanation, Franklin was for some time not clear how the charge on one coating of the jar repelled a similar charge from the other coating through the medium of the glass. Gradually, however, he saw th a t it necessitated action a t a distance between the particles of the electric fluid, a theory which was supported by later experiments on electrostatic induction made by himself and his young friend John Canton of London. These new conceptions of the nature of electricity and of electrical forces were derived from ingeniously contrived and lucidly interpreted experiments. The most significant were reported by Franklin to Collinson and through him to the Royal Society. The letters were published in book form and the fruitful ideas so clearly expounded in them drew universal admiration. The Abbe Nollet, whose name had been om itted from a list of eminent electricians given by the French translator of Franklin’s papers, was, however, somewhat upset a t the downfall of his theory of effluvia. ‘ He could not a t first believe ’, said Franklin in his Autobiography, ‘ th a t such a work came from America and said it m ust have been fabricated by his enemies in Paris to decry his system .’ Much more generous was William Watson, a very fine electrical experimenter who after­ wards became Physician to the Foundling Hospital and was one of the first trustees of the British Museum. W atson independently and w ithout Franklin’s knowledge had p u t forward the same hypothesis of a single all-pervading electrical fluid a few months before the first communication from the group in Philadelphia. B ut it was he who recommended Franklin’s papers to the Royal Society as the work of ‘a very able and ingenious m a n ’. ‘I th in k ’, he said, ‘scarce anybody is better acquainted with the subject of electricity th an himself. ’ I t may be mentioned in passing th a t W atson’s own publications show th a t he did not share Franklin’s often expressed dislike of vague speculation. He could seriously suggest th a t insulators were substances like wax, pitch, silk and resin, because these, unlike w ater and the metals, were not ‘in the course of N a tu re ’, being the products or excrements of living creatures. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Wilkins Lecture 437 Looking back on the history of electricity it is clear th a t Franklin’s electrical discoveries were very im portant indeed. The clear and simple hypothesis which he and his friends developed opened a road for much further investigation. The one-fluid theory, with the terms first used by the Junto, is to-day the electron theory of m atter. One of Franklin’s remarks has a prophetic sound; writing of the electric fluid contained in glass he said: ‘I t seems as if it were of its very substance and essence. Perhaps if th a t due quantity of electrical fire so obstinately retained by glass could be separated from it, it would no longer be glass. . . . Experiments may possibly be invented hereafter to discover this.’ Franklin’s group were not particularly elated by their success in this field. Only two years after they had begun he wrote th a t they were ‘chagrined a little th a t we have been hitherto able to produce nothing in this way of use to m ankind’. T h at they were casting about to find some direct evidence of the identity of lightning and the electric spark is evident from a general paper on the subject which Franklin wrote in 1749. B ut it was not until 1750 th a t the crucial experiment occurred to them. Hopkinson in particular had for some time been examining the ‘power of p oints’ in discharging conductors and had found th a t the sharper the point attached to a conductor the more effective it was. They correctly interpreted this as being due to an excess of surface density of electrification. They then turned to the, to them, amazing property of a separate earthed point in discharging silently a large conductor even when it was continuously charged by the electrical machine. The conductor gave a two-inch spark when a blunt earthed rod was brought near it b u t could be discharged silently and completely by a person holding an earthed bodkin a foot away. Franklin once said: ‘Frequently, in a variety of experiments, though we miss what we expected to find, yet something valuable turns out, something surprising, and instructing, though unthought o f.’ This is what happened when in 1750 the person holding the bodkin was placed on a wax block and was found to become electrified in the same sense as the distant charged conductor. For the result itself Franklin could at no time offer any explanation a t a ll; he had to leave this ‘to the mind of an ingenious read er’. The explanation would have required a combination of the conceptions of electrostatic induction which, as has been said, he had a t the time not fully grasped and of the transport of electricity by gaseous ions which was arri ved a t 150 years later by J. J. Thomson and resembles in fact the ‘ effluent stream ’ which Franklin had consigned to limbo. B ut he saw at once th a t this experiment was the clue to the thunderstorm problem and th a t ‘ this power of points may possibly be of some use to mankind, though we shall never be able to explain i t ’. In the next two paragraphs he outlined two proposals, the first ‘to determine [by means of an insulated point] whether clouds th a t contain lightning are electrified or n o t’, and the second to use earthed points to preserve ‘houses, churches, ships, etc. from the stroke of lightning’ by means of ‘upright rods of iron made sharp as a needle and gilt to prevent ru stin g ’. ‘Would not these pointed ro d s’, he asked, ‘probably draw the electrical fire silently out of a cloud before it came nigh enough to strike and thereby secure us from th a t most sudden and terrible mischief? ’ D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 438 B. F. J. Schonland The first of these suggestions, which was to become known throughout the world as the Philadelphia experiment, was tried out in France two years later. Under the direction of Dalibard an insulated iron rod forty feet high provided with three sharp points was erected, according to the detailed instructions given by Franklin, a t Marly-la-ville, six leagues from Paris. During a thunderstorm on 10 May 1752, this rod was found to give a continuous series of sparks to an earthed wire held near to it. The Prior of Marly, who had been summoned by the watch- keeper, wrote th a t same day to D alibard: Me vous announce, Monsieur, ce que vous attendez; l’experience est complette. . .il est sorti de la tringle une petite colonne de feu bleuatre sentant la soufre, que venait frapper avec une extreme vivacite. . . . ’ The Prior repeated the test six times and carefully tim ed each discharge; he found it to last for the space of one pater and one ave. Successful repetitions were made th a t same summer in France and England. Before he had heard about it Franklin was acclaimed in Europe as the modern Prometheus. The discovery was later described by Joseph Priestley, himself no mean judge of scientific experiment, as ‘ the greatest, perhaps, th a t has been made in the whole compass of philosophy since the time of Sir Isaac N ew ton’. The effect on the public mind was awe­ inspiring and can be compared to th a t produced in our own time by the explosion of the first atom bomb. To Franklin, who had thought a high steeple or a tower necessary for this experiment and had afterwards had recourse to a kite, this success was b u t the means of proceeding further. Others were marvelling a t the ingenuity and the presumption by which he had succeeded in bringing the scientific method to bear upon the phenomenon of such gigantic proportions as the thundercloud, b u t he himself was turning the French results to good use by setting up an insulated iron rod on his house to measure the sign of the charge on thunderclouds. The rod was broken for six inches in the middle opposite his bedroom door. Each end of the gap was provided with a little bell ‘ and between the bells a little brass ball, suspended by a silk thread, to play between and strike the bells when clouds passed with electricity in them ’. To find the sign of the charge collected by the rod he suggested two methods based on the use of a Leyden jar. The jar could be charged and applied to the insulated p a rt of the rod to test whether the bells rang faster or stopped. Or it could be used to collect the charge on the rod and to compare its sign with th a t on a rubbed glass tube by means of a cork ball electroscope. The experiment was a dangerous one; one night he found th a t ‘the fire passed, sometimes in very large quick cracks from bell to bell and sometimes in a continued dense white stream, whereby the whole staircase was enlightened as with sunshine’. I t was, as this quotation shows, a bold and dangerous experiment. A year later it caused the death of another experimenter, Richmann of St Petersburg. To his surprise, for he had formed, for once, a rath er speculative theory to the opposite effect, he found the m ajority of the clouds to be negatively charged. This conclusion was supported by further trials by Kinnersley in America, by Canton in England and by Beccaria in Italy. Both Franklin and Kinnersley noticed th a t towards the end of the passage of a storm overhead the sign of the charge on the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Wilkins Lecture 439 cloud altered from negative to positive. All these results are in agreement with observations made within the last th irty years in different parts of the world. Except for a small low-lying positively charged region, which is sometimes evident when the active portion of a thundercloud is directly overhead, the bases of thunderclouds in their m ature stages are negatively charged. The negative charge extends to a considerable height, above which is the main positive charge, too far away to diminish appreciably the effect of the negative charge below it. Franklin’s observation th a t the inactive rear of a thundercloud is positively charged has also been confirmed by myself and others. I t is presumably due to the descent during the later phase of the storm of p a rt of the upper positive charge. These ingenious investigations were almost the last th a t Franklin found time to carry out. B ut he continued to search for an explanation of the mechanism of thundercloud electrification, and as late as 1762, when he hoped to give some leisure to the subject, he referred to unsuccessful experiments he had made ‘to try if negative electricity might be produced by evaporation o nly’. In this suggestion he was close to what is a t present thought to be the true basic mechanism, the freezing of water to ice in the upper regions of the thundercloud. Other processes, including influence mechanisms, friction between ice-particles and the breaking up of the larger water-drops, are perhaps im portant subsidiary mechanisms taking place lower down, b u t electrification involved in the change of state from water or water vapour to ice is probably the prim ary origin of the charge. Franklin’s pointed rod is no museum piece in the history of science; of recent years it has played a significant p art in many very useful new devices. Whipple and Simpson have joined it to a recording galvanometer to determine the strength of the electric field in thundery weather from the magnitude of the point-discharge current passing from it. I have done the same with a small tree mounted on insulators. C. T. R. Wilson and Wormell have connected a Franklin point to a very sensitive water-voltameter which separately integrates the currents to and from the tip and so determines the quantities of electricity carried to and from the earth in this manner over long periods. Simpson, Scrase and Robinson have ingeniously arranged for the pointed rod to be carried into the heart of an active thundercloud by small balloons. The sign and the rough magnitude of the charge collected are then shown by the coloured stain produced on a piece of chemical pole-finding paper touching the base of the rod and rotated past it by clockwork. The great reputation which Franklin gained from the success of the Philadelphia experiment was naturally linked in the popular mind with his second proposal; the idea of the lightning rod. B ut other electrical authorities, though they applauded his demonstration of the identity of lightning and the electric spark, were not prepared to concede th a t a single earthed rod could quietly discharge a thunder­ cloud. The Abbe Nollet pointed out ‘the enormous gap between the experimental fact and the conclusion th a t was hopefully drawn from i t ’. ‘Some people’, he complained, ‘have even stated th a t protection from lightning when travelling in open country can be secured by holding a sword above one’s head. Clerical gentlemen who carry no swords are beginning to object th a t this puts them at a disadvantage. .. though according to the French edition of Franklin’s book, the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 440 B. F. J. Schonland Bible of the day, one could do without the power of points if one arranged for one’s clothes to be thoroughly soaked.’ An English expert, Benjamin Wilson, thought the proposal was like equating ‘ the fire and crackling of a few chips to the rage of Vesuvius’. To this and similar criticism Franklin replied th a t his lightning rod proposal as further developed by him and tried out in model experiments involved two quite separate ideas. The rod should either prevent a stroke altogether or if a stroke did occur, should a ttra c t it and conduct it safely to ground. He was not yet sure which function would be the most im portant. Even in 1772, tw enty years later he held his ground and wrote ‘I cannot b u t conceive th a t a num ber of such conductors must considerably lessen th a t [i.e. the charge] of an approaching cloud’. There remained the quite reasonable possibility th a t the rod might be too successful in attracting lightning. Benjamin Wilson, a leading advocate of this view, held th a t F ranklin’s proposal might ‘be promoting the very mischief we mean to p re v e n t’, and recommended ‘th a t conductors should not only be rounded a t their ends but made considerably sh o rte r. . . and indeed should not exceed the highest p art of the building’. The violent controversy which developed, the argum ent known as ‘ knobs versus p o in ts’, has been described in detail elsewhere. I t began with a committee appointed by the Royal Society in 1772 to recommend means of protecting the powder magazine a t Purfleet. Only three years before this, lightning had set off a gunpowder explosion which destroyed one-sixth of the city of Brescia and killed three thousand people. The m ajority of the committee, which included Franklin, who was in London a t the time, Cavendish and Watson, recommended pu ttin g up properly earthed pointed conductors according to a detailed specification. In a minority report Wilson objected to the points and suggested th a t knobs should be placed on top of the rods to reduce ‘ their great readiness to collect the lightning in too powerful a m an n er’. Wilson, who was concerned in this m atter both as electrical adviser and as official painter to the Board of Ordnance, has been rath er unfairly treated for his p a rt in this argument. There was, indeed, a real chance th a t lightning rods would a ttra c t too m any discharges, a serious m atter in the case of a powder magazine. Some of these discharges might produce side-flashes to m etal objects, and others might be attracted towards the rod b u t on closer approach deviate to the building itself, as, indeed, one did a t Purfleet itself a few years after the rods had been p u t up. Wilson therefore made a very thorough study of the possible over-effectiveness of rods by extending Franklin’s experiments with a model cloud and a model building. His electrified cloud was no less than 155 feet long and a foot and a half in diameter. Of horse-shoe shape, it was suspended by silken cords in the Great Room of a fashionable dance-hall in Oxford Street (The Pantheon, ‘the New W inter R anelagh’, ‘a place so universally patronized th a t even Dr Johnson was to be found th e re ’). Wilson considered th a t his results, which were forwarded to the President of the Royal Society by the Office of Ordnance in November 1777, completely vindicated his views. George I I I , who had given Wilson the appointm ent D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Schonland Proc. Boy. Soc. A , volume 235, plate 17 P o rtra it of B en jam in F ra n k lin , F .R .S ., b y B en jam in W ilson, F .R .S ., p a in te d in 1759. T a k e n from F ra n k lin ’s house b y M ajor A ndre, carried to E n g la n d b y General Sir Charles Grey a n d re tu rn e d in 1906 to th e U n ite d S ta te s b y E a rl G rey. N ow hanging in th e W h ite H ouse. (F a cin g p . 440) D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Schonland Proc. Roy. Soc. A ,volume 235, plate 18 m ■*ssrs* / ' : rX?" t X ■y . V).ysy/ / , , ASsr s*r * y >/ a a ** S fSs?s/ t / !' i A * + Hf +•• s / */!**> / • * A!/ • / } X X . 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(A ctual size 1 2 x 8 in.). D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Wilkins Lecture 441 of Sergeant Painter after the death of Hogarth, himself said th a t they would have convinced ‘even the applewomen of Co vent G arden’. Such model experiments, as we now know, have little validity because the conditions which in practice prevail between cloud and ground are not easily scaled down. B ut the question had by then ceased to be a scientific one. Advocates of pointed rods were identified with the insurgent American colonists and considered to have rebel sympathies. Points were removed by Royal command from the lightning rods on all Govern­ m ent buildings. Wilson was right in thinking th a t blunt rods were every bit as good as points b u t wrong in suggesting th a t they were better. On the great scale of the natural phenomenon both would be equally effective. Both Wilson and the Abbe Nollet were in error in suggesting th a t the installation of lightning rods was dangerous, for experience over two centuries has shown th a t the rod gives nearly complete protection for a distance equal to its height above surrounding objects. We have become so used to the protection afforded by F ranklin’s rod th a t its value is often forgotten, sometimes even questioned. The voluminous history of damage and destruction to churches and wooden ships before it was introduced shows clearly why it was hailed a t the time as such a boon to mankind. In London, the steeple and roof of St P au l’s Church were set on fire and destroyed in a thunder­ storm in 1561, the steeple of St Bride’s was severely damaged in 1764 and th a t of St Martin-in-the-Fields as late as 1842, when it was still unprotected by a con­ ductor. The Campanile of St Mark’s in Venice was twice completely destroyed and seven times severely damaged between 1388 and 1766. In sixteen years, from 1799 to 1815, there were 150 cases of lightning damage to vessels of the British Navy. Nearly 100 lower masts of line-of-battle ships and frigates were destroyed; one ship in eight was set on fire in some p a rt of the rigging or sails; about 70 seamen were killed and more th an 130 seriously h u rt from this cause. In ten cases the ships were completely disabled and compelled to leave their stations a t critical periods in the Napoleonic wars. Several ships were lost with all hands in violent thunderstorm s. The lightning rod is still essential for the protection of all factories which make or use explosives. In the more thundery parts of the world its value in preventing the destruction of ordinary houses by lightning is attested by the best of all judges, the fire insurance companies concerned. I t is widely used for the protection of high- voltage electrical supply systems, where it takes the form of one or more earthed wires stretching from pylon to pylon to protect the power lines below. In a recent application to fast aircraft it reverts in function to the silent discharge of a con­ ductor which Franklin and his friends first investigated. Such an aircraft is frequently highly charged in its passage through clouds. I t would release this charge violently and spasmodically with consequent interference with wireless communication, were it not for the continuous discharging action of a number of points in the form of metal-wire pigtails attached to the trailing edges of the wings o f the machine. As to the manner in which the rod provides protection for buildings and power­ lines, Franklin’s original suggestion th a t point discharge might prevent a D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 442 B. F. J. Schonland thunder cloud from building up a dangerous charge does not hold except for rods which are very much higher than he thought necessary. B ut the tall Empire State Building in New York and the Washington Memorial do act in just this way. Many discharges between them and overhead clouds start as upward-moving streamers which after reaching the cloud remove its charge continuously without brilliant interm ittent processes of any kind. The average current in such discharges is only about 80 A, compared with 50000 A in the more usual flash to ground. I t lasts for as long as 0-6 s, and observers state th a t little or no thunder can be heard. I t is in fact Franklin’s ‘silent discharge’. The continuous type of flash from ground to cloud is, however, not observed from rods of ordinary height. Here the first step is the downward movement of a streamer from cloud to ground. Breakdown processes inside the cloud first cause negative charge to be lowered into the air on the conducting stem and branches of a leader streamer. These charged branches as they approach the earth set up strong electric fields a t the ground, sufficient to draw positive streamers from nearby projecting objects. The length of the upward streamer will depend upon the height of the projection from which it starts. A lightning conductor on a house may give rise to a streamer fifty feet long which then makes contact with the leader and enables its charge to be passed to ground extremely rapidly, the peak current sometimes reaching 100 000 A. The protective value of the lightning rod lies in its ability to produce a longer junction streamer th an any lower projection, such as an adjacent chimney, and to carry safely to earth the heavy current in the rapid return stage of the discharge. Although he hoped to do so, Franklin’s busy life never perm itted him to repeat the seven or eight exciting years he had spent as an experimenter. In 1757 he moved from Philadelphia to live in London for eighteen years, with one inter­ mission of a little over a year. His public work during the latter p a rt of this period is best summarized in the words he wrote to Lord H ow e: ‘ Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking th a t fine and noble China vase, the British E m pire; for I knew th a t being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength or value th a t existed in the whole, and th a t a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for.’ Throughout his life he continued to keep in close touch with electrical studies (and with experience of lightning protection), and he was guide, philosopher and friend to many younger men working in Europe and America. Amongst those who carried electrical research significantly further and were directly encouraged by him were John Canton, the brilliant schoolmaster of Spital Square who finally established the principles of electrostatic induction; Joseph Priestley, the chemist, who confirmed Franklin’s finding th a t there is no electric field inside a nearly closed conductor and was the first to show th a t this implied an inverse square law of force for electrical repulsion; Giovanni Beccaria, the teacher of Galvani and the first to show chemical decomposition by the electric current; and Franklin’s old colleague, Ebenezer Kinnersley, who continued to conduct research after the break- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 up of the Ju n to group and made im portant studies of the heating effect of the electric discharge. Franklin’s correspondence gives a vivid impression of the breadth of his interests in pure and applied science and of the help he gave in forwarding new projects. He was, for example, keenly interested in the proposal of the Royal Society to measure the gravitational attraction of mountains and corresponded with de Saussure of Geneva on this subject. The best known of his own inventions are the Franklin Stove or Pennsylvania fireplace and bifocal spectacles. One other is of some interest, since it links the Society and himself with the world of music. During his second stay in London, Franklin saw Delaval demonstrate a t the Society the w ater-tuned musical beer glasses which had been invented by Puckeridge in 1743. These were played by passing a wet finger round their brims. He was ‘charmed by the sweetness of its to n es’ but not by the cumbersome method of playing. W ith the zest of his earlier days he set to work to develop a more con­ venient instrum ent. The beer glasses he replaced by glass hemispheres of varying diameters, thirty-seven in all, finely tuned by grinding. To obtain relative motion he mounted these on a horizontal iron spindle running through holes in their centres and turned by a belt and treadle. The player had then merely to touch the moving glasses with the fingers or a light drum-stick to bring out the tones required. The instrum ent, which had a wide vogue for 30 years, was called by him the Armonica. Its construction and manipulation and even the playing of it absorbed him as completely as had done his electrical researches. The Harmonica, as it came to be called, was speedily improved by the addition of a keyboard and both Mozart and Beethoven composed music for it. Mozart wrote for it, nine months before he died, a beautiful work, the Adagio and Rondo in C for harmonica, flute and oboe. The Royal Society awarded its Copley medal to Franklin in 1753. Three years later he was elected a Fellow on the motion of William Watson. He served four times as a member of the Council, in 1760, 1765, 1766 and 1772. He was awarded one of the medals struck to commemorate the last voyage of Captain Cook, for whose ship ‘ under the conduct of th a t most celebrated navigator ’ he had arranged safe passage during the W ar of Independence. David Hume, one of his numerous friends in this country, once wrote to h im : ‘ America has sent us many good things, gold, silver, sugar, tobacco, indigo: b u t you are the first philosopher and the first great man of letters for whom we are beholden to her.’ Others have followed Franklin b u t few have surpassed him. R eferences for material which has been directly quoted or used F ra n k lin , B en jam in . E xperim ents and observations on electricity made at P hiladelphia in 5 th ed. L ondon, 1774. (E d ite d w ith a critical a n d histo rical in tro d u c tio n b y I. B e rn a rd Cohen, H a rv a rd U n iv e rsity P ress, 1941.) Autobiography, ed. W . M acdonald, 1948. L o n d o n : D en t. H auksbee, F ran cis. Physico-mechanicalexperiments, 2nd ed. L ondon, 1719. W atso n , Sir W illiam . E xperim ents and Observations, tending to illustrate the nature and p ro ­ perties o f electricity, 3rd ed. L ondon, 1746. Sequel to the experiments and observations. L ondon, 1747. Wilkins Lecture 443 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 W ilson, B en jam in . E ssay towards an explication on the phenomena o f electricity deduced from, the ether of S ir Isaac Newton. L ondon, 1746. O bservations u p o n lig h tn in g a n d th e m e th o d o f securing buildings from its effects. P h il. T rans. 63, 49, 1773. N ew ex p erim en ts a n d observations on th e n a tu re and use o f co n ductors (forw arded b y th e Office of O rdnance 18 N ovem ber 1777 to th e R o y al Society). N ollet, A bbe Je a n -A n to in e . Lettres sur l'Electricite — P a ris, 1760. R oyal Society. A re p o rt o f th e C om m ittee a p p o in te d b y th e R o y al Society to consider a m e th o d for securing th e p ow der m agazine a t P u rfleet. P h il. T rans. 63, 42, 1773. P riestley , Jo sep h . The history and present state of electricity, 3rd ed. L ondon, 1776. S parks, J a r e d (editor). The W orks o f B en ja m in F ra n klin , vols. 5 a n d 6. B oston, 1844. R u th e rfo rd , E rn e s t (later L ord). T he m o d ern theories of electricity a n d th e ir re la tio n to th e F ra n k lin ia n th eo ry . I n The F ra n k lin bicentennial record. P h ila d e lp h ia : T he A m erican Philosophical Society, 1906. C row ther, J . G. F am ous A m erican men o f science. N ew Y ork, 1937. V an N o stra n d . V an D oren, Carl. B en ja m in F ra n k lin . L ondon, 1939. P u tn a m . W h itta k e r, Sir E d m u n d . A history o f the theories o f aether and electricity, revised edition. L ondon, 1951. Nelson. Schonland, B. F . J . The flight o f thunderbolts. O xford, 1950. C larendon Press. The Jo u rn a l o f the F ra n k lin In stitu te, vol. 253, no. 5 (May), 1952 (articles b y B . F . J . S chonland, I . B e rn a rd Cohen, K . B. M cE achron a n d H . N o rin d er on th e h isto ry of lig h tn in g rods). 444 B. F. J. Schonland Generalized functions and Dirichlet’s principle By G. Temple, F.R.S. (Received 8 September— Revised 22 February 1956) This paper gives a simple proof of Dirichlet’s principle for any bounded domain. The method is to show th a t any c minimizing sequence ’ represents a generalized function u, which is proved to be harmonic and to be equivalent to an ordinary numerical function. 1. I ntroduction Dirichlet’s principle is not only a fruitful topic of research in analysis and topology b u t also a result of cardinal importance in applied mathematics. The purpose of this paper is to provide a proof of Dirichlet’s principle using concepts and methods which are of established significance in modern applied mathematics. One method of achieving this result is to employ the method of orthogonal projection invented by Zaremba (1927) and perfected by Nikodym (1933), Weyl (1940) and Garding (1953). B ut for the applied mathem atician, Dirichlet’s principle is prim arily a problem in the calculus of variations, and accordingly we envisage the problem in this paper as the minimizing of Dirichlet’s integral. The integrals which have to be considered are all quadratic functionals of two functions u and v of the forms jgrad w .g rad v d G , j u grad v dQ or taken over a domain Q, and this suggests th a t the appropriate technique is the method of distributions (Schwartz 1950, 1951), or the equivalent method of D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_bzeez24bi5e77hcjxwb7jxxrfi	----	Model Patriots: The First Children's Biographies of George Washington and Benjamin Franklin Model Patriots: The First Children's Biographies of George Washington and Benjamin Franklin Ivy Linton Stabell Children's Literature, Volume 41, 2013, pp. 91-114 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: For additional information about this article [ Access provided at 6 Apr 2021 03:04 GMT from Carnegie Mellon University ] https://doi.org/10.1353/chl.2013.0016 https://muse.jhu.edu/article/508930 https://doi.org/10.1353/chl.2013.0016 https://muse.jhu.edu/article/508930 Children’s Literature 41, Hollins University © 2013. 91Children’s Literature 41, Hollins University © 2013. Model Patriots: The First Children’s Biographies of George Washington and Benjamin Franklin Ivy Linton Stabell George Washington had been dead only a few months when Mason Locke Weems completed and printed the first edition of his Life of Washington (1800), which went into twenty-nine editions before 1825 and created and popularized many of the central anecdotes of Wash- ington’s life and mythology, including the famous cherry tree story (Weems, Washington xx).1 The cherry tree story has been a fixture in American lore for generations, and while scholars have examined this biography and discussed its role in shaping American identity in the early nineteenth century, most have overlooked the important fact of Weems’s declared audience. Though the Life of Washington certainly attracted readers of all ages, Weems underscores his focus on “his young countrymen” throughout the work and on the cover of every edition from 1806 forward (Casper 23). This biography of the Ameri- can patriarch, as were the other children’s biographies examined in this essay, was carefully crafted to shape the ideology and behaviors of young Americans by illustrating practicable, civic-minded virtue. Weems styles Washington as the iconic American hero, whom “Posterity” shall hold as “the founder of a great empire” (1; original emphasis). However, Weems simultaneously encourages intimacy with the American patri- arch; instead of venerating Washington and his public achievements, he instead professes to focus his biography on Washington’s “private deeds” (3). Weems concludes his introduction by claiming that in these private virtues, “every youth may become a Washington—a Washington in piety and patriotism,—in industry and honour—and consequently a Washington, in what alone deserves the name self esteem and universal respect” (5; original emphasis). This idea of each young American reader “becoming” a Washington, of channeling reverence for his public deeds into a desire to imitate his private characteristics, is crucial to understanding the function of the patriot’s biographies in the early republic, especially those written with children in mind. The historical and cultural realities of early nineteenth-century America make children’s biographies significant artifacts in the study of American identity and the expansion of nationalism in the early republic. At that moment, the political rhetoric of parent/child re- 92 Ivy Linton Stabell lationships shifted, the children’s publishing industry grew rapidly, and biographies—which not only identify key Americans to admire, but also outline how to admire them—were frequently written for the “rising generation” in order to instill values that would in turn ensure the state’s survival. George Washington and Benjamin Franklin in particular became foundational to Americans’ sense of their national origins, with these lives becoming essential and standard reading for adults and children alike. Washington became the national patriarch who not only led the Revolution and became the first president, but also resisted the pressure to take a third term, thereby ensuring the first peaceful transfer of power in the American executive office—a vital act for the republic. Franklin’s popularity came slightly after Washington’s rise; though never the national patriarch, he came to embody, partially by his own design, American potential. His humble middle-class origins and his remarkable success as statesman, merchant, scientist, and author made him an almost universal role model, whose example clearly served the purposes of a developing nation attempt- ing to gain prominence on the international stage. Further, these men were the oldest of the Revolutionary leaders; their deaths in the eigh- teenth century meant that they, unlike the rest of the Founders, were not involved in the political division and personal enmity of the early nineteenth. These two figures were more distant and therefore more easily rendered as symbols, making their biographies ideal narratives to engage and broaden the nation’s patriotic zeal. Throughout the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, these two men gained overwhelming cultural renown, becoming icons of American spirit and enterprise. Yet they were figures of the Revo- lutionary era, and in both cases key biographical details presented a problem for authors writing decades later in a culture anxious about the legacy of rebellion. Despite their distance from the war, early nineteenth-century Americans faced contemporary issues that threat- ened tangible division within the union: acerbic partisanship and its effects on the political process; westward expansion and the geographic and political transformations that accompanied this movement; and, most significantly, the malignant issue of slavery and its cultural and economic implications. Washington may have been a political hero, but he was also the general of a rebel army. Franklin charted the path of the American Dream, but only achieved success by breaking an ap- prenticeship with his brother and abandoning his family responsibilities by his clandestine flight to Philadelphia. While their roles in the birth Model Patriots 93 of the nation make their biographies important narratives, contributing essential examples of a life committed to public service, their participa- tion in rebellion on a personal and national level makes their stories dangerous, especially for young readers. Children’s literature, particu- larly in this period, was usually skittish about anything that smacked of disobeying adult authority; in these biographies, Washington’s and Franklin’s rebellions must be contained for the texts not only to fortify political stability but also to maintain parental authority. To ensure these hierarchies, children’s biographers liberally edit (and in some cases create or efface) the details of these two lives, imposing narrative control over these supposedly nonfiction works. Weems, the earliest of the writers explored here, was a master of creative license. Though he claims that “every youth may become a Washington,” he also clearly points to Washington’s personal, private virtues as the site for imitation, not his tremendous public deeds: “how- ever glorious, I say, all this [his positions as general and president] may have been to himself, or instructive to future generals and presidents, yet does it but little concern our children. For who among us can hope that his son shall ever be called, like Washington, to direct the storm of war, or to ravish the ears of deeply listening Senates?” (4; original emphasis). Part of Weems’s aim here is to acknowledge that many of his readers will not, even in adulthood, be eligible for military service or the presidency. But additionally, this introduction, so focused on American youth and their response to Washington, betrays its allegiance to adults—not only the one who wrote it, but those who published, purchased, and read the text as well, seeking not only a national role model but a tale of obedience as well. In directing the child reader to focus on Washington’s “piety and patriotism,” Weems skirts the issue of rebellion. The immense popularity of the Life of Washington has gained it some scholarly attention; it was, as Leonard Marcus notes, “the Washington exemplum against which American children would for generations afterward measure their moral worth” (11).2 Yet its focus on children seldom has been discussed, and few of the other biographies here have gained any consideration at all. This essay begins the study these works deserve. Cultural critics have argued that American nationalism was built not only by the political theories and doctrines established in late eighteenth-century America, but also in the texts of popular culture, what François Furstenberg calls “civic texts.”3 Such publications— including “pamphlets, biographies, schoolbooks, sermons, political 94 Ivy Linton Stabell orations, almanacs, newspaper reporting, broadsides, even material objects like ceramics and paintings”—“helped to produce a nation- alism that promoted consent to the constituted political authorities and a sense of mutual political obligation” (20, 21). A large part of Furstenberg’s In the Name of the Father centers on late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century civic texts’ construction of Washington as an American hero and patriarch who embodies the virtues necessary for the republic’s survival, thereby offering an exemplar meant to inspire the public’s consent to their government.4 The children’s biographies investigated here follow this model of seeking to cultivate patriotism in their audience. My argument departs from Furstenberg’s in two key ways. First, I contend that children’s biographies as civic texts sought to do more than just capture Americans’ political support, encouraging a particu- lar kind of political, social, and even economic behavior founded in power hierarchies and emotions associated with the family. These works taught children how to be citizens in a capitalist market economy. As Carolyn Karcher observes, this behavioral model included an economic work ethic as well as political loyalty: “Along with schools, churches, and the myriad societies for the Promotion of Industry, Frugality, and Temperance that sprang up in the mid-1820s, children’s literature served to disseminate the bourgeois work ethic so essential to capitalist production” (68). To this end, Benjamin Franklin was just as important in the cultural ideology of the early republic as Washington. He was the exemplar of industry and ingenuity to pair with the construction of Washington as selfless patriot. Perhaps more importantly, in this essay I investigate what consent looked like as well as why it was sought. These children’s biographies solicit more than mere submission to government authority without substantial rebellion or public discord; they demand a dutiful and lov- ing bond akin to that of the family. Children’s texts are works inhab- ited by adult concerns about the fate of the actual children reading the text, and by the symbolic weight of the child as representative of a community’s future; thus they offer a vital genre for exploring a com- munity’s ambitions and fears. Further, children’s biographies of the early nineteenth century illustrate a particular concern for the future of the infant republic’s political structure, addressing this concern by presenting a kind of citizenship steeped in the steady and perpetual power hierarchies of the family. In these works, citizenship is equated with childhood, and centered on the practice of obedience, duty, and Model Patriots 95 affection. In examining how children’s biographies edited revolution out of the Founders’ lives—a narrative technique which underscores the fact that even these Revolutionary men were beholden to the ultimate sovereignty of the power structures and concepts of the republic—we see how these works supported the government of consent by first instructing the practice of obedience. The Legacy of the Revolution Biographies play an important role in articulating and shaping the moral and behavioral guidelines of communities, and at the beginning of the nineteenth century, starting with Weems, political biographies tar- geting children entered the market, offering the lives of American-born paragons of virtue sacrificing and asserting themselves for the sake of the American military, government, economy, and society. These works popularized the life narratives of those who would come to be known as the Founding Fathers, arguing that core American values existed, these men exemplified them, and imitating such impressive characters would lead to both personal and national success. Scott E. Casper contends in his study of nineteenth-century American biography that “[b]iogra- phers and critics [of the early republic] sought to proclaim America’s glory and virtue to the world (and to America itself) and to instill the Revolutionary fathers’ virtues in sons imperiled by their temporal and cultural distance from the founding” (6). These biographers worked to immortalize the Founders, to make them over into universal models of civic virtue and duty, applicable to every generation. The difficulty of resurrecting the Founders is a familiar problem for twenty-first-century Americans; the perennial debate over the intentions and motivations of those who authored the Revolution and penned the Constitution emerges with any number of contentious issues, from tax policy to the Bill of Rights to the separation of church and state. But in the early nineteenth century, this distance was, as Casper notes, perilous, for it came not with the comfort of over two centuries of stable government, but a precedent of revolution and boiling contro- versy over the course and consequence of the fledgling nation. Before 1850, Americans faced wars with England and Mexico, rapid territorial expansion, increasing industrialization, and surging debate over state and federal power; concern for the success of the American experi- ment was widespread. Revolution-era intellectual Mercy Otis Warren, while lauding the new republican government in her History of the Rise, 96 Ivy Linton Stabell Progress and Termination of the American Revolution (1805), registered deep apprehension for the fragile nation, advising that “[a]ny attempt, either by secret fraud, or open violence, to shake the union, to subvert the constitution, or undermine the just principles, which wrought out the American revolution, cannot be too severely censured” (696). War- ren’s call for “censur[ing]” disruptive forces underscores the fractious nature of the early national period. During the Revolution years, parent/child relationships figured prominently in the rhetoric used to unify Americans and to illustrate both proper and abusive government. Loyalists like Isaac Wilkins used this language to undergird colonists’ responsibilities to England, which he describes as a “kind and indulgent mother . . . whose arms are open to receive all such of her children as will return to their duty” (qtd. in Calhoon 121). Eighteenth-century authors challenging Britain’s treat- ment of its colonies, however, used the model to expose Britain’s failure as a parent to protect and nurture its young colonies. In his famously effective pamphlet, Common Sense (1776), Thomas Paine evoked the oft-used metaphor to explain the structure of power and responsibil- ity between Britain and its American colonies, accusing the former of negligent stewardship: “shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families” (23). In likening Britain to a bad parent with questionable intentions, authors like Paine made the case for rebellion and separation from unjust authority. According to these descriptions, such abusive, negligent, even brutal power is unnatural in a parent, thus justifying rebellion.5 After the Revolution, however, America, though still frequently styled as youthful, stepped into the parental role. Familial structure was crucial to the central ideology and functions of monarchy; the king “was the ‘pater familias of the nation,’ . . . monarchies, based on the presump- tion that human beings were corrupt, offered security and order. Left alone and free, people, it was assumed, would run amuck (sic), each doing what was right in his own eyes” (Wood 93). Revolutionary rhetoric figured the war as direct opposition to such an imperious attitude of a government toward its citizens. The new American republic was, in theory, founded upon the concept of the citizen’s ability to consent. In this new context, the political rhetoric of parental authority shifted to reflect this more expansive notion of citizenship and how govern- ing authority ought to preside over it, returning to the same parent/ child metaphor to represent America as a benevolent parent. Later in his Crisis papers (December 1776), Paine casts the Revolution as a Model Patriots 97 question of ethics, evoking the memory of Britain’s poor governance and calling on colonists to be a different kind of parent: “Not a man lives on the continent but fully believes that a separation must some time or other finally take place, and a generous parent should [say], ‘If there must be trouble, let it be in my day that my child may have peace’ ” (95; original emphasis). In this example, the new American republic is a government centered on the principle of duty to its citizens; America becomes a more supporting and protecting parent than was England. As American political power changed, biographical trends also adapted to new cultural needs. Eighteenth-century biographies em- phasized the public deeds and historic achievements of their subjects, but as the nineteenth century progressed, biographies became more focused on private characteristics. Casper sees Weems as a transitional figure, at the beginning of the trend toward the private in American texts: “A direct relationship existed between the public and the private: the character that Washington cultivated in private life made his public successes possible” (74). Casper does not read Weems as a children’s text, yet considering this young audience helps explain the entwining of public and private in this biography as well as other children’s biog- raphies of the period. By mingling public and private deeds in their narratives, authors like Weems temper their subjects’ revolutionary status with copious anecdotes of private dutifulness. The permeability of the boundary between public and private is evident in children’s biographies. In her study of women’s position in early American liberal democracy, Elizabeth Maddock Dillon chal- lenges the strict division of public and private, arguing that “private subjects do not exist in advance of their entry into public debate with fully formed agendas ready at hand. I argue that public sphere culture . . . is not only directed toward monitoring the state, . . . but toward shaping or constituting private subjects who seek to emerge into public recognition” (6). Adults in the public space, authors, publishers, and consumers concerned with the affairs of the nation construct texts di- rected at children (and the adults who read with them) who inhabit the imagined private space. Ingesting such civic-minded works within the domestic space renders them inextricable from the political discourse of the public sphere, as such texts and ideologies help shape how the individual imagines and will later act within the public space. Dillon writes about women’s attempts and ability to enter into and affect the public sphere, but childhood, especially upper- and middle-class white male childhood, is also a state of “seek[ing] to emerge into public rec- 98 Ivy Linton Stabell ognition,” hinging upon future participation. Even the female child of the early republic existed in the state of future participation through the concept of Republican Motherhood.6 Thus, for the authors of these biographies, early nineteenth-century American children, though physi- cally a part of the private space, represented the future public and their capacity for deeds that would later impact the political community. The ever present promise of emergence, of the blank slate waiting to be written upon, made the project of training children in the goals and practices of citizenship ever more consequential in the early republic. George Washington and the Cherry Tree In an era increasingly receptive to fiction, advice books like Lydia Maria Child’s The Mother’s Book (1831), compiled for “American Mothers, on Whose Intelligence and Discretion the Safety and Prosperity of our Republic so much Depend,” recommended supplying children with nonfiction texts to remedy a proclivity toward fiction (xiii). Child ad- vises, “it is well to encourage in them a love of History, Voyages, Travels, Biography &c. It may be done by hearing them read such books, or reading with them, frequently talking about them, and seeming pleased if they remember sufficiently well to give a good account of what they have read” (87). Her emphasis on encouraging the child’s retention of the information in these books highlights her confidence that these nonfiction texts could shape citizens. Here, biographies are meant to be studied and repeated back to adult authorities who should oversee the child’s education to reinforce adult dominance, a practice which underscores the public and private power hierarchies in a young child’s life. For centuries, children were trained in literacy through memori- zation; by characterizing biography as material meant to be similarly retained, Child figures these life writings as an essential component of initiation into American culture. The cherry tree story, first told in Weems’s Life of Washington in 1806, was a biographical tale worth committing to memory, for its central event of young George’s confession both evidences the American patriarch’s superior moral virtue and demonstrates a child obeying parental proscriptions. Weems’s biography has an episodic construc- tion, stringing together scenes from Washington’s life and offering narrative pronouncements on the virtues displayed in each installment. Each scene is both a pleasurable story and a didactic parable for young readers. Even within the text itself, Weems demonstrates the kind of Model Patriots 99 instructive repetition prescribed in The Mother’s Book. On the page be- fore the original cherry tree tale, young George receives some fatherly advice on the subject of lying: George, you know I have always told you, and now tell you again, that, whenever by accident you do anything wrong, which must often be the case, as you are but a poor little boy yet, without experience or knowledge, never tell a falsehood to conceal it; but come bravely up, my son, like a little man, and tell me of it: and instead of beating you, George, I will but the more honour and love you for it, my dear. (11; original emphasis) By inserting this lesson before young Washington’s transgression, Weems makes the argument against lying twice, first with parental warning and again with the example of young Washington learning and practicing his lessons. But even more important to the text’s deter- mination to uphold parental and political authority, Weems uses this lesson to outline and characterize the power structure of the home and nation. The child is “without experience or knowledge,” a blank slate, requiring guidance and restrictions; the adult, on the other hand, is a benevolent administrator, who would “honour and love” truth telling instead of punishing falsehoods, though the reference to “beating[s]” reminds us that Washington’s father still possesses brutal force. This lesson and the clear dichotomy between adult superiority and child subservience hang over the cherry tree story. In Weems’s original tale, at the age of six young George receives a hatchet, of which “he was immoderately fond,” proceeding to chop “everything that came in his way,” including his father’s “beautiful young English cherry-tree” (12). (In an American parable, it probably does not hurt that the victim tree is English.) When father Washington confronts his son about the incident, asking “do you know who killed that beautiful little cherry-tree yonder in the garden?” young George utters the most famous line in Washington lore: “I can’t tell a lie, Pa; you know I can’t tell a lie. I did cut it with my hatchet” (12). Washington’s father’s response is full of sentiment. “Cry[ing] in transports,” he exclaims, “run to my arms, glad am I, George, that you killed my tree; for you have paid me for it a thousand fold. Such an act of heroism in my son, is more worth than a thousand trees, though blossomed with silver, and their fruits of purest gold” (12). Weems’s prototype of the cherry tree story emphasizes father Washington’s emotional response; his “transports” and praise of his son’s “heroism” declare parental admiration as the 100 Ivy Linton Stabell reward for honesty. Fatherly approval overshadows young Washington’s destructive act, marking this story as a narrative of the heroic virtues of honesty and obedience to authority. While it may initially appear that George’s crime is killing the tree, Augustine Washington does not forbid arboreal violence, only lying. Though he is destructive, young Washington follows his father’s commands perfectly, and maintains the noble characteristics of our impervious national patriarch. This potent scene of patriarchal authority, however, is one of Weems’s few opportunities to illustrate the Washington family’s secure father– son hierarchy, as Augustine Washington died when young George was only eleven years old. Within The Life of Washington, this death occurs directly after this chapter full of fatherly lessons and serves as a transi- tional moment between Washington’s childhood and his adolescence. After describing the loss, Weems shifts quickly to describe Washington’s intensifying worldly interests, particularly his inclination toward the military. Weems thus uses Augustine Washington’s death to chart his biographical subject’s trajectory from obedient child to independent actor, but he is careful to point out that such a development does not compromise Washington’s patriarchal allegiance. Weems assigns to Washington an affectionate and deferential attitude, even in his grief: “The memory of his father, often bathed with a tear—the memory of his father now sleeping in his grave, was felt to impose a more sacred obligation to do what, ‘twas known, would rejoice his departed shade. This was very happily displayed, in every part of his deportment, from the moment of his earliest intercourse with mankind” (18; original emphasis). In characterizing Washington’s “intercourse with mankind” as evidence of his “sacred obligation” to perform his father’s wishes, Weems aligns Washington’s adult actions with the dutiful deeds of his childhood. Here, as in the cherry tree story, Weems establishes Wash- ington’s acceptance of patriarchal approval as the ultimate and eternal reason for his impressive adult life. The early republic’s increasing openness to fiction changed how biographies were told. Sometimes publishers put out full-length works like the Life of Washington for children, but frequently key elements of the biography were excerpted and set in collections with other biographical or moralistic tales.7 The cherry tree episode was by far the most commonly extracted section of Washington’s biography. As a stand-alone narrative, it not only illustrates his virtue and endorses filial submission, but also avoids any direct reference to his later deeds. This story suggests Washington’s later service to the nation without pointing directly to his role in a political and military coup. Model Patriots 101 One such collection of virtuous tales was Good Examples for Children (1830), in which the cherry tree story appears first and is the only tale in which the protagonist is named. The version here, “Truth Com- mended,” is nearly identical to Weems’s. Good Examples appropriates the story to provide similar moral instruction in honesty. When this young Washington admits his misdeed, his father echoes the senti- ments in the cherry tree ur-text: “Run to my arms! I forgive you for destroying my tree, since you had the honesty and manliness thus to tell the truth respecting it” (5). This father also dramatically forgives his son and successfully shifts the narrative’s focus from transgression to precocious virtue. Though this anonymous author does identify the death of the tree as a crime needing “forgive[ness],” she also links Washington’s probity with qualities he would be known for later in life. To call honesty “manliness” here or “heroism” in Weems underscores how these texts attempt to channel the child reader’s potential admi- ration for Washington’s military résumé into regard for his everyday valor, a virtue that remains in line with adult design. Good Examples follows the cherry tree story with several others about generic boys performing good deeds. In “The Boy and the Looking Glass,” which immediately follows “Truth Commended,” a young boy playing with a ball breaks a mirror. When confronted by his father, the scene parallels Washington’s famous confession: “‘Father, I have broke the best looking-glass in the house! And I am very sorry for it.’ His father looked kindly at him, and said, ‘I would rather that all the looking- glasses in my house, should be broken, than that one of my children should tell an untruth’” (7). This exchange, which appears a mere two pages after the Good Examples version of the famous American legend, models what Washington’s “honesty” and “manliness” look like when enacted in a nineteenth-century middle-class context. This translation of the cherry tree story creates a blueprint for middle-class readers to perform the correct American virtues outlined in Washington’s story. While these versions of the cherry tree story enact the narrative in order to cultivate patriotic allegiance to a patriarchal national hierarchy, later versions of the tale begin to bear overtones of intensifying Ameri- can concern over political and cultural divisions among the states and increasing forays into the western frontier. The term “Manifest Destiny” was not coined until the end of the 1830s, but imperialist designs on new territories and the marked tension between anti- and proslavery factions led antebellum Americans to look westward. Though John and Jacob Abbott’s version of the cherry tree story in The Mount Vernon Reader (1835) does not explicitly engage discussions of these concerns, 102 Ivy Linton Stabell the cultural attention to expansion and its accompanying demand for a unified national purpose permeate the text. The Abbott brothers’ Mount Vernon Reader, also called the Middle Class Reader, links Washingtonian virtue, middle-class behavior, and Ameri- can political interests. The Reader’s title and its frontispiece, an image of Mount Vernon, illustrate the prominence of Washington’s story. “George Washington and His Hatchet” continues to assert patriarchal power; the Abbotts also stick close to the Weems plotline, though the confession scene moderates the elder Washington’s emotions. Instead of pontificating on his son’s virtues, this father merely “clasped him in his arms and said, ‘My dear boy, I would rather lose a thousand trees than have my son a liar’” (177). While perhaps the honest and manly traits that Weems and Good Examples expound are implied here, the Abbotts’ discussion of this confession takes a different tack. Instead of outlining the virtues Washington demonstrates, the Abbotts detail the troublesome path he might have chosen and its potential for personal and national consequences8: If little George Washington had told a lie then, it is by no means improbable that he would have gone on from falsehood to false- hood, till every body would have despised him. And he would thus have become a disgrace to his parents and friends, instead of a blessing to his country and the world. No boy who has one particle of that noble spirit which George Washington had, will tell a lie. . . . And therefore when a child tells a lie, you may always know that that child is a coward. George Washington was a brave man. When duty called him he feared not to meet danger and death. (177, 178) The Abbotts’ version of the cherry tree story places individual behaviors squarely in the context of national character. They equate Washington’s honesty with masculine military bravery, and term the lying child a “disgrace” and a “coward.” The Abbotts’ use of the bellicose language of “brave[ry]” and “coward[ice]” to describe the severe consequences of disobedience is not incidental. Charting the development of expansionist rhetoric, Amy Greenberg notes that while “[t]hrough the early decades of the nineteenth century, most Americans believed that expansionism would spread progress and enlightenment to all of mankind. . . . by the 1840s, however, Manifest Destiny’s discourse had become largely martial in tone” (21). The Texas bid for independence, an armed con- Model Patriots 103 flict beginning the same year The Mount Vernon Reader was published, prominently asserted the connection between expansion and violence to the American public. Though the United States did not officially go to war with Mexico until the 1840s, the 1830s dispute between the antislavery Mexican government and Texas, a territory colonized by American slave-holders, simultaneously drew attention to the latter’s possible incorporation into the US and intimated the potential for violent domestic conflict over the issue of slavery. To stifle these anxi- eties, “[t]he literature of Manifest Destiny obscured the ugly side of expansionism . . . by focusing on the unifying aspects of the endeavor,” particularly, Greenberg argues, for American men (44). This insistence on national unity and patriotic bravery is evident in the Mount Vernon Reader’s cherry tree story, which argues that even actions in youth and in the domestic space have implications in the larger public world. The Abbotts draw a clear link between Washington’s youthful virtue and his becoming a “blessing to his country and the world,” suggesting that personal morality and civic virtue are one and the same and char- acterizing both the home and the nation as systems based on nobility and bravery, reliant upon assent. For the adults reading along with their children, these works fortify their own power but also demand their obedience to national ideology. They too must demonstrate the “bravery” and “nobility” the Abbotts note, or risk weakening the politi- cal system. Early faults might have changed Washington’s course; the Abbotts show that children’s behavior as future participants in the state has consequences that extend beyond the home—a loaded promise for a generation heading toward war. Yet not all tellings of the cherry tree story register satisfaction with the American political system. Lydia Howard Huntley Sigourney’s Tales and Essays for Children, also published in 1835, explores new uses of this now familiar national narrative at a moment when women’s voices, though powerful in abolition and other reform movements, were encumbered by shifting definitions of ideal womanhood. A heightened emphasis on domesticity in the 1830s depicted women as private beings, virtu- ous exemplars within the home, providing moral lessons rather than focusing on a civic education (7). But Nina Baym proclaims Sigourney a “Republican public mother,” highlighting the author’s continued use of the idea of maternal civic duty to claim a public voice, one she used more often than not for historical writing (70, 71). Notably, Sigourney frequently turned her public voice toward child audiences, working to shape the discourse surrounding the increasingly ingrained American historical narrative.9 104 Ivy Linton Stabell As in the other collections discussed here, Sigourney’s “Washington and His Mother” is but one of many stories in her book of moral tales.10 Sigourney covers a broader history of Washington’s life, though she concentrates on his relationship with his mother. She refers vaguely to his adult activities, mainly detailing the pride they brought Mary Washington. In this focus, Sigourney makes a clear departure from her contemporaries: “Sigourney certainly knew that many of the male authors who wrote about Washington were not particularly concerned with this relationship” (Parille 83). While the cherry tree tale does not hold the same narrative prominence in her discussion of Washington, Sigourney’s adaptation of this classic American fable further illustrates the wide range of cultural work this myth performed for 1830s audi- ences: Once, from an act of impudence, in his boyhood, a considerable loss had been incurred. He knew that it would interfere with the plans of his mother and give pain to her feelings, perhaps awaken her severe displeasure. But he did not hesitate in his duty. He made to her a frank acknowledgement of his fault. She replied, while a tear started to her eye, “I had far rather this had taken place, than that my son should have been guilty of a falsehood.” (80) Though her allusion to the cherry tree story is oblique, this section of Sigourney’s narrative evokes the same themes found in other versions of the tale. She does not mention the specific cause of the American patriarch’s guilt, but like Weems and other authors, Sigourney uses this narrative to champion the founder’s moral character. She too warns against parental “displeasure,” and she likens honesty and obedience to “duty,” though Sigourney’s version significantly effaces the violence in this telling, as well as other versions’ references to Washington’s “manliness.” This version, however, features a mother, not a father, receiving Washington’s confession.11 While the same submission of child to par- ent—with all its political parallels—persists, this deviation uproots the cherry tree story from its position as a tale of orthodox American power gradations and plants the source of power in a female voice. Her limited description of young Washington’s crime draws further attention to her chief alteration to the tale. Sigourney does not go so far as to call for further political upheaval, but her retelling of the cherry tree story significantly comes within a text that ascribes Washington’s virtues to Model Patriots 105 his mother’s influences, to “that honoured matron, whom the Father of this country so strongly resembled in person and countenance, in manners, and in mind” (86). In declaring Washington “the Father of this country,” Sigourney avoids swapping Mary Washington for her son as a symbol of state power; but in asking readers to see the virtues of the national patriarch in light of maternal influence, she cultivates a more nuanced image of the origins of American identity, one acknowledging women’s role in its construction. In offering an American matriarch instead of a father figure, Sigourney reminds her readers of the broad narrative possibilities of cultural mythology. Through a narrative cre- ated to reinforce the stability of a new democracy, this early antebellum adaptation of the Washington mythology demonstrates how American legends could once again play a role in questioning established notions of power and expanding democratic ideals. Benjamin Franklin’s Flight to Philadelphia Washington’s roles as the general of the successful Revolutionary army and the first national executive make him in many ways the iconic American hero, and certainly, thanks to Weems and many others, a well-crafted patriarch. But as Sigourney’s cherry tree adaptation per- haps suggests, Washington’s position as patriarch also renders him a remote and intimidating role model. He came from wealth and privilege, with English aristocratic roots. Though his story was shaped into an American legend, most of Washington’s own words—with the notable exception of his 1796 Farewell Address, which was shaped largely by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay—never came into the public light, further distancing him from American citizens (Furstenberg 6). Benjamin Franklin, on the other hand, found popular appeal in his humble origins and declared them openly, confirming himself to be “the youngest Son of the youngest Son for 5 generations back” in his Autobiography, another hugely popular text of the nineteenth century (3). His father was a dyer, not a gentleman, and in his early days Frank- lin knew the disappointments of a limited income. Early biographers, as well as Franklin himself, emphasized his trajectory from humble origins to renowned statesman, famed inventor, and author. Scholars of the Autobiography frequently note the author’s self-conscious use of his own life writing to outline a standard of behavior for new genera- tions of Americans: “[Franklin] designs his Autobiography as a means 106 Ivy Linton Stabell of instructing his successors—that is, future generations of American youth—in the art of transforming themselves into virtuous young adults, successful businessmen, and, eventually, public-spirited citizens of the new republic” (Larson 220). Franklin makes his instructions to succes- sive generations plain by addressing the Autobiography to his own son. Not only does this set up the self-improvement narrative as a tool for American youth, but it figures Franklin as a learned father figure rather than the erring youth featured in much of the narrative, an emphasis children’s biographies accentuate as they work to distance him from his youthful indiscretions. Franklin’s biographers, like the biographical subject himself, recom- mended the same path Larson notes, from virtuous youth to success in business and public service, a tale of American meritocracy which supports all power structures and aspects of American society, making Franklin’s life both marketable and politically effective. These biogra- phers relish repeating Autobiography anecdotes of Franklin saving his money for books and his success in the Philadelphia printing industry, but to do so they also must acknowledge his flight to Philadelphia, a major event in Franklin’s life which poses a real threat to the stability of any family, domestic or political. The prevalence of Franklin’s Autobi- ography and the notoriety of the statesman’s history made it impossible for these biographers to ignore this “erratum.” Franklin himself freely acknowledges this failing in the Autobiography, as he explains his abrupt departure from Boston: “this I . . . reckon one of the first Errata of my Life: But the Unfairness of it weigh’d little with me, when under the Impressions of Resentment, for the Blows [his brother James’s] Passion too often urg’d him to bestow upon me. Tho’ he was otherwise not an ill-natur’d Man: Perhaps I was too saucy and provoking” (17). While Franklin admits his role in the problem, citing his behavior as the pos- sible cause of his brother’s distemper and ultimately terming the event one of his “errata,” he remains indignant about “unfairness,” allowing space for the reader to interpret the event as both a mistake and a just rebellion. In order to eventually celebrate Franklin’s success, children’s biographers cannot commemorate his flight to Philadelphia without comment, as it so directly challenges adult authority and the patriar- chal structures of capitalism; instead, they must either denigrate his deception of his family or characterize his apprenticeship in Boston as truly oppressive. By portraying Benjamin Franklin’s departure either as disobedience or as a response to extreme conditions, these biographies use his story to describe the rare circumstances required for warranted revolution invariably championing family and communal duty.12 Model Patriots 107 The narrator of Stories About Dr. Franklin Designed for the Instruction and Amusement of Children (1829) injects a gently authoritative tone into the biography in order to steer its “little readers” toward the proper recep- tion of Franklin’s transgression (4).13 The narrator declares her purpose in the first chapter: “I think they should be able, when asked, to mention some of the great men, that have lived in America. It is honorable to a country to have great men; and becoming all, even children, to know something about their lives and actions. Great men in a nation make that nation more respectable—more thought of by other nations” (4). This narrator declares the “honor” of shared national history, and when this text calls for virtuous, patriotic behavior from its readers, Stories About Dr. Franklin offers him as a model of this behavior. In describing Franklin’s youth, the narrator pursues a particular characterization of the industrious learner, who “met with daily interruptions and discour- agements; yet . . . pressed on” (14). This narrator outlines the rewards of such perseverance, notably mentioning that Franklin became “rich” and that “[s]everal universities in England and Scotland conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Laws” (5, 66). By asking child readers to follow Franklin’s example, and by situating his story as beginning in financial hardship and obscurity and ending in wealth and fame, this narrator, like so many other tellers of Franklin’s tale, figures his rise not only as an archetypal American progression, but as an achievable one: “the cultural values associated with Franklin and promoted in all forms of print media were being instituted as national values theoreti- cally attainable by most people” (Mulford 421). The virtuous Franklin is the dominant figure in this tale of meritocracy. This text seeks to appropriate Franklin’s story as an American prodi- gal son tale, using the narrator’s protective persona to interpret these events. After developing a relationship of kindness toward the reader through earlier anecdotes, the narrator introduces the rebellion by professing an authorial honesty for the good of the reader: “I must now tell my readers something which I might conceal” (16). This narrator uses an acknowledgement of her textual control and the implied pro- fession of a good-faith representation to pilot the reading of Franklin’s denouncement of parental authority. She inserts her own reading of Franklin’s actions, chastising him for his wrongdoing, but ultimately forgiving his transgressions. The text begins by indicating his regret: “When Franklin came to be a man, he confessed that he did wrong, and was sorry for it, though he always thought I believe that his brother did not treat him well. This was probably very true” (16). The text men- 108 Ivy Linton Stabell tions Franklin’s culpability, but places greater blame on his brother. However, it treats the departure from his family much more gravely: This determination he made without consulting his father. In this he did wrong. Parents should always be consulted, especially by children under age. They generally know what is wise for children, to do, even better than children do themselves. Besides they have a right to direct in all cases which are lawful. In this instance, we must condemn young Franklin; and indeed all who do as he now did. (17; original emphasis) While she is careful not to discredit Franklin’s perception of his broth- er’s treatment, in discussing his response to this conflict the narrator chastises Franklin, but softens her criticism by couching her assessment in a discussion of filial duty rather than of his specific deeds. This nar- rator chooses to err in favor of supporting the adult authorities rather than risk encouraging children to follow Franklin’s direct example. As in his work on Washington, Weems too is an activist narrator in his Life of Franklin (1815), conspicuous in his attempts to guide his reader’s interpretation of his subject. Early in the biography, before Franklin has done much more than express an interest in reading and poetry, Weems claims that he has “gain[ed] for himself a name as lasting as time, and dear to liberty as the name of Washington” (23). Weems’s faith in Franklin’s virtues persists into the narrative of young Benjamin’s elopement, and his narrative guidance, instead of correct- ing the biographical subject, justifies Franklin’s decision. Long before he reaches the moment of Benjamin’s flight, Weems eliminates his culpability by linking his apprenticeship with a state of tyranny: How a man pretending to religion [James Franklin] could recon- cile it to himself to make so hard a bargain with a younger brother, is strange. But perhaps it was permitted of God, that Ben should learn his ideas of oppression, not from reading but from suffer- ing. And to the galling sense of this villainous oppression, which never ceased to rankle on the mind of Franklin, the American people owe much of that spirited resistance to British injustice, which eventuated in their liberties. (19) Weems takes Benjamin’s side in the dispute with this older brother, again drawing direct parallels between the biographical subject and the history of the nation. Both Franklin and America must overcome oppressive authority structures in order to achieve liberty and the more democratic success implied by that liberation. Model Patriots 109 Though Weems seemingly invites discussion of rebellion instead of avoiding it, in linking the terms of Franklin’s apprenticeship with the abuses of King George Weems depicts the event as more metaphorical than literal. Weems’s Benjamin has not run off because of simple sib- ling rivalry, as he has in other biographies; his departure is because of “villainous oppression” which is very rare, but when it occurs must be vigorously resisted. Reading Benjamin’s position in his brother’s shop as an unappreciated author and as political cover for James’s controversial printings, David Waldstreicher aligns the younger Franklin’s situation with that of the oppressed American colonies: “Instead of making him more of a man, as apprenticeship might ideally have done, it made him more of a thing, a cipher, a mystery known only to members of a family” (50). For Waldstreicher, Franklin’s apprenticeship amounts to distinct infringements upon his autonomy, as deleterious as the colo- nists found their ties to Britain. In order for Weems to justify Franklin’s behavior, he must describe his Boston circumstances in the strongest Revolutionary rhetoric of “suffering” and “libert[y].” Yet while Weems validates Franklin’s claim to mistreatment through- out the early chapters of the biography, he eventually returns to the patriarchal hierarchy so prominent in his Life of Washington. Weems’s Franklin returns from Philadelphia to his family’s bosom, decked in the trappings of his printing success, yet determined to offer a mea culpa to his father. While Benjamin acknowledges his fault in abandoning his family, he claims to have done it for his father’s own honor and well-being: “I could not bear the thought of living on an aged father now that I was able to work for myself. I determined to leave Boston and seek my fortune abroad. And knowing that if I but hinted my in- tentions you would prevent me, I thought I would leave you as I did” (57). During this conversation, “Ben could clearly see that the soul of his father was breathing an ejaculation of praise to God on his account” (58). In this, another of his emotive scenes, Weems gets to have his rebellion and deny it, too. While he allows Franklin the right to leave behind mistreatment for independence and autonomy, in this largely fabricated reconciliation scene Weems recontextualizes Franklin’s suc- cess as done in his father’s name, thus drawing him back in line with paternal—and, by implication—political authority.14 Franklin senior is another compassionate and wise male authority; his power, not that of the oppressive older brother, is the true guide for young Ben. In this scene reasserting Franklin’s deference to his father, Weems again subscribes to the same conservative, antirebellion narratives of other patriot biographies of this period. 110 Ivy Linton Stabell The Life of Benjamin Franklin (1832), a Peter Parley text, also attempts to recast Franklin’s rebellion into a political metaphor befitting the turbulent antebellum period. Written in the era of the nullification crisis and heated debates over states’ rights and federal authority, this biography, even while maintaining patriarchal authority, shifts its attention to other power struggles within the domestic sphere. Like some other works, The Life of Benjamin Franklin attempts to diminish Franklin’s misdeeds by sweeping past the event of his departure with limited commentary. While this version does not let Franklin off the hook, it blames his decision to leave on a technicality. When it comes time to renew his indentures to his brother, young Benjamin takes the opportunity to leave: “His father opposed his removal, and took side with his brother in the dispute. Benjamin sold his books to furnish the means of paying his passage, went privately on board of a sloop, had a fair wind, and in three days found himself in New York, three hundred miles from home, at the age of seventeen” (25–26). The dis- agreement occurs precipitously, without discussion of the implications of Franklin’s departure. Alongside the other biographies discussed here, the rendition of Franklin’s early rebellion in this version is relatively plain. Yet this text is distinctly different from the others in one key way: it places extraor- dinary emphasis on Franklin’s relationship with his brother. Like many others in the Peter Parley series, it includes questions for the reader. At the bottom of each page, these questions direct further contemplation of the Franklin biography, and many of these ask readers to consider Benjamin’s relationship with his brother: “What were the difficulties between the brothers?” “What happened at this time to James Franklin?” “What unfair advantage did he [Franklin] take of this discharge? What course did his brother pursue on this occasion? His father? Benjamin?” (23, 24, 25). Additionally, one of the three frontispiece illustrations is titled “Reconciliation of Franklin with his Brother,” an image which features an adult figure, presumably James Franklin, patting the head of a younger Benjamin. The questions in this text allow the reader to assign fault on either side of the disagreement; the narrator asks the reader to recognize the “unfair advantage” Franklin took, but by also asking for reflection upon James Franklin’s response, it invites consideration of his role in the matter. In terms of the adult/child power dynamic, the Franklin of this biography is clearly in the wrong; he disobeys his brother’s wishes and his father’s commands. Though the narrator does not dwell on Model Patriots 111 Franklin’s infraction, his father’s authority is clear when in the next chapter, young Benjamin must return from Philadelphia to seek his father’s assistance in setting up a print shop. However, the narrator indi- cates that his father, in addition to discussing his son’s future, attempts to “restor[e] harmony between the two brothers,” a project which fails (34). While James Franklin certainly appeared in other biographies, in this interpretation of Franklin’s story the primary familial struggle has shifted from the assertion of adult authority to an anxiety over frater- nal discord. This brotherly disagreement displeases Franklin’s father, who, though still the most powerful figure, is unable to resolve their conflict. This biography is a more clearly antebellum text, written in a political climate ever more concerned about the threats of fraternal dissension, of a union increasingly divided in two. The Peter Parley biography seems unconvinced as to how this tale will end; it both declares the reconciliation a failure and illustrates reunion. As the nineteenth century progressed, the cultural images of Washington and Franklin were adapted to new purposes as the cul- tural and political concerns of the ever expanding and evolving nation changed. The versatility of Washington and Franklin’s narratives, used as allegories of the Revolution, as reinforcement of the Manifest Des- tiny of American government and society, and to register the anxieties of conflicting fraternal interests in the antebellum era, illustrates the iconic role these biographies hold in American mythology. By so vigor- ously modeling dutiful behavior to parental and national authorities, these children’s biographies work to construct proper citizenship as affectionate obedience, an attitude necessary to the perennial project of preserving the nineteenth-century nation. Notes I would like to thank Katharine Capshaw Smith, Sharon Harris, and Margaret Higon- net for their invaluable advice and unfailing encouragement. Many thanks, too, to the anonymous readers for Children’s Literature who offered such insightful feedback, and to the curators at the American Antiquarian Society, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, and the Franklin Collection at Yale University for their guidance and support. 1The 1800 edition spanned only 80 pages, and the cherry tree story did not appear until the fifth edition in 1806. In his introduction to the Harvard University Press edition (1962), editor Marcus Cunliffe states that Weems’s publisher, the prominent Philadelphia printer Matthew Carey, bought the copyright in 1808 and, despite the author’s protests, kept the text unchanged thereafter (xiii–xx). Cunliffe’s edition, which I cite in this essay, uses the 1808 ninth edition as the authoritative text. 2Excerpted and in full, Weems’s Life of Washington was an extremely popular nine- teenth-century text. Abraham Lincoln famously counted it among the most influential books of his youth, and Susan Warner’s The Wide, Wide World (1850) describes protago- 112 Ivy Linton Stabell nist Ellen Montgomery’s fascination with it. Scott E. Casper cites these two prominent examples as evidence of The Life of Washington’s pervasiveness in nineteenth-century American culture (75–76). 3Furstenberg lays out two kinds of civic texts. He calls pamphlets, broadsides, school primers, and other common pieces of material culture “popularizing” texts, works that illustrated national icons and political concepts for the American masses (233). The second kind are “canonical” texts, of which he identifies the Declaration of Indepen- dence, the Constitution, and Washington’s Farewell Address as the most important (233). These works achieved canonical status through publication and discussion throughout the nineteenth century. When I use the term “civic texts,” I am using his first definition, that of popular artifacts of early nineteenth-century American material culture, of which children’s biographies are an important part. 4The notion of consent has garnered much debate among scholars of the American Revolution. Though, as Furstenberg notes, “all political regimes depend to some extent on popular loyalty,” his study focuses on how Washington becomes the central figure that cultivates national support both for the new government and for slavery (16). While Furstenberg studies how the concept of consent was deployed and manipulated throughout the slavery debate, my interest in consent concerns how children’s texts prefigured and fashioned adult political action by modeling submission to authority structures for the child. 5Jay Fliegelman’s foundational study Prodigals and Pilgrims offers an extended ex- amination of the parent/child rhetoric permeating Revolutionary texts. More recently, Caroline F. Levander has written about the parent/child origin story and the use of the symbolic child in constructing American racial hierarchies and national identity. 6Republican Motherhood, though discussed by many scholars of American history and literature, is best defined in Linda Kerber’s Women of the Republic: “The Republican Mother integrated political values into her domestic life. Dedicated as she was to the nurture of public-spirited male citizens, she guaranteed the steady infusion of virtue into the Republic. Political “‘virtue,’ . . . could not be safely domesticated in eighteenth- century America; the mother, and not the masses, came to be seen as the custodian of civic morality” (11). 7Publishers reproduced the cherry tree story and other elements of Weems’s biography throughout the nineteenth century. In addition to the examples discussed in this article, Cunliffe finds the cherry tree story in Anna Reed’s The Life of George Washington (1829), Reverend E. C. M’Guire’s The Religious Opinions and Character of Washington (1836), John Frost’s Pictorial Life of George Washington (1854), and Morrison Heady’s The Farmer Boy, and How He Became Commander-in-Chief (1864) (xxi–ii). 8Both Lorinda Cohoon and Jani L. Berry argue that the power relationships in Jacob Abbott’s series books correlate with national concerns about political power and civic responsibility. Berry observes that when the child characters’ play requires distributing power, the texts endorse a republican system in which “the leader is one chosen from within the group rather than an externally imposed power” (102). Cohoon’s reading of the 1840s Jonas books argues that Jonas and his friends turn to the law to resolve disputes: “Abbott’s negotiation of the possibilities of legal peace between relatives might be read as a way to understand another set of close but contentious relationships, those between the states during this time” (46). In this essay, I note a similar shift toward the discussion of fraternal relationships during this period. 9Lorinda Cohoon’s recent essay in Enterprising Youth, on Sigourney’s discussion of citizenship in nineteenth-century children’s periodicals, attends to both Sigourney’s public concerns and her writings for young audiences. 10In addition to “Washington and His Mother,” Sigourney published “The Filial Virtues of Washington,” in The Boy’s Book; Consisting of Original Articles in Prose and Poetry (1843). The two biographies are nearly identical. Model Patriots 113 11Anna Reed’s Life of George Washington also swaps Washington’s father for his mother. Her tale also changes the crime; instead of chopping down a cherry tree, young Wash- ington tries to tame his mother’s horse and winds up killing it in the process. 12In an examination of twentieth-century children’s literature of the American Revo- lution, Eric Tribunella argues that representations of the Founders as flawed figures who could not live up to their own ideals engenders ambivalence rather than reverence for these figures. Ambivalence, he argues, “has fueled the struggles that have sought to actualize those promises that are the legacy of the founding generation” (99). The biographies explored in this article are of an earlier generation, works still striving to establish Franklin and Washington as paragons of particularly American virtues. Yet these authors’ obvious efforts to conceal and recharacterize elements of these men’s lives il- lustrate that these nineteenth-century biographers were well aware of the potential for ambivalence in their narratives. 13Lydia Maria Child also published a biography of Franklin in 1829, the first entry in her Biographical Sketches of Great and Good Men, though the work also appeared in the 1 March 1827 edition of the Juvenile Miscellany. Her biography, however, is brief, and diminishes the impact of the flight to Philadelphia in his life: “Whatever might be the causes of complaint, they became so irksome to him, that he absconded from Boston” (Biographical 11). Child’s evasive narration of this episode is notable, but I have not discussed her work here because Karcher examines the text in The First Woman in the Republic, her critical biography of Child. 14In the Autobiography, when Franklin returns home to solicit his father for assistance in setting up a Philadelphia print shop for Governor Keith, his request is refused. Franklin makes no mention of his father’s “ejaculation of praise to God,” though he notes that he received financial advice and “some small Gifts as Tokens of his [father’s] and [his] Mother’s Love” (25). Works Cited Abbott, Jacob, and John Abbott. The Mount Vernon Reader. Boston: John Allen, 1835. Baym, Nina. “Reinventing Lydia Sigourney.” Redefining the Political Novel: American Women Writers 1797–1901. Ed. Sharon M. Harris. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 1995. 66–85. Berry, Jani L. “Discipline and (Dis)order: Paternal Socialization in Jacob Abbott’s Rollo Books.” Children’s Literature Association Quarterly 18.3 (1993): 100–105. Calhoon, Robert. “The Character and Coherence of the Loyalist Press.” The Loyalist Perception and Other Essays. Columbia: U of South Carolina P, 1989. 109–45. Casper, Scott E. Constructing American Lives: Biography and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1999. Child, Lydia Maria. Biographical Sketches of Great and Good Men Designed for the Amusement and Instruction of Young Persons. 2nd ed. Boston: Putnam & Hunt, 1829. ———. The Mother’s Book. New York: Arno P and New York Times, 1972. Cohoon, Lorinda B. “Jacob Abbott’s ‘Jonas Books’ and the Construction of an 1840s Middle-Class Boyhood.” Dime Novel Round-Up 70.2 (2001): 43–56. ———. “‘A Just, A Useful Part’: Lydia Huntley Sigourney and Catharine Maria Sedgwick’s Contributions to The Juvenile Miscellany and The Youth’s Companion.” Enterprising Youth: Social Values and Acculturation in Nineteenth-Century American Children’s Literature. Ed. Monika Elbert. New York: Routledge, 2008. 3–17. Dillon, Elizabeth Maddock. The Gender of Freedom: Fictions of Liberalism and the Literary Public Sphere. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2004. Fliegelman, Jay. Prodigals and Pilgrims: The American Revolution Against Patriarchal Authority: 1750–1800. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982. Franklin, Benjamin. The Autobiography. Ed. J. A. Leo Lemay and P. M. Zall. New York: W. W. Norton, 1986. 114 Ivy Linton Stabell Furstenberg, François. In the Name of the Father: Washington’s Legacy, Slavery, and the Making of a Nation. New York: Penguin, 2006. Good Examples for Children. New York: Mahlon Day, 1830. Greenberg, Amy S. Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire. New York: Cambridge UP, 2005. Karcher, Carolyn. The First Woman in the Republic: A Cultural Biography of Lydia Maria Child. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1994. Kerber, Linda. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1980. Larson, David M. “Benjamin Franklin’s Youth, His Biographers, and the Autobiography.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 119 (1995): 203–23. Levander, Caroline F. The Cradle of Liberty: Race, the Child, and National Belonging from Thomas Jefferson to W. E. B. Du Bois. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2006. The Life of Benjamin Franklin, illustrated by Tales, Sketches, and Anecdotes. Adapted to the Use of Schools. New York: Collins & Hannay, 1832. Marcus, Leonard. Minders of Make-Believe: Idealists, Entrepreneurs, and the Shaping of American Children’s Literature. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2008. Mulford, Carla. “Figuring Benjamin Franklin in American Cultural Memory.” The New England Quarterly 72 (1999): 415–43. Paine, Thomas. Collected Writings. Ed. Eric Foner. New York: Library of America, 1995. Parille, Ken. Boys at Home: Discipline, Masculinity, and “The Boy-Problem” in Nineteenth-Century American Literature. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 2009. Sigourney, L. H. Tales and Essays for Children. Hartford: F. J. Huntington, 1835. Stories About Dr. Franklin Designed for the Instruction and Amusement of Children. Hartford, CT: D. F. Robinson, 1829. Tribunella, Eric L. Melancholia and Maturation: The Use of Trauma in American Children’s Literature. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 2010. Waldstreicher, David. Runaway America: Benjamin Franklin, Slavery, and the American Revolu- tion. New York: Hill and Wang, 2004. Warren, Mercy Otis. History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution. Ed. Lester H. Cohen. Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1988. Weems, Mason Locke. The Life of Franklin. LaVergne, TN: BiblioLife, 2010. ———. The Life of Washington. 1962. Ed. Marcus Cunliffe. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1999. Wood, Gordon S. The American Revolution: A History. New York: Modern Library, 2002. 
work_c3qjufrf7jb3heyut4c3v7m3xe	----	DOI: 10.2298/PKJIF1480063V УДК 821.163.41.09 821.111(73).09 БЕНЏАМИН ФРАНКЛИН ИНКОГНИТО МЕЂУ СРБИМА: НОВА МАСКА ЈОАКИМА ВУЈИЋА Дело Јоакима Вујића „Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се и своју кесу пунити“ (Будим, 1829) досад је било слабо примећено у српској историји књиге и књижевности. Установљено је, међутим, да оно није оригинално, него да представља превод чувеног дела Бенџамина Франклина „Father Abraham’s Speech“, познатијег као „The Way to Wealth“, преведеног дотад на велики број светских језика. Рад се бави и присуством Франклина у српској култури 19. века. Као што не знамо који је Србин могао први стићи на тло Новог континента, тако не знамо ни ко је први могао чути за њега. Свакако је то морао бити неко од оних писмених који је на нематерњем језику умео прочитати у каквој европској књизи прве извештаје о чудноватом проналаску те тобожње Индије. А кад су Срби могли о томе сусрести коју реч на својем језику, биће лакше установити, као и ко је био тај пионир који је то саопштио својим једноплеменицима. У овом тексту то нећемо покушавати да решимо, јер ћемо се бавити једном важном личношћу америчке историје, која је касније – силом развоја тока исто- ријских збивања – постала од значаја и за светску, и тако ушла и у нашу културну орбиту; тачније, не самом личношћу, него чудним путевима којим је стигла до нашег видика. Наравно, у целом 18. и највећем делу 19. века та новонастајућа цивилизација Србима није могла бити у средишту пажње, просто зато што ће довољну политичку и културну специфичну тежину на глобалном нивоу она достићи тек у 20. веку. Чак ни таква колонијална сила као што је Енглеска, у време кад су се информације спорије преносиле и самим тим имале другачију важност, није имала значајнији утицај на српску културу нити је много представљала у свес- ти наше заједнице тог времена. Њен хоризонт је био на првом месту средњоевропски – углавном германски, и у исто време источни – руски. Прве вести о збивањима и културним токовима у остатку света пролазиће пре свега преко ова два посредника, два такорећи филтера. Срби ће до 64 Жарко Војновић Америке пловити још дуго.1 Тада је било немогуће замислити да ће та егзотична, тајновита земља чукунунуцима значити толико много, рекло би се – чак и превише. Колико год да су српске културне везе са Европом тог доба испи- тиване подробно преко дела наших најзнатнијих стваралаца, опет нам чешће недостају вести о ваневропским везама, макар и оним из друге руке. Како ствари стоје, могућа су значајна изненађења, или барем информације о нечему на шта није обраћана пажња, а све би то било важно за успостављање слике развоја српског културног профила 18. и 19. столећа. Овде треба додати ради подсећања да су ондашњи обичаји културних трансмисија били другачији: није се подразумевало, као да- нас, да се информације преносе у изворном облику. То се најпре тицало оригиналног ауторског идентитета, а потом и самог садржаја који се кани пренети. Зна се да су изворни идентитети понекад изостављани, пре него намерно скривани, најпре због недостатка обавезујуће свести о значају идентификације: она је сматрана често за секундарну категорију, а на- стојало се пре свега на садржају као функционалном елементу преноса естетске или практичне информације. С друге стране, ни садржај сам по себи није био недодирљива категорија: навика времена, не само код Срба (и то смо преузели), налагала је слободно, утилитарно или ствара- лачко одношење према изворнику. Он је имао, у условима преношења из једне културне матрице у другу, вредност не толико сам по себи, колико по могућностима које му се вољом и визијом преносиоца пружају у његовој новој средини. Стога се српски писац није осећао спутаним од стране свог оригинала: он му је приступао неоптерећено, трудећи се да пре свега задовољи начело полезности, корисности. Та просветитељска нота утицаће пресудно не само на рецепцију других култура, него и на канонизовану интеркултурну праксу код Срба у 18. и 19. веку. Оно што бисмо данас сматрали плагијатом, ученом крађом, био је тад легитиман стваралачки чин у очима јавности којој, барем у ширем смислу, није било стало до ауторских права, колико до могућности да се нешто ново, корисно прочита на српском. Тако смо остали ускраћени и за понека знања наслућена у овом уво- ду, а то је удео америчких аутора на сцени рађања новог српског читаоца. 1 Али зато, кад се буду ње коначно дочепали, сместиће је одмах, у складу са својим разбарушеним самодоживљавањем, у своје каруце. Па се тако могло повише од шале, а нешто и озбиљски, певати: „Чика Пера јаши коња бела, За њим иде Америка цела.“ (Чика Пера је, наравно, краљ Петар). И потом мангупски додавати, на развалинама једног царства пропалог у Првом светском рату, у банатском падежу: „Александер јаши коња вранца, а цар Вилхем јаши на магарца.“ Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 6� Иако су овде потребна опсежнија истраживања, храбро се одлучујем да испитам, колико је засад могуће, случај једне од најпопуларнијих личности америчке ране историје, тачније оног времена које савреме- ним Американцима служи као темељ колективног идентитета, времена стварања нове нације, нове демократије, која ће дуго словити као узор чак и многима међу Европљанима. Ради се о ономе ког популарно знамо као човека са змајем који је измислио громобран, у ствари – о државни- ку, писцу, економисти, реформатору, научнику, политичару Бенџамину Франклину (1706-1790). У ствари, не толико о њему, колико о путевима којим је стигао до Срба, под својим именом или без њега, и о његовим путовођама, од којих макар један спада у сам врх српског нововековног Пантеона: то је Јоаким Вујић, који не престаје да нас изненађује, својом склоношћу ка скривању и мистификацији, као и способношћу да нас post mortem неочекивано обрадује и у трећем миленијуму. Најпре покушајмо, према пронађеним подацима, сачинити хро- нолошки преглед како је велики Американац улазио у видик српског читаоца.2 Колико ми је досад познато, први српски спомен Франклина везан је, треба ли рећи, за једног од највећих научника српске историје, Атанасија Стојковића (1773-1832). У другој части своје за нас епохалне тротомне Фисике (Будим 1801-1803), на самом њеном крају, у додатку насловљеном О електрическој и магнетическој материји, од свих науч- ника који су се бавили оном првом, спомиње поименце само Франклина, не улазећи ипак, због структуре саме те књиге, посебно у разматрање његовог рада. Франклин Американац, а после њега различни други, примечаније со- творили јесу да једна железна мотка сама от себе електрическом постане, ако се у времја гремљавине на електрическо каково тело тако забоде, да у ваздуху свободна, и управо стојит... Јестество грома и гремљавине могло се сад много легше дознати, а и способ се открио којим се може зданије, дом, церков, палата, от громова удара безопасним сотворити.3 Међутим, ускоро ће и то учинити, али не на српском језику и не на српском етничком простору. Отишавши, наиме, убрзо потом у царску Русију, почео је с професуром на универзитету, а самим тим и са ак- тивнијим и функционалнијим бављењем науком, у средини која је за то тада очигледно била зрелија и пријемчивија. Далеко од српског подручја, 2 Франклин је присутан у Европи од самих својих књижевних почетака, јер је, сти- гавши у Лондон крајем 1724. и запосливши се у штампарији, већ 172�. објавио тамо једну своју расправицу. Дела настала касније у Америци објављују се на старом континенту у оригиналу или у преводу релативно брзо. О томе: P. L. Ford, Franklin Bibliography : a list of books written by, or relating to Benjamin Franklin, Brooklyn, 1889. 3 А. Стојковић, Фυсїка, Будим 1802, 32�. 66 Жарко Војновић нажалост и од српских интелектуалних кретања, Стојковић се подробније позабавио природним наукама, у широком спектру карактеристичном за предмодерно доба. Испитујући, на самом почетку своје руске каријере, феномен електрицитета, као и практично питање заштите од грома, он је сажео у једној књизи дотадашња знања о томе, очигледно на темељу ши- роког познавања релевантне литературе. Књига се појавила 1810. године у Харкову, месту његовог професорског службовања, под руским нази- вом О предохранении себя от ударов молнии во всех случаях жизни.4 На неколико места у њој, резимирајући савремена достигнућа, набрајајући имена тада познатих научника, он разматра експерименте и обрађује рад америчког научника, зовући га и „велики Франклин“.� Тако су руски студенти и руска научна заједница из уста српског научника подробно могли слушати (наравно, не знам да ли је Стојковић био у томе први или не) на свом језику о имену које је до данас сачувало своје стално место у историји науке; Срби ће још морати мало причекати. Ови први помени Франклина утолико су важнији јер се тичу ње- говог научног рада, а не његових бројних популарних написа упућених тзв. обичном читаоцу, који би били пријемчивији за још увек недовољно изграђен аудиторијум. Кад се, према тренутним сазнањима, први ориги- налан Франклинов текст (под његовим именом) појави на српском јези- ку, он ће управо потицати из корпуса тих популарних, просветитељски интонираних, баш онако како је у доситејевској традицији Србима и требало, ради забаве и користи. Тај текст, обимом скроман али значењем ефектан, српској јавности понудиће др Јован Стејић (1803-18�3), хећим кнеза Милоша, у оно доба вредан и знатан културни делатник, са при- личним књижевним (у најширем смислу) континуитетом, што није била свагдашња ствар међу Србима. Дошавши у ондашњу Србију као један од бројних пречанских Срба, дао се на то да своје образовање, и то не само оно егзактно лекарско, већ и опште хуманистичко, понуди свом народу на корист. Први плод биће трећи том његове серије Забаве за разум и срце под засебним насловом Сабор истине и науке (1832), један 4 Ево и како се Стојковић, у складу са ондашњим обичајима, помпезно потписао, сажимајући дотадашњу каријеру у идентификацији свог ауторства на насловној страни (написано оригиналним правописом): О предохраненїи себя отъ ударовъ молнїи во всѣхъ случаяхъ жизни / издалъ Аөанасїй Стойковичь, Коллежскїй Совѣтникъ, Свободныхъ Наукъ и Философїи Докторъ, Императорскаго Харьковскаго Университета Умозри- тельной и Опытной Физики Профессоръ Публичный Ординарный, Императорской С. Петербургской Академїи наукъ, Королевскихъ ученныхъ Обществъ наукъ Геттингскаго, Прагскаго и Варшавскаго, Естествоиспытательныхъ, Императорскаго Московскаго и Ен- скаго, Московскаго соревнованїя Врачебныхъ и Физическихъ наукъ и С. Петербургскаго Вольнаго Экономическаго Общества Членъ. Колико знам, у Србији се ова књига, која износи укупно преко 300 страна велике осмине, може наћи у Библиотеци Српске патријаршије. � Исто, 169. Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 67 од типичних зборника свог доба, у којима се сабирало лепо и корисно из свих могућих области људског стваралаштва, без икаквих тематских ограничења. Идеја је била да се на једном месту скупи све оно што просечном Србину треба, слично као у календарима, најпродаванијем и најпопуларнијем књижном жанру. Тако се однекуд, у оквиру те анто- логије, нашао и Бенџамин Франклин. Наиме, Стејић је у свој алманах унео његов изворни текст под насловом Један аполог, с напоменом да је „из Франклина“.6 Шта је српском читаоцу ово име тад могло значити, није баш извесно; у сваком случају, тешко да му је баш увек морало бити важно да сазнаје изворе оваквих текстова; важна је била поука. Ипак, нама је дужност да покушамо открити оригинал, и како је стигао до пре- водилачког пера Јована Стејића. Библиографско и књижевно-историјско искуство и знање казују да су наши писци текстове ван германског кул- турног простора често преузимали преко германских посредника; у овом случају та слутња је то оправданија што тада познавање енглеског језика међу Србима постоји на нивоу изузетка, што би значило да је овај текст највероватније преведен баш са немачког, основног језика међукултурне размене у оном ареалу којем припадају образовани Срби. Заиста, међу многим његовим на немачки преведеним текстовима – а подвлачимо да су већ 1780. године Немци имали Sämmtliche Werke Бенџамина Франк- лина, десет година пре његове смрти – пронађен је један са истоветним насловом: Ein Apolog.7 То је кратка поучна причица о човеку на самрти и његовој визији просветитељског раја, с идејом верске толеранције. Међутим, међу оригиналним Франклиновим делима није било могуће пронаћи одговарајући наслов: искључив разлог је оно што смо већ назвали горе слободним односом према оригиналу, а који је био општеевропска навика. Добар пример је овај немачки превод: дело се у ствари енглески зове просто A Tale, с тим што је по свему судећи оригинално написано на француском под насловом Conte, за време Франклиновог амбасадорског службовања у Француској.8 Идеја да католик иде у место за католике, лутеран међу лутеране у рају, а да човеку који, по сопственом испове- дању, нема никакве друге религије осим човекољубља, сам Свети Петар дозвољава да иде куд жели, морала је бити привлачна у просветитељски 6 Єданъ Апологъ, Саборъ истине и науке, Београд, 1832, 16�-166. 7 B. Franklin, Kleine Schriften meist in der Manier des Zuschauers, nebst seinem Leben, Weimar, 1794, 73-74 (аus dem еnglischen von G. Schatz). Подвлачим да сам далеко од идеје да истражујем где се овај текст у немачком преводу први пут могао појавити. 8 У енглеским антологијама Франклинових текстова које сам успео пронаћи често се најпре штампа француски оригинал, а потом енглески текст под наведеним насловом, уз напомену “translation“. Јунак приповечице зове се изворно Montesor, док је немачки преводилац нашао за сходно да га назове Jakob. Стејић је то име оставио, претварајући га, наравно, у Јаков. 68 Жарко Војновић настројеним европским круговима, па ју је после неких четири деценије у српску средину пресадио и др Стејић. После неколико година ова поучителна цртица биће за српског чита- оца надограђена и биографско-психолошким детаљима из Франклиновог живота. У Уранији Димитрија Тирола за 1838. годину појавиће се нешто већи чланак који је саставио један од живописних ликова ондашње српске културне сцене Лазар Зубан, под насловом Характерическе черте живо- та Венијамина Франклина.9 Тешко је рећи да ли је овај чланак потпуно оригиналан, или га је Зубан однекуд превео с немачког, не наводећи откуд, као ни да ли је први пут објављен баш у Уранији, или је у њој, како се често радило, прештампан с неког другог места. За нас је важно да Бенџамин Франклин улази у обзор српске културе на начин који је тад био за Србе најпријемчивији – у форми и књижном жанру календара. Особито треба подвући како га српски писац?/преводилац?/посрбљивач? лепо, у најдо- следнијој посрбљивачко-преводилачкој традицији, истовремено и српској и европској, назива Венијамин, према културном ономастичком обрасцу прирођеном средини у коју се ово календарско име, пореклом јеврејско, преноси: непознато народном српском животу, могло се тад пронаћи евентуално код неког монаха. Веома цењене морално-биографске цртице из живота великих људи, радо прештампаване и читане, допуњавале су се и код Срба полако ликовима Новог света, а Франклин је био згодан због обиља биографског афористичког материјала погодног за извлачење наравоученија, као и због склоности к моралистичким сентенцама, од којих неке Зубан управо и наводи на крају свог текста. Ускоро ће тим путем и том линијом интересовања Венијамин Фран- клин стићи и у биографски жанровски зборник, чувени нови Плутарх проте Јевтимија Ивановића (1773-1849). У трећем тому тог дела Ивано- вић је објавио чланак Франклин: рођен л. 1706,10 очигледно састављен према мноштву текстова о њему који круже Европом већ барем пола века. И он је компонован у духу потреба времена: биографски део, у којем је Ивановић побројао најважније доприносе Франклина свету, уз наглашавање оних научних,11 допуњен је и етичко-психолошким портретом његовог лика. 9 Л. Зубан, Характерическе черте живота Венiамiна Франклина, Ураніа : за годину 1838, Београд, [1837], 108-114. 10 Е. Ивановић, Франклiнъ рођенъ л. 1706, Новый Плутархъ или Краткое описаніе славны людіи свію народа одъ древны времена до данасъ, 3. часть, Нови Сад, 1840, 33-37. 11 „У физики је он изнашао како би се могли од грома сохранити, и електрическога змаја. Он је кушао срећу не би ли могао изјаснити својство северне светлости. Он је начинио такову пећ, која мало дрва требује. Он је армонику довео у боље совершенство, но није њу изнашао“. Исто, 36. Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 69 Тијом јасностију прозрео је његов бистри дух сва отношенија живота чо- веческога у малом и великом состојанију, не скрећајући никада од праве стазе ко истини. Његово благородно серце обузето је било благом свега рода човеческога. Не пуштајући се у замршене бесполезне послове. Изабрао је за се такови мудри начин живљења који ће на веки примером свима бити моћи. Нико није умео тако као он развити ползу благонравија и то обратити у дужност пријатељства и опште љубови на полезно употребљеније времена, на срећу благодејанија, колико је нужно сопствену ползу сојединити са општом, колико је полезно трудољубије, какво блаженство уживамо ми од узајимног пријатељског обрашченија. Нема ништа красније него читати његове причте старог Енриха или мудрост доброга Рихарда, што је печатао у Филаделфији л. 17�7.12 Овај панегирик врлинама, који ипак није био само манир, одјек просветитељске потребе за успостављањем персоналних моралних ме- рила, коначно је увео Бенџамина Франклина у српску културу као знатну личност нове историје. Комплементарност науке, као новонастајућег божанства, и просвећене политике у Франклиновом делу највише је занимала онај део европског аудиторијума васпитаваног на идејама Фран- цуске револуције, и отуд га је и наш (тада митровачки) прота поставио српском као етички и делатни узор.13 Не знам да ли је ова хвалоспевна биографија утицала у нечему и на Симу Милутиновића Сарајлију да да свој допринос укључивању Франклина у домаћи културни простор. Он ће у свом стилу испевати и у Пештанско-будимском скоротечи 1844. објавити песму О лицу и духу Франклина, с поднасловом: „Одривак из Зубанове Оџаклије“,14 где у асиметричном десетерцу хвалоспев подиже до још већих висина: „О Франклине, о Венијамине!...“ Занимљива песничка слика на почетку песме – евокација величине Америке, „исполинске“, која парадоксално рађа „већег и од себе“ (Франклина), прелива се у цртање локалног про- сторног амбијента, који се не може разумети без припомоћи литературе: „Образ ти је до Цар-Славенина, / Тек вас прозор случајни раставља / На лијево до Серб-Карађорђа / У Зубана дивној Оџаклији!“, обраћа се наш поета Франклину. „Образ“, то јест портрет Бенџамина Франклина, стајао је наиме, заједно с портретима Карађорђа, Доситеја („Цар-Славенин“ је 12 Исто. Запамтимо овог „доброг Рихарда“, јер се овај текст тиче на крају управо њега. 13 Један будући велики српски писац је још пре тога добио Франклина као узор: то је Јаков Игњатовић кога је његов тутор Сима Игњатовић, терајући га на занат, тешио и да је „славни Венијамин Франклин у младости својој био типографски шегрт“. Овога то нимало није било фасцинирало, напротив, али нам је барем јасно пренео информацију да је Американац тада и међу нама сматран славним. 14 С. М. С. (С. Милутиновић Сарајлија), О лицу и духу Франклина : (одрывакъ изъ Зубанове Оџаклiе), Пештанско-будимскій скоротеча, год. 3, бр. 29, 1844, 16�-166. Иначе, овај планирани спев Зубанова оџаклија Сарајлија никад није штампао у целини. 70 Жарко Војновић очигледно руски император), итд. у дому горепомињаног Лазе Зубана, у његовој београдској кући прозваној „оџаклија“, где се у то доба скупљало занимљиво београдско друштво, а Лаза Зубан, упркос свом меленачком пореклу и својој образованости, гуслао.1� Зубанов културни иконостас на којем је био и Франклинов лик (за ондашњу Србију то је морало бити врло егзотично), и вероватно његове приче о Франклину, уколико и сам Сарајлија није, што је сасвим вероватно, на својим путовањима негде наишао на какву његову књигу или биографију (можда и код самог Зу- бана, који је имао за оно време знатну библиотеку), дале су инспирацију песнику да испоје десетерачку оду америчком великану која, како то код Сарајлије бива, више говори о њему самом но о предмету песме: „... И свак Србин поштује Франклина,“ кличе он космополитски, верујући да је то заиста баш тако. Нажалост, још увек су нам недостајала Франклинова дела на српс- ком језику. Онај Један аполог је, изгледа, ипак био мање-више случајан инцидент, изабран не због личности писца, него због идеје коју причица нуди.16 На прво веће интегрално Франклиново дело објављено као по- себна књига српски читалац мораће чекати све до 20. века, то јест до Мијатовићевог превода његове аутобиографије, обогаћене исцрпним преводиочевим предговором.17 Ако се подсетимо горе реченог да Немци још 1780. године имају његова сабрана дела издата у Дрездену у три тома на око 1600 страна мале осмине,18 лако је закључити да је српској публици, то јест оном њеном делу који није владао светским језицима, Франклин морао бити добро познат само по чувењу, али не и по сопс- твеним списима, за разлику од европске, код које је било обрнуто, и то још за Франклинова живота! * Ипак, да све буде доследно наопако, побринуо се нико други до Јоаким Вујић. Управо је његова заслуга што је, у време кад је још слабо ко од Срба, с изузетком оних упознатих са немачком, француском итд. књижном продукцијом, могао знати за Американца, ипак неколико ње- 1� В. Стајић, Исидор Путник, Гласник Историског друштва у Новом Саду, год. 10, 1937, 230. 16 Стејићев зборник доживеће још једно издање у Београду након 34 године, пре- штампаће га Андрија Станковић, и ту ће, наравно, бити и овај Франклинов текст (Соборъ истине и науке одъ пок. Г. Іована Стеића, быв. начелник. санитет. оделеня при Попечит. Внутрены дела, Београд, 1866). 17 Живот Бенџамина Франклина, Београд, 1901. (с енглескога превео Чедомиљ Мијатовић). 18 B. Franklin, Sämmtliche Werke, Dresden, 1780. Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 71 гових текстова доспело до српског језика, али без помена правог аутора, тачно у Вујићевом стилу. Ми, наиме, још увек не знамо за све изворе његових књижевних дела, а књижевни историографи су се прилично намучили пролазећи кроз средњоевропску драмску продукцију оног времена како би установили откуд је Вујић узимао предлошке својих позоришних списа. Она друга, за која би се такође могло посумњати да нису изворно његова, још увек нису у правој мери дошла на ред.19 То се односи и на једно мање познато његово дело под насловом Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се и своју кесу пунити, штампано у Будиму 1829.20 Оваква, по наслову барем судећи, популарна издања нису досад много занимала српску науку, јер се нагласак стављао на оно ново и битније, а то је, што се тиче Вујића, развој националног театра, којем је он постављао темеље и као списатељ и као редитељ. Ипак, за раст читалачке публике важна су била баш та популарна, која нису захтевала нарочиту интелектуалну спрему нити већи напор, а могла су уз то бити и од неке практичне користи; те скромне брошурице биле су уз то и јефтине, па су лакше могле стизати до заинтересованих. Није мали број таквих списа које је приредио Јоаким Вујић. Овде није место расправљати о томе зашто је Вујић скривао, тачније није марио за обелодањивање идентитета изабраног аутора; о томе је речено у уводу овог текста. Тешко би било казати и шта га је руководи- ло при избору грађе за преношење у српску средину, конкретно: шта је био повод за тобожње својеручно састављање књижице под поменутим називом. Најпре ће бити да се радило о ономе што је горе названо при- влачном комбинацијом корисног и забавног, при чему је овај први моме- нат, у овој књижици чији је наслов декларативно економског карактера, овде свакако претежнији као практично поучан и вероватно примењив (уосталом, популарно психологизаторске књиге о вештини богаћења и данас се радо издају и радо читају; круцијална је разлика, међутим, у томе што су тада служиле умножавању читалаштва, док је питање чему служе данас; највероватније као начин кесу издавача пунити). Али, сва- како није случајно што је одабран баш текст о чијем ће значају и тежини надаље бити речи. Најпре рецимо откуд се појавила основана сумња у Вујићево ау- торство списа Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се и своју кесу пунити. На првом месту, искуство с оцем српског театра налагало је опрез при библиографском опхођењу с овим насловом; на другом месту, то је 19 Скоро је објављен рад о атрибуцији једног вероватно Вујићевог превода: Ж. Војновић, Ако је Јоаким Вујић заиста превео „Жалостное возвращенїе Французовъ изъ Россїе“, ко га је написао?, Прилози за књижевност, језик, историју и фолклор, књ. 79, 2013, 47-�3. 20 Оригиналним правописом наслов је овакав: Іоакіма Вуича славено-сербскаго списателя истинно и вѣроятно средство обогатитисе и свою кесу пунити. 72 Жарко Војновић предлагало и општије искуство са српским ауторима и њиховим обичајем посрбљавања, анонимног или не; на трећем, осећај шта би могло бити изворно српско, а шта не, могу бити полазиште идеје да се све то некако провери. Као што видимо из наслова у његовом интегралном виду – Јоа- кима Вујића ... Истино и веројатно средство... – публикацију је приписао себи.21 Ипак, оставио је један важан траг који буди подозрење. Наиме, први текст од укупно четири од којих се књига састоји, носи овакав наслов и карактеристичан поднаслов: „Стари добри Вуја, или Средство обога- тити се : (како предсловије к једном пенсилванском календару)“. Пажњу изазива управо овај у заграду стављен поднаслов. Најпре, очигледно да текст не може бити оригиналан јер, како стоји, потиче из неког страног календара; а потом – тај календар је ништа мање него „пенсилвански“, то јест амерички. У време кад, као што је на почетку речено, Америка и Американци не само просечном, већ и образованом Србину не значе ни изблиза колико ће значити касније, помен неке америчке књиге мора бити помало неочекиван. Већ ово је довољно да човека заголица тајно- витост коју Вујић, по свом обичају, носи у својим делима, скривајући али и откривајући ко зна шта. Истраживач, ако је вољан запутити се у историјску библиографску и књиж(ев)ну прашуму, сад већ нема куд до да покуша проверити и наћи вести о томе јесу ли се у то и у раније доба у реченој Пенсилванији штампали икакви календари; па ако јесу, требало би пронаћи међу њима прави наслов, а онда и тај поменути предговор, и то у ко зна којем броју, што практично изгледа немогуће: како доћи до њих? Тражење игле у пласту сена ипак не мора понекад бити сасвим узалудан посао. Претпостављајући на основу искуства да поменуто „предсловије“ није стигло директно из Америке, непосредно из енглеског језика, него највероватније преко каквог немачког посредника, истраживач неће лакомислено и надобудно поћи онако неприпремљен одмах преко океана, него ипак најпре у прво суседство, можда Беч, или Лајпциг, где сигурно има оних који су боље обавештени, силом свог културног положаја и капацитета, шта се збива с америчким књигама, па можда чак и пенсилванијским календарима. Осећање да се иза ове мистерије крије много више него што нам на први поглед нуди сам Вујићев текст одвело ме је стога право у цветајућу цивилизацију немачке преводне књижевности. Кључне речи за којима се морало трагати биле су „Пенсилванија“ и „календар“, све у нади да је Вујић барем горепоменути поднаслов превео мање или више дословно, и да ће се и на немачком наћи какав сличан, контрареверзибилно замишљен према овом српском; у сам наслов нисмо се могли поуздати, јер „стари 21 Тако је Вујић учинио и у аутобиблиографском делу својег Животоописанија, где овај наслов наводи као Вуича Средство обогатити се, и свою Кесу пунити (видети: Ј. Вујић, Животоописаніе и чрезвичайна нѣгова приключенія, Карловац, 1833, 431). Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 73 добри Вуја“ не даје ни изблиза толико поузданих слутњи о свом могућем немачком предлошку: иза посрбљеног Вује могло је стајати било које име, немачко, или енглеско... Прегледање електронских база европских библиотека (мада, за овакав посао боље би пристајали пољопривредни изрази: прекопавање и преоравање) није, из разумљивих разлога, давало резултата: наиме, због малог обима овог текста, слутио сам да можда и није објављиван као самостална публикација, него вероватно у оквиру неких већих, а ако је тако, онда је слаба вајда од тражења неког неиденти- фикованог поднаслова...22 Ту међутим на сцену ступају базе пуног текста, као и све више нарастајућа маса дигитализованог штампаног материјала, при чему је један део свакако прошао и третман такозваног оптичког препознавања, који омогућава претварање слике у активно претражив текст. У шуми милијарди и милијарди речи тако су једино и могле бити пронађене оне две које смо узели за кључне. У једном тренутку, у једној књизи, нашле су се толико близу да сам поверовао како сам нашао оно што сам тражио, у оквиру наслова једног несамосталног поглавља који је гласио овако: Das Mittel reich zu werden, deutlich in der Vorrede eines alten Pensylvanischen Kalenders, betittelt: der arme wohlhabend gewordene Richard, gezeigt. Овде се налазило све што је засад било потребно: „пред- говор“, „пенсилванијски“, „календар“, али на срећу и „начин богаћења“: ово последње се сретно поклопило с другим делом Вујићевог наслова „средство обогатити се“. Поређење, затим, немачког и Вујићевог текс- та посведочило је потпуно подударање. Дакле, изворник је нађен, још само да дођемо до насловне стране и установимо аутора овог упутства за стицање богатства. Изненађење је било огромно: на насловној страни стајало је име никог другог до Бенџамина Франклина.23 А Вујић, колико намучити, толико је умео и обрадовати својим неочекиваним избором, којим је светски прослављеног Американца, мада под маском, сместио у српску средину. Ипак, то је било тек пола пута. Треба наћи и оригинални текст, што не мора бити лако: ко ли би у Франклиновом оригиналу могао бити тај „arme wohlhabend gewordene Richard“? Савесни немачки преводилац и 22 У оваквим случајевима веома помаже искуство учествовања у изради електрон- ских база и националних библиографија, јер постаје много јасније који се подаци, на који начин и у којем обиму уносе у библиографски опис неке публикације. Ако бисмо претпоставили да је оно што тражимо објављено као самостална публикација, шансе да ће се нешто пронаћи преко кључних речи постају реалне. Међутим, ако тражимо наслове/текстове објављене у зборнику који има извесно сасвим другачији наслов, оне се веома смањују. Ако колеге у некој библиотеци нису извршили компликовану и заморну аналитичку обраду зборника, постају чак и минималне. 23 Текст је прво пронађен у трећем тому већ помињаних Франклинових сабраних дела, у поглављу „Spekulative Sätze“: B. Franklin, Sämmtliche Werke, 3. Band, Dresden, 1780, 31. 74 Жарко Војновић коментатор, међутим, олакшао је посао у огромној мери. Уз горњи наслов спустио је фусноту са следећим објашњењем: Doktor Franklin gab vor vielen Jahren den Pensylvanischen Almanach genannt: Der arme Richard (Saunders) heraus, und füllte ihn mit verschiedenen Sentenzen und Sprüchwörtern an... Er sammlete endlich alle diese Sentenzen und Sprüchwörter, oder wenigstens die vorzüglichsten davon und rückte sie in obige allgemeine Vorrede ein...24 Дакле, сад смо већ имали и траг како се тај календар, тј. алманах могао стварно звати, што потом и није било тешко експлицитно устано- вити. У америчкој културној историји он је остао познат под именом Poor Richard’s Almanack; Франклин га је издавао под псевдонимом Richard Saunders. Први пут је штампан у децембру 1732. као издање за 1733.2� Иако је садржавао све што је било уобичајено за публикације календар- ског типа, он је остао упамћен пре свега као антологија Франклинових максима и поука.26 После четврт века издавања Франклин ће их сабрати на једно место, у оквиру другачије књижевне форме. Ево како он сам о томе говори у својој аутобиографији (у преводу Чедомиља Мијатовића): Године 1732. ја сам први пут штампао свој алманах потписавши се Ричард Сандерс (Richard Saunders); издавао сам га кроз некаквих двадесет и пет годи- на, а постао је познат под називом Алманах сиромаха Ричарда (Poor Richard’s Almanac). Настојавао сам да га начиним и забавним и корисним, те је стога нашао тако добру прођу, да сам зарадио лепих новаца, продајући годишње скоро по десет хиљада комада. Опазивши да га сваки чита, и да једва које место у про- винцији да је било без њега, сматрао сам да ће бити добро да кроз тај календар уносим што више наставе у прости свет, који тешко да је какву другу књигу и куповао. Стога сам сва празна места између знаменитих дана у календару испуњавао пословицама, поглавито таквим које су препоручавале вредноћу и штедљивост, као пут којим се долази до имућности, а кроз то и до врлине; јер за човека који је у материјалној оскудици много је теже да се свагда часно и поштено понаша или, како каже једна од оних пословица: Тешко је празној врећи да стоји право. Те пословице, које су садржавале мудрост многих векова и многих народа, ја сам скупио у једну целину, у једну беседу коју је један мудар старац тобож говорио народу, искупљеном приликом једне лицитације; ту сам беседу штампао као неку врсту предговора алманаху за годину 17�7.27 24 Ibid. 2� Наслов тог првог алманаха иде овим редом: Poor Richard, 1733. : an Almanack : for the Year of Christ 1733, после чега одмах следи и готово цео програм садржаја. Видети: http://library.thinkquest.org/222�4/pra2.htm, приступ 26. 12. 2013. 26 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poor_Richard%27s_Almanack, приступ 26. 12. 2013. 27 Живот Бенџамина Франклина, 137-138. Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 7� Овде смо већ на прагу библиографске информације која нас занима: како се зове оригинални Франклинов текст који је до немачког читаоца стигао под насловом Das Mittel reich zu werden... Ту се међутим поново сусрећемо с библиографским недоследностима и необавезујућим оби- чајима карактеристичним за оно време. Наиме, Франклин је ово своје дело, како је утврђено после опсежнијих истраживања, изворно објавио као Father Abraham’s Speech и то 17�8. године28: овај отац Абрахам је управо тај „мудри старац“ којег он спомиње у горњем цитату (мислим да није случајно одабрано име старозаветног патријарха). Но, после извес- ног времена овај наслов је замењен, у разним прештампавањима, једним можда функционалнијим: то је The Way to Wealth, под којим је и стекао, како ћемо видети, светску славу. Судећи према доступним каталозима и према Франклиновој библиографији коју је издао 1889. Пол Л. Форд,29 Father Abraham’s Speech први пут се као The Way to Wealth појавио 1774, али не на тлу Америке, него у Енглеској, у Лондону, из чега би следило да је до те најбитније промене дошло при преношењу с једног на други континент. Овај Франклинов текст је тако постао и познат искључиво под овим другим насловом, чија је пуна варијанта: The Way to Wealth as clearly shown in the Preface of an old Pennsylvania Almanack, intitled Poor Richard improved; поменути Франклинов библиограф под њим, као реле- вантним за корисника, наводи чак и она издања са првобитним насловом Father Abraham’s Speech.30 Из овога је јасно да је немачки превод, судећи по блискости са овим насловом штампаним у Енглеској, сачињен са једног од тих европских издања. Колико се могло дознати, на немачки је ово дело преведено и објављено први пут 1771. као Merkwurdiger americanischer Haushal tungs Calender31, али под препознатљивим и за нас релевантним насловом Das Mittel reich zu werden појавило се 1777, и то у Бечу32, што је врло битно, због значаја овог града за српску културну историју: Срби су се с овим 28 Потпун наслов је подугачак: Father Abraham’s Speech to a great Number of People, at a Vendue of Merchant-Goods : in Answer to the following Questions: Pray, Father Abraham, what Think You of the Times? Won’t These Heavy Taxes Quite Ruin the Country? How Shall We be Ever Able to Pay Them? What Would You Advise Us to Do? / introduced to the Publick by Poor Richard, a famous Pennsylvania Conjurer and Almanack-Maker (Boston, [17�8]). Ово издање имало је и неколико додатних текстова (поднаслов: … to which are added seven curious Pieces of Writing) углавном без неке дубље везе са основним текстом. 29 P. L. Ford, Franklin Bibliography: a list of books written by, or relating to Benjamin Franklin, Brooklyn, 1889, јединица бр. 109. 30 Ibid., јединице бр. 107 и 108. 31 Податак нађен у бази World Cat, OCLC number 742196748. 32 Пун наслов: Das Mittel reich zu werden, deutlich erwiesen in einer Vorrede eines alten Almanachs aus Pennsylvanien. Die sich betittelt: Der vormals arme nun wohlhabende Richard, Wien, 1771. Из пронађеног каталошког описа је тешко докучити да ли је објављено под Франклиновим именом или не. 76 Жарко Војновић Франклиновим делом могли најраније упознати баш на овај начин. А ево зашто је све то важно. Вујић није преводио макар шта. Франклинов библиограф о овоме делу пише овако: Originally printed in Poor Richard for 17�8, it was quickly reprinted in separate form, and under the titles of Father Abraham’s Speech, The Way to Wealth, and La Science du Bonhomme Richard it has proved itself one of the most popular american writings. Seventy editions of it have been printed in English, fifty six in French, eleven in German, and nine in Italian. It has been translated in Spanish, Danish, Swedish, Welsh, Polish, Gaelic, Russian, Bohemian, Dutch, Catalan, Chinese, Modern Greek and phonetic writing. It has been printed at least four hundred times, and is to-day as popular as ever.33 Док Јоаким Вујић није дошао на идеју да преведе Das Mittel reich zu werden и 1829. године га изда, ово је дело имало, судећи према Фор- ду, већ скоро стотину издања на разним језицима, а касније, до времена настајања те библиографије, као што се да видети из његовог бројања, и више (занимљиво би било побројати сва која су изашла до овог тре- нутка, јер се још увек издаје!), са најмање 400 прештампавања у том тренутку (ту су вероватно укључена и несамостална издања). Другим речима, Вујић је одабрао најпопуларније америчко дело, које се у Европи преводи и прештампава и пре но што се сам родио, што значи – има глобалну признатост и славу. Дакле, ако је Вујић често умео за предлошке својих драмских радњи узимати, са познијег становишта, другоразредна средњоевропска остварења – уосталом, наша публика још није била потпуно зрела за она најозбиљнија – превођењем овог и пре и после њега чувеног Франклиновог списа погодио је у средиште актуелности и квалитета. Можемо, наравно, зажалити што је и овај пут избегао да наведе и аутора, јер би то имало приличног значаја за пионире изучавања српских културних кретања у општесветским токовима. Ако промотримо, међутим, структуру књиге Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се и своју кесу пунити, видећемо да тај про- слављени, и Вујићем на српски преведен спис Father Abraham’s Speech (тј. The Way to Wealth), није и једини: после њега следе још три, не- познатог порекла и ауторства као што је био и овај. То су редом, онако како их је Вујић насловио: Добри совет за једног младог рукоделца (занатлију), нужна напоминанија за оне који ради јесу да се обогате 33 P. L. Ford, XXIX-XXXI. При првом библиографском опису, уз јединицу 107, он ће оставити и коментар који се тиче (не)успешности прикупљања свих издања овог дела „... which has been oftener printed and translated, I believe, than any other work from an american pen. Enjoying such a great popularity, it has been simply impossible to find and note all the editions, and the present titles are only offered as a basis for some future list. Many of them are without date, place, or printer, so as to render their classification and finding of great difficulty.“ Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 77 и Средство кесу свега света пунити. Они су доста краћи и заједно заузимају двоструко мање страна него први текст. Логично би било претпоставити да су и ови додатни текстови Франклинови, тим пре што су тематски слични, мада не би било изненађење и да су сабра- ни са разних страна и стављени у једне корице, како се то најчешће и радило. Међутим, Вујић нам је, за разлику од првог текста, веома отежао идентификацију извора, стављајући у поднаслове два од ова три преостала време кад су настали: први је, по њему, „писан лета 1821“, други 1823, док за трећи није навео ништа. Наравно, то би био разлог да се помисли да не припадају Франклину, који је умро 1790, што би проналажење оригинала веома отежало. Ипак, ко је упознат с Вујићевим мистификацијама, морао би на првом месту посумњати у информације које он износи, и ипак покушати сва три текста пронаћи на једном извору, и то баш можда негде у близини првог, разуме се, такође на немачком. Прегледање поменутих сабраних Франклинових дела на немачком одмах је дало резултата: и ови текстови заиста јесу његови, али као да Вујић није преводио отуд, него с неког другог из- дања. Биће да је то једно од оних која су доносила искључиво краће саставке, а вероватнo се ради о издању које се појавило 1817. у Бечу (што је и најлогичније због близине Беча Будиму, где је Вујић штампао своја дела и због непрестане отворене српске културне комуникације ова два средишта) под насловом Benjamin Franklins Kleine Schriften im Auszuge, са карактеристичним поднасловом Der arme, wohlhabend gewordene Richard, oder unfehlbares Mittel reich zu werden : mit mehreren andern kleinen Aufsätzen. У овој је књизи распоред текстова идентичан Вујићевом: 1/ Der arme, wohlhabend gewordene Richard, oder unfehlbares Mittel reich zu werden (= Стари добри Вуја, или средство обогатити се) 2/ Guther Rath an einen jungen Handwerker (= Добри совет за једног младог рукоделца (занатлију)) 3/ Nöthige Winke für diejenigen die gern reich werden möchten (= нужна напоминанија за оне који ради јесу да се обогате), 4/ Ein Mittel, aller Welt Beutel zu füllen (= Средство кесу свега света пунити). Треба овде додати да није цела ова књига преведена: она садржи још 14 краћих текстова које је Вујић занемарио, можда зато што су тематски хетерогени: књижица коју је он на свој начин саставио сва- како је с те тачке гледишта конзистентнија. Што се тиче горепоменутих Вујићевих датирања настанка ових текстова, ради се о заметању траго- ва, тј. потурању, највероватније, датума настанка превода. У немачком тексту испод наслова другог текста стоји година 1748, а испод трећег 1736. После овога није било тешко пронаћи ни праве, енглески писане изворнике. То су: Advice to a young tradesman, Necessary hints to those that would be rich и The way to make money plenty in every man’s pocket, са истоветним датирањима прва два. Индикативно је да је редослед ових 78 Жарко Војновић текстова у енглеском издању из 1806. које сам пронашао34 исти као и у немачком, и потом Вујићевом преводу, што значи да је успостављен и хронолошки континуитет превођења и поклапање распореда грађе од енглеског преко немачког до српског. А како су Вујићеви савременици и каснији српски библиографи до- живљавали ово занемарено дело? Колико ми је познато, први је на њега обратио пажњу један од првих озбиљних српских библиографа Антоније Арнот у свом часопису Српска новина или магазин за художество, књи- жество и моду. Од броја �0 првог годишта (1838), идући, у својој сталној рубрици „Српско списатељство“, за Вујићевом аутобиблиографијом из Животоописанија, он је објављивао списак његових дела, и у следећем броју стигао и до књиге о којој је овде реч. Уз опис, онакав каквог га даје Вујић, он у загради додаје и важну опаску: „прев. съ Енглез.“ Очигледно је Арнот сматрао да ово није Вујићево оригинално дело, али откуд је знао да је у питању превод с енглеског, нисам сигуран, сем ако и њега није логички привукао поднаслов с помињањем „пенсилванског календара“ (претпостављам да је имао књигу у руци); иначе не верујем да би про- пустио да помене правог аутора.3� Исти опис даће и Јован Суботић у �8. свесци Летописа Матице српске,36 такође тврдећи да се ради о преводу с енглеског, и то следећи баш Арнота. Наредни библиографски спомени ове књиге вратиће се корак уназад: Шафарик37, Новаковић38 и КНБС39 наводе Вујића као аутора, без икаквог наговештавања да се ради о преводу. И на концу, да не бисмо оставили Јоакима Вујића само у улози преводиоца, јер је он увек, као што знамо, стављао свој ауторски пе- чат, бацимо и један скроман текстолошки – мада то није почетна сврха овог рада – поглед на Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се, не бисмо ли нашли његов оригиналан удео. Најпре упада у очи његово 34 B. Franklin, The complete works in philosophy, politics and morals, vol. 3, London, 1806, 4�3-468. 3� Као што је знао оно што Вујић није рекао – нпр. да је Млади Робинзон Кампеово дело – Арнот је умео да препозна и друге изворне ауторе. Наводећи библиографски Вујићеву немачки писану биобиблиографију (Kurze Biographie des Herrn Joachim Vuits neuesten Illyrisch-Serbischen Schriftstellers, Pesth, 1826), дао је напомену о једном делу које Вујић у њој наводи као свој још необјављен рукопис под називом Dissertatio brevis ac sincera de gente serbica perperam Rascianica dicta..., откривајући читалаштву како је књига истог наслова одавна изашла у Бечу 1790: „Достоверно знам да је сочињеније агента придворног Керестури... Нека ми мила љубов Вујићева опрости што овде то примечавам“. 36 Кньижество: сербска библiографiа оть године 1829 до 183..., Сербскiй летописъ, год. 16, књ. �8, св. 3, 1842, 132. 37 P. J. Šafařík, Geschichte des serbischen Schriftthums, Prag, 186�, бр. �99. 38 С. Новаковић, Српска библијографија за новију књижевност: 1741-1867, Београд, 1869, бр. 733. 39 Каталог књига на језицима југословенских народа 1519-1867, Београд, 1973, бр. 396. Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 79 ауторско уживљавање у лик Ричарда Сандерса као изворног потписника тобожње беседе старца Абрахама (назовимо га коначно Аврам, према сопственом старијем преводилачком предању). Његово име заменио је својим, конструисаним од сопственог презимена, што му је, можебити, према српском обичају био и надимак, те је тако Poor Richard преко немачког посредника постао Стари добри Вуја. Утисак је тим јачи што се у већем делу тог текста, кроз Аврамова уста – којега је Вујић, да српска маска буде колоритнијег локалног израза, преобукао у чича Обрена! – о старом Вуји говори у трећем лицу као медијуму економ- ске мудрости: мора бити да је наш списатељ уживао, у позоришном маниру, што се тако појавио као лик уваженог беседника у сопственој представи и нашао у супериорној улози мудраца чије се речи цитирају. Међутим, он се није зауставио на стандардном преименовању ликова, него се дао и на тумачење Франклина, што је његов особит допринос. Осетивши као неопходно да нека места додатно разјасни својим искус- твом, он се овај пут није хтео мешати у основни текст, него је саставио опсежне фусноте, у којима одзвањају очигледно и сопствене невоље, а теме су бескрајни судски процеси, бездушни кредитори и саможивост ондашњег женскиња.40 Велики Бенџамин Франклин, скривен под нешто мањим Вујићевим шињелом, морао је још мало сачекати да са својим Ричардом отворено и без маскараде стигне до српског језика. Први ће за то заслужан бити Филип Христић (1819-190�), који ће у првом годишту свог календара Шумадинац (за 18�1. годину) објавити текст наука добричине Ришара или Пут к срећи.41 Он није имао намеру да сакрива ауторство, обелоданио га је у фусноти уз наслов, уз краћа обавештења о писцу, а текст је превео, 40 Вујићева горка тирада у једној од тих фуснота свакако је леп допринос исто- рији женске неравноправности. Док чича Обрен објашњава како су вино и жене многе упропастили, Вујићев ауторски глас додаје: „Овде разумевамо оне бесне жене које раскоштва чине, то јест у млеку и белом вину купају се, пак сваке недеље морају експрес, макар му како било, што то ново на себе метнути; а сваког господског празника без икаквог изговора от верха главе до пете нове с различити драгоцени на врату и перстима шмукове имати. Оне не бране да се мужевма црева по земљи вуку и макар би им се мужеви до ушију позадуживали и у дуг позаплетали, то опет зато тако како што оне из њиовог упорства и гордости хоћеду, мора да буде. К тому јоште када се оне налижу и нацмакају с белилом и руменилом, то онда и не гледе на њиове мужеве, него се бече и горде, како год гордељиве гуске, а сиромаси бедни липл поцл дулосаси Симандли мужеви морају пред њима со страхопочитанијем на колени клечати и у скут хаљине њиове љубити, после собу лепо наместити и почистити, фруштук преправити и донети, њи’ со страхопочитанијем нежно обући, и свако возможно угожденије чинити им.“ 41 наука добричине Ришара или Путъ къ срећи, Шумадинацъ: народный календаръ, съ разнымъ поучителнымъ и забавнымъ предмѣтима: за просту годину 18�1, Бeоград, [18�0], 26-33. Занимљиво је да је у његовој преводилачкој интерпретацији нагласак стављен на духовни квалитет: „Средство обогатити се“ код њега је схваћено као „Пут к срећи“. 80 Жарко Војновић судећи по облику „Ришар“, с француског.42 Потом се дуго ништа није чуло о овоме, све док Алекса Н. Спасић није, у оквиру своје књиге Франклин, економист, објавио сопствени превод овог дела.43 Пишући о Франклину у предговору свог превода његове аутобиографије, Чедомиљ Мијатовић је, рекавши да се она сад први пут појављује на српском, указао на овај Спасићев превод као на „добру – управо најбољу каква се могла дати – пробу о ђенију Франклинову, давши нам превод његовог маленог, али славног списа Беседа оца Аврама, а уз то и кратку биографију великог Американца“.44 Мијатовић очигледно није знао за Христићев превод, а на Вујићев сигурно није наишао, јер верујем да би га препознао. Ипак, он му је дао посредну похвалу, истичући вредност тог дела и Франклинову светску славу. Вујићев текст је пример ретроактивног дејства, попут неексплоди- ране бомбе: малог домета у своје време, он је проговорио другачијим језиком тек далеким потомцима. Као какав ископан стари сребрњак, вреднији је будућем проналазачу но ономе ко га је ту скрио. Често се каже да је радост откривања у ствари радост тражења, путовања к открићу. Неочекивано, она се јавља и тамо где би мало ко шта имао тражити, у једном скоро непримећеном делу. Онај што је готово два века лежао међу нама без знака живота, оживео је кад се сазнало како се заиста зове. На сцени свог интелектуалног животоописанија Вујић је постављао најчешће ликове под маскама, сваку са његовим сопственим образом; ко би рекао да једна од најспореднијих, која је једва провиривала иза завесе, крије име толико велико да крај њега нико други и не мора да буде на бини? И, после оволико времена познанства с њим, треба ли сумњати да се Јоаким Вујић још увек игра са нама? Жарко Војновић Кључне речи: Јоаким Вујић, Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се и своју кесу пунити, Бенџамин Франклин, The Way to Wealth, превод, оригинал 42 На француски је дело преведено под насловом La Science du Bonhomme Richard и објављено у Паризу први пут још 1777. године. 43 А. Н. Спасић, Франклин, економист, Београд, 1873. 44 Живот Бенџамина Франклина, IV. Бенџамин Франклин инкогнито међу Србима: нова маска Јоакима Вујића 81 žarko Vojnović BENJAMIN FRANKLIN INCOGNITO AMONG SERBS: NEW MASK OF JOAKIM VUJIć Joakim Vujić’s book Истино и веројатно средство обогатити се и своју кесу пунити (Istino i verojatno sredstvo obogatiti se i svoju kesu puniti, Buda, 1829) was so far little noticed in serbian book and literature history. It was found, however, that it is not his original text, but translation of famous Bejamin Franklin’s Father Abraham’s Speech (widely known as The Way to Wealth), which was translated by then in many world languages. Paper also deals with Franklin’s presence in serbian culture of the 19th century. 
work_c5zdblhaijgypdnqsrvnjqz7ky	----	Science Magazine www.sciencemag.org SCIENCE VOL 311 17 MARCH 2006 1529 NETWATCH E D I T E D B Y M I T C H L E S L I E W E B C A S T << Sun Block Sky watchers keen to see the upcoming total solar eclipse won’t be left out of the dark even if they can’t get to a vantage point in South America, Africa, or western Asia. On 29 March, the Exploratorium in San Francisco will webcast the event live from Side, Turkey. On hand at the city’s Roman amphitheater will be four telescopes to track the moon’s progress and two scientists to explain happenings such as the appearance of the corona (above). This wispy outer layer of the solar atmosphere stands out during totality, when the moon’s disk obscures the sun. The festivities start at 5 a.m. U.S. Eastern Time. Totality will begin around 5:54 a.m. and will last a mere 3 minutes and 41 seconds. >> www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse E X H I B I T Poor Richard’s Web Site Which early American politician could claim significant discoveries in meteorology, physics, and navigation? Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) notched these achievements in his spare time, when he wasn’t earning a fortune in the printing business or helping invent a country. This biographical site from the Benjamin Franklin Tercentenary, a Philadelphia nonprofit organization set up to honor the Founding Father’s 300th birthday this year, offers several pages on Franklin’s scientific work. It goes beyond the famous kite-flying experiment that demonstrated lightning was a form of electricity. For instance, Franklin’s shipboard notes on everything from sea temperatures to whale feeding habits inspired an improved chart of the Gulf Stream. The Frankliniana section includes samples of his scientific gear, such as this early battery made from water-filled jars (above). >> www.benfranklin300.org/exhibition/_html/0_0/index.htm C R E D IT S ( T O P T O B O T T O M ): E X P L O R A T O R IU M ; P E T E R H A R H O L D T /A M E R IC A N P H IL O S O P H IC A L S O C IE T Y ; N G D C I M A G E S Brighter Lights, Bigger Cities This new map of Earth’s nighttime illumination will make light bulb manufacturers glow and astronomers cringe. Released last month, the chart* from the National Geophysical Data Center (NGDC) in Boulder, Colorado, is a composite of satellite images snapped in 2003. Site visitors can download and compare images from as far back as 1992. Although changes in illumination often are hard to detect with the unaided eye, computer analysis shows that the United States and India continue to brighten, says Chris Elvidge of NGDC. However, areas of the former Soviet Union, such as Moldova and Ukraine, have been growing darker. You can peruse processed versions of the maps that highlight brightness differences at this site† from a graduate student in Aachen, Germany. >> www.ngdc.noaa.gov/dmsp/download.html † www.blue-marble.de/night.php Send site suggestions to >> netwatch@aaas.org Archive: www.sciencemag.org/netwatch D A T A B A S E Caught in a Bind How tightly a potential drug attaches to its target determines how well the compound will work and what dose patients will need. Researchers can nab binding affinities for about 14,000 com- pounds at BindingDB from Mike Gilson of the University of Maryland Biotechnology Institute in Rockville and colleagues. Gleaned from the literature, the data indicate the strength of attraction between the compounds and key proteins, such as the caspase proteins that control cellular suicide. You can also upload files of molecules not in the database to compare them to inhibitors of a particular enzyme. >> www.bindingdb.org W E B L O G Bones, Genes, And Brains A study suggesting that social stress leaves “molecular scars” on the brain and research exposing cultural diversity in gorillas are just two of the subjects that have snared the interest of anthropologist John Hawks of the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His wide-ranging blog excavates novel ideas and noteworthy discoveries in evolution, genetics, and human paleontology. Hawks promises to deliver three to five essays per week. Gems he’s come across include a recent New York Times piece about the Soviet Union’s unsuccessful efforts in the 1920s to prove our simian ancestry by crossbreeding chimps with humans. Readers intrigued by the tiny Flores hominid uncovered in Indonesia 2 years ago will find a section devoted to the controversial remains. >> johnhawks.net/weblog Published by AAAS o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ EXHIBIT: Poor Richard's Web Site DOI: 10.1126/science.311.5767.1529d (5767), 1529.311Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.4 CONTENT RELATED file:/content/sci/311/5767/netwatch.full PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for the Advancement ofScience © 2006 American Association for the Advancement of Science o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.4 http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
work_cjwvuarixreufa6j4xxgsikyku	----	Science Magazine www.sciencemag.org SCIENCE VOL 311 17 MARCH 2006 1529 NETWATCH E D I T E D B Y M I T C H L E S L I E W E B C A S T << Sun Block Sky watchers keen to see the upcoming total solar eclipse won’t be left out of the dark even if they can’t get to a vantage point in South America, Africa, or western Asia. On 29 March, the Exploratorium in San Francisco will webcast the event live from Side, Turkey. On hand at the city’s Roman amphitheater will be four telescopes to track the moon’s progress and two scientists to explain happenings such as the appearance of the corona (above). This wispy outer layer of the solar atmosphere stands out during totality, when the moon’s disk obscures the sun. The festivities start at 5 a.m. U.S. Eastern Time. Totality will begin around 5:54 a.m. and will last a mere 3 minutes and 41 seconds. >> www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse E X H I B I T Poor Richard’s Web Site Which early American politician could claim significant discoveries in meteorology, physics, and navigation? Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) notched these achievements in his spare time, when he wasn’t earning a fortune in the printing business or helping invent a country. This biographical site from the Benjamin Franklin Tercentenary, a Philadelphia nonprofit organization set up to honor the Founding Father’s 300th birthday this year, offers several pages on Franklin’s scientific work. It goes beyond the famous kite-flying experiment that demonstrated lightning was a form of electricity. For instance, Franklin’s shipboard notes on everything from sea temperatures to whale feeding habits inspired an improved chart of the Gulf Stream. The Frankliniana section includes samples of his scientific gear, such as this early battery made from water-filled jars (above). >> www.benfranklin300.org/exhibition/_html/0_0/index.htm C R E D IT S ( T O P T O B O T T O M ): E X P L O R A T O R IU M ; P E T E R H A R H O L D T /A M E R IC A N P H IL O S O P H IC A L S O C IE T Y ; N G D C I M A G E S Brighter Lights, Bigger Cities This new map of Earth’s nighttime illumination will make light bulb manufacturers glow and astronomers cringe. Released last month, the chart* from the National Geophysical Data Center (NGDC) in Boulder, Colorado, is a composite of satellite images snapped in 2003. Site visitors can download and compare images from as far back as 1992. Although changes in illumination often are hard to detect with the unaided eye, computer analysis shows that the United States and India continue to brighten, says Chris Elvidge of NGDC. However, areas of the former Soviet Union, such as Moldova and Ukraine, have been growing darker. You can peruse processed versions of the maps that highlight brightness differences at this site† from a graduate student in Aachen, Germany. >> www.ngdc.noaa.gov/dmsp/download.html † www.blue-marble.de/night.php Send site suggestions to >> netwatch@aaas.org Archive: www.sciencemag.org/netwatch D A T A B A S E Caught in a Bind How tightly a potential drug attaches to its target determines how well the compound will work and what dose patients will need. Researchers can nab binding affinities for about 14,000 com- pounds at BindingDB from Mike Gilson of the University of Maryland Biotechnology Institute in Rockville and colleagues. Gleaned from the literature, the data indicate the strength of attraction between the compounds and key proteins, such as the caspase proteins that control cellular suicide. You can also upload files of molecules not in the database to compare them to inhibitors of a particular enzyme. >> www.bindingdb.org W E B L O G Bones, Genes, And Brains A study suggesting that social stress leaves “molecular scars” on the brain and research exposing cultural diversity in gorillas are just two of the subjects that have snared the interest of anthropologist John Hawks of the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His wide-ranging blog excavates novel ideas and noteworthy discoveries in evolution, genetics, and human paleontology. Hawks promises to deliver three to five essays per week. Gems he’s come across include a recent New York Times piece about the Soviet Union’s unsuccessful efforts in the 1920s to prove our simian ancestry by crossbreeding chimps with humans. Readers intrigued by the tiny Flores hominid uncovered in Indonesia 2 years ago will find a section devoted to the controversial remains. >> johnhawks.net/weblog Published by AAAS o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ WEBCAST: Sun Block DOI: 10.1126/science.311.5767.1529c (5767), 1529.311Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.3 CONTENT RELATED file:/content/sci/311/5767/netwatch.full PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. 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work_crsdrislprcc7nusluho42wl54	----	Comments on the New Rhode Island Mental Health Law* HUGO TAUSSIG, M.D.·· In 1751, a petItIOn was written to the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania so that "a small provincial hospital" could be built. It reads: That with the Numbers of People, the number of Lunaticks or Persons distempered in l\Iind and deprived of their rational Faculties, hath greatly encreased in this Province. That some of them going at Large are a Terror to their Neighbors, who are daily apprehensive of the Violences they may commit; and others are continually wasting their Substance. to the great Injury of themselves and J<'amilies, ill disposed Persons wickedly taking Advantage of their unhappy Condition, and drawing them into unrea- ,onable Bargains. &c. That few or none of them are so sensible of their Condition, as to submit volun- tarily to the Treatment their respective Cases require. and therefore continue in the same deplorable State during their Lives; whereas it has been found by the Experience of many Years. that above two Thirds of the Mad People received into Bethlehem Hospital, and there treated properly. have been perfectly cured. These words were written by no other than the well known libertarian Benjamin Franklin. Being asked to report on the Rhode Island Mental Health law of 1974, I certainly cannot describe the problem that we were faced with any better than it was done more than 200 years ago. There is nothing particularly original about the law itself, as compared to its prece· dents, except that some of us think that it might balance conflicting viewpoints somewhat better than similar laws in other states, that it is less radical and-given the tenor of the times--Iess restrictive. I'll just mention its main features: (I) Definition of criteria for certification by behavioral standards, not textbook diag- nosis. (2) Right to treatment. (3) Requirement of lCAH accreditation for recognized facilities. (4) Three levels of admission: Voluntary Emergency certification Civil Court certification-not commitment. (5) Establishment of Mental Health advocate's office. (6) Immunity for physicians who do their jobs as required by the law. (7) Periodic review and discharge procedures for patients, once admitted. • These remarks were delivered at the dinner meeting of the Symposium and are not covered in the Summary and Discussion . •• Hugo Taussig, M.D., is Clinical Instructor in Psychiatry. Brown Universitv. and Director, Department of Community Mental Health. Emma Pendleton Bradley Hospital, Riverside, Rhode Island. 196 The Bulletin It might be of interest to report on the process by which one state managed to pass this law without any appreciable controversy or opposition. Such harmony is perhaps an original feature, not duplicated elsewhere. No more than a year ago, at the request of the Department of Mental Health, a dedicated young lawyer from the Rhode Island Legal Services presented at a public forum a draft for such a law, for possible introduc- tion into the legislature at that time. :\ panel of experts of different hues proceeded to take that draft apart at that forum. the main objection being that, well-intentioned as his proposal was, it could possibly result in a person's "dying with his civil rights on" before he could obtain treatment, the right to which was so eloquently postulated. It soon became apparent that a person's civil rights and due process were too precious to be left to the psychiatrists and that the treatment of a patient was much too serious a matter to be left to the lawyers. Consequently, a committee of volunteers was constituted, with the self-appointed task to write a new draft law within a year, in time for the next legislature. The committee had representation from the bar, from psychiatry, psychology, social work, nursing, the Department of l\lental Health, the Association for l\lental Health, and the A.C.L.U., all under the chairmanship of a distinguished journalist, who kept us on the straight and narrow as far as common sense, style and language were concerned. The many sessions we had, often burning the midnight oil, were among the great educational experiences of our li\'es. The subject has a way of stirring up feelings that bring out the worst and the best in people. It was a fortunate constellation of people who were able to rise above the grinding of a professional axe and to keep their attention focused on the subject at hand: how to reconcile a genuine right to treatment with genuine due process. \Ve were trying to reach Isaac Ray's ideal of learning from each other, as described by Dr. Quell, but at times we grew desperate that the task could ever be done, and I don't think it can, entirely. There simply is no perfect solution. \Ve did come up Wilh a mutually agreed-on formula, without anyone's having to compromise his legal or clinical principles, but with neryone conceding points that made a practical solution possible. At times, the mental health professionals came perilously near the edge of their own sanity, trying to explain the difference between an eccentric and a manic to the lawyers-and there was no Benjamin Franklin among us to do it eloquently enough. At limes, the lawyers thought that the mental healthers would never get into their heads the distinctions among "clear and cOllYincing," "preponderance of evidence" and "beyond a reasonable doubt." As a result of all these exertions. the product of our labors was accepted by the Department of Mental Health, introduced as an administration bill with the GO\'ernor's blessing, supported by all the professional and civil liberties associations in the State, read out of committee and enacted in the legislature without any opposition. The text of the law has been distributed to you. If you have had a chance to give it any attention. we are looking forward with some trepidation to your impressions, in the secret hope that we may get a somewhat belated but free consultation out of them. So please speak up: we are fully aware that one's own children ne\'er seem to look quite as heautiful to other people. Comments on the New Rhode Island Mental Health Law 197 
work_crwy5boo75cmnnc7ht74mcubqu	----	Microsoft Word - Thesis Temple Grad Arch.doc THE SCHEMES OF PUBLIC PARTIES: WILLIAM ALLEN, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND THE COLLEGE OF PHILADELPHIA, 1756 ________________________________________________________________________ A Master’s Thesis Submitted to The Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts By Jefferson Berry January 2011 Thesis Approvals: Thesis Advisor: David Waldstreicher, Temple University History Department Review Committee: Susan Klepp, Temple University History Department ii © Copyright 2011 by € Jefferson Berry All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Chief Justice William Allen and Benjamin Franklin met hundreds of times prior to Franklin’s departure to London in 1757, and yet very little has been written about Allen. For over twenty years, Franklin and Allen worked closely on a variety of municipal improvements: the library, the hospital, the school, the fire company and many other projects were the first of their kind in America. And while Allen was Franklin’s main benefactor for close to twenty-five years --it was Allen’s endorsement of Franklin that got him his job as Postmaster-- Franklin mentions him only twice in his Autobiography. As the richest man in the Pennsylvania and the leader of the Proprietary Party, the historical silencing of such a powerful figure is usual. This thesis examines the relationship between Allen and Franklin and offers an explanation of William Allen’s lack of posterity and near-total absence from colonial American history. On May 16, 1756 an Allen led coalition of trustees in a vote to fire Franklin as President of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, an institution, a school Franklin founded and would later become the University of Pennsylvania. Occurring at the politically charged onset of the French and Indian war, it was a slight that Franklin resented for the balance of his life. It ended a period of collaboration between Allen and Franklin. Once the best of friends, following the vote Allen and Franklin became bitter enemies. The bulk of the primary documents for this work reside at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the American Philosophical Society and on-line at franklinpapers.org, yale.edu/franklinpapers and sceti.library.upenn.edu/franklin. Benjamin Franklin has been iv the subject of dozens of secondary works, but none of them provide more than cursory details of his relationship with William Allen. There is a broad range of works on colonial Pennsylvania politics that provided a context for this paper’s actors and activities, but their analysis also understates Allen’s role. The biographies of William Allen, while quite useful, include only that work by other graduate students and chapters of published reference books. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are several friends and scholars that helped with this thesis. From my first graduate course at Temple University, Susan Klepp supported the idea of this thesis and my ability to write it. There are few editors of colonial Pennsylvania history with more skill and incite than Dr. Klepp, and I am but one of hundreds of students that have benefited by her mentoring. Travis Glasson taught me that there is very little colonial American history that operates outside an Atlantic historical context; this and many other big ideas leave me in his debt. I was very lucky to have Craig Horle and Joseph Foster available to me. Their office at Temple University was a veritable colonial American research factory and they shared their copious files on William Allen with me. Email exchanges with University of Pennsylvania Archivist Mark Lloyd and the late J.A. Leo Lemay convinced me I was onto something unique: a truly new Benjamin Franklin thesis. As one of the premier Franklin scholars in America, I could not have had a better advisor than David Waldstreicher. His generosity, teaching skill and writing advice made me think like a historian. It is an identity I surely would have not come to on my own. My wife Barbara O’Connell, my mother Carolyn Berry and my good friend Adam Brodsky read and improved this work in many significant ways. For all of these folks, I am deeply grateful. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................... v LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................vii CHAPTER 1. THE SCHEMES OF PUBLIC PARTIES.......................................................... 1 2. THE MARGINALIZATION OF WILLIAM ALLEN....................................... 9 3. ANDREW HAMILITON AND TWO YOUNG MEN IN LONDON.............. 18 4. 1730 ............................................................................................................... 28 5. JUNTO, WEEKLY. ST. JOHN LODGE MONTHLY. .................................. 30 6. 1739-1749: ALLEN’S BEHAVIOR IN PUBLIC........................................... 41 7. THE ACADEMY OF PHILADELPHIA: FOUNDERS AND FATHERS....... 45 8. THE SIX-SIDED FIGHT AND THE PREASURES OF WAR ....................... 49 9. OUT OF TOWN............................................................................................. 58 10. HISTORIANS MISS THE MEETING ......................................................... 64 11. MOTIVATIONS: FRANKLIN’S ABSENTEEISM VS. ALLEN’S POLITICS........................................................................................................... 68 12. THE VOTE AND ITS RESULTS................................................................. 73 13. THE GHOST OF WILLIAM ALLEN .......................................................... 83 REFERENCES.............................................................................................................. 88 ii LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Founders and Fathers............................................................................................ 47 2. College of Philadelphia Trustee Attendance.......................................................... 57 3. Projected Polling of Trustee Votes to Fire Franklin............................................... 67 1 CHAPTER 1 THE SCHEMES OF PUBLIC PARTIES On May 11, 1756, the board of directors at the Academy and College of Philadelphia held an election to fire their founder and President, Benjamin Franklin. It is an incident that has been glossed over by virtually every historian of eighteenth century America, each of the institutional histories of the University of Pennsylvania and by all of Franklin’s biographers. By intentionally omitting negative information about his demise, or at most addressing the incident superficially, history has followed Franklin’s own lead for over 250 years. In his Autobiography, Franklin leaves out all mention of his removal by the vote of his one-time friends on the school board; Franklin obfuscated the political dimension of the event and its meaning to him both personally and professionally. A tool that effectively shaped his legacy, Franklin’s Autobiography also forever marginalized the significance of Pennsylvania’s Chief Justice, William Allen, the architect of the vote and among the most powerful people in the history of colonial Pennsylvania. Historians have lamented that the revolutionary period is not covered by the Autobiography: it makes little reference to anything after Franklin’s departure from Philadelphia in 1757, an exit hastened by the vote. It does, however, cover with varying detail the 25-year period during which Franklin and Allen were quite close. There has been, of course, much written about the Revolutionary period -- much more than the years covered by this thesis and Franklin’s Autobiography. Franklin’s voice is not nearly so absent in revolutionary narratives as it is dominant in describing eighteenth century 2 Philadelphia. While Franklin was but one of many of the nation’s founders, he was the preeminent colonial publisher and chronicler of early eighteenth century affairs in Pennsylvania. With a minimizing effect, the Autobiography offers very little about the constitutional crisis in Pennsylvania that grew at the onset of the French and Indian War. These were unpleasant times for Franklin. Franklin’s betrayal by his associates at the College and Academy of Philadelphia was a political expression inspired by his opposition to the province’s proprietor, Thomas Penn.1 The autobiographical writings relevant to education and the school focus only on a pedagogical conflict between ornamental learning and practical education. These theoretical elements guided his earliest discussions in the Junto, Franklin’s Friday night self-improvement society, as well as in the academy’s founding essays.2 The notion of an English school was a popular topic throughout colonial America and specifically at the Academy of Philadelphia. But, through a series of compromises that Franklin participated in with board member/parents, a balance was struck between the Academy’s Latin and English 1 Hereafter the school is referred to as “the College” or, if before the charter of the college on March 7, 1755, “the Academy.” 2 Discussed further below, the Junto was a weekly discussion and self-improvement group started by Franklin while still at Keimer’s Printing in 1727. “Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania” was published Sat, September 13, 1749 and became the mission statement for the new school. Leonard W. Labaree and others, eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 3 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 397-429. Six years prior, he had written a paper that Franklin biographer J.A. Leo Lemay thinks was discussed at the Junto. J.A. Leo Lemay, Life of Benjamin Franklin, Volume III (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2008), 177. Franklin refers to this early draft in his autobiography. “I therefore in 1743, drew up a Proposal for establishing an Academy…. (Not having) time suitable for such a Trust, I let the Scheme lie a while dormant.” J.A. Leo Lemay & P.M. Zall, eds., The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, a Generic Text. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1981), Part Three, 108. This was followed up with a clarifying sketch in 1750, “The Idea of an English School.” Franklin Papers, vol. 4, 101-108. 3 schools. As one of those parents and the school’s biggest patron, no one was more central to this curriculum conflict than William Allen. And yet the Autobiography makes no mention of him in connection to the school. The Academy of Philadelphia was clearly one of the proudest achievements for both men. Given their animosities after the vote of the college’s board of directors, it is not hard to imagine Franklin intentionally slighting Allen for posterity, playing down Allen’s role in pre-revolutionary Philadelphia and in Franklin’s day-to-day life. Despite hundreds of meetings with Allen during this period, Franklin only twice mentions him in his Autobiography.3 The first of these is in Part One, a section written in 1777 while Franklin was on vacation in a country village south of Winchester, England.4 It is a reference to 44 years earlier when, prior to opening his own press, he handled a job for Samuel Keimer printing New Jersey’s currency. It is in this capacity that he first met Allen. I made an acquaintance with many principal people of the province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly, a committee to attend the press, and take care that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he who attended brought with him a friend or two for company. My mind having been much more improv'd by reading than Keimer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and show'd me much civility…. We continu'd there near three months; and by that time I could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the 3 Search performed at http://etext.virginia.edu. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library. 4 Ormond Seavey, Becoming Benjamin Franklin; The Autobiography and the Life (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State Press, 1988). Franklin started writing the Autobiography in 1771, some 15 years after the school board vote. That first section of the manuscript remained in Philadelphia during the Revolutionary War when he resumed the project while serving as the American Ambassador to France in 1784. His last entries began in August 1788, just months before he ended his career of public service as president of Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania. See also Lemay, Autobiography, xix-xxiii. 4 secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general…. These friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They all continued their regard for me as long as they lived.5 This last line is utterly false as it pertains to Franklin’s relationship to Allen when he was reflecting on it in 1777, many decades after the two men met. Numerous documents show that after the May 1756 vote, Franklin and Allen shared only mutual contempt for one another.6 The other Autobiography mention of Allen appears in Part Three, which Franklin completed between August and October 1788--when he was 82 years old. It is a perfunctory listing of Allen and two other gentlemen while on a trip (most likely in William Allen’s carriage) to New York in 1747. There, they wined and dined Governor deLancey to secure cannon for the Associators, a Franklin scheme to defend the province (discussed further below). 7 As a connoisseur and major importer of wines, Allen must have been more pivotal to this event than Franklin lets on. 8 Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the associators, commission'd to borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first refus'd us peremptorily; but at dinner with his council, where there was great drinking of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by degrees, and 5 Autobiography, Part One, 57. 6 Many of these are cited below as appropriate to an epilogue that discusses Franklin’s exit from Philadelphia following the vote. 7 The deal with made with Governor deLancey, not Governor Clinton as Franklin remembers in his Autobiography. 8 Ruth Moser Kistler, “William Allen, Provincial Man of Affairs,” Pennsylvania History 1, no. 3 (July 1934): 167. 5 said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advanc'd to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen.9 Imagining several days spent in close quarters on colonial roads, the Associators trip to New York is one of many excellent examples of how close Allen and Franklin were, as well as how Franklin’s Autobiography diminishes Allen’s role in his projects. It is also a unique anecdote of Allen and Franklin, both known for their temperate views on alcohol, essentially getting drunk together. As a chronicler of local events, Franklin recognized Allen’s prowess as a host on other occasions. As Mayor of Philadelphia for a single term, Allen hosted a celebration for the opening of the Pennsylvania State House. In the Pennsylvania Gazette, Franklin wrote: Thursday last William Allen, Esq; Mayor of this City for the Year past, made a Feast for his Citizens at the Statehouse, to which all the Strangers in Town of Note were also invited. Those who are Judges of such Things, say, That considering the Delicacy of the Viands, the Variety and Excellency of the Wines, the great Number of Guests, and yet the Easiness and Order with which the whole was conducted, it was the most grand and the most elegant Entertainment that has been made in these Parts of America.10 Writing what he referred to as his “memoirs” many years later, Franklin was reconstructing the image of a self-made man. While this version of his legacy recognizes the help of many people as young man, the invaluable patronage of William Allen had no room in the Autobiography. By contrast, a search of Franklin’s Papers prior to 1756 reveals dozens of references to William Allen. Many of these simply list his name 9 Autobiography, Part Three, 110. 10 The Pennsylvania Gazette, September 30, 1736. 6 among others as a trustee of the College and Academy,11 the Pennsylvania Hospital,12 the Pennsylvania Lottery,13 the Library,14 and the St. Johns Lodge of Freemasons.15 Others take on the more personal tone of friends and partners,16 and still others employ the deferential language used towards one’s patron.17 Prior to the May 1756 vote, Franklin’s advancement in Philadelphia had been greatly assisted by the patronage of more than a few gentlemen. Franklin’s prior experiences in London in the 1720s had largely “defined (his) relationships of credit and debt, trust and betrayal.”18 A practical ethic thoroughly informed his return to Philadelphia as a printers’ apprentice; as the printer and clerk of the assembly; as the 11 “Constitutions of the Academy of Philadelphia,” November 13, 1749, Franklin Papers, vol. 3, 421-428. “Subscriptions to the Academy,” November 14, 1749, Franklin Papers, vol. 3, 428-429. “Charter of the Academy of Philadelphia,” July 12, 1753, Franklin Papers, vol. 5, 7-11 “College of Philadelphia: Additional Charter,” May 14, 1755, Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 28. 12 “Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital,” May 28, 1754, Franklin Papers, vol. 5, 283-330. 13 “Scheme of the First Philadelphia Lottery,” December 5, 1747, Franklin Papers, vol. 3, 223-224. “Scheme of the Second Philadelphia Lottery,” June 2, 1748, Franklin Papers, vol. 3, 288-296. 14 “Agreement of Directors of Library Company,” May 22, 1738, Franklin Papers, vol. 1, 321-322. “Library Company: Acceptance of the Charter,” May 3, 1742, Franklin Papers, vol. 2, 347. 15 “Subscription to Freemasons’ Hall,” Mar 13, 1754, Franklin Papers, vol. 5, 236. 16 Franklin to Richard Peters, September 17, 1754. “Mr. Elphinston, has a secret Art, by which he teaches, even a veteran Scrawler, to write fairly in 30 Hours. I have often heard you laugh at the Secretary’s Writing, and I hope he will take this Opportunity of mending his Hand…. I have heard our good Friend Mr. Allen sometimes wishing for a better Hand; this may be a good Opportunity for him to acquire it easily. His Example and yours would be the Making of the Artist’s Fortune.” Franklin Papers, vol. 5, 431-432. 17 Franklin to William Smith, May 3. 1753. Giving Smith advice on interviewing for the Academy’s Provost’s position, Franklin wrote, “Mr. Allen has been out of Town these 10 days; but, before he went, directed me to procure him 6 of your Pieces… I shall only say, that you may depend on my doing all in my Power to make your Visit to Philadelphia agreable to you. Yet me thinks I would not have you omit bringing a Line or two to Mr. Allen. If you are more notic’d here on Account of such Recommendation, yet as that Recommendation will be founded on your Merit, known best where you have so long resided, the Notice may be esteem’d to be as much ‘on the Score of something you can call your own,’ as if it were merely on Account of the Pieces you have written.” Franklin Papers, vol. 4, 475-476. 18 Alan Houston, Benjamin Franklin and the Politics of Improvement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 23. 7 facilitator of municipal improvements like the school, fire company, hospital, library; and as a retired business owner and Colonial Postmaster. Franklin relied on the cultivation of human relationships to advance his public image. In this regard, no relationship was more important to Franklin’s advancement than that with William Allen. Only weeks before the May 11th vote at the College, Franklin’s rapport with Allen, the richest man in town, was a pivot point for nearly all of his projects and proprietary appointments. As Franklin’s main benefactor for 25 years, Allen was far and away the biggest contributor of time and money to Franklin’s municipal improvement projects. Many of the ideas at Franklin’s Junto meetings developed into projects that solicited Allen for funding. Allen was not only a main sponsor of the Library, the Volunteer Fire Company, the Hospital and the School, he was also an officer of the Franklin-initiated lotteries that supported these institutions. He sat on the board of directors for most of these organizations and faithfully attended their meetings. They were mason brothers together in the St. John’s Lodge. Allen was the province’s largest slave owner and would purchase advertising space in Franklin’s newspaper offering rewards for their return when they ran away or offering them for sale as his ships brought them in from the Caribbean. Allen was the most “prominent among those handling ‘parcels’ of slaves that arrived with the molasses and sugars in the 1750s.”19 Franklin set up a storefront to work with such human merchandise, often on a bartered basis for advertising. “Between one-fifth and one-quarter of the paper’s advertisements directly 19 Theodore Thayer, “Town into City, 1746-1765,” in Philadelphia: A 300 Year History, Russell Frank Weigley, Nicholas B. Wainwright, Edwin Wolf, eds. (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1982), 75. 8 concerned unfree labor.”20 Allen and Franklin made more money together than has been disclosed. As a botanist and art collector, Allen shared with Franklin a purveyance of trans- Atlantic culture. Professionally, Allen’s support of Franklin was unqualified from their earliest days together in Philadelphia through the time of the college vote. Along with his father in law, Assembly Speaker Andrew Hamilton, Allen helped Franklin get government printing jobs early in his career. Chief Justice Allen’s endorsement was key to Franklin’s appointment to both the Provincial Postmasters job (allowing him to retire from the printing business in 1748) and the Colonial Postmasters job in 1753.21 History has granted Franklin primacy in these achievements and contributions largely because heuristic writers have accepted Franklin’s cues in an uncritical manner. But for those living in Philadelphia in the 1730s and 40s, Allen’s public stature dwarfed that of Franklin’s. Franklin himself deferred to Allen’s preeminence frequently, but the following poem printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette goes beyond deference. In “William Allen Poem,” Franklin’s friend is hailed as being without pride and ambition. One might suspect Franklin of satire here, but written in 1737, Franklin was courting the patronage of Allen. 20 David Waldstreicher, Runaway America: Benjamin Franklin, Slavery and the American Revolution (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004), 24. See also Billy G. Smith, Blacks Who Stole Themselves: Advertisements for Runaways in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728-1790 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989) _____ 21 Franklin turned over the day-to-day operations of the printing business to David Hall, but continued to compile Poor Richards Almanac, write articles for the Pennsylvania Gazette and publish various pamphlets. Lemay, Vol. 3, 500. Franklin made his application for the Colonial Postmaster position through his friend Peter Collinson. But in the May 21, 1751 letter that accomplished this, Franklin recognizes not only Allen’s powerful endorsement, but also his willingness of Allen to post a £200 bond on Franklin’s behalf. Franklins Papers, vol. 4, 134-135. Carl Van Doren, eds. Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiographical Writings (New York: Viking Press, 1945), 77. In this work, Van Doren recognizes a wide variety of Franklin’s writings as autobiographical, but not a part of the Autobiography. 9 William Allen Poem But who is He, whom PHILADELPHIA’S Shore Claims as her Son, yet long his Absence bore; Who now to bless his Native land appears; Of Wit and Judgement ripe, in blooming Years; Yet of his Worth not conscious or elate, Rich without Pride, without ambition Great: ‘Twas he that raised my drooping Muse anew; This Verse at least to Gratitude is due. I know he wants me not to chant his Fame, Yet none can sure the officious Poet blame Who swells his humble Song with ALLEN’S name.22 22 Pennsylvania Gazette, April 1, 1737. 10 CHAPTER 2 THE MARGINALIZATION OF WILLIAM ALLEN In one of the most popular treatments of the Allen/Franklin relationship, Carl Bridenbaugh likewise blames the Autobiography as part of William Allen’s faded role in history. “Forgotten by posterity because he espoused the losing side of the conversation in the War for Independence, [Allen] was quietly ignored in the Autobiography because of the personal dislike and political antagonism of its author.”23 Other Tory Philadelphians however, like Joseph Galloway, have enjoyed a much higher historical profile than Allen.24 There is a third contributing factor to Allen’s historical obscurity. Beyond people’s dependence on him as a patron, business associate, ally or family man, William Allen was a thoroughly unlikable person. Had he been more personally attractive, he may have overcome his fall-out with Franklin and his loyalty to King George III. There have been only four dedicated biographies of William Allen, but these are not full-length monographs, nor are they interested in the college vote. Only one of them was published in the past 50 years.25 Each contributes to the image of William Allen, the man, and has 23 Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh, Rebels and Gentlemen: Philadelphia in the Age of Franklin (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1942), 184. 24 There are no biographical studies on Allen comparable to other Tories, like John H. Ferling, The Loyalist Mind: Joseph Galloway and the American Revolution (State College PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977); or Benjamin H. Newcomb, Franklin and Galloway: A Political Partnership (Hartford: Yale University Press, 1972). 25 In 1877, “Chief Justice William Allen” by Edward F. deLancey appeared in the second-ever issue of The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Expanding on an article printed in the June 1938 issue of Pennsylvania History, Ruth M. Kistler’s Master’s thesis, “William Allen, Founder of Allentown,” was 11 had to deal with the scant amount of historical material to work with: Allen did very little to shape his historical image. In his Ph.D Dissertation, Norman Cohen notes that Allen’s “thoughts must be learned from his actions. These actions reveal a classical and conservative mold.”26 He was a colonial gentleman who aspired to be an English aristocrat first. In the end, he outlived the world of his own creation.27 Both Cohen and Ruth Moser Kistler subjectively analyze paintings of Allen. The Chief Justice was the main patron of Benjamin West while the painter was honing his skills in Europe. Allen “supported many talented men (like Franklin and West) and expected their loyalty.”28 In appreciation, West had Allen sit for a portrait in 1760. The image is of an obese patrician “dressed as an English gentlemen (with) periwig, laced cuffs, vest stretching across the girth of his stomach, and a white scarf neatly tucked underneath his multiple chins.”29 Kistler, always more positive about her subject than Allen’s other biographers, generously notes “the whole figure and attitude are that of self possession, shrewdness, energy, as well as boundless determination.”30 included in the 1962 issue of The Proceedings of the Lehigh Valley Historical Society. The most thorough of the Allen biographies, identifying most of the primary sources, is Norman S. Cohen, “William Allen, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania 1704-1780,” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1966). Craig Horle and Joseph Foster looked over many deeds and business papers in creating a substantial William Allen entry in Lawmaking and Legislators in Pennsylvania: A Biographical Dictionary, Volume Three 1757-1775 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2005), 231-280. 26 Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, ii. 27 Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, 1. 28 Susan E. Klepp, “Encounter and Experiment: The Colonial Period.” Pennsylvania, A History of the Commonwealth, eds. Randal M. Miller and William Pencak, eds. (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002), 89. This text book page includes a portrait that is very similar to West’s painted in 1750 by Robert Feke. 29 The painting hung in Independence Hall for years. It is now owned by the University of Pennsylvania. 30 Kistler, “Allen” thesis, 7. 12 Allen was known as “The Great Giant” not only for his physical and political presence, but also for his temper. As an example, Cohen offers “in debate, [Allen] would storm and rage or resort to coarse sarcasm. He used his huge bulk to overwhelm his opponents, more as a brawler than as a public speaker.”14 When excited he would stutter, and this would worsen as he became enraged. His manner was insolent, his rhetoric, “tedious.”31 Prone to impatience, he would pace back and forth in front of unwanted guests until they left his presence. As a dinner guest at Allen’s home in Mt. Airy, John Adams found him to be “droll.” By most accounts, William Allen was a man who “hid the natural dullness of his disposition behind the artificial screen of gentility.”32 Mentioned above, Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh include a brief sketch on Allen in Rebels and Gentlemen. It contains no sources, but one can assume that they reviewed “The Burd Papers,” the only known collection of William Allen’s writings.33 After Allen’s death in 1780, these passed through successive generations of the family of Edward Shippen, also a prominent colonial merchant and the executor of Allen’s will. These manuscripts reveal a writing style that is banal and redundant. Because these 187 letters were written between 1753 and 1770, they reinforce Allen’s contentiousness with Franklin and very little of their collaborations—nearly all of 14 Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, 14. 31 Samuel Foulke, “Journal of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 1761-1762,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 (1894): 408-412. 32 Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, 4. 33 Lewis Burd Walker, ed., The Burd Papers: Extracts from the Chief Justice William Allen’s Letterbook (Pottstown, 1897). 13 the municipal improvements they worked on together, as well as Allen’s patronage of Franklin, took place prior to the older letters in the collection.34 Allen’s venom toward Franklin is nowhere better expressed than in the appendix of this collection where he and others opposed the 1764 appointment of Franklin as the Assembly’s agent in London. Franklin’s terse reply to this protest is included in the Burd collection.35 It is this exchange that makes The Burd Papers: Extracts from the Chief Justice William Allen’s Letterbook the primary source used most often to depict the relationship between the two men. Edward F. deLancey’s article is a minor piece using Allen’s children’s diaries. It documents the demise of Allen’s empire as a Tory in the revolution, but with nowhere near as much detail as Craig Horle’s chapter on Allen. Exaggerating Allen’s intellectual capacity while validating an unmatched prowess for business, the article is a nineteenth century celebration of aristocratic qualities. DeLancey identifies with his subject as a kinsman: Allen’s youngest daughter Margaret married the eldest son and namesake of New York Governor James DeLancey. Ruther Moser Kistler was a social studies teacher at William Allen High School in Allentown Pennsylvania, a calling that would beg the writing of the first significant biography on Allen. In successive chapters, her master’s thesis isolates Allen’s business interests as a merchant, iron master and land speculator. She does the same with his roles in public life as a councilman, as Philadelphia’s Mayor, as Provincial Recorder, 34 In a November 5, 1753 letter to business associates in Guernsey England, Allen digresses from shipping details to endorse Franklin as North American Postmaster, and to offer to pay his bond. It is the only pre- college vote reference to Franklin in the collection. The Burd Papers, 10. 35 The Burd Papers, 81-131. 14 Assemblyman, Boundary Commissioner and as Pennsylvania’s Chief Justice. The Burd Papers are the primary source most often cited, but she also reviews the deeds involved with the development of Northampton and Lehigh Counties.36 It is Kistler who offers the first comment on the Franklin/Allen relationship. Before the problem concerning the change in government arose the men were best of friends. Through the influence of Allen and his friends Franklin was raised from obscurity to a position of influence in the colony, by receiving appointments as printer of the province, clerk to the House, and Postmaster General of all of North America. This last… at a salary of £600 per year.37 This sort of affiliation between a primary subject and Franklin is common among historians and those with a commemorative agenda. The Philadelphia Masons celebrate Franklin’s birthday each year, but none attended his funeral, as he was not welcome with the new clique at the end of his life. Franklin was a member of the “modern” sect of freemasons. While he lived in Europe, the moderns were displaced by the “ancients.” The two memberships rarely merged, and yet today’s masonry celebrates Franklin as one of their own.38 In a similar mode, historians of the University of Pennsylvania portray their founder’s affiliation with the school as uninterrupted.39 While they were indeed the best of friends for over twenty years, Kistler makes no mention of the projects that Allen and Franklin worked on together. And the schism 36 Kistler is the first to connect Allen’s pre-purchase (from the Delaware Tribes) warrants of land to the infamous Indian Walk. Kistler, “Allen’ thesis, 18. 37 Kistler, “Allen” thesis, 35. £600 per year is worth £51,096 (or $78,988.92 US) in 2010 currency value. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/currency, April 12, 2010 38 Steven C. Bullock, “The Revolutionary Transformation of American Freemasonry, 1752-1792,” William and Mary Quarterly, 47, no. 3 (July 1990): 318-356. 39 Discussed at length below. 15 “concerning the change in government” occurs late in Kistler’s analysis. Here, Allen’s split with Franklin is initiated by Allen in a May 18, 1758 letter to his agent in London. (Franklin) is a very artful imitating fellow and very ready at expressing it. I am informed, notwithstanding his smooth behavior, that he gives our people the disadvantageous impression of Mr. Penn, who, he says, is determined to deprive them of all of the privileges they derived from his father and upon the whole suggests everything that a very bad heart is capable of doing, in order to inflame them still more against the proprietary family.40 Finally, Kistler’s coverage of the French and Indian War omits the critical details of the constitutional crisis that ended Allen and Franklin’s work together. The college vote is only one of many of such details missing from her paper. Of the Allen biographers, only one has had the advantages of modern research techniques: Craig Horle’s 50 page biography of Allen is copious in its examination of Allen’s complicated business dealings, his votes in the Assembly and other interests. 41 Allen is described as a shrewd businessman, to a point of obsession. As the owner, or part owner, of 30 ships, he engaged in the unseemly business of privateering— the pirate- like, high seas seizures of foreign (Spanish, French, Dutch, etc.) merchant ships. And he created various partnerships to circumvent laws and liabilities. Abram Taylor was the royally appointed Duties Collector on the Delaware and a partner in “William Allen and Company.”42 It was in this nefarious relationship that illegal, duty-free French sugar and 40 Allen to Ferdinand Paris, the proprietary agent in London, May 18, 1758. Penn Papers Vol. 9, 5 at the Historical Society of Philadelphia (HSP). Kistler, “Allen” thesis, 36. 41 Drs. Horle and Foster have been kind enough to share with the author their extensive file of primary documents on Allen. 42 Taylor was also one of the founding trustees of the school, although he was absent the day of the vote. http://www.archives.upenn.edu/people/1700s/taylor_abram.html. 16 molasses was able to undercut the British imports in the Philadelphia market. Horle’s image of Allen is painted by a succession of such transactions. Although Allen was the colony’s leading Presbyterian, Horle notes that many of his fellow churchmen were “not his kind of people, that is men of great wealth and considerable status.”43 As a rule, while taking into account incidents where “Allen’s fiery temper, combined with his strong proprietary connections”44 would irritate even family members, Horle avoids subjective assessments of Allen’s personality. In Allen there was a work ethic that belied the image of the fat patrician. In essence, William Allen, a wealthy, well-connected, loving father, busy philanthropist, and civic and religious activist could have lived a gentlemanly life of leisure, as did many members of the English upper class that he had known in his youth. Instead he chose to become extremely active in Pennsylvania’s turbulent political and legal milieu.45 From the spring of 1755 to the spring of 1756, this turbulence of events in Pennsylvania picked up a pace that none of the participants could actually have anticipated or controlled. Beyond the full engagement of the province in the French and Indian War, it was a period that would end the Philadelphia era of Franklin’s career. Likewise tested, this was a period when William Allen’s business interests were threatened and, as with similar circumstances earlier, his political acumen would prove inferior to his business sense. To understand the mutual sense of betrayal in this conflict, 43 Horle, Vol. III, 266. Many of these Scotch Irish Presbyterians were his also his tenants and assembly constituents. “His haughty manner, imitative of the English Gentlemen, must have repelled these backwoods Scotch Irish.” Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, 13. 44 Horle, Vol. III, 261. 45 Horle, Vol. III, 243. 17 one has to look to the social, economic and political orbit of William Allen, as well as his sponsorship of Benjamin Franklin. 18 CHAPTER 3 ANDREW HAMILITON AND TWO YOUNG MEN IN LONDON Although the relationship between William Allen and Benjamin Franklin began in Pennsylvania, both operated in a British Atlantic context. Letters of introduction and credit were vital to any young man in the British Atlantic world of the eighteenth century, but for Allen and Franklin these connections functioned within the parameters of their individual class status. Patronage and the pursuit of patronage was a dominant strategy at this point in Franklin’s life; without it, the fifteenth child of a candle maker and soap boiler had little chance of advancement. As a nineteen year old journeyman printer, Franklin had left his brother’s press in Boston, and later that of Samuel Keimer’s in Philadelphia, because he thought himself capable of running his own printing business. He had in fact run James Franklin’s Boston publishing company as a teenager, when his older brother was found guilty of sedition.46 The public business of printing would rely on the private considerations and loyalties of his more powerful and class-emboldened associates. While a student in London from 1720 to 1726, William Allen had lived the lifestyle of a grandee son: enjoying a generous allowance; going to just enough classes at the Middle Temple, one of the English Inns of Court (and later at Clair Hall, Cambridge 46 James Franklin was jailed for publishing an article in the New England Courant that suggested the Massachusetts General Court had conspired with pirates. In jail from June 12 to July 7, 1722, his indentured brother ran the paper. During this time, Benjamin Franklin wrote and published the series of “Silence Dogood” letters, perhaps his best-known satirical work. Autobiography, Part One, 15-19. 19 University) to be considered a English trained lawyer; touring the continent and meeting other young gentlemen of similar means.47 It can be presumed that Allen had mercantile career aspirations and was in England to develop the type of business relationships that were the foundation of all eighteenth century British Atlantic commerce. Among these acquaintances were William Penn’s sons, John, Thomas and Richard. At this point in time, the cash-poor estate of the late William Penn was in a state of inter-family litigation.48 While legal issues between William Penn Jr. and Lady Callowhill were twisting their way through an official process in London, William Keith, the rogue Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania, and his political opponent James Logan, battled for control in Philadelphia. Logan was the Proprietary Council’s Secretary, Director of the Land Office, and confidant of the Proprietor’s widow, Hannah Callowhill Penn. For the first 50 years of the province’s existence, Logan was the most powerful man in Pennsylvania. A young William Allen correctly chose the Logan side of this fight and established a relationship with the victorious faction of the Penn family, a friendship that would have a profound influence on his fortunes and upon the province until the revolution.49 47 Horle, Vol. III, 232. Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, 7-9. Kistler, “Allen” thesis, 7-8. 48 William Penn, Jr., the oldest son from the founder’s first marriage, challenged the will of his father which left everything to his second wife Hannah Callowhill Penn. Continuing with the argument of primogeniture, the founder’s grandson, Springett Penn, took up the case after William Penn Jr.’s death in 1720. “Lady Callowhill” died in December 1726, but in July 1727, the Court of the Exchequer settled the case in favor of her three sons. But the consolidated power of the proprietorship would not be complete until the fall of 1746, when Thomas Penn became the Chief Proprietor upon the death of his older brother, John Penn (not to be confused with John Penn Jr. the future Governor nor Thomas Penn’s son John). 49 “While in England Allen had become personally acquainted with the proprietors of Pennsylvania, John and Thomas Penn, an acquaintanceship that would prove propitious for his future as well as theirs, and he had doubtless established important mercantile connections.” Horle, Vol. III, 232. 20 Allen returned to Philadelphia in 1726 to bury his father.50 William Allen, Sr. left several businesses to his wife and sons. City tax records show the elder Allen to have been in the 93rd percentile of taxpayers, his business interests dovetailing into one another in an uncommonly sophisticated manner. William Allen, Sr. was a merchant with significant factoring51 connections in England. His son, William Jr., took over a well- financed operation and created a variety of companies in which he sold shares--real estate partnerships, mining and refining corporations, shipping and commodity trading firms. It was to become a portfolio of integrated commercial interests that would eventually make him the wealthiest man in Pennsylvania. His father left him Delaware riverbank properties rigged with wharfs, as well as partnerships in, or the outright ownership of, four ships. William, Jr., with sea captain/partner James Turner, grew this shipping business into a commercial fleet of 23 ships ranging from 30 to 130 tons. Allen would later inherit from his wife’s father even more waterfront property with more shipping and storage capacity. The relationship with the Proprietors would pay off handsomely because, as Thomas and John Penn needed liquidity to maintain their standing in English society, their only asset was provincial real estate. From the proprietors, Allen bought 64,000 50 Cohen, “Allen” Dissertation, 7-9. Allen would be a “student” from August 1720 until his father’s death in September 1725. Returning to Philadelphia briefly to settle his fathers will and shore up political relations with James Logan, he returned to London in 1728. On November 27, 1729 his arrival back in Philadelphia was announced in The Pennsylvania Gazette. 51 “Factoring” is an accounting service that was essential for eighteenth century American merchants. For a fee or a percentage, a factor would assume the responsibility of payment, with all the risk and without recourse, between buyer and sellers. Allen would be paid by his factors in England for products he shipped there. His factors there would also collect from Allen for products that he took back to America. This was the primary system of credit in the British Atlantic world. 21 acres of “unlocated” lands that he would survey and develop.52 A considerable part of Allen’s real estate operation also involved the collection of rents and the holding of mortgages.53 Allen was an early champion of the vertical monopoly: on his lands were his coalmines, which fed his foundries, which produced his pig iron, which he exported on his ships docked at his wharfs. All of this activity produced earnings that were calculated at his counting house. His laborers were frequently his tenants or slaves. It is not known if Allen met Penn’s lawyer, Andrew Hamilton while they were both in London. Upon Allen’s final return to Philadelphia in 1729, they would become the closest of political allies. Allen would marry Hamilton’s daughter Margaret and endorse his son James in a variety of social and political ways.54 At Hamilton’s direction, Allen purchased the land on the south side of Chestnut Street between Fifth and Sixth Streets. On that parcel of land, Hamilton designed and, with Allen and the Assembly, financed the building of the Pennsylvania State House, now known as 52 Horle, Vol. III, 233. This was largely real estate that had not been actually bought from the natives who lived there. The authorizing Land Office, run by James Logan and later Richard Peters, operated in limbo during the proprietary litigation, which continued until 1741. This was a way for insiders to get a good deal and for Thomas and John Penn to get needed cash. Allen would go around Logan and his Land Office to make these deals directly with the Penns. While minimizing Allen’s role, the best-researched piece on the illicit sale of Indian land is Francis Jennings’ “The Scandalous Indian Policy of William Penn’s Sons: Deed and Documents of the Walking Purchase,” Pennsylvania History 37 (January 1970): 19-39. 53 Horle, Vol. III, 231-280. 54 Eighteenth century marriages among professional/merchant class families had a power of their own. Competing for the hand of Margaret Hamilton was Isaac Norris. Norris, a Quaker Grandee associated with defense-minded wing of the “Old Party,” and Allen were bitter rivals throughout the period. While Franklin brought the two men together for projects like the Pennsylvania Hospital, Franklin’s alliance with Norris in the 1750s would become an irreconcilable problem for Allen leading up to the college vote. “A young Lady of great Merit,” Pennsylvania Gazette, February 20, 1734. Margaret Hamilton may have had some say in her nuptials. Had Norris fared better with Ms. Hamilton, Allen’s power would have been diminished. 22 Independence Hall.55 Although very different in character, Hamilton’s patronage of Benjamin Franklin would be nearly as effective as his kinship with Allen. Unlike Allen and Hamilton’s probable introduction, Franklin met Hamilton while all three of them were in London. Governor Keith had spotted the clever apprentice printer in Philadelphia and had cultivated a relationship with Franklin by inviting him to his home and sponsoring him in one of Philadelphia’s political societies, The Tiff Group.56 Franklin recalled that Keith’s “setting me up was always mentioned as a fixed thing.”57 Operating under the false patronage of William Keith, Franklin’s first of eight trips across the Atlantic was to purchase a printing press. With an understanding that letters of introduction and credit were on board, Franklin sailed out of New Castle on the London Hope, November 5, 1724. When he arrived on Christmas Eve and was allowed by the ship’s Captain to fish- out the crucial letters, Franklin found none that were addressed to him: Keith had sent him on a fool’s errand. Franklin would soon realize that Keith had no worthy reputation to generate letters of credit. According to Franklin, his Autobiography being the only account of Keith’s scam, he took several of the letters from the ship’s hold that had some promise of containing support—one to a printer and another to a stationer—and offered to deliver them. One letter revealed a scheme by Keith against his political rival Andrew Hamilton. Whether 55 Craig Horle, Joseph Foster, et. al., eds. Lawmaking and Legislators in Pennsylvania: A Biographical Dictionary, Volume Two 1710-1756 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2005), 428. 56 J.A. Leo Lemay, The Life Of Benjamin Franklin: Journalist 1706-1730 Vol. I (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2002), 353. 57 Autobiography, Part One, 39. Lemay, Vol. I, 257. 23 Franklin opened this letter on his own or (as his autobiography claims) had the stationer- addressee read it to him is immaterial. When Hamilton, who had originally been scheduled to sail aboard the same ship as Franklin, finally arrived in London, Franklin called on him and gave him the letter.58 Franklin recounted that Hamilton “thanked me cordially, the Information being of importance to him. And from that time he became my friend, greatly to my Advantage afterwards on many Occasions.”59 If Franklin’s class transcendence began when he ran away from his brother’s indenture in Boston, it took an even bigger leap with his acquaintance of Andrew Hamilton at the beginning of 1725. Hamilton had recently resigned as Pennsylvania’s Attorney General and was in London as the personal attorney to Hannah Callowhill Penn. Lady Penn considered Hamilton’s own letters of reference from James Logan.60 The Penn’s new attorney was already considered the “father of the judiciary system in Maryland” for his work prior to his arrival in Philadelphia in 1714.61 David Lloyd had a similar legacy in Philadelphia and upon Hamilton’s return at the end of 1726, he, James Logan and Hamilton reunited to oust Sir William Keith. In June 1727, Hamilton would be appointed to the lucrative position of City Recorder, a post he would hold until his death in 1741 with Allen as his successor. In league with Jeremiah Langhorne, Hamilton was also in that year elected to the Assembly 58 Franklin and his traveling companions enjoyed the stateroom cabin and provisions that had been reserved for Hamilton and his son James. 59 Autobiography, Part One, 42. Lemay, Vol. I, 268. 60 Logan wrote to a trustee of the Penn family that Hamilton had operated “very heartily in the interest of the Proprietor” and was “a very able lawyer and faithful to his client.” Horle, Vol. II, 422. 61 Burton Alva Konkle, The Life of Andrew Hamilton, 1676-1741 (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1941), 27. 24 by the voters of Bucks County. Two years later, Hamilton would be elected Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly for the first of seven terms, many of which ran concurrently with the same position in the Lower Counties Assembly.62 With such political power came positions on virtually every issue facing the province, and with such positions came both allies and enemies.63 On many of the public issues, Franklin’s main competitor Andrew Bradford used The American Weekly Mercury to slander Hamilton. Against each of these personal attacks, Hamilton could count on Franklin and the power of his newspaper, The Pennsylvania Gazette. As Bradford lost government printing contracts to Franklin, he became more and more a virulent enemy of Hamilton. Although personal attacks published in the Mercury would cost Hamilton his seat as Assembly speaker for a single term in 1733, articles by Franklin’s Gazette persistently countered these attacks, and Hamilton regained his seat the following session. 64 Taking sides against the Bradford publishing family was not limited to Philadelphia for either Hamilton or Franklin. The Philadelphia lawyer’s most famous case was in defense of John Peter Zenger, a German-born printer/publisher of the New York Weekly Journal and the sole competitor in New York City of William Bradford, Andrew Bradford’s father. In 1735, Zenger published some unkind things about New York’s Governor and was arrested for libel. Hamilton eloquently and successfully (though with little or no basis in existing law) argued before the New York State 62 Horle, Vol. II, 423. 63 Such alliances were social as well as political--Langhorne and Allen shared a keen interest in racehorses. 64 Pennsylvania Gazette, November 16, 1733. 25 Supreme Court that the freedom of the press should be an American standard and that juries should be able to interpret the law. William Bradford’s New York Gazette supported Governor Cosby’s legal maneuvers throughout the proceedings and that coverage was reprinted and supplemented 100 miles south of the trial in The American Weekly Mercury. Following Hamilton’s victory, Franklin published and sold A Brief Narrative of the Case and Tryal of John Peter Zenger in celebration of his patron’s win.65 The case and Franklin’s treatment of it had an impact that was “clearly in the realm of political, not legal, theory; Hamilton’s argument that governments could be legitimately criticized by their citizens prefigured American revolutionary thought.”66 With this argument, Hamilton became Colonial America’s most noted defender of a press protected from sedition and libel laws. There are many examples of Franklin’s cultivating relations with the city’s power brokers while simultaneously championing the cause of the common man. The earliest and best of these can be found in his position on paper money, an issue at the center of the political intrigue that would oust him from the College of Philadelphia 27 years later. Franklin’s involvement began in 1729 with his pamphlet “The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency.” Prior to this time, this was a cause framed by the politics of Governor William Keith against his pro-business adversaries. The populist need for paper currency was a cornerstone of Keith’s political platform. Approved by both proprietary claimants, Hannah Penn and Springett Penn (son of the recently the deceased William Penn, Jr.), Patrick Gordon replaced Keith as Lieutenant 65 The Pennsylvania Gazette, December 8, 1737 66 Horle, Vol. II, 434. 26 Governor in 1726.67 Keith became a seditious and unsuccessful candidate for Speaker of the Assembly. Following Hannah Penn’s death, Gordon not only represented her son Thomas Penn’s position against the Assembly authorized currency bill, but along with Executive Council member Hamilton opposed any Keithian causes. 68 Hamilton was a “staunch opponent of paper money” even as he administered its issuance as a director of the Loan Office from 1730-1738.”69 On this topic in the Junto, Franklin took an opposing position. In terms of self- interest, he was undeniably the best currency printer in the area, so it was logical that he would find an argument for its production. More paper currency meant more business. But it was the logic of his economic argument that probably softened Hamilton’s position. Here was a dynamic that would be repeated over and over until it was met with the retribution of the college vote: Franklin, while always deferential to his powerful and moneyed friends, did not always take supplicant positions on their issues as expected of other proprietary placemen. Our Debates possess’d me so fully of the Subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous Pamphlet on it, entitled, The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency. It was well receiv’d by the common People in general; 67 The official position of Lieutenant Governor is frequently referred to as “Governor” due to its local executive function. The Proprietor held the actual title of Governor, but was/is rarely referred to as such. 68 Thomas was Hannah Penn’s youngest son and the future uncontested Proprietor. Unlike his benevolent father, Thomas Penn “thought solely in terms of the profit that could be derived from the province.” Ralph C. Ketcham, Benjamin Franklin (New York: Washington Square Press, 1966), 92. In this avarice, Thomas Penn differed from supporters like Allen. Penn opposed Franklin/Allen positions on currency, the library, the school and hospital. Penn moved to Philadelphia in 1732 and for 19 years worked on the border dispute with Maryland, improved rent collections in the land office and engineered the “Walking Purchase” swindle of the Delaware Indians. Allan Tully, William Penn’s Legacy; Politics and Social Structure in Provincial Pennsylvania, 1726-1755 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1994), 11-22. For a more forgiving portrait of Thomas Penn, see William Hanna, Benjamin Franklin and Pennsylvania Politics (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1964), 15-18. 69 Horle, Vol. II, 427. 27 but the Rich Men dislik’d it; for it increas’d and strengthen’d the Clamour for more Money; and they happening to have no Writers among them that were able to answer it, their Opposition slacken’d, and the Point was carried by a Majority in the House. My Friends there, who conceiv’d I had been of some Service, thought fit to reward me, by employing me in printing the Money, a very profitable Jobb, and a great Help to me. This was another Advantage gain’d by my writing.70 Hamilton directed the printing of Delaware’s and, later, Pennsylvania’s currency to Franklin’s new printing firm. Franklin recalled that he obtained "thro' my Friend Hamilton the Printing of the New Castle Paper Money, another profitable Jobb, as I then thought it." So while Franklin claims that it was "well receiv'd by the common People in general; but the Rich Men dislik'd it," he is downplaying the patronage of the rich men he consistently pursued and won over to his way of thinking. He also discounts the support for paper money by William Allen and other wealthy merchants. 70 Autobiography, Part One, 67. 28 CHAPTER 4 1730 Franklin would the ranks of these wealthy merchants through their patronage. Hugh Meredith was working with Franklin at Keimer’s print shop when Franklin had his final falling out with his boss. Seeing Franklin’s talent, Meredith got his father to finance press works for a new printing concern. However, Franklin’s business partnership and friendship with the Merediths did not fare well in 1730. Hugh Meredith became mired in his alcoholism as Simon Meredith, Hugh’s father, defaulted on the loan for the press, and they were sued. With help from friends, Franklin bought out the Meredith’s stake in the enterprise.71 Within months of being elected Speaker, Hamilton replaced Bradford with Franklin as the official printer for the Pennsylvania Assembly. Franklin was 24 and it was this contract that really launched his practice. At 26 years old, Allen became a proprietary office holder, being named a Justice in the Court of Oyer and Terminer of Bucks, Chester and Philadelphia Counties. Having taken a seat on the city council upon his return, he was chosen to be an Alderman in 1730. In that same year, Allen was also elected to his first term in the Pennsylvania Assembly. Allen’s future father-in-law, Andrew Hamilton, had just been elected to the first of nine terms as the speaker of the Assembly. About this time, Allen met and began courting the speaker’s daughter, Margaret. 71 David Freeman Hawke, Franklin (New York: Harper and Row, 1976), 37-39. 29 In 1730, Franklin also became involved romantically, though in a form that exhibited their differences of class. The Godfrey family was subletting at his Second and High Street residence/business. When Mrs. Godfrey tried to set Franklin up with a friend’s daughter, her family rejected Franklin’s demand for a dowry (with the perception there was little future in printing). Franklin married another woman, Deborah Read Rogers. It was by necessity a common-law marriage because the whereabouts of her first husband was unknown. In another courting complication, Franklin’s illegitimate one (or two)-year-old son William moved in with them.72 Their contrasting paths not withstanding, it was a time full of potential for both men in the Pennsylvania Assembly. As the probate litigation continued among William Penn’s heirs, the still weak and undefined nature of the proprietorship favored legislative power over executive prerogatives. An Anglican like Hamilton was able to preside over the Quaker dominant Assembly, because the founder’s notion of religious diversity still held sway. Within that government, a young Presbyterian like Allen could take committee assignments and participate in legislation because all the members of the assembly were rich men, first and foremost. And the ambitious printer, consumed in a flurry of his own youthful professional and personal transitions, could transcend class distinctions by developing alliances, expressing big ideas and taking advantage of opportunities. In 1730, the Pennsylvania Assembly was an organization at peace with itself in an equally peaceful world. 72 Lemay, Vol. II, 3-8. Carl Van Doren, Benjamin Franklin (New York: Viking Press, 1938), 92-93. 30 CHAPTER 5 JUNTO, WEEKLY. ST. JOHN LODGE MONTHLY. Clubs in British America always formed within taverns and coffee houses and were the birthplace of many schemes. 73 “When Philadelphia clubs and societies chose tavern venues for feasts and celebrations, they looked at the character of the landlord as well as the amenities of his house.”74 Seeking legitimacy for their cause or affiliation, the selection of a venue was important for clubs given the Philadelphia’s social environment. Although Philadelphia … contained a number of houses that boasted the name ‘tavern,’ a number of these were alehouses, simple dwellings with a barrel of porter in the hall and two extra beds for the guests…. These were minor temples of vice, where prostitution, drunken disorder, and riot might break out.75 Whether upstanding or seditious, these facilities operated on a London model that Franklin and Allen would have recognized from their time abroad. These venues were successful by catering to specific clientele, and as public spaces, they were a key component of popular culture: a conduit for discourse that could not take place in churches or the halls of government. A little over a year after returning to Philadelphia, Franklin started a discussion group of young working men called the Junto. On Friday evenings for thirty years 73 David S. Shields, Civil Tongues and Polite Letters in British America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 176. 74 Peter Thompson, Rum Punch & Revolution; Taverngoing & Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1999), 63. 75 Shields, Civil Tongues, 56. 31 (unless some other activities were pressing), this group of young intellectual tradesmen met and conjured up a variety of projects. 76 Franklin’s Friday night Junto first met at the Indian King Tavern on High Street, just around the corner from his Samuel Keimer’s print shop on Second Street. Different from the promiscuous common rooms of the times, the Indian King and the Bear Tavern (where the Library Company would also often meet) were owned by Nicholas Scull, a surveyor in the employ of William Allen.77 Unlike like the public spirit of the tavern based club, the Junto was “touched by Masonic principles: it was intended to be secret and exclusive.”78 Sometime in 1728, the group moved to a room set aside by Junto member Robert Grace.79 Franklin’s printing company operated out of the first floor of the same building at 131 High Street, and Franklin’s residence was upstairs. Something of a formula developed for turning the Junto’s discussions into ideas and then institutions. First, the ideas would be discussed and refined at the Junto. Members were required to write and present papers on a wide range of topics. Articles would then be printed as free pamphlets and, after Franklin’s October 2, 1729 purchase of 76 Lemay, Vol. I. 332-356. 77 By 1752, there were 120 taverns licensed in the City of Philadelphia. Edward Potts Cheyney, History of the University of Pennsylvania, 1740-1940 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1940), 7. Scull would become a Proprietary Party placeman as Surveyor General of the province and would excuse himself from Junto, Library Company and Freemason meetings in 1937 to direct the Walking Purchase swindle of Delaware Indian tribes living in what is now called Allentown. As the main landowner in this land grab, in 1762 William Allen laid out the grid that became the town that bears his name Allentown, Pennsylvania. Kistler, Master’s thesis, 16-19. Allen’s real estate deals are discussed, deed-by-deed in Horle Vol III, 232- 234. 78 Esmond Wright, Franklin of Philadelphia (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1986), 37. 79 As an iron producer, Grace was something of a competitor of William Allen and his partner, Joseph Turner. Grace would produce the first Franklin Stove, a freestanding cast iron stove that was safer and more fuel-efficient than fireplaces. "An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces" was published in 1744 to promote the demand. There is no record of Allen’s feeling slighted by this loyalty. www.ideafinder.com/history/inventions/frankstove.htm (February 20, 2010). 32 the failing newspaper from Samuel Keimer, they would find an audience in The Pennsylvania Gazette. Funds would then be solicited through lotteries and subscriptions. Finally, a charter would be drafted and endorsed by the major subscribers. It was an effective strategy that began with the library in 1731 and found maturity with the academy and the hospital 25 years later in what could be called the Franklin Age of Municipal Improvements.80 While the ideas were bold for colonial America, they were transatlantic in origin. The public library, the hospital for the sick poor, practical curriculums in non-sectarian schools, insurance cooperatives, fire companies—all these “Franklin firsts” had antecedents in England.81 Each involved the support of men of means who were dedicated to municipal improvements. Franklin’s pals in the Junto, while dedicated and engaging, did not wield the type of influence to institutionalize ideas in eighteenth century Pennsylvania. The Junto would need to become a sister organization of another cadre of men.82 For Franklin, this meant becoming a Freemason. 80 It would seem likely that certain parts of Poor Richards Almanac, which started in 1732 and became a one of the most popular publications of its time, also came out of the trans Atlantic influenced banter at the Junto. 81 The eighteenth century English voluntary hospital movement is perhaps the best example of Franklin’s borrowed wisdom; Pennsylvania Hospital fits follows this social trend of over twenty similar (and pre- existing) British institutions. William H. Williams, America’s First Hospital: The Pennsylvania Hospital, 1751-1841. (Wayne, PA, 1976). John K. Alexander, “Institutional Imperialism and the Sick Poor in the Late Eighteenth Century Philadelphia: The House of Employment vs. The Pennsylvania Hospital”. Pennsylvania History (1984, Vol. 51 (2) 101-117. John K. Alexander, Render Them Submissive: Responses to Poverty in Philadelphia, 1760-1800 (Amherst, MA, 1980). 82 Alfred Owen Aldridge, Benjamin Franklin, Philosopher & Man (New York: Lippincott Company, 1965), 44. 33 Franklin had learned about the Masons while a journeyman printer in 1725- 1726.83 “In London, Franklin had noted the importance and influence of the Freemasons and, after the St. John’s Lodge had been set up in 1730, he decided that membership would be valuable.”84 The Pennsylvania Gazette covered English Masonic events in its August 13th and 20th 1730 issues. These articles show Franklin was well aware of ‘the craft.’ Freemason membership would be valuable to projects like the library, which, while failing to gain traction as a Junto-only initiative, flourished with the subscriptions of Franklin’s brother masons. It is also clear that, as business referrals were, “the purpose of membership for everyone involved, his fellow Freemasons would send business Franklin’s way: Masonic connections may have been behind Franklin’s success in winning work from the provincial government.”85 In June 5, 1730, the Duke of Norfolk, Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of England appointed Daniel Coxe Provincial Grand Master of New York, Pennsylvania and Maryland.86 On June 24, 1731, the first Grand Lodge of Freemasons met at the Tun Tavern on Water Street.87 Franklin wanted to join but was not asked. Coaxing members, 83 Julius Friedrich Sache, Benjamin Franklin as a Freemason (Philadelphia, 1906), 7. 84 Ronald Clark, Benjamin Franklin, A Biography (New York: Random House, 1983), 43. 85 H.W. Brands, The First American: The Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 113-114. 86 Henry Wilson Coil, Jr., Freemasonry through Six Centuries, Volume I. (Richmond, VA: Macoy Publishing, 1967), 249. Coxe probably didn’t return to America before he was toasted as the Grand Master of North America at the Grand Lodge London meeting on January 29, 1730/31. 87 There is some question about the exact tavern at which the masons met. Franklin referred to it as the “Sun Tavern” in the Pennsylvania Gazette. Lemay refers to the meeting place as the “Sun Tavern” but others follow the assertion by Scharf & Westcott that this was a typesetting error by Franklin. John Thomas Scharf & Thompson Westcott, The History of Philadelphia 1609-1884, Vol. 3 (Philadelphia, L.H. Everts, 1884), 2046. Although there was a “Sun Tavern” on Second Street where the first antislavery 34 on December 30th Franklin republished an article from London that made fun of the Freemasons. As there are several lodges of Freemasons erected in this province, and people have lately been much amus’d with conjectures concerning them, we think the following account of Freemasonry from London will not be unacceptable to our readers…. The whole appears so childish and ridiculous, that this is probably the case, THEIR GRAND SECRET is that they have no Secret at all.88 It was a ploy to get the Masons’ attention and it worked. At their very next meeting, on January 4, 1731/32, Franklin was admitted membership into the St. Johns Lodge of the Freemasons, and would meet with his mason brothers the first Monday of nearly every month until he left Philadelphia in 1757. 89 The Worshipful Grandmaster of the lodge at this time, and someone who likely also made most of those meetings, was William Allen.90 In a broad sense, English freemasonry was philosophically driven by the radical enlightenment dating back to the fourteenth century. Its political dimensions were less society in America was founded, Peter Thompson agrees that mention of the Sun Tavern, as the home of the Masons was a misprint or an error by the editors of Franklins Papers. Thompson, Rum, Punch, 223. 88 Lemay, Vol II, 86. In a chapter dedicated to Franklin’s Freemason membership, Lemay compares the London Daily Journal article with the supposed reprint in the Pennsylvania Gazette to disclose that Franklin edited and supplemented the piece heavily. The “No Secret at all” line is a Franklin creation. 89 Until 1753, the new year in the British Empire began on March 25th according to the Julian calendar. For centuries, the protestant world had resisted the Catholic originated Gregorian calendar that took leap year into account. All dates from January through March 24th in this period would have the appendage of two years: the year of the times followed by the year we know now—the one that starts with January 1st. This makes for confusion in studying eighteenth century British American history. Cox would have named Grand Master one day before Franklin’s 23rd birthday, January 30, 1731, but is referred to as January 30, 1730/31. 90 St. Johns Lodge “Libr B” at the Historical Society of Philadelphia is a log of monthly meetings from June 1731 to 1735, with entries more sporadic and ending in 1738. In a secret society like the Masons, it is hard to know exactly what dates certain members attended. It is harder still for a historical figure like Allen who left no diaries. 35 clear. Suspicions swirled around the Masonic involvement in both the 1715 and 1745 Jacobite attempts to restore the Stuart monarchy in England.91 And later, in 1778, Franklin participated in Voltaire’s initiation into the Lodge of Nine Sisters in Paris, which would later be a catalyst for the French Revolution. In America, Masonic lodges had none of the antiestablishment stigma of their European counterparts; in Philadelphia and Boston, the lodges began as the business networking groups and benevolence societies of well-to-do gentlemen. The composition of the St. John’s Lodge did not, however, start that way: Allen and Franklin were the only intellectuals in the lodge in 1732 with bricklayers and other tradesmen filling in the membership. In a confederation of men in Allen’s social milieu with common men possessing elements of Franklin’s curiosity and ambition, the profile of lodge members would evolve. As the artisan and lesser merchant classes experienced cultural and economic expansion, their aspirations to the social distinctions and cosmopolitism offered by Masonry were quite attractive. The Lodge provided a means of redefining social positions and claiming a level of citizenship previously reserved for gentlemen of wealth.92 Whereas the Junto membership was limited to a number of twelve, the Mason lodge was limited only by the sponsorship of newcomers by members. The Junto ran “side-by-side as it were with the craft of masonry, producing the Library Company in 91 Linda Colley, Britons Forging a Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 72. 92 Bullock, “Revolutionary Transformation,” 350. 36 1731 and the American Philosophical Society in 1743.”93 The connection between the two was, by design, obscure. We had from the Beginning made it a Rule to keep our Institution (the Junto) a Secret, which was pretty well observ’d. The Intention was, to avoid Applications of improper Persons for Admittance, some of whom perhaps we might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any Addition to our Number, but instead of it made in writing a Proposal, that every Member separately should endeavour to form a subordinate Club, with the same Rules respecting Queries, &c. and without informing them of the Connexion with the Junto.94 For Franklin and other Junto members, this subordinate club was the Masons. Men like Allen would have fallen into the category of one whom Franklin might have found ‘difficult to refuse’. Civic projects that started in the Junto could meet their fruition including wealthy men outside the small Friday evening cohort. Within a few years of Franklin’s admittance into the lodge, a procession of the most powerful men in the province had also joined the Masons: Andrew Hamilton’s son and future Pennsylvania Governor, James Hamilton; the oldest son of the largest merchant family in Philadelphia, James Shippen; Franklin’s future founding collaborator on the Pennsylvania Hospital project, Dr. Thomas Bond.95 Members of the Junto joined as well: Thomas Hopkinson, a lawyer and founder of both the Union Fire and Library Companies; Phillip Syng, a silversmith involved in most of Franklin’s civic and electricity projects; merchant and proprietary officeholder William Coleman, a board member of virtually all of the 93 Sache, Franklin as a Freemason, 17. 94 Autobiography, Part Three, 99. 95 Melvin M. Johnson, The Beginnings of Freemasonry in America; containing a reference to all that is known of FREEMASONRY in the Western Hemisphere prior to 1750 and short sketches of the lives of some Provincial Grand Masters. (New York: George H. Doren Company, 1924), 112-113. 37 civic improvements and who, along with Robert Grace, financed Franklin’s printing business following Meredith’s default. Franklin took the organization that Allen started and turned it into a networking juggernaut. Returning to his hometown of Boston in the fall of 1733, Franklin met with a tailor named Richard Price, the Grandmaster of the newly formed lodge in Boston.96 By 1723 in England, Rev. James Anderson had compiled “The Constitutions and Regulations of the Grand Lodge of England” and it is likely that Franklin acquired a copy of this freemason tome from Price. 97 Back in Philadelphia a short time later, Franklin added the “Anderson’s Constitutions” to his product line of publications. New members of the lodge were rather obliged to come to Franklin to receive their personal copy, whether a gilded version (as sold to Thomas Penn for £6 in November, 1734) or more modestly priced versions with a plain leather cover.98 Thus Franklin became an authority on all things Masonic and was elected Provincial Grandmaster in 1734. With his new title, he sold the 70 copies of the Constitutions back to the lodge in Boston. In the summer of 1737 a scandal broke out that would make the “secret society” far more discreet. Daniel Rees was a dim-witted apprentice in the service of Dr. Evan Jones, a pharmacist in town and a freemason brother of Franklin and Allen’s. Rees wanted to be a Freemason and Jones and his lawyer, John Remington, thought it would 96 An arcane, but heated argument has raged for years over whether Philadelphia or Boston had the first Masonic lodge. This meeting and others, where Franklin appears to recognize Price’s primacy, is the basis of Boston’s claims, represented in the writings of Melvin M. Johnson. Coil makes the case that the St. John’s Lodge was first. Coil, Six Centuries, 23-42. This writer’s analysis of Franklin’s behavior in all of his Freemason dealings was one of self-interest. If he could get more out of Boston by deferring to their authority, he would have. And he did. 97 Johnson, FREEMASONRY, 30. 98 Johnson, FREEMASONRY, 123. 38 be funny to hold a mock initiation ceremony. Franklin had been appointed by the Court of Common Pleas (where Allen served as a magistrate) to arbitrate a case involving Jones. Prior to a hearing with Jones and Remington, they recounted their sham on Rees and shared with the arbitrators their plans for more shenanigans. Franklin asked for the sacrilegious oath that they planned to administer, and he received it in the jestful manner intended. In their subsequent hazing, Jones and Remington inadvertently set Mr. Rees on fire and the apprentice died of his injuries. Jones and Remington were tried for murder in Allen’s court. With prior knowledge of the ritual, Franklin was compelled to testify on behalf of the prosecution, if only to refute that he was complicit in the planning of the ritual. His nemesis Andrew Bradford put the Freemasons on trial in his paper, The American Mercury, and slandered Franklin specifically. A return volley from the Gazette was not different in its dynamic than any number of issues used by the two publishers before or after the Rees Affair. It is not clear how Judge Allen’s conduct of the trial, himself a prominent local Freemason, cleared Franklin or the St. John’s Lodge, but after Jones and Remington were found guilty of manslaughter, there exists very few entries in the group’s log, “Libr B.”99 99 “Libr B,” HSP. Van Doren is the first of Franklin biographers to mention the Rees Affair. Van Doren, Benjamin Franklin, 132. See also James A. Sappenfield, “The Bizarre Death of Daniel Rees and the Continuity of Franklin Criticism,” Early American Literature, 4, No. 2 (Fall, 1969): 73-85. Sappenfield’s account is a far more academic treatment than those of the mason-historians Sache, Johnson and Coil. Lemay extensively uses Sappenfield’s account, but clears Franklin of complicity. Making no mention of Jones’ affiliation with the St. John’s Lodge, he treats Bradford’s criticism of the masons lightly. Lemay, Vol. II, 288-298. Waldstreicher uses this event to show how by 1738, Franklin has fully transcended his class identity from an indenture to a businessman. His sympathies for Rees, an ambitious indentured servant like his former self, are non-existent, outweighed by concerns for the type of public image required of eighteenth century businessmen. Waldstreicher, Runaway America, 111-112. Of these, only Sappenfield mentions the involvement of Judge Allen, but not as an associate of Franklin and not as a Freemason. 39 Johnson asserts that, “The prejudice induced by the mock initiation…was so great that the activities of the fraternity of Pennsylvania ceased so far as we can learn until June 28, 1749.”100 While this may be technically true, masons continued to attend Library Meetings and were a part of the formation of the Union Fire Company, City Watch and the Insurance Society. Following the Rees affair, the closing of the Freemasonry ranks included a pursuit of lodge authentication. Not just anybody should be able to claim to be a Mason. Boston Freemason records show that Franklin visited them on June 8, 1743.101 He had perhaps three agenda items for his Boston brothers. First, the Rees trail was covered by Bradford’s allies at the Boston Evening Post, The New England Weekly Journal and Boston Weekly Newsletter, so Franklin may have still been repairing his Masonic reputation.102 On this trip he also put a good word in for William Allen. At their very next meeting, Allen was admitted to the Boston Lodge, though there is no record that he ever attended a meeting or was ever even in Boston. As a business asset, it is also not clear if Allen worked with any of Boston’s Freemasons in any of his numerous business transactions. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the Boston lodge had a certification power that kept Franklin coming back. There was a distinction to be made between the upscale networking clubs like the St. John’s Lodge, seeped in Masonic principle and tradition, and rogue Mason dinner clubs. Franklin’s relationship with the Boston group 100 Johnson, FREEMASONRY, 205. Sache claims the lack of Masonic coverage in the Gazette after Rees was due to Franklin’s delegation of those decisions to non-Masonic assistants. Sache, Franklin as a Freemason, 80. 101 Johnson, FREEMASONRY, 273. 102 Lemay, Vol. III, 295. Johnson, FREEMASONRY, 176. 40 continued to be strong and in June 1749, they named Franklin Provincial Grand Master for of all of Pennsylvania. Pursuing a similar goal with his connections in England, William Allen was named Provincial Grand Master by Lord Byron. In March of 1750, Franklin yielded to Allen in a non-contentious manner.103 The transfer of power from Franklin to Allen was either an act of pragmatic deference or an arrangement that was pre-orchestrated. Recognizing Allen as the real founder and likely his own sponsor for entry into the St. John’s Lodge, Franklin may not have wanted to raise the notorious ire of Allen at this point in his career. Just as likely, Allen and Franklin were working for the same thing—legitimacy for their lodge. While complementary to the power struggle themes of this thesis, in 1749 Franklin still required Allen’s support on too many projects for him to have risked a coup among Pennsylvania’s Freemasons. At the beginning of their fall-out in the summer of 1755, Allen and Franklin celebrated one of their most formidable collaborations. In a St. John’s day parade, they celebrated the opening of the St. John’s Masonic Hall, a building planned and built for over three years on the south side of Norris Alley (now Sansom Street) between Second and Front Streets.104 As the earliest of Franklin’s projects would involve William Allen as a mason brother, so did their last project together, the new Masonic lodge. 103 Van Doren, Benjamin Franklin, 132. Coil, Six Centuries, 120. 104 Sache, Franklin as a Freemason, 90. Lemay Vol. III, 438-440. 41 CHAPTER 6 1739-1749: ALLEN’S BEHAVIOR IN PUBLIC To understand the contentious behavior of William Allen in the mid 1750s, as well as Franklin’s political ascent, one needs to look at the prior decade and Allen’s feud with the Quaker assembly. This fight began after the abdication of the Proprietary Party from the legislature in 1739. Andrew Hamilton’s retirement, as well as the decisions of his son James and Allen to not seek a tenth term was based in a desire to concentrate on their businesses. They mistakenly believed that they could return to political office whenever they wished. The depth of Allen’s enmity to the Quakers in the 1750s stemmed from his political failure to reenter the Assembly in 1740 and 1741. Allen was investigated for his role in the election riot of 1742 by sailors presumably in his employ. He was tried by Quaker politicians in a humiliating episode.105 His reputation as “a bully” was further compounded by the dangerous but lucrative practice of trading under truce with Spanish ships during King George’s War.106 It was an illicit activity that defined Allen’s primary loyalties and was condemned by both Proprietary and Quaker politicians.107 105 Norman S. Cohen, “The Philadelphia Election Riot of 1742,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 92 (July, 1968): 306-309. Cohen leaves some room for doubt concerning Allen’s culpability for the riot. As the largest employer of sailors in Pennsylvania, it’s hard to imagine their political actions on his behalf were made without his and/or Turner’s consent. A search of port documents, however, does not reveal any of Allen or Turner’s ships docked on the Delaware during the riot. 106 In this scheme, British merchant vessels would rendezvous at sea with Spanish merchants to ostensively to exchange prisoners. There real purpose was to circumvent the high prices and slow markets associated with the war economy. In this way, Allen brought cheap Spanish Caribbean goods (sugar, molasses, slaves, etc.) to market in Philadelphia. 107 Horle, Vol. III, 248. 42 In 1740, the impact that the war had on Philadelphia and its specific threat to Allen’s commercial interests inspired a defense-oriented political platform.108 Out of religious conviction, the Quaker party refused to fund the military defense of the Province. This and the authority to print paper money were at the center of the battle between the governor and the legislature. These circumstances would be repeated when Allen’s real estate interests were similarly threatened in his conflict with the pacifist Quaker Assembly in 1755-1756. The impasse in both periods, though with different levels of satisfaction for Allen, would be mitigated by Benjamin Franklin. In response to the threat posed by England’s European enemies, Franklin wrote and published a pamphlet called Plain Truth that addressed the stalemate over defensive measures. It is a document that echoes the same aggressive lack of deference shown to Franklin’s proprietary sponsors in The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency. Having served the Quaker grandees in the Assembly for over 10 years as the Clerk of the Assembly, he understood their concerns. By this time he had also worked on municipal improvements with his Mason brothers, proprietary office holding merchants like Allen, who were outside the Assembly.109 Following a dismissal of the Quaker position on defense in the province, Plain Truth turns to lambaste the same proprietary placemen he needed for support on his various municipal improvements. And is our Prospect better, if we turn our Eyes to the Strength of the opposite Party, those Great and rich Men, Merchants and others, who 108 King George’s War (also called War of Jenkins’ Ear) war was the early part of the larger War of Austrian Succession, 1739-1748. 109 By this time Franklin had had Allen and other Proprietary Party member’s full support in starting the Library Company (July, 1931), the Union Fire Company (December, 1736) and the American Philosophical Society (May, 1744). 43 are ever railing at Quakers for doing what their Principles seem to require, and what in Charity we ought to believe they think their Duty, but take no one Step themselves for the Publick Safety? They have so much Wealth and Influence, if they would use it, that they might easily, by their Endeavours and Example, raise a military Spirit among us, make us fond, studious of, and expert in Martial Discipline, and effect every Thing that is necessary, under God, for our Protection. But Envy seems to have taken Possession of their Hearts, and to have eaten out and destroyed every generous, noble, Publick-spirited Sentiment. Rage at the Disappointment of their little Schemes for Power, gnaws their Souls, and fills them with such cordial Hatred to their Opponents, that every Proposal, by the Execution of which those may receive Benefit as well as themselves, is rejected with Indignation.110 Plain Truth negotiated Quaker approval of a voluntary militia, the Associators, which recognized conscientious objection and non-participation of Quakers. On the other side of the political aisle, Franklin’s “shaming” of Allen in Plain Truth worked.111 Franklin’s ingenuity in this matter gathered the support of many of Thomas Penn’s supporters, although not Penn himself. William Allen ran the lottery that funded the project in similar fashion to previous municipal improvements. As recalled in his Autobiography (and detailed above), it is at this point that Franklin and Allen traveled to New York with revenues from the Associators lottery in order to buy cannons from, and drink with, the Governor of New York. The battery of 20 cannons would be built on property owned by Allen in Wicaco (now Pennsport, South Philadelphia).112 Penn reacted in a threatened manner. “This association is founded on a Contempt of Government, and cannot end in anything but Anarchy and Confusion,” said the 110 “Plain Truth,” Franklin Papers, vol. 3, 188-204. Printed in Pennsylvania Gazette, November 17, 1747. 111 Houston, Politics of Improvement, 77. 112 Horle, Vol. III, 249. 44 Proprietor. The Association’s supporters, especially Franklin but his placeman as well, were guilty of “little less than Treason.”113 1748 marked a new era in the constitutional conflict between the Quaker dominated Pennsylvania Assembly and the Executive Council directed by the now sole Proprietor, Thomas Penn.114 William Allen’s brother-in-law, James Hamilton, was named Governor by Penn. As a member of Hamilton’s Executive Council, Allen was brought closer to the fight than he had been since his disgrace in 1742. Also in this year, a 42-year-old Franklin retired from the day-today operations of his printing business to focus on civic duties and scientific research. His partner David Hall would continue to take political and editorial direction from Franklin in the publishing of the Pennsylvania Gazette. With more available time, Franklin gained even more patronage and appreciation from Allen. Conversely, Franklin’s reliance on Allen would become less absolute. This would be manifest in the concurrent ideas of a non- denominational school and a voluntary hospital for the working poor. 113 Penn to Peters, March 30, 1748. Franklin Papers, Vol. 3, 180. Alan Houston argues that this foiled a gambit by Penn in his constitutional battle with the Quaker Assembly—the Association got the Quakers out of a their responsibility to arm the province. Houston, Politics of Improvement, 100-101. 114 John Penn, Thomas’s brother, died in 1746 making Thomas the sole heir of the province. Thomas Penn would remain in Pennsylvania until 1751, when, with his family fortune restored, he returned to England. There, he would renounce the Society of Friends and join the Church of England. 45 CHAPTER 7 THE ACADEMY OF PHILADELPHIA: FOUNDERS AND FATHERS In 1743, Franklin presented the Junto with some ideas for an academy and charitable school. Though none of these writings have survived, Franklin indicates that he modified his concept before issuing Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania. 115 As with their other public works projects, the next task was to target the men most likely to fund the enterprise. As a fellow mason, an advertising customer of the Gazette and a high profile patron of many other municipal improvements, Franklin undoubtedly had William Allen at the top of this list. Franklin solicited subscriptions ranging from £6 to £75 and with the province’s Attorney General, drafted a constitution for the school.116 On November 11, 1749, led by Allen and Franklin, 23 of these men ratified a constitution and became the institution’s first board of directors. 117 For Allen, the incentive to participate in the school was greater than with any of the previous projects he had sponsored. In the 1740s, urban Quakers, in keeping with their increasing gentility, generated schooling that emphasized the work of the “Latin School” at the expense of the English Department. For a period of time, and perhaps only on certain occasions, Allen would load his sons Andrew, James and John into the coach for a ride into town. Bridenbaugh describes how the Quakers facilitated one of 115 Autobiography, Part Three, 108. 116 Thomas Harrison Montgomery, A History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Foundation to 1770 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1900), 51. 117 There were not 24 directors as is universally cited. James Logan was not present and although he was one of the founding board members, he never attended a board meeting. His approval of the Charter would have been by proxy and, as a Quaker; he would not have taken the oath required of other board members. 46 Allen’s fatherly duties: on the way to the Common Pleas Courthouse at Second and High Streets, his finest of coaches would pull up to the no-frills Quaker School House to deliver them to the Latin School. By mid century, the overseers, influenced by the desire of urban Quakers to acquire the classical hallmarks of their increasing gentility, were tending to emphasize the work of the “Latin School” at the expense of the English Department. This attracted people like Allen to enroll his sons.118 During and after the election riot disturbances, both Allen and the Quaker schoolmasters must have found this arrangement to be a very unsettling. So when the prospect of a non- sectarian school providing classical training became a real possibility, Allen was very interested. And as a real estate mogul, he was in a unique position to help. The “New Building” at Fourth and Arch Streets was intended to hold the popular sermons of George Whitefield when he was in town and provide for a charity school when he was not. As this location of the Academy of Philadelphia was not ready for the first school year, Allen provided one of his warehouses for the students and masters as a temporary space for classes.119 The following page lists the 24 original trustees (including Logan) and their contributions to the school. William Allen’s participation on the Board of Trustees of The Academy of Philadelphia was that of an inspired parent. He not only placed his own sons in the Academy but, from 1751 to 1756, he sponsored eight other boys as well. As example of Allen’s generosity, when Trustee William Plumstead could no longer afford 118 Bridenbaugh, Rebels and Gentlemen, 32. 119 Gordon, “College” Dissertation, 92. 47 Table 1. Founders And Fathers Original Trustees Tuition Terms: 1751 1755 Parent Sponsor Intial Subscrip- tions 1 William Allen 33 Parent: John, Andrew, James Philamen Chew, Nathanial Irish, James Heath, William Kendall, Josiah Martin, William Martin, Samual Martin, £75 2 Thomas White 22 Parent: William John Hall, Basil Dorsey, Aqila Paca, William Paca, Alexander Lawson £6 3 Thomas Lawrence 16 Parent: Thomas Jr John Harris Cruger, Abraham Walton, Gerard Walton, Jospeh Reed £15 4 Thomas Bond 14 Parent: Thomas Jr, John, Samual Chew, John Chew, Nottley Young, Samuel Stringer £15 5 Richard Peters 13 Parent: William, Richard Jr. Charles Allen, Henry Lowes, Thomas Mackeral, William Thomson £10 6 Wiiliam Plumbstead 12 Parent: Thomas John Snow, George Good, George Davis, William Davis £15 7 John Inglis 11 Parent: John Jr., Samual I; George Huston, Benjamin Wynkoop £10 8 Tench Francis 10 Parent: Turbot Tench Tilghman, James Ward £10 9 Philip Syng 9 Parent: Joseph Syng James Bright, Josiah Langdale; £6 10 Charles Willing 8 Parent: Charles Jr., Richard £15 11 William Shippen 7 Parent: Joseph, John £10 12 Thomas Hopkinson 5 Parent: Francis 13 William Masters 5 Parent: William Jr £20 14 Sam McCall 5 Parent: John £15 15 Benjamin Franklin 4 Samuel Parker, John Porter, Edward Pryce Wilmer £10 16 Phineas Bond 3 Parent: Thomas Thomas Weams £10 17 Lloyd Zachery 1 John Darland £20 18 William Coleman 0 £10 19 Thomas Leech 0 £6 20 James Logan 0 21 Joshua Maddox 0 £10 22 Robert Strettels 0 £10 23 Abraham Taylor 0 £15 24 Joseph Turner 0 £50 48 to sponsor George and William Davis, Allen picked up their sponsorships.120 He was also the biggest subscriber at the onset of the schools planning in 1749.121 He was the architect of a large donation from the City Corporation. With this largess, William Allen would have had a sense of entitlement when it came to the affairs of the school and its Board of Trustees. Half of the school board members who (including the unlisted Thomas Cadwalader who was not an original trustee) voted on May 11th were fathers of students attending the institution. They were happy with William Smith’s direction of the school. Although Franklin had been an admirer of Smith’s treatise on education, A General Idea on the College of Marania, and had aggressively recruited him to run the school, by the spring of 1756 Smith and Franklin were quite openly at odds with one another. An ambitious Anglican minister, Smith curried favor with Thomas Penn and William Allen by writing incendiary partisan pamphlets that attacked Franklin and the Quaker ruled Assembly. 120 Tuition Book, University of Pennsylvania archives. 121 Montgomery, History of the University, 157. 49 CHAPTER 8 THE SIX-SIDED FIGHT AND THE PREASURES OF WAR Shortly after the chartering of the College, events in the province produced a complicated fight between its Chief Proprietor Thomas Penn; Governor James Hamilton and his successor Robert Morris; the traditional anti-war faction of the Quaker Party led by Israel Pemberton; the more practical and larger wing of the Quaker Party led by Isaac Norris; the Proprietary Party led by William Allen and Richard Peters, who at various points could support neither Penn nor his governors; and Franklin, whose rising political equity would run out of middle ground to mediate the differences between the contesting parties. By the mid-50s, at their most basic level, these issues were two-fold: authority over spending bills and the colonial Indian policy. The first of these issues had a direct effect on the proprietor’s support of the academy and the hospital. Pennsylvania Hospital and the Academy had interconnecting roles in the political conflicts between the Proprietor Thomas Penn and the Quaker dominated Assembly. In 1751, the matching funds bill that was passed by the Assembly had the effect of challenging the Proprietor’s authority.122 Thomas Penn had instructed 122 Franklin congratulates himself on this ingenuity in his Autobiography, Part Three, 122-123. But as with many “Franklin firsts,” the plan for “the government to match funds raised by private contributions was not new. In London in 1544, funds for St. Bartholomew’s Hospital were raised in this manner.” Williams, America’s First Hospital, 152. This was the period between King Henry VIII seizure of the hospital from the Catholic Church and the rechartering of hospitals in 1546. In turning the St. Bartholomew over to the city, “some of the property of the hospital was granted with it, but the house needed to be refurnished, and to a large extent to be re-endowed, and the citizens made liberal donations to this work.” William Page, ed. 'Hospitals: St Bartholomew', A History of the County of London: Volume 1: London within the Bars, Westminster and Southwark (London, Victoria County History, 1909), 520-25. 50 his Governor to pass no more money bills until he had “veto power over any expenditures the Assembly planned for the income.”123 He was denied this veto as it would have been unseemly to kill the funding of a badly needed hospital. Penn’s attempts to control the management of the hospital were rebuffed. To soothe his benefactor, Executive Council Secretary Richard Peters offered Penn oversight of the school through a proprietary charter. Leaving the constitution of the school intact, Penn also supported the Academy’s Charter of 1751 with needed money. His designs to control the institutional development of the city would become more meddlesome with Provost William Smith as his advocate. The funding and management of the hospital, like the militia in 1747, were primarily the doings of Benjamin Franklin in his growing role as the proprietor’s main antagonist. In response to the French capture of Fort Duquesne the previous April, General Edward Braddock arrived in America on February 18, 1755. Through Lord Cumberland, Braddock was informed of Thomas Penn’s position against the Quaker-led assembly. None of the paper money or spending bill nuances of the local politics meant anything to Braddock. The pacifists were impeding his mission, and he was furious. At the same time, the Quaker Society of Friends in London were concerned their own legislative prerogatives were being threatened through a non-adherence to the Crown’s foreign policy. Currying favor with the War ministry, both the Proprietary Party and the Quaker Party, which was no longer exclusively a bastion of Quaker Friends, knew that the future of the province was at stake. 123 Gordon, “College” Dissertation, 34. 51 In March 1755, Governor Morris called upon the Assembly to pass an appropriation bill. The Assembly required that any spending bills would need the Governor to sign a paper money bill that was the life-blood of the Assembly’s power; this had been stalled for many years. Franklin engineered a bill that used Quaker credit to issue £15,000 for “the King’s use” as support for Braddock. This transpired without the participation of Governor Morris, a maneuver that cast the recalcitrant proprietor as the problem. It was also in the form of non-military support, so the Quaker-principled legislators could remain unconflicted. To be able to sort through this six-sided fight, it is important to distinguish between the interests of the Proprietor Thomas Penn, the Governor Robert Hunter Morris (who succeeded James Hamilton) and the Proprietary Party headed by William Allen. For years, the issue of constitutional authority on spending bills had been one of precedence for Penn. His governors had handled Penn’s instructions differently: Hamilton had hid the Proprietors intentions while Morris was belligerent with them. Unlike most of the merchant office holders, for whom the proprietary fees represented a significant amount of their income, William Allen donated his stipend as Chief Justice to charity.124 Allen was able to operate independently and, as was the case in the War of Jenkins’ Ear in the 1740s, his commercial interests were paramount as the French and Indian War approached. Following the “walking purchase” and other indignities, displaced Delaware Indian groups allied with the French in the Ohio River Valley. Attacks on British 124 Bridenbaugh, Rebels and Gentlemen, 312. 52 settlements were gruesome and politically explosive. In 1754, the French seized Fort Duquesne at the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers in present day Pittsburgh and were poised to block western expansion by British merchants and speculators from Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania. Following the military defeat of one of these speculators, a young George Washington, a multi-theater war broke out between France and England. In the first volley of what would become the largest ever projection of military power across the Atlantic, the British sent Edward Braddock to command an assault on the French in western Pennsylvania.125 With vast land holdings in Lancaster, Allen set aside the political one-upsmanship going on in Philadelphia to support Braddock’s Western Pennsylvania campaign. In concert with the Assembly’s April bill, Franklin convinced Allen to direct the constables and court officials under his supervision in Lancaster to procure needed provisions, wagons and horses for Braddock’s war effort. By being in contact directly with Braddock’s supply officers, Franklin took a disproportionate amount of the credit from Allen, whose contribution was behind the scenes. 126 Concurrent with the building of the new Masonic lodge, it would be the last thing on which they would ever work on together. As the rhetorical war between William Smith and Benjamin Franklin escalated, as well as that between Governor Morris and the Franklin led Assembly, the potential for any future projects between Franklin and Allen soured. 125 Fred Anderson, Crucible of War: The Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British North America: 1754-1766 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000). 126 Van Doren and Ketcham give Franklin all the credit for supplying Braddock. It was this very same perception at the time that upset Allen so much. Van Doren, Benjamin Franklin, 230. Ketcham, Benjamin Franklin, 93-94. 53 In April of 1755, the pamphlet “A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania” became the talk of the town. An anonymously written and London published pamphlet, the Proprietary Party’s position against the Quaker stance on defense spending was articulated here in a most provocative manner. Calling the Quakers’ conduct “political intrigues under the mask of religion,” the treatise also falsely attacked the Quakers’ German allies as being in league with the French. It suggested that without a law banning “such ignorant, proud, stubborn Clowns” from government, the province would surely fall to the French and the Catholic Church.127 The Quaker Party responded in two ways. The pamphlet supported Governors Hamilton and Morris’s particular position on tax bills, a parochial issue which was not an issue in England; thus Isaac Norris and the practical wing of the Old Party suspected that it had not been written in London but by members of the local Proprietary Party, if not Governor Morris himself. A Franklin/Norris political strategy formed in order to counter this proprietary bigotry. The more devout elements of the party, led by Israel Pemberton, moved towards a stricter adherence to Quaker principles and a closing of the ranks. Some would decline to seek reelection in 1755. Others, including Pemberton, would resign mid-term in June 1756 and leaving all public life outside the Society of Friends. In May of 1755, the Assembly asked Franklin to write a response to the Governor’s disparaging letter on the independent spending bill for which the Assembly was getting full political credit. He wrote: On the whole; while we find the Governor transforming our best Actions into Crimes; and endeavouring to render the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania 127 Francis Jennings, Benjamin Franklin, Politician; The Mask and The Man (New York: W.W. Norton and Company 1996). 106-107. 54 odious to our gracious Sovereign and his Ministers, to the British Nation, to all the neighbouring Colonies, and to the Army that is come to protect us; we cannot look upon him as a Friend to this Country.128 It was language that must have outraged Allen because his assistance in supplying Braddock was done in a non-partisan spirit. Franklin was essentially labeling Morris a traitor as well as crediting the Friends in the Assembly with supplying Braddock. Allen’s anti-Quaker position hardened; his antipathy for Franklin became irresolvable.129 The connection between the school and the onset of the ‘paper war’ was not yet apparent to Franklin. In a letter to Peter Collinson in June of 1755, Franklin was still buoyant about the school and his Provost William Smith. He told Collinson, “Our Academy goes on very well. Our Friend Smith will be very serviceable there.” In the same letter, however, Franklin is weary of the fight between his two sets of friends. I send you … our late Votes. In yours of Aug. 4, you express your Concern that such trifling Punctilio’s in our Publick Affairs should obstruct necessary Measures. You will see more of the same Trifling in these Votes, on both sides. I am heartily sick of our present Situation: I like neither the Governor’s Conduct nor the Assembly’s, and having some Share in the Confidence of both, I have endeavour’d to reconcile ’em, but in vain, and between ’em they make me very uneasy.130 On July 9, 1755 the stakes were raised by the defeat of Braddock. The funding of defensive measures for the province took the impasse on spending bills to a much higher level. Dr. Fothergil and other London Quakers urged their brethren in the Pennsylvania 128 Pennsylvania Assembly Reply to the Governor, May 17, 1755. Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives, 1754-1755 (Philadelphia, 1755). Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 262. 129 Interestingly, Franklin and Morris remained friends, sharing meals frequently at night, and then returning to the political scrum the next day. 130 Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, June 26, 1755. Franklin Papers, Vol. 6, 216. 55 Assembly to either support the defensive measure or face exclusion.131 A £50,000 spending bill was passed that for the first time included, at Franklin’s insistence, the taxing of Proprietary lands. Again seen as a bad precedent for Penn, Morris rejected the bill, again appearing to obstruct the passage of a defense bill. While the petitions for help from the frontier piled up, the Proprietary Party started a campaign of retribution to have Franklin removed as Postmaster. The Brief State and the taxation of proprietary lands sharply polarized the province leading up to the October 1755 elections. Both the Militia Bill and the spending bill remained in limbo. Despite inflammatory fear mongering and anti-Catholic campaigning by Richard Peters, William Smith and others in the Proprietary Party, the October 1755 election was a resounding victory for the Quaker Party. Holding on to its Philadelphia seats in the Assembly and replacing old Quakers with new, the Quakers also picked up seats in the out-laying areas. Westerners, primarily German and Scotch Irish tenants, rejected their landlords’ interests as represented by the Proprietary Party. At this stage, a furiously paced drama unfolded with Franklin at his political zenith. Following the defeat of Braddock, Secretary of State Thomas Robinson told Penn that his failure to support the defense of the province would hurt his position in Parliament.132 The Assembly passed Franklin's Militia Bill on November 25, approving £6o,ooo for defense. The spending bill included a tax on proprietary lands; however, this 131 Jennings, Benjamin Franklin. 108. 132 Ralph Ketcham, “Conscience, War, and Politics in Pennsylvania, 1755-1757” William and Mary Quarterly, (July 1963): 421. 56 was replaced by a “gift” from Thomas Penn.133 In a legislative slight of hand, the £5,000 gift from Penn ended up being in the form of uncollectible quitrents. Infuriated, Franklin was not able to stop the gift’s acceptance “in lieu of a tax.” The Militia Bill of 1756 had many of the same features of the Associators Bill in 1749: the direct election of officers, the recognition of conscientious objection and the lack of a disciplinary code. And with the October scalping of 13 settlers and the abduction of 12 of their children, the urgency for defensive measures reminded Pennsylvanians of the Christiana attacks by the Spanish raiders that created an urgency for defensive measures in the 1740s. Penn had vigorously opposed the Associators in 1749 and Franklin’s role in its formation, saying of Franklin, He is a dangerous Man and I should be very Glad he inhabited any other country, as I believe him of a very uneasy Spirit, however he is a Sort of Tribune of the People, he must be treated with regard.134 While the Associators had elected Allen a post of Colonel in its previous incarnation, Allen called the 1755 version of the militia “a solemn farce.”135 Like the October Assembly election, the class composition of this militia promised not to favor the Proprietary Party. But significantly, and for the first time ever, Pennsylvania had both an army and the means to supply it. 133 Penn Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Thomas Penn to Robert Hunter Morris, September 19, 1755. 134 Regarding the Associators of 1749, see above, page 53, and Houston, Politics of Improvement, 60-105. Thomas Penn to Robert Hunter Morris, September 19, 1755. Penn Papers, HSP. Robert Middlekauff, Benjamin Franklin and his Enemies (Berkeley: University of California, 1996), 35. 135 William Allen to Fernando Paris, November 25, 1755. Burd Papers, 30. 57 The anonymous paper war would escalate in the fall of 1755. Franklin still did not believe Smith to be the Author of the Brief State: “Our Friend Smith is not thought here to be the Author of the Pamphlet you mention.”136 Emboldened by the election, the writers continued to attack the piece. December’s anonymously written “Tit for Tat” attacked the Brief and implicated Smith in its authorship. 137 A likewise-anonymous piece called the “XYZ Dialogue” defended the Militia Act in a language similar to Franklin’s. 138 136 Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, Oct. 7, 1755. Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 217. 137 Ralph L. Ketcham, “Benjamin Franklin and William Smith: New Light on an Old Philadelphia Quarrel,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (April, 1964): 425. 138 “A Dialogue between X, Y, and Z,” The Pennsylvania Gazette, December 18, 1755. Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 295-306. 58 CHAPTER 9 OUT OF TOWN Furthering his patriotic image, Franklin traveled to the frontier with his son William (now 28 and Clerk of the Assembly) as his aide to build forts and organize defenses. Away from Philadelphia, December 18th to February 5th, Franklin returned to that persona that some of his proprietary friends, and even Governor Morris, could appreciate. He was conciliatory, actually building and dedicating a fort to Allen in Western Pennsylvania. “This Day we hoisted your Flag, made a general Discharge of our Pieces, which had been long loaded, and of our two Swivels, and named the Place Fort Allen in Honor of our old Friend.”139 This letter clearly shows that, within three months of the Allen-directed school vote, Franklin still thought of Allen in positive terms. Allen however was no longer feeling reciprocally practical nor generous toward Mr. Franklin. Forced through the election to find ways to work with the Pemberton faction of the Old Party, Allen was loathing politics.140 In a letter to Penn, Richard Peters lamented, “It is a Pity that Mr. Allen is in so bad a humor, for I think with Prudence and a decent and honorable coalition of his and the Quakers Interest, all Mr. Franklin’s Schemes may be frustrated.”141 139 Franklin to “unspecified” from Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten Jan. 25, 1756. Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 367. 140 The Pemberton faction adhered to the peace testimony of the Quaker Meeting and opposed the more defense oriented Norris faction that worked with Franklin. 141 Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, January 5, 1756. Penn Papers, HSP. 59 Upon his return from fort building, Franklin was elected Colonel in the City Regiment provided by the new Militia Act and the conflict was renewed. Governor Morris delayed Franklin’s commission so that Smith could organize a rival militia. The polarization over the issue of proprietary estate taxes carried harsh rhetoric that marked a pre-election stalemate. With both Smith and Franklin camps arming themselves, the situation had a potential to escalate into a civil war. On February 25th, Franklin mustered his troops to confront Smith’s group, who was ironically using the name of Franklin’s old militia, “the Associators.” Smith’s anti-pacifist, anti-militia cadre scheduled a rally at the College of Philadelphia. Leading an armed regiment a quarter mile through town to the school, Franklin’s 600-700 men greatly outnumbered Smith’s group causing the latter to lock the doors and disperse.142 It was a ridiculous confrontation.143 Borrowing from Francis Jennings’ portrayal of the event, it featured a bald and bespeckled philosopher leading a rag-tag bunch of marginally armed, untrained, un-uniformed and certainly non- academic youth to a school that he had founded and was still president of—for a showdown that never happened. A week later, Franklin’s militia officers would escort him, swords drawn, on a parade out of the city. This began Franklin’s six-week trip of post office business. It was a working vacation, and Benjamin Franklin was basking in the glory of the season. “I find my self in the midst of Spring; Peaches on the Trees as big as Kidney 142 Jennings, Benjamin Franklin. 136. Hawke, Franklin, 145. 143 For a more serious view, Ketcham, “Conscience, War,” 426. 60 Beans, and Asparagus on the Tables they say they have had these three Weeks.”144 While on a trip with his slave Peter and Co-Postmaster Robert Hunter, Franklin wrote his wife Deborah from Williamsburg. “[I] have been well ever since [leaving], quite clear of the Dizziness I complain’d of, and as gay as a Bird, not beginning yet to long for home, the Worry of perpetual Business being yet fresh in my Memory.”145 He attended a reception with Colonel George Washington; at another made, the acquaintance of Virginia statesman George Wythe; and received an honorary degree from William and Mary College. It was a journey that must certainly have had a restorative effect on Franklin.146 Philadelphia’s “perpetual business” had been wearing on him. Franklin’s political acumen had been tested over the past year, running the gauntlet between separate sets of friends and allies on a wide range of provincial issues. This competition had been successfully navigated by Franklin for many years, but at the onset of the French and Indian War the issues between Pennsylvania’s Quaker and Proprietary parties had presented him with an insurmountable polemic. Since the defeat of General Edward Braddock the previous summer, the decade old power struggles between the Assembly and the Proprietor had taken on a more dire significance. At stake was the fundamentally constitutional issue of whether Pennsylvania would continue as a proprietary holding or would the government need to become a more functional royal colony. 144 Franklin Papers, Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, March 25, 1756. Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 427. 145 Franklin Papers, Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, March 30, 1756. Franklin Papers, vol. 6, 429. 146 Hawke, Franklin, 146-147. 61 The doctrinal pacifism of Pennsylvania Quakers, enforced politically by the sect’s annual meeting, presented a governing dilemma for Isaac Norris, Israel Pemberton and the Quaker elites who had, since the inception of the province, dominated its legislative process. Distrusting of the Executive Council and the Governor, they had steadfastly refused to appropriate war funding until the previous fall. While unable to prove it, the Quaker Party suspected that the proprietor had instructed a succession of Governors to sign no bills authorizing issuance of paper currency, which was the life-blood of the Assembly’s power. The political stalemate was viewed with outrage by cash-starved entrepreneurs as well as western Pennsylvania settlers under attack by Indians. Having been fooled by Thomas Penn with funding that was an illusion, Franklin and the Assembly developed a new position that advocated a divestment of proprietary powers and a take over of Pennsylvania by the Crown. As the Assembly’s agent in London following his departure from Philadelphia in 1757, Franklin advocated the divestment of the proprietor. But in the spring of 1756, Franklin still hoped for a middle ground. Indeed, his political power as leader of the Quaker Party was rooted in his ability to find acceptable compromises between the peace testimony of Quaker pacifism and the Proprietary Party’s claims that Quakers were unfit for public service in times of war. While not physically present, Franklin was never far from the center of these political controversies. In Franklin’s absence, the Mutiny Act was passed by the Pennsylvania Assembly on April 15, 1756. It was “an Act for regulating the Officers and Soldiers commissionated and raised by the Governor for the Defence of this Province,” and was a response to criticism of the voluntary Militia Act passed by the Pennsylvania 62 Assembly November 25, 1755. With that contentious legislation, Franklin was accused of becoming a “military dictator” by proprietary forces. 147 The militia that he legislatively created (and organizationally headed) had no military regulations or disciplinary code.148 When he returned from his working vacation six weeks later, Monday, May 10th, the acrimony had resumed. In his presumed absence, the very next morning, the Board of Directors at the College voted to replace Franklin as their president. Franklin had held that title for seven terms, since the school’s inception. The vote was a slight that Franklin would resent for the rest of his life. Franklin’s absences from the College and Academy’s board meetings were ostensively the reason for the change. But that is not the way Franklin saw it. From London three years later, Franklin wrote one of the school’s teachers about his demise. Before I left Philadelphia everything to be done in the Academy was privately preconcerted in a cabal, without my knowledge or participation, and accordingly carried into execution. The Schemes of Public Parties made it seem requisite to lessen my Influence wherever it could be lessened. The Trustees had reap'd the full Advantage of my Head, Hands, Heart and Purse, in getting through the first Difficulties of the Design, and when they thought they could do without me, they laid me aside.149 147 Hanna, Pennsylvania Politics. 110-116. 148 Another relevant example of Franklin’s legislative power, even while he was gone that spring, is the Pennsylvania Assembly’s passage on March 9, 1756 of a Franklin bill to provide night watchmen and street lighting for Philadelphia. It would be among the last on a long list of municipal improvements initiated by Franklin, promoted by his printing business and sponsored by his connections in the elite circles of Philadelphia society. 149 Franklin to Ebenezer Kinnersley, July 28, 1759. Franklin Papers, vol. 8, 415. In the late 1740s, Ebenezer Kinnersley worked with Franklin on various electricity experiments. In the fall of 1753, as president of the Academy of Philadelphia, Franklin hired Kinnersley to be the rector of the Academy’s English School. While an innovative scientist, he was, by all accounts, not a very good teacher. In a 1759 letter that has since been lost, Kinnersley wrote his friend in England. He may have referenced the poor shape of the English School, as it elicited this response from Franklin. The manuscript of this has not been 63 The May 11th vote had marked the end of this relationship and Franklin’s primary occupation with local Philadelphia issues. Leaving within the year of the vote, Franklin would spend less than two of the next 18 years in Philadelphia. Coinciding with his admission into the Royal Society for his discoveries in electricity, Franklin graduated from a local political figure to an international celebrity. No longer a conciliator between the pro and anti-proprietary interests, Franklin at this point takes up the cause of the Royal takeover of Pennsylvania. found: the Papers editors note “ MS not found; reprinted from The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XIII (1889), 247-8. 64 CHAPTER 10 HISTORIANS MISS THE MEETING The May 11, 1756 vote at the College is a significant omission in the history of Franklin. It is not treated as the end-of-an-era in his life. While many of Franklin biographers cover their subject’s March through May 1756 trip on “post office matters,” as well as the legislative wrangling over the French and Indian war raging in Western Pennsylvania, very few put these issues into the context of the vote by the Board of Directors of the College to remove Franklin as their President.150 In fairness to these historians, their subject tasks them with a lot of life to cover. And yet despite so many Franklin histories, his exit from day-to-day politics in Pennsylvania remains under- treated. As a historiographical category separate from that of the Franklinists, each of the institutional histories of the University of Pennsylvania, the school that evolved out of the College of Philadelphia after the revolution, portray the May 11th meeting as something that it was not. By definition, an institutional history of a school must focus on 150 With only a couple of exceptions, the major biographies of Franklin (those that discuss Philadelphia politics of 1755/56) do not refer to the May 11th vote. These include: Alfred Owen Aldridge, Benjamin Franklin Philosopher and Man. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1965); H.W. Brands, The First American; Hanna, Pennsylvania Politics; Walter Isaacson, Benjamin Franklin, An American Life. (New York: Simon and Schuster 2003 2003); Edmund S. Morgan, Benjamin Franklin. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002); Van Doren, Benjamin Franklin; Gordon S. Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin. (New York: Penguin Press, 2004); Esmond Wright, Franklin of Philadelphia. (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1986). Ronald Clark, Benjamin Franklin: A Biography. (New York: Sterling Publishers, 1983); Robert Middlekauff, Benjamin Franklin and His Enemies. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996). The exceptions: Hawke, Franklin and Francis Jennings, Benjamin Franklin, Politician. Both Hawke and Jenkins recognize the political motives in the vote. 65 educational theories, curriculum and facility management issues. But most of these writings also seem to attempt to preserve the school’s uninterrupted association with Franklin. Thomas Harrison Montgomery’s heuristic account of the University of Pennsylvania claims that Franklin resigned from the board.151 While this was the standard interpretation of the May 11th board meeting for most of the 20th century, it is clear that Franklin did not leave the board voluntarily. Forty years after the Montgomery volume, this misconception was reinforced by the next major history of the school. Giving no political weight to the board’s motives in 1756, Edward Potts Cheyney also claimed Franklin “yielded” the presidency.152 Several dissertations round out the field of University of Pennsylvania institutional histories, but only William Turner, a philosophy student at Penn, includes a mention of the vote.153 His account postures Franklin much like Montgomery’s: as a 151 Montgomery, History of the University, 272. Montgomery was hired by the University to write this book. And while Franklin’s resignation is unsubstantiated, Montgomery’s biographical sketches of the schools founders are indispensable. 152 Cheyney, History, 109. Cheyney’s History pushes the political furor of 1756 back to 1758. In this account, the outside issues are inconsequential to Franklin’s replacement as president. Referring to William Smith’s legal troubles with the Assembly in 1758, Cheyney reveals “Franklin was passing from a position of conciliator between parties to the recognized position of principle supporter of colonial against Proprietary claims. He was no longer President of the Board of Trustees of the College, having yielded that position to Mr. Peters in May 1756…” Having left Philadelphia for London in 1757, Franklin was long gone as a conciliator by 1758. 153 William L Turner, “The College, Academy and Charitable School of Philadelphia: The Development of a Colonial Institution of Learning, 1740-1779.” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1952). Ann Dexter Gordon, “The College of Philadelphia 1749-1779: Impact of an Institution.” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1975). Gordon is the standard bearer of the school’s histories, but she does not cover the May 11th vote. George W. Boudreau, “The Surest Foundation of Happiness: Education and society in Franklin's Philadelphia” (Ph.D. Diss., Indiana University, 1998), speaks more to the philosophical underpinnings of Franklin’s role in starting the school and doesn’t discuss the May 11, 1756 vote. 66 great man involved in so many great works that he did not have time for the academy or the college. So, although “he maintained a lively interest [he was so busy that] at the meeting of May 11, 1756, he turned over the presidential gavel to his colleague, Richard Peters who was elected to succeed him.”154 The meeting minutes clearly show that Franklin was not present to turn over anything.155 Those at the meeting surely thought that he was still out of town. It would not be until 1964 that a historian would challenge the idea that Franklin and the College split amicably. Following up on a well-balanced and useful article on the Pennsylvania politics of 1755-1757, Ralph Ketcham wrote an article that ran a scorecard on the Franklin vs. William Smith “paper war.” 156 Smith was introduced to the Academy by Franklin in 1753 and, with the Proprietor’s chartering of the college, became the school’s provost in 1755. As a vitriolic advocate of the Proprietor Thomas Penn, Smith’s friendship with Franklin ended some months prior to Franklin’s expulsion from the school board. Smith’s enmity fueled the May 11th vote. In a footnote, Ketcham calls Montgomery’s supposition of Franklin’s resignation “a questionable conclusion in view of his later resentment at having been pushed out of Academy affairs.”157 Franklin’s “later resentment” finds expression over a period that spans from a few months, to a few years, to within months of his death over 30 years later. In her institutional history of the University of Pennsylvania, Ann Dexter Gordon’s dissertation 154 Turner, “Development” Dissertation, 304. 155 May 11, 1756, Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 156 Ketcham, “Conscience, War,” 416-439. 157 Ketcham, “Benjamin Franklin and William Smith,” 151. 67 gives weight to these writings to support the idea that the curriculum conflict was a primary factor in Franklin’s problems with the school’s Board of Directors. The amount that Franklin wrote on these pedagogical issues make them seem to be at the heart of Franklin’s own assessment of his demise; however, his writings on the matter actually contribute to the misdirection of the historical accounts. 158 In “Tract relative to the English School in Philadelphia,” an unpublished 6,000-word blast of venom (dated a month after his death, but written the summer before), Franklin rehashes the curriculum issues at the school’s founding. It appears by this time pretty clearly from our own Minutes that the original Plan of the English School has been departed from; that the Subscribers to it have been disappointed and deceived, and the Faith of the Trustees not kept with them; that the Publick have been frequently dissatisfied with the Conduct of the Trustees and complained of it; that by the niggardly Treatment of Good Masters, they have been driven out of the School, and the Scholars have followed, while a great Loss of Revenue has been suffered by the Academy; so that the numerous Schools now in the City owe their Rise to our Mismanagement, and that we might as well have had the best Part of the Tuition Money paid into our Treasury that now goes into private Pockets. That there has been a constant Disposition to depress the English School in favour of the Latin; and that every Means to procure a more equitable Treatment has been rendered ineffectual; so that no more Hope remains while they continue to have any Connection. 159 Citing motives of the board members’ “constant Disposition to depress the English School in favour of the Latin,” Franklin avoids the real (and perhaps personal) issues behind the reciprocal hostility that bubbled over on May 11, 1756. 158 This is evident in Gordon’s treatment of the early college. Gordon, “College” Dissertation, 47-82. 159 Franklin Papers, “Unpublished, 1788-92.” www.franklinpapers.org (Feb. 14, 2010). 68 CHAPTER 11. MOTIVATIONS: FRANKLIN’S ABSENTEEISM VS. ALLEN’S POLITICS The notion that Franklin’s absenteeism was the primary cause of his dismissal is offered in both the oldest and most recent analyses of the vote. Attentive to the board meeting minutes throughout his 1900 work, Montgomery quotes the May 11, 1756 minutes to suggest that Franklin’s absenteeism was the reason for his replacement as President. “His (Franklin’s) many absences of late brought some inconvenience to the Trustees, and at the meeting of 11 May 1756, while he was in Virginia, the annual election recurring afforded the opportunity for electing Dr. Peters President for the ensuing year.”160 J.A. Leo Lemay was perhaps the most detail-oriented of Franklin biographers. In The Life Of Benjamin Franklin: Journalist 1706-1730 and The Life of Benjamin Franklin: Printer and Publisher, 1730-1747 students can practically trace Franklin’s life on a day-to-day basis. Prior to the release of The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Volume III in October 2008 (sadly, also the month of his death), Dr. Lemay shared his analysis with the graduate student/author of this paper. While recognizing the political and pedagogical reasons for Franklin’s removal, Lemay gave primacy to his absenteeism as the justification for the May 11th vote. “Of the eleven 1753 meetings, (Franklin) missed four. In 1754, he was gone for eight months, missing seven of the nine meetings. In 160 Montgomery, History of the University, 272. 69 view of that record, it is surprising that he was reelected President on 10 June 1755.”161 Like Montgomery, Turner and Cheney, Lemay seems to take the board minutes at their word. Franklin “lost his influence on the board and was replaced by Peters primarily because he had too many duties that took him out of town for extended periods, especially the position of joint deputy postmaster general of North America. His absences hindered the duties of the trustees.”162 The attendance records reflected in the minutes of the board do not support this view. Any “attendance problem” analysis has to be based on the Board Meeting Minutes. These dispassionately list each meeting’s attendance and the broadest form of its agenda. Looking at the attendance of the board members specifically for the year between May 1755 and 1756, Franklin’s attendance is not exceptional: only slightly below the average for board members.163 While Franklin had been to only one meeting since they reconvened from the summer break in December, his main adversaries on the board, William Allen and Richard Peters, had been to only two meetings: the April meeting, where one might suspect the “cabal” was orchestrated by the anti-Franklinists, and the May 11th meeting. The widely accepted idea that Franklin was replaced as President for attendance reasons is highly suspect when considering the attendance record of Franklin’s successor Richard Peters. Peters was in fact Franklin’s original choice to run the school in 1749. Those were friendlier times. Of the gentlemen who voted, only half of them had more 161 Lemay, Vol. III, 208. 162 Lemay, personal email to author, April 12, 2008. 163 Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 70 Table 2. College of Philadelphia Trustee Attendance Trustees May 13, 1755 June 10, 1755 June 30, 1755 July 11, 1755 Dec. 9, 1755 Jan. 13, 1756 Feb. 10, 1756 Mar. 9, 1756 Apl. 13, 1756 May 11, 1756 William Allen 1 1 1 1 4 40% Phineas Bond 1 1 1 3 30% Thomas Bond 1 1 1 1 1 5 50% William Coleman 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 90% Tench Francis 1 1 2 20% Benjamin Franklin 1 1 1 1 1 5 50% John Inglis 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 70% Thomas Leech 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 90% Joshua Maddox 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 8 80% William Masters 1 1 1 1 4 40% Sam McCall 1 1 1 3 30% Richard Peters 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 60% Wiiliam Plumbstead 0 0% William Shippen 1 1 1 1 1 5 50% Robert Strettels 1 1 1 1 1 5 50% Philip Syng 1 1 10% Abraham Taylor 1 1 2 20% Joseph Turner 1 1 1 1 4 40% Thomas White 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 70% Lloyd Zachery 1 1 10% Thomas Cadwalader 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 8 80% James Hamilton 1 1 1 1 4 40% Alexander Stedman 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 70% John Mifflin 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 70% Average Attendence of the 24 Trustees 4.83 54% Meeting Size 15 16 13 16 11 8 8 3 12 14 11.22 May 1755 - May 1756 10 Meetings than a one meeting advantage over Franklin for the preceding 12 Months. It is unlikely therefore that they would have individually had an issue with Franklin’s attendance, because as busy merchants, theirs was no better. And in addressing the purported 71 problem of Franklin’s attendance on May 11th, the board also voted to give the Senior Trustee presidential powers in the absence of the president. As Peters was the Senior Trustee, this would have solved the attendance problem without removing Franklin. While Franklin had been to only one meeting since they reconvened from the summer break in December, his main adversaries on the board, William Allen and Richard Peters, had been to only two meetings: the April meeting, where one might suspect the “cabal” was orchestrated by the anti-Franklinists, and the May 11th meeting. The widely accepted idea that Franklin was replaced as President for attendance reasons is highly suspect when considering the attendance record of Franklin’s successor Richard Peters. Peters was in fact Franklin’s original choice to run the school in 1749. Those were friendlier times. Of the gentlemen who voted, only half of them had more than a one meeting advantage over Franklin for the preceding 12 Months. It is unlikely therefore that they would have individually had an issue with Franklin’s attendance, because as busy merchants, theirs was no better. And in addressing the purported problem of Franklin’s attendance on May 11th, the board also voted to give the Senior Trustee presidential powers in the absence of the president. As Peters was the Senior Trustee, this would have solved the attendance problem without removing Franklin. The school’s charter called for the election of officers for “terms annual.”164 At the election meeting of June 10, 1755, a majority of the 16 members present reelected Franklin. Whether or not the May 1756 election was announced to the entire board before the meeting seems questionable: The April 13, 1756 meeting minutes do not 164 The new charter was entered into the Academy Board Minutes of April 11, 1755. Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 72 reveal any such election announcement, but it is certain that the May 11, 1756 election occurred one month early. The May 11, 1756 election took place 11 months into Franklin’s seventh and final term. The hostility of Franklin’s former friends, fueled by his rise in the Assembly and their belief that he owed them for years of their patronage, created an environment where having any meetings at all was difficult. University of Pennsylvania Archivist Mark Lloyd points to a gap of five months following Franklin’s reelection in 1755. The Trustees typically did not meet in the summer months and in many years there are no recorded meetings between June and October, but the gap in 1755 does appear to be unusually long. The suggestion that there may have been meetings during this period is strengthened by the observation that pages 63 and 64 of the minute book were left blank, as if some minutes were intended for that space. Nevertheless it appears to me that the right answer is that the Trustees did not meet at all during this five-month interval and that the cause for this may have been the extremely heated political conflict that was waged between Franklin's "Quaker" party and the Proprietary party during this time.165 165 Mark Lloyd, personal email to author, May 8, 2006. 73 CHAPTER 12 THE VOTE AND ITS RESULTS There was no polling of the board of directors’ vote against Franklin, but the minutes of the May 11, 1756 meeting do include its attendance. It was a vote that was dictated by the board members’ proximity to proprietary favor and by looking at the attendance, one can deduce how the voting went. Just as important as who was there is the list of trustees who weren’t there: At the May meeting of the school board Franklin was missing support. The roster of those who voted does not include the Drs. Thomas and Phineas Bond, William Shippen, and Lloyd Zachary who were concurrently working with Franklin on the formation of Pennsylvania Hospital.166 While Allen was a major contributor to the hospital, its simultaneous development was far less political than that of the school.167 Also absent from the meeting of May 11 was Franklin’s old Junto friend and collaborator in his electrical experiments, the silversmith Phillip Syng. The minutes imply that the only type of board meeting Syng might attend would be one where he voted to support his friend Franklin.168 First considered here are those who were in attendance and on whom Franklin could have counted. While there is no sure way to know how any of the trustees voted, if 166 The hospital opened in 1751. All four of the Doctors were present and certainly voted for Franklin in the “scheduled” June 10, 1755 board election. Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 167 The hospital was also a political venue that pitted Franklin against the Proprietor, but Franklin’s broad alliances in the hospital project gave him the upper hand. 168 Syng was at the June 10, 1755 meeting (his only meeting of the year) and certainly would have voted for Franklin. Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 74 William Coleman voted to remove Franklin, Franklin never knew about it. In his Autobiography, Franklin remembers Coleman as A Merchant’s Clerk, about my Age, who had the coolest clearest Head, the best Heart, and the exactest Morals, of almost any Man I ever met with. He became afterwards a Merchant of great Note, and one of our Provincial Judges: Our Friendship continued without Interruption to his Death upwards of 40 Years.169 As board of trustees’ secretary from the beginning, all of the boards meeting minutes, including those of May 11, 1756, are in Coleman’s hand. While a proprietary placeman, patronage that may have obligated him to vote with the Allen/Peters faction that day, Coleman knew better than anyone how much the school meant to Franklin. As an original Junto member he had been involved with every one of Franklin’s municipal improvement projects over the previous 30 years. If anyone placed a vote for Franklin that day, it was Coleman. As one of the first physicians of Pennsylvania Hospital, French-trained doctor and London-trained surgeon Thomas Cadwalader was one of the most significant medical talents in colonial America.170 He attended 30 meetings of the Board of Trustees through May 1756 and no small part of his role on the board was that of a parent: His sons Lambert and John Cadwalader attended the Academy from its inception as well as the College of Philadelphia. 171 169 Autobiography, Part One, 62. 170 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 159. 171 See Role call chart above, page 80. Tuition Book, University of Pennsylvania archives. 75 Cadwalader connected with Franklin on several levels. A Quaker physician, Cadwalader followed in the steps of John Logan as a book collector.172 With Franklin, he helped start the Library Company, was a member of the American Philosophical Society and the Society for Promoting Useful Knowledge. Concerned with the issue of the colony’s defense leading up to the French and Indian War, he shared Franklin’s frustration with the Quaker-controlled Assembly’s refusal to allocate funds for a militia. An indication of how Dr. Cadwalader may have voted on May 11, 1756 might be found in the controversy between the English and Latin Schools. In a series of contentious board meetings in 1752, he did not support the exorbitant pay of Francis Alison, the school’s Latin Master and a fellow Presbyterian of William Allen’s.173 This would have put him at odds with the Allen/Peters faction long before the vote. And without the obligations of proprietary patronage, there is no reason to think Dr. Cadwalader voted to oust Franklin. William Masters, who came down from his Northern Liberties neighborhood to attend the meeting of the trustees that day, had been working with Franklin as the provincial assembly’s commissioner to spend money designated for the defense of the province of Pennsylvania for over a year.174 Owner of the Globe Mill at Third and Germantown, Masters was one of the wealthiest men in town and did not rely on his income as a proprietary placeman. He and his wife, the daughter of deceased trustee Thomas Lawrence, had sent their son, William Junior, to the Academy as one of its 172 Bridenbaugh, Rebels and Gentlemen, 94 and 267. 173 Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 174 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 68 76 original students and young William was at that point enrolled at the College. Thomas Lawrence was a Junto member and one of Franklin’s closest friends. William Masters was likely a yes vote for Franklin. The board composition had changed over the years, from those Franklin could count on, to elitists willing to play politics with the activities of the school. In 1754 Alexander Stedman replaced Franklin loyalist Thomas Lawrence on the board.175 As an appointed judge, a vestryman, a friend of Governor Morris and an auditor of Franklin’s accounts of horse and wagon owners from the Braddock campaign, Stedman was as Anti- Franklin as anyone on the board. He would later replace Coleman as President Judge of the Province.176 Stedman was very likely to have voted with the Allen/Peters faction to oust their founder. Thomas Leech spent thirty years representing Philadelphia County in the provincial assembly. While also a vestryman and a warden at the Christ Church, he was one of the Anglicans who on political matters, sided with Franklin. 177 In a letter to Thomas Penn, Richard Peters, only weeks before the vote, had complained that Franklin had “made puppets of old churchman…they are Franklinists and will go which way he pleases to direct… Plumstead, Inglis and McCall are immune, but Thomas Leech for one 175 Trustees’ Minute Books, University of Pennsylvania archives. 176 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 214 177 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; Montgomery, History of the University, 82. 77 was conspicuous among the poisoned.”178 Identified as such, Leech was likely a Franklin vote. While Plumstead was not present at the meeting, John Inglis and his wife’s brother Sam McCall were. As the proprietor-appointed Deputy Collector of the Port of Philadelphia,179 Inglis would have been complicit in Allen’s duty-free shipping schemes. His predecessors at that post had been partners in one of Allen and Turners many companies. As Inglis’ business partner, McCall would have also been in privy to Allen’s operation at the port. Further, McCall had just been appointed by Governor Morris to a commission to settle the accounts of General Braddock. Allen had a reasonably big stake in creating these accounts while Franklin took more than his share of bows for supplying Braddock. As both were proprietary placeman and merchants with shipping ties to William Allen, Inglis and McCall would have sided with the Allen/Peters faction. Proprietary appointments, like judgeships, were invaluable and demanded commensurate loyalty. Joshua Maddox was a successful merchant, a Warden of Christ Church and a proprietor appointed judge of various county courts.180 Likewise, Thomas White was named a Justice of the Peace in Philadelphia County by the proprietors in 1752.181 White was extremely involved as parent in the school, sponsoring more boys 178 Gordon, “College” Dissertation, 82. Richard Peters to Thomas Penn April 25, 1756 and April 29, 1756. Penn Papers, HSP. 179 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 66. 180 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 104. 181 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 105. 78 than anyone but Allen.182 It would seem likely that Maddox and White voted for their self-interest and against Franklin. One of the trustees that cannot be polled with as much precision is Robert Strettel. Franklin makes no mention of him in his papers. He was “known as a liberal member of the Society of Friends, and a man of cultural and literary taste.”183 Countering this possible-Pro Franklin profile, Strettel was also a member of the Common Council of the City of Philadelphia, a member of the Governor's Council and Mayor of Philadelphia. There’s really not enough known about Strettel’s politics at the time to know which way he might have voted.184 The rest of the votes are quite clearly for the Allen/Peters faction and because they were the gentlemen most familiar to Franklin, it is their betrayal that probably stung the most. James Hamilton was the only native-born Governor in colonial Pennsylvania. As William Allen’s brother in law, he succeeded Franklin as Provincial Grand Master of the St. John’s Lodge and was one of the first Presidents of the American Philosophical Society.185 As Governor, Hamilton was bound by the Proprietor’s instructions to veto spending bills, yet he was persuaded by his Executive Council to keep those instructions 182 See chart on page 55 above. 183 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 104. 184 Penn in the Age of Franklin: “Penn in the 18th Century,” University of Pennsylvania archives; and Montgomery, History of the University, 86. 185 John W. Jordan, Colonial and Revolutionary Families of Pennsylvania. (New York: Clearfield, 1911), 524. 79 secret during his term, 1748-1754. Pitted directly against the rising tide of acrimony from the Quaker Assembly, Hamilton’s vote against Franklin was a furious one. Joseph Turner was a sea captain who assisted William Allen, Sr. in the 1720s and was the executor of the elder Allen’s will. William Allen, Jr. was involved with Turner in dozens of enterprises over the next 30 years—from iron factories and mining ventures, to partnerships in real estate deals and privateering ventures. A bachelor, Turner’s role on the school’s board of directors was to serve Allen. On May 11, 1756 there can be no doubt that he did. Richard Peters was a bureaucrat. Faithfully reporting on the drama to Penn, Peters’ perceptions of the events are basic to the history of the period. His reporting of the vote to Penn leaves no doubt of its political motivation. I told them that they were doing a wrong thing and it would be construed that Party was introduced by them first into the Academy, and so it really was so far that Mr. Franklin was deemed Head of one Party and Mr. Allen of the other and just at this time a change was made.186 While this suggests that Peters may have abstained with the outcome a certainty, Peters was weary of Allen’s power and moods. What the board needed was an operations man, not a leader. Peters filled that role nicely for the majority of the board and it was that type of glad-handing appreciation Peters lived for. Here then is how the vote to remove Benjamin Franklin as President of the College and Academy of Philadelphia may have looked had each of the trustees been polled. 186 Richard Peters to the Proprietors, June 26, 1756. Peters Papers, HSP. 80 Table 3. Projected Polling of Trustee Votes to Fire Franklin Trustee Vote William Allen Peters Thomas Cadwalader Franklin William Coleman Franklin James Hamilton Peters John Inglis Peters Thomas Leech Franklin Joshua Maddox Peters William Masters Franklin Sam McCall Peters Richard Peters Peters Alexander Stedman Peters Robert Strettels Unclear Joseph Turner Peters Thomas White Peters Peters - 10 Votes Franklin - 4 Votes Unclear - 1 Vote An Estimated Polling of the Votes for President of the Board of Trustees for the College, Academy and Charitable School of Philadelphia: May 11, 1756. It is impossible to be certain about each trustee’s motivation for voting the way they did. Nearly all of them had a relationship with Franklin that spanned decades. There can be little doubt that the occasion was politically charged and that it sought loyalty to either Allen or Franklin. Franklin was allowed to remain on the board, but was outraged at not being 81 consulted on the fall addition to the Board of proprietary placeman Benjamin Chew. The following January Franklin left Philadelphia to represent the Assembly in London, unsuccessfully seeking to strip Thomas Penn of his proprietary powers. The relationship between Allen and Franklin was permanently damaged. Increasingly, Allen displayed some of the courser aspects of his personality. Kistler points out that (Allen’s) hatred toward Franklin grew more poignant year after year. In a letter to Barclay, February 15, 1762, Allen said. ‘One would fain hope his almost insatiable ambition is pretty near satisfied by his parading about England and at the province’s expense for these near five years past, which now appears in a different light to our mock patriots than formerly.’187 During the Assembly election of 1764, while Franklin was in London, Allen slandered Franklin to Thomas Penn: I must assure you that he has been for many years and still is the chief author and abettor of all the seditious practices in government and is continually infusing in to the people’s ears his Republican Anarchical Notions, being a printer he has published the most virulent pamphlets against the government, among the rest you have no doubt have seen that which he calls your epitaph, he is a very artful man and can color the worst designs with very specious glasses.188 Franklin regained his seat in the Assembly in the next election and, as the country moved towards its split with Britain, he represented a number of colonial American assemblies in England. As the time for revolution approached in Philadelphia, Allen wrote what was at the time a significant treatise. In his pamphlet The American Crisis, Allen sought to find common ground with American representation in Parliament. In it Allen accuses Franklin of complicity in the enforcement of the Stamp Act and added, 187 Kistler, “Allen” thesis, 36. 188 Burd Papers, 56. Allen to Thomas Penn, October 2, 1764. Penn Papers, HSP. 82 “What can be more base, more despicable and treacherous than his conduct?… It seems in some sense a disgrace to be acquainted with him.”189 Franklin had reversed himself on the Stamp Act many years before in what was not to become an historical moment. In control of both his and Allen’s legacy, Franklin may have had the last word in a letter to his wife eight years before: That pious Presbyterian Countryman of mine [whom you] say sets the People a madding, by telling them [that I] plann’d the Stamp Act, and am endeavo[uring to] bring the Test over to America, I thank him he does not charge me (as they do their God) with having plann’d Adam’s Fall, and the Damnation of Mankind. It might be affirm’d with equal Truth and Modesty. He certainly was intended for a Wise Man; for he has the wisest Look of any Man I know; and if he would only nod and wink, and could but hold his Tongue, he might deceive an Angel. Let us pity and forget him.190 And history has done just that. William Allen was swept away after the revolution, with Franklin’s deliberate grip on the broom. 189 William Allen, The American Crisis, (Philadelphia, 1773) 17-19. 190 Franklin Papers, Benjamin Franklin To Deborah Franklin, Nov. 9, 1765. Franklin Papers, Vol. 12, 360. 83 CHAPTER 13 THE GHOST OF WILLIAM ALLEN Looking over the following bibliography citing close to one hundred historians, each with superior credentials and a far greater investment of time and effort than this author, it is preposterous to think that this story has been overlooked. But it has. On May 11, 1756, the Trustees of the College of Philadelphia, proprietary placemen who Franklin had worked with closely for over twenty years, turned on him. Being fired as President of the school he had founded was one of the greatest political defeats of his career. Franklin never again engaged in the type of municipal improvements that the school represented, and it marked an end to an important part of his and the city’s history: The Franklin Era of Municipal Improvements. Franklin responded in two ways: He left Philadelphia and set out to marginalize William Allen, one of the most prominent citizens in colonial America. In fairness to the Franklinists who have preceded this author, addressing these events has certainly not been a requirement for the creation of solid historical product. As an example, Ronald Clark’s Benjamin Franklin: A Biography does an excellent job covering this period by examining Franklin the scientist. This paper includes none of that. Two hundred and thirty years after his death, there is still so much to Franklin’s life that continues to interest both researchers and readers of American history. This paper does not attempt to replace the institutional histories of the University of Pennsylvania of even Franklin’s role with the school; that would involve a much bigger role for William Smith, whose fund raising efforts for the school were thwarted by 84 Franklin in London in 1758. A smug William Smith would give Franklin’s eulogy. A new Franklin/University of Pennsylvania would need to address the revolution’s effect on the school and Franklin’s return to the school board at the end of his life. But the existing histories need to be revised: none of them talk of Franklin’s dismissal as the institution’s president in 1756. Arguments can be made to refute the basics of this “Schemes of Public Parties” thesis. Did Franklin have better things to do than serve as President of a fully functioning school? He did. At any given point he could have been involved in dozens of different pursuits. These activities, however, had nothing to do with the vote: Franklin was fired before the end of his term as political retribution. Did Franklin rail at many issues that displeased him late in life? The resentment he held regarding the school for the remainder of his life was not unique: exposing the many shortcomings of human nature seems to have been a favorite pastime throughout Franklin’s long life. Was the vote May 11, 1756 Franklin’s only incentive for leaving Philadelphia? It was not. Franklin’s push for a royal takeover of Pennsylvania started the fall before the vote and his duty to that mission may have taken him to London with or without the betrayal of his friends. His admission to the Royal Academy of Science in London was concurrent to the vote and was a huge incentive for him to grab international acclaim. So, what makes this thesis special? While original, the idea of a “Franklin Era of Municipal Improvements” is really only a conceptual gimmick of historical packaging. The work on these Philadelphia institutions has been done by others. In every historical treatment of this period, the silencing of William Allen’s 85 relationship with Franklin is indisputable. Even as one of the best historians of colonial Philadelphia specifically writes about historical memory, William Allen has been erased. In what to this writer is a brilliant work, Gary Nash writes in First City about the “power of buildings and civic observances to connect the present with the past.”191 Yet his description of the near demise of the Pennsylvania State House and its meaning to the public’s understanding of the past does not even mention William Allen. Allen owned the lot on Chestnut between Fifth and Sixth Streets, was a mayor and assemblyman who fought to keep the capital in town, and financed the project for over thirty years. Nash dedicates an entire chapter to the vibrancy of Philadelphia’s colonial seaport, but does not include any mention of that economic hub’s number one operator. Similarly, how can an institutional history of a major university omit the dismissal of its founder? How can a biography, focusing on Franklin’s political career in the 1750s, not even mention the vote of May 11, 1756? Michel-Rolph Trouillot offers a framework to discuss this construction of history, where what is not said may be as important as what is accepted as historical “fact.” Silences enter the process of historical production at four crucial moments: the moment of fact creation (the making of sources); the moment of retrieval (the making of archives); the moment of fact retrieval (the making of narratives); and the moment of retrospective significance (the making of history in the final instance).192 191 Gary Nash, First City: Philadelphia and the Forging of Historical Memory (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002) 1-8, 14, 60, 87, 139, 279-80. In Nash’s only reference to Allen in The Urban Crucible, he mischaracterizes his as “a man who had risen from sugar boiler to wealthy merchant.” Gary Nash, The Urban Crucible, The Northern Seaports and the Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979) 180. 192 Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past, Power and Production of History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995) 26. 86 As one of the richest men in America, the Chief Justice of the province, a pirate, a violent politician, the province’s second biggest landlord, the town’s most visible Presbyterian, Pennsylvania’s biggest slave owner, a loud mouth and a man people feared, William Allen was at the “moment of fact creation” the biggest historical figure in colonial Pennsylvania. No one was more powerful or more recognized. Franklin saw this and made good use of it for many, many years. There is a huge gap of time between this “moment of creation” and “the moment of retrieval.” It is in this gap that Franklin’s agenda to silence Allen for posterity was easily realized. Franklin’s last writing sessions of his memoirs were in 1788, and his grandson William Temple Franklin did not release the first version until 1816.193 Refusing to acknowledge Allen after the American Revolution and saying next to nothing about the hundreds of meetings he had with him during the period covered by his Autobiography, Franklin effectively eliminated Allen as a historical actor. As the Autobiography grew to become the main archive of the period, Allen vanished from the historical narrative. The history behind the May 11, 1756 vote is similar in its gap between the “making of sources” to the “making of archives.” Until Montgomery and Wood each wrote about the University’s founding at the turn of the twentieth century, the vote was lost in the minutes of the college trustees. But the silencing of the vote was very different than history’s treatment of Allen. Choosing the “significance” in these institutional histories was a very slanted affair, with University-paid writers favoring the public 193 Lemay, Autobiography, 17. 87 relations benefits of being connected to Franklin over the crass political nature of its early operations. William Allen is a ghost in American history. This may not have been the case had Allen taken the patriot side in the American Revolution. His “retrospective significance” would neither have relied on Franklin’s recognition nor the republican historiography that has treated colonial Pennsylvania as a vehicle for “getting to the revolution.”194 As a Tory, Allen lost nearly all of his wealth and died a forgotten man. 194 There are many of these but two popular treatments of Franklin, the founder stand out: Gordon Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin (New York: Penguin Group, 2004); and Walter Isaacson, Benjamin Franklin, An American Life (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003). 88 REFERENCES Aldridge, Alfred Owen. Benjamin franklin, philosopher and man. New York: Lippincott Company, 1965. Alexander, John K. Render them submissive: responses to poverty in philadelphia, 1760-1800, Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press. Alexander, John K. “Institutional Imperialism and the Sick Poor in the Late Eighteenth Century Philadelphia: The House of Employment vs. The Pennsylvania Hospital.” Pennsylvania History 51 (1984): 101-117. Allen, William. The american crisis. Philadelphia, 1773. Anderson, Fred. Crucible of war: the seven years' war and the fate of empire in british north america: 1754-1766. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000. Boudreau, George W. “The Surest Foundation of Happiness: Education and society in Franklin's Philadelphia.” Ph.D. Diss., Indiana University, 1998. Brands, H.W. The first american: the life and times of benjamin franklin. New York: Doubleday, 2000. Bullock, Steven C. “The Revolutionary Transformation of American Freemasonry, 1752-1792.” William and Mary Quarterly, 47, (July 1990): 318-356. Bridenbaugh, Carl and Jessica. Rebels and gentlemen: philadelphia in the age of franklin. New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1942. Cheyney, Edward Potts. History of the university of pennsylvania, 1740-1940. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1940. Coil, Jr., Henry Wilson. freemasonry through six centuries, volume I. Richmond, VA: Macoy Publishing, 1967. Clark, Ronald. Benjamin franklin: a biography. New York: Sterling Publishers, 1983. Cohen, Norman S. “William Allen, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania 1704-1780.” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1966. Cohen, Norman S. “The Philadelphia Election Riot of 1742.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 92 (July, 1968): 306-309. Colley, Linda. Britons forging a nation, 1707-1837. New Haven: Yale University Press, 89 1994. DeLancey, Edward F. “Chief Justice William Allen” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 1, (1884). 27-49. Ferling, John H. The loyalist mind: joseph galloway and the american revolution. State College PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977, Foulke, Samuel. “Journal of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 1761-1762.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 (1894): 408-412. Gordon, Ann Dexter “The College of Philadelphia 1749-1779: Impact of an Institution.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1975. Hanna, William. Benjamin franklin and pennsylvania politics. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1964. Hawke, David Freeman. Franklin. New York: Harper and Row, 1976. Horle, Craig and Foster, Joseph. Lawmaking and legislators in pennsylvania: a biographical dictionary, vols. 1-3. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2005. Houston, Alan. Benjamin franklin and the politics of improvement. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008. Isaacson, Walter. Benjamin franklin, an american life. New York: Simon and Schuster 2003. Jennings, Francis. “The Scandalous Indian Policy of William Penn’s Sons: Deed and Documents of the Walking Purchase,” Pennsylvania History 37 (January 1970): 19-39. Jennings, Francis. Benjamin franklin, politician. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1996 Johnson, Melvin M. The beginnings of freemasonry in america; containing a reference to all that is known of freemasonry in the western hemisphere prior to 1750 and short sketches of the lives of some provincial grand masters. New York: George H. Doren Company, 1924. Jordan, John W. Colonial and revolutionary families of pennsylvania. New York: Clearfield, 1911. Ketcham, Ralph C. Benjamin Franklin. New York: Washington Square Press, 1966 Ketcham, Ralph C. “Conscience, War and Politics in Pennsylvania, 1755-1757.” 90 William and Mary Quarterly (July 1963): 421. Ketcham, Ralph C. “Benjamin Franklin and William Smith: New Light on an Old Philadelphia Quarrel.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (April, 1964): 425. “William Allen, Provincial Man of Affairs,” Pennsylvania History 3 (July 1934): 167- 178. Kistler, Ruth Moser. “William Allen, Founder of Allentown.” The Proceedings of the Lehigh Valley Historical Society (1962). Klepp, Susan E. “Encounter and Experiment: The Colonial Period.” Pennsylvania, A History of the Commonwealth, Miller, Randal M. and Pencak, William, eds. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press (2002): 89. Konkle, Burton Alva. The life of andrew hamilton, 1676-1741. Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1941. Labaree, Leonard W. and others, eds. The papers of benjamin franklin. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994. Lemay, J.A. Leo. Life of benjamin franklin, vols. 1-3. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2002-2008. Lemay, J.A. Leo and Zall, P.M. eds. The autobiography of benjamin franklin, a generic text. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1981. Middlekauff, Robert. Benjamin franklin and his enemies. Berkeley: University of California, 1996. Morgan, Edmund S. Benjamin franklin. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002. Montgomery, Thomas Harrison. A history of the university of pennsylvania from its foundation to 1770. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1900. Nash, Gary. First city: philadelphia and the forging of historical memory. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002. Nash, Gary. The urban crucible, the northern seaports and the origins of the american revolution. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979. Newcomb, Benjamin H. Franklin and galloway: a political partnership. Hartford: Yale University Press, 1972. 91 Page, William ed. “Hospitals: St Bartholomew.” A History of the County of London: Volume 1: London within the Bars, Westminster and Southwark London, Victoria County History (1909): 520-25. Sache, Julius Friedrich. Benjamin franklin as a freemason. Philadelphia, 1906. Sappenfield, James A. “The Bizarre Death of Daniel Rees and the Continuity of Franklin Criticism.” Early American Literature, 4 (Fall, 1969): 73-85. Scharf, John Thomas and Westcott, Thompson. The History of Philadelphia 1609-1884, Vol. 3. Philadelphia, L.H. Everts, 1884. Seavey, Ormond. Becoming benjamin franklin: the autobiography and the life. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State Press, 1988. Shields, David S. Civil tongues and polite letters in british America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. Smith, Billy G. Blacks who stole themselves: advertisements for runaways in the pennsylvania gazette, 1728-1790. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989. Thayer, Theodore. “Town into City, 1746-1765.” Philadelphia: a 300 year history, Weigley, Russell Frank, and Wainwright, Nicholas B., and Wolf, Edwin eds. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1982. Thompson, Peter. Rum punch and revolution; taverngoing and public life in eighteenth- century Philadelphia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1999. Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. Silencing the past, power and production of history. Boston: Beacon Press, 1995. Tully, Allan. William penn’s legacy; politics and social structure in provincial pennsylvania, 1726-1755. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1994. Turner, William L. “The College, Academy and Charitable School of Philadelphia: The Development of a Colonial Institution of Learning, 1740-1779.” Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1952. Van Doren, Carl, eds. Benjamin franklin’s autobiographical Writings New York: Viking Press, 1945, 77. Van Doren, Carl. Benjamin franklin. New York: Viking Press, 1938. Waldstreicher, David. Runaway america: benjamin franklin, slavery and the american revolution. New York: Hill and Wang, 2004 92 Walker, Lewis Burd, ed., The burd papers: extracts from the chief justice william allen’s letterbook. Pottstown, PA, 1897. Wood, Gordon. The americanization of benjamin franklin. New York: Penguin Group, 2004. Williams, William H. America’s first hospital: the pennsylvania hospital, 1751-1841. Wayne, PA, 1976. Wright, Esmond. Franklin of Philadelphia. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1986. 
work_csgtbukmpjgezc7hvexxzwmgry	----	XXII. New experiments in electricity: In a letter from Mr. Ebenezer Kinnersley, to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. C 8 4 ] X X II. N e w Experiments in : a L e tte r fr o m M r . Ebenezer Kinnerfley, to Benjamin Franklin, L L . . F. R t S . Read Nov. 18, 1762, March 24, and April 14, 1763. S I R , Philadelphia, Mar. 12, 1761. A V I N G lately made the following experi­ ments, I very chearfully communicate them , in hopes of giving you fome degree of pleafure, and exciting you to further explore your favourite, but not quite exhaufted, fubjedt, E l e c t r i c i t y . 1 - 1 E X P . I. I placed myfelf on an eledtric ftand, and, being well eledtrifed, threw my hat to an uneledtrifed per- fon, at a confiderable diftance, on another ftand, and found, that the hat carried fome o f the electrici­ ty with it; for, upon going immediately to the per- ion, who received it, and holding a flaxen thread near him , I perceived he was eledtrifed fufficiently to at- tradt the thread. E X P . II. I then fufpended, by filk, a broad plate o f metal, and eledtrifed fome boiling water under it, at about four feet diftance, expedting that the vapour, which afcended plentifully to the plate, would, upon the principle of the foregoing experiment, carry up fome o f the eledtricity with i t ; but was at length fully con­ vinced, by feveral repeated trials, that it left all its fhare D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 8 5 3 fhare thereof behind. T his I know not how to ac­ count f o r ; but does it not leem to corroborate your hypothecs, that the vapors, of which the clouds are formed, leave their (hare of electricity behind in the common flock, and afcend in a negative flate ? E X P . III. I put boiling water into a coated Florence flailc, and found that the heat fo enlarged the pores of the glafs, that it could not be charged. T h e electricity palled thro* as readily, to all appearance, as thro* m e ta l; the charge of a three-pint bottle went freely thro* without injuring the flafk in the leafl. W h e n it became almofl cold, I could charge it as ufual. W ould not this experiment convince the Abbe Nollet o f his egregious miflake ? For, while the electricity went fairly thro’ the glafs, as he contends it always does, the glafs could not be charged at all. E X P . IV. I took a flender piece of cedar, about eighteen inches long, fixed a brafs cap in the middle, thruft a pin, horizontally and at right angles, thro* each end, (the points in contrary directions) and hung it, nicely balanced like the needle of a compafs, on a pin, about fix inches long, fixed in the center o f an eleCtric hand. T h en eleCtrifing the ftand, I had the pleaf ure of feeing what I expected; the wooden nee­ dle turned round, carrying the pins with their heads foremofl. I then eleCtrifed the ftand negatively, ex­ pecting the needle to turn the contrary w ay; but was extremely difappointed, for it went ftill the fame way as before. 5 W hen D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 W h en the fland was eleCtrifed pofitively, I fup- pofe, that the natural quantity o f electricity in the air being increafed on one tide, by what ifilied from the points, the needle was attracted by the leffer quantity on the other fide. W h e n eleCtrifed nega­ tively, I fuppofe, that the natural quantity o f electri­ city in the air was diminished near the po in ts; in confequence whereof, the equilibrium being destroyed, the needle was attracted by the greater quantity on the oppofite fide. T h e doCtrine o f repulfion in eleCtrifed bodies, I begin to be fomewhat doubtful of. I think all the phenom ena, on which it is founded, may be well enough accounted for without it. W ill not cork balls, eleCtrifed negatively, feparate as far as when eleCtrifed pofitively ? A nd may not their feparation, in both cafes, be accounted for upon the fame prin­ ciple ; namely, the mutual attraction of the natural quantity in the air, and that which is denfer, or rarer in the cork ball ? It being one of the ettabliShed laws o f this fluid, that quantities of different denfities Shall mutually attract each other, in order to refiore the equilibrium. I can fee no reafon to conclude, that the air has not its Share o f the common flock of eieCtricity as well as glafs, and, perhaps, all other eieCtrics per fe. For tho’ the air will admit bodies to be eleCtrifed in it either pofitively or negatively, and will not readily carry off the redundancy in the one cafe, or fupply the deficiency in the other $ [ 85 ] E X P . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 87 ] E X P . V. Yet let a perfon in the negative ftate, out o f doors in the dark, when the air is dry, hold, with his arm extended, a long fharp needle, pointing upwards; and he will foon be convinced, that ele&ricity may be drawn out of the air; not very plentifully, for, being a bad conductor, it feems loth to part with i t ; but yet fome will evidently be collected. T h e air near the perlon’s body, having lefs than its natural quan­ tity, will have none to fpare ; but, his arm being ex­ tended as above, fome will be collected from the re­ moter air, and will appear luminous as it converges to the point of the needle. L et a perfon eleCtrifed negatively prefent the point o f a needle, horizontally, to a cork ball fufpended by filk, and the ball will be attracted towards the point, till it has parted with fo m uch o f its natural quantity of electricity as to be in the negative ftate, in the fame degree with the perfon who holds the needle : then it will recede from the p o in t; being, as I luppofe, attracted the contrary way by the elec­ tricity of greater denlity in the air behind it. But, as this opinion feems to deviate from eledtrical ortho­ doxy, I lhould be glad to fee thefe phenom ena bet­ ter accounted for by your fuperior and more pene­ trating genius. W hether the ele&ricity in the air, in clear dry weather, be of the fame denfity at the height o f two * or three hundred yards, as near the furface o f the earth, may be fatisfadlorily determined by your old experiment o f the kite. E X P . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 E X P . VI. T h e twine fhould have, through-out, a very fmall wire in i t ; and the ends of the wire, where the fe- veral lengths are united, ought to be tied down with a waxed thread to prevent their aCting in the manner o f points. I have tried the experiment twice, when the air was as dry as we ever have it, and fo clear that not a cloud could be feen ; and found the twine each time, in a fmall degree eleCtrifed pofitively. T h e kite had three metalline points fixed to i t ; one on the top, and one on each fide. T h a t the twine was eleCtrifed, appeared by the feparating o f two fmall cork balls fufpended on the twine by fine flaxen threads, juft above where the filk was tied to it, and fheltered from the wind. T h a t the twine was elec- trifed pofitively, was proved by applying to it the wire o f a charged bottle; which caufed the balls to feparate further, without firfl coming nearer together. T his experiment fhewed, that the electricity in the air, at thofe times, was denfer above than below. But that cannot be always the cafe; for you know we have frequently found the thunder clouds in the ne­ gative ftate, attracting electricity from the earth. W h ich ftate it is probable they are always in when firft formed, and till they have received a fufficient fupply. H ow they come afterwards, towards the latter end o f the guff, to be in the pofitive ftate, which is fometimes the cafe, is a fubjeCt for further enquiry. After the above experiments with the wooden needle, I formed a crofs of two pieces of wood, o f equal [ 88 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 equal length, interfedfing each other at right angles in the m iddle; hung it, horizontally, on a central pin, and fet a light horfe, with his rider, upon each extrem ity; whereupon, the whole being nicely bal­ a n c ed , and each courier urged on by an eledtrifed point, inilead of a pair of fpurs, I was entertained with an eledtrical horfe-rrace. I have contrived an eledlrical air thermometer, 'and made feveral experiments with it, that have afforded m e much fatisfadtion and pleafure. It is extremely fenfible of any alteration in the ftate of the included air, and fully determines that controverted point, w hether there be any heat in the eledlric fire. By the Plate [ T a b . IV.] and the following defcription, you will readily apprehend the conftrudtion of it. A. B. is a glafs tube about eleven inches long, and pne inch diameter in the bore. It has a brafs ferii ce­ m ented on each end, with a top and bottom part, C and D to be fcrewed on, air-tight, and taken off at pleafure. In the center o f the bottom part D , is a male fcrew, which goes into a brafs nut in the ma­ hogany pedeftal E . T h e wires F and G are for the eledtric fire to pafs through, darting from one to the other. T h e wire G extends through the pedeftal to H ; and may be raifed or lowered by means o f a male fcrew on it. T h e wire F may be taken out, and the hook I be fcrewed into the place of it. K is a glafs tube with a fmall bore, open at both ends, cemented in the brafs tube L, which fcrews into the top part C. T h e lower end of the tube K is immerfed in wa­ ter, coloured with cocbeneal, at the bottom o f the tube A B. ( I ufed at firft coloured fpirits of w ine; but, in one o f the experiments I made, it took fire.) V o l. L IIL O O n [ 89 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 9 0 ] On the top of the tube K is cemented, for ornament, a brafs feril, with a head fcrewed on it, which has a fmall air hole thro' its fide at . T h e wire is a fmall round fpring, that embraces the tube K fo as to flay wherever it is placed. T h e weight M is to keep ftrait whatever may be fufpended in the tube A B. on the hook I. Air muft be blown thro’ the tube K into the tube A B, ’till enough is intruded to raife, by its elaftic force, a column o f the coloured water, in the tube K up to r, or thereabouts} and then, the gage wire b being flipt down to the top of the column, the therm om eter is ready for ufe; E X P . V II. I fet the therm om eter on an eledtric ftand, with the chain N fixed to the prime condudfor, and kept it well eledtrifed a confiderable time} but this produced no fenfible effedt. W hich fliews, that the eledtric fire, when in a ftate of reft, has no more heat than the air and other matter wherein it refides. E X P . V III. W h en the wires F and G are in contadt, a large charge of eledtricity fent thro’ them , even th a t o f m y cafe of five and thirty bottles, containing above thirty fquare feet of coated glafs, will produce no rarefadtion of the air included in the tube A B. W hich fliews, that the wires are not heated by the fires pafling thro’ them. E X P . IX . W h en the wires are about two inches apart, the charge o f a three pint bottle, darting from one to the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C ? « ] th e other, rarefies the air very evidently. W hich {hews, I think, that the eledlric fire m ull produce heat in itfelf, as well as in the air, by it's rapid m o­ tion. T h e charge o f one o f my glafs jars, which will contain about five gallons and a half, wine meafure, darting from wire to wire, will, by the diflurbance it gives the air in the explofion repelling it in all di­ rections, raile the column in the tube K up to , or thereabouts; and the charge o f the above-mentioned caie of bottles will raife it to the top of the tube. Upon the air’s coalefcing, the column, by its gravity, inflantly fubfides till it is in equilibrio with the rarefied a ir ; it then gradually defcends, as the air cools, and fettles where it flood before. By carefully obferving at what height above the gage-wire b the defcending column firfl flops, the degree o f rarefaction is difco- vered; which, in great explofions, is very confiderable. E X P . X . I hung in the thermometer, upon the hook I , fucceflively, a flrip o f wet writing paper, a wet flax­ en and woolen thread, a blade of green grafs, a fila­ m ent of green wood, a fine filver thread, a very fmall brafs wire, and a flrip o f gilt paper; and found that the charge of the glafs jar, pafllng thro’ each of thefe, efpecially the daft, produced heat enough to rarify the air very perceptibly. T h e charge of the cafe of bot­ tles fent thro’ the brafs wire confumed great part of it into fmoke. T h e thermometer appeared quite opaque with it. O 2 E X P . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 E X P . XL I then fu (pended, out o f the thermometer, apiece o f brafs wire, not quite fo fmali as the former, about twenty four inches long, with a pound weight at the lower e n d ; and, by fending the charge of the cafe o f bottles thro’ it, difeovered a new method o f wire­ drawing. T h e wire was red hot, the whole length well anealed, and above an inch longer than before. A fecond charge melted i t ; it parted near the middle, and meafured, when the ends were put together, four inches longer than at firft. T his experiment I re­ m em ber you propofed to me, as worth trying, before you left Philadelphia; in order to find, whether the electricity, in palling thro’ the wire, would fo relax the cohefion of its conftituent particles, as that the weight m ight produce a feparation; but neither o f us had the leaft fufpicion, that any heat would be produced. [ 92 J E X P . X II. T h a t I m ight have no doubt o f the wire’s being hot as well as red, I repeated the experiment on another piece of the fame wire, encompalled with a goofe- quill filled with loofe grains of gun-pow der; w hich took fire as readily, as if it had been touched with a read hot poker. Alfo tinder, tied to another piece o f the wire, kindled by it. I tried a wire about twice as big, but could produce no fuch effeCls w ith that. Hence it appears, that the eleCtric fire, tho’ it has no fenfible heat when in a ftate o f reft, will, by its violent D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 93 3 violent motion, and the refiflance it meets with, pro­ duce heat in other bodies, when palling thro’ them , provided they be fmall enough. A large quantity will pals thro' a large wire without producing any fenfibie h e a t; when the fame quantity palling thro’ a very fmall one, being there confined to a narrower paffage, the particles crowding clofer together, and meeting with greater refiflance, will make it red hot, and even melt it. Hence lightning does not melt metal by a cold fu- fion, as we formerly fuppofed. But when it paffes thro’ the blade of a fword, if the quantity be not ve­ ry great, it may heat the point fo as to melt it, while the broadefl and thickefl part may not be fenfibly warmer than before. And when trees or houfes are fet on fire by the dreadful quantity, which a cloud, or the earth fome- times difcharges, muff not the heat, by which the wood is firfl kindled, be generated by the lightning’s violent motion thro’ the refilling combuflible m at­ ter ? I f lightning, by its rapid motion, produces heat in itfelf as well as in other bodies, (and that it does, I think, is evident from fome of the foregoing experi­ ments made with the thermometer) then its fometimes fingeing the hair of animals killed by it may eafily be accounted for. And the reafon of its not always do­ ing lb may, perhaps, be th is : the quantity, tho’ fuf- ficient to kill a large animal, may, fometimes, not be great enough, or not have met w ith refiflance enough, to become by its motion burning hot. W e find, that dwelling houfes, ftruck with lightn­ ing, are feldom fet on fire by i t ; but when it pafles thro* 4 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 thro’ barns with hay or ftraw in them , or ftore-houfes containing large quantities of hemp, or fuch like m at­ ter, they feldom, if ever, efcape a conflagration. W hich may, perhaps, be owing to fuch combuftibles being apt to kindle with lefs degree o f heat than is neceflary to kindle wood. W e had four houfes in this city, and a veflel at one o f the wharfs, ftruck, and damaged, by lightning laft fummer. One o f the houfes was ftruck twice in the fame ftorm. But I have the pleafure to inform you, that your method o f preventing fuch terrible difafters, has, by a fadt, which had like to have ef- caped our knowledge, given a very convincing proof o f its great utility, and is now in higher repute with us than ever. Hearing, a few days ago, that M r. W illiam W eft, m erchant in this city, fufpedted, that the lightning, in one o f the thunder-ftorms laft fummer, had pafled through the iron condudtor, which he had provided for the fecurity o f his houfe, I waited on him , to en­ quire what ground he m ight have for fuch fufpicion. M r. W eft informed me, that his family and neigh­ bours were all ftunned with a very terrible exploflon, and that the flafh and crack were feen and heard at the fame inftant. W hence he concluded, that the lightning m uft have been very n ear; and, as no houfe in the neighbourhood had fuffered by it, that it m uft have pafled through his conductor. M r. W hite, his clerk, told me, that he was fitting at the time by a window, about two feet from the condudtor, leaning againft the brick wall, with which it was in contadt $ and that he felt a fmart fenfation, like an eledtric (hock, in that part of his body, which touched the wall. [ 94 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 95 ] M r. W eft further informed me, that a perfon o f un­ doubted veracity allured him , that, being in the door o f an oppolite houfe on the other fide of W ater-Street (which you know is but narrow) he faw the lightning diffufed over the pavement, which was then very wet with rain, to the diftance o f two or three yards from the foot o f the conductor. And that another perfon o f very good credit told him , that he, being a few doors off, on the other lide o f the ftreet, faw the lightning above, darting in fuch direction, that it ap­ peared to him to be diredly over that pointed rod. Upon receiving this information, and being delirous o f further fatisfadion, there being no traces of the lightning to be difcovered in the condudor, as far as * we could examine it below, I propofed to M r. W eft our going to the top of the houfe to examine the pointed ro d ; alluring him , that, if the lightning had paffed thro’ it, the point muft have been melted -y and, to our great fatisfadion, we found it fo. T his iron rod extended in height about nine feet and a half above a ftack o f chimnies, to which it was fixed (but I fuppofe, three or four feet would have been iuftici- ent). It was fomewhat more than half an inch dia­ meter, in the thickeft part, and tapering to the upper end. T h e condudor, from the lower end of it to the earth, conlifted of fquare iron nail rods, not much above a quarter of an inch thick, conneded together by interlinking joints. It extended down the cedar roof to the eaves, and from thence down the wall of the houfe, four ftory and a half, to the pavement in W ater-Street being faftened to the wall, in leveral places,, by fmall iron hooks. T h e lower end wa$ fixed*. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 9 6 ] fixed to a ring in the top of an iron flake, that was driven about four or five feet into the ground. T h e above mentioned iron rod had a hole in the top of it, about two inches deep, wherein was inferted a brafs wire, about two lines thick, and, w hen firfl put there, about ten inches long, terminating in a very acute point; but now its whole length was no more than feyen inches and a half, and the top very blunt. Some o f the metal appears to be m illing; the flenderefl part of the wire being, as I fufpedt, confumed into fmoke. But fome of it, where the wire was a little thicker, being only melted by the lightning, funk down, while in a fluid flate, and formed a rough ir­ regular cap, lower on one fide than the other, round the upper end o f w hat remained, and became inti­ mately united therewith. T his was all the damage, that M r. W e ll fullained by a terrible flroke o f lightning. A m oll convincing proof of the great utility of this m ethod o f prevent­ ing its dreadful effects. Surely it will now be thought as expedient to provide conductors for the lightning as for the rain. M r. W eft was fo good as to make me a prefent of •the melted w ire ; which I keep as a great curiofity, and long for the pleafure of fhewing it to you. In the mean time, I beg your acceptance of the bell repre- fentation I can give of it; which you will find by the fide o f the thermometer, drawn in its full dim en- fions as it now appears. T h e dotted lines above are intended to fhew the form of the wire before the light­ ning melted it. A nd now, Sir, I moft heartily congratulate you on the piealure you m ull have in finding your great and well D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 97 ] well-grounded expectations fo far fulfilled. May this method of fecurity from the deftruCtive violence of one of the mofl: awful powers of nature meet with fuch further fuccefs, as to induce every good and grate­ ful heart to blefs God for the important difcovery. M ay the benefit thereof be diffufed over the whole globe. May it extend to the latefl pofterity of man­ k in d ; and make the name of F r a n k l in , like that of N e w t o n , immortal I am, Sir, with fincere refpedl, your mofl: obedient, and mofl: humble fervant, Ebenezer Kinnerfley. X X III. Obfervations in and on a fhunder-ftorm : I n a L etter from M r. T or- bern Bergman, to M r . Benjamin Wilfon, F. R. S. Acad. Reg. Upfal. Soc. Ampliflime atque Celeberrime Domine, Read April 14, T N epiftolis recentiflimis, quibus me 1763 A honorafti, experimenta domini Dela* val circa eleCtricitatem cryflalli Iflandicas commemo- ras. Pluries haecce tentamina iteravi, fed conflan- ter eventu prorfus contrario. Scilicet in hunc finem varia hujus cryftalli frufla frigori 12 graduum expofui, V ol. L III. P in D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 .Plzila.r.TnmJ. VolL.Zlf. .TAB. Vp 8,j. . .t Jlij ",le Jr . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_cu4w5il2hfcj7exdgg7rmj2wpm	----	bassy noted, "which has strug- gled through difficult times dur- ing the past 15 years, responded to the American delegation's vis- it with a new sense of direction and confidence." The panel will meet in Wash- ington, D.C., in July and a ses- sion on science in Chile will be presented at the AAAS Annual Meeting in Boston. Update on AAAS Cooperative Efforts with Soviet Scientific and Engineering Community A number of events have tak- en place recently involving U.S. and Soviet experts. In Septem- ber 1986 a "spacebridge" tele- conference was held on "Cher- nobyl and Three Mile Island: Implications for Intemational Cooperation in an Interdepen- dent World." With AAAS and the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sci- ences as scientific sponsors, the teleconference featured U.S. and Soviet panels focused on lessons to be learned from the two acci- dents, future energy technolo- gies, and prospects of intema- tional collaboration in energy matters. During the "spacebridge" sev- eral suggestions were put forth for cooperative projects includ- ing joint seminars with the Sovi- et Academy on energy-related issues. Copies of an edited vid- eotape of the "spacebridge," narrated by Hedrick Smith, can be purchased for $40 or rented for $20 from Search for Com- mon Ground, 2005 Massachu- setts Avenue, NW, Washington, D.C. 20036. Both 1/2- and 3/4- inch formats are available. At the February 1987 AAAS Annual Meeting in Chicago sev- eral Soviet experts participated in a number of symposia organ- ized by the AAAS Committee on Science, Arms Control, and National Security. Roald Sag- deev and Albert Galeev, Insti- tute for Space Research; Aleksey Arbatov, Institute of World Economy and International Re- lations; and Yuri Shiyan, Com- mittee on International Security and Arms Control, spoke at ses- sions on Alternative Approaches to Arms Control; Soviet and American Perspectives on the Geneva Arms Control Negotia- tions; Soviet Perspectives on the Strategic and INF Negotiations; Arms Control and Verification Technology; and Prospects for the Space Program: One Year After Challenger. Audiotapes of these symposia are available from Mobil Tapes Company (818-244-8122). AAAS is cosponsoring with the Soviet Academy, the Global Foundation, and the University of Miami's Center for Theoreti- cal Studies an International Sci- entific Forum on Fueling the 21st Century: Solving Tomor- row's Problems, to be held in Moscow 29 September to 6 Oc- tober 1987. Experts from around the world will address energy pros- pects for the next century, dis- cussing chemical fuels, nuclear sources, including fusion and fission, and other alternatives, as well as social and economic as- pects of energy for the future. This will be the 11th in the Forum series which is intended to consider within an indepen- dent, international, and interdis- ciplinary framework energy is- sues facing academia, industry, and government in both devel- oped and developing countries. Two hundred scientists and en- gineers are expected to take part, including participants from the "spacebridge." For further in- formation on any ofthese activi- ties, please contact the Office of International Science at the AAAS address. SANDRA M. BuRNs Office ofInternational Science Resource Directory Available The AAAS Office of Oppor- tunities in Science announces the publication of the second edition of the Resource Directoty of Scientists and Engineers with Disabilities. The Directory lists names and other data about sci- entists and engineers with dis- abilities. It is a valuable resource for educators and students seeking information on better access to educational programs, as well as agencies in the federal govern- ment, nonprofit sector members of advisory committees, and peer-review panels. The Directo- ty is especially useful to scientists and engineers who become dis- abled in midcareer and wish to learn coping strategies that oth- ers have developed. Funding for the Directory was made possible by a grant from the National Science Founda- tion. Order copies from the Office of Opportunities in Science at the AAAS address; $10 plus $3 postage and handling, prepaid. Inquire about discounts for or- ders of ten or more copies. A braille edition is available. "The Hole in the Sky" Transcripts Available The fourth annual Benjamin Franklin Lecture featured Susan Solomon, a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administra- tion chemist and leader of the National Ozone Expedition 1986, Antarctica. Copies of the transcript of Solomon's lecture entitled, "The Hole in the Sky," are available upon request from Patricia S. Curlin, Committee on Public Understanding of Sci- ence and Technology, at the AAAS address. The Benjamin Franklin Lec- ture series is a featured activity of National Science and Tech- nology Week. Each year, the National Academy of Sciences, the National Science Founda- tion, and the AAAS cosponsor this event, intended for a general audience. Chairmen and Secretaries of AAAS Sections MATHEMATICS (A) Hyman Bass Lynn Arthur Steen PHYSICS (B) Herman Feshbach Rolf M. Sinclair CHEMISTRY (C) Norman Hackerman Jean'ne M. Shreeve ASTRONOMY (D) Jay M. Pasachoff John E. Gaustad GEOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY (E) George Rapp, Jr. Helen M. McCammon BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES (G) Judith H. Willis Judith P. Grassle ANTHROPOLOGY (H) John E. Yellen Priscilla Reining PSYCHOLOGY (J) Michael I. Posner William N. Dember SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL SCIENCES (K) Peter H. Rossi William R. Freudenburg HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE (L) Joseph W. Dauben Arthur L. Norberg ENGINEERING (M) Robert F. Cotellessa W. Edward Lear MEDICAL SCIENCES (N) Helen M. Ranney Henry Blackburn AGRICULTURE (0) Charles 0. Gardner Ralph J. McCracken INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE (P) Daniel Berg Robert L. Stem EDUCATION (0) Rita W. Peterson Joseph D. Novak DENTISTRY (R) Clifton 0. Dummett Marie U. Nylen PHARMACEUTICAL SCIENCES (S) Klaus G. Florey Betty-ann Hoener INFORMATION, COMPUTING, AND COMMUNICATION (T) Joyce Friedman Elliot R. Siegel STATISTICS (U) Ramanathan Gnanadesikan Joan R. Rosenblatt ATMOSPHERIC AND HYDROSPHERIC SCI- ENCES (W) Robert A. Duce William H. Beasley SOCIETAL IMPACTS OF SCIENCE AND ENGINEERING (X) Janice G. Hamrin Rosemary A. Chalk GENERAL INTEREST IN SCIENCE AND ENGINEERING (Y) Dael Wolfle James M. McCullough AAAS Divisions ARCTIC DIVISION Thomas Morehouse President Gunter E. Weller Executive Secretary CARIBBEAN DIVISION Juan A. Bonnet, Jr. President Lucy Gaspar Secretary-Treasurer PACIFIC DIVISION Orrin E. Smith President Alan E. Leviton Executive Director SOUTHWESTERN AND ROCKY MOUNTAIN DIVISION Russell Larsen President M. Michelle Balcomb Executive Director For more information about the activities and publica- tions described in "AAAS News," write to the appropri- ate office, AAAS, 1333 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20005, unless other- wise indicated. AAAS NEWS 853 JULY I987 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ "The Hole in the Sky" Transcripts Available DOI: 10.1126/science.237.4810.85-b (4810), 85.237Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/237/4810/85.3.citation PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for the Advancement ofScience 1987 by the American Association for the Advancement of Science. o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/237/4810/85.3.citation http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
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work_d2cw7sbewrdszjwibjhvsf4jlm	----	Verhaltenstherapie Mitteilungen der Verbände · Information by Behavior Therapy Associations Verhaltenstherapie 1999;9:234–235 09.04. 2000, 10:00–17:00 Uhr Workshop Gasthörergebühr: 160,– DM, ermäßigt 140,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Institut für Verhaltensthera- pie, Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, 14199 Berlin Verhaltenstherapie bei Sozialen Phobien Dipl.-Psych. Rolf A. Kromat-Häckel, Berlin 19.05. 2000, 19:00 Uhr Wissenschaftlicher Vortrag Gasthörergebühr: 10,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Kliniken im Theodor-Wenzel- Werk, Potsdamer Chaussee 68, 14129 Berlin, Mehrzweckraum 20.05. 2000, 10:00–17:00 Uhr Workshop Gasthörergebühr: 160,– DM, ermäßigt 140,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Institut für Verhaltensthera- pie, Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, 14199 Berlin Körperorientierte Übungen in der Verhaltenstherapie Dipl.-Psych. Gudrun Görlitz, Augsburg 26.–27.02. 2000, 10:00–17:00 Uhr Gasthörergebühr: 320,– DM, ermäßigt 280,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Institut für Verhaltensthera- pie, Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, 14199 Berlin Sokratische Gesprächsführung Dipl.-Psych. Dr. phil. Nicolas Hoffmann, Berlin 24.06. 2000, 10:00–17:00 Uhr Gasthörergebühr: 160,– DM, ermäßigt 140,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Institut für Verhaltensthera- pie, Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, 14199 Berlin Auskunft Institut für Verhaltenstherapie e.V. Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, D-14199 Berlin-Zehlendorf Tel.: 030–895383–13, Fax: -14 (Mo, Di, Mi: 9:00–12:00 Uhr, Do: 17:00–19:00 Uhr), E-mail: IVB_Verhaltenstherapie@t- online.de Institut für Verhaltenstherapie Berlin e. V. (IVB) Fortbildungsveranstaltungen Kurzzeittherapie in der Verhaltenstherapie Dr. Dr. Serge K.D. Sulz, München 11.02. 2000, 19:00 Uhr Wissenschaftlicher Vortrag Gasthörergebühr 10,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Psychiatrische Klinik der FU, Eschenallee 3, 14050 Berlin, Hörsaal 12.02. 2000, 10:00–17:00 Uhr Workshop Gasthörergebühr: 160,– DM, ermäßigt 140,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Institut für Verhaltensthera- pie, Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, 14199 Berlin Verhaltenstherapie bei Zwangsstörungen Dipl.-Psych. Dr. phil. Nicolas Hoffmann, Berlin 10.03. 2000, 19:00 Uhr Wissenschaftlicher Vortrag Gasthörergebühr: 10,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Universitäts-Klinikum Benjamin-Franklin, Hindenburgdamm 30, 12203 Berlin, Hörsaal 11.03. 2000, 10:00–17:00 Uhr Workshop Gasthörergebühr: 160,– DM, ermäßigt 140,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Institut für Verhaltensthera- pie, Hohenzollerndamm 125/126, 14199 Berlin Verhaltenstherapie bei Depressionen Prof. Dr. Martin Hautzinger, Tübingen 08.04. 2000, 19:00 Uhr Wissenschaftlicher Vortrag Gasthörergebühr: 10,– DM Veranstaltungsort: Kliniken im Theodor-Wenzel- Werk, Potsdamer Chaussee 68, 14129 Berlin, Mehrzweckraum © 1999 S. Karger GmbH, Freiburg Accessible online at: www.karger.com/journals/ver Fax +49 761 4 52 07 14 E-mail Information@Karger.de www.karger.com Deutsche Gesellschaft für Psychologische Schmerztherapie und Forschung e.V. (DGPSF) Veranstaltungstermine und Informationen zur Zusatzausbildung Psychologische Schmerztherapie. 26.–27.02. 2000 Heidelberg Medizinische Grundlagen und tiefenpsychologische Konzepte zur psychologischen Schmerztherapie Dr. med. Zeuner, Prof. Dr. Dr. M. Zimmermann, PD Dr. med. Eich 25.–26.03. 2000 Mainz Bio-psychologische Intervention und Dokumentation bei Schmerzpatienten Dr. P. Nilges, Prof. Dr. H. Sorgatz 15.–16.04. 2000 Göttingen Psychologische Anamnese und Behandlung bei chronischen Schmerzsyndromen Dr. M. Pfingsten, Prof. Dr. B. Kröner-Herwig 27.–28.05. 2000 Bochum Psychologische Interventionstechniken und Behandlungsaspekte bei Kopf- und Gesichtsschmerzen Dr. J. Frettlöh, dipl. Psych. G. Fritsche 02.–03.09. 2000 Göttingen Psychologische Aspekte der Behandlung von Tumor-, Rheuma- und Rückenschmerzen Dr. Leibing; Dipl. Psych. Eggebrecht; Dipl. Psych. Franz; D. Seeger, Physiotherapeut Informationen: PSt-ZA c/o Prof. Dr. Hardo Sorgatz, Steubenplatz 12, D-64293 Darmstadt,Tel.: 06151-165213, Fax: -164614, E-mail: hardsorg@hrz1.hrz.tu-darmstadt.de, Internet: www.dgpsf.de Verhaltenstherapie 1999;9:234–235Mitteilungen der Verbände 235 Fortbildungsinstitut für Klinische Verhaltenstherapie e. V. (FIKV) Weiterbildungsveranstaltungen 2000 29.01.–30.01. 2000 Kognitive Kurzzeitintervention bei interni- stischen und gynäkologischen Erkrankungen (Prof. Dr. Ulrike Ehlert, Zürich) 24.03–25.03. 2000 Behandlung von Paniksyndromen mit einem beziehungs-ökologischen Ansatz (Prof. Dr. Jürg Willi, Zürich) 13.05.–14.05. 2000 Suizidalität während der Therapie: Intervention bei Patienten mit Selbsttötungsabsichten (Dr. Wolfram Dorrmann, Bamberg) 21.10.–22.10. 2000 Der Einsatz von Intuition in der klinischen Praxis (Prof. Dr. Franz Caspar, Freiburg) 11.11.–12.11. 2000 Somatoforme Störungen und Hypochondrie (Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Hiller, Mainz) 02.12.–03.12. 2000 Verhaltenstherapie bei Depression (Prof. Dr. Fritz Hohagen, Lübeck) Ort WS 1–3: Der Veranstaltungsort wird jeweils bekannt gegeben. WS 4–6: Psychosomatische Fachklinik Bad Pyrmont, Bom- bergallee 10, 31812 Bad Pyrmont, Tel: 05281-6190 Beginn Die Veranstaltungen beginnen jeweils Samstag 10:00 Uhr (außer WS 24./25.03. Beginn Freitag 16:00 Uhr) Teilnahmegebühr DM 320,–, wird mit der Anmeldung fällig. Bei Platzrückgabe bis drei Wochen vor der Veranstaltung wird eine Stornoge- bühr von DM 32,–, bei späterem Rücktritt wird die Kursge- bühr in voller Höhe fällig. Gebührenermäßigung kann in Ein- zelfällen gewährt werden. Anmeldung Bitte schriftlich oder telephonisch an: FIKV Bombergallee 11, 31812 Bad Pyrmont, Tel.: 05281-606763, oder 619636, E-mail: sekretariat@fikv.de, Internet: www.fikv.de. Nähere Auskünfte erteilt Dipl.Psych. E. Okon, Tel.: 05281-619-0. 
work_d7vragz3jnbsphnlvghxwqp6li	----	REPOR T RESUMES ED 020 240 UD YOU CAN'T SEE THE TREES FOR THE SCHOOL. MEYER,BY- JUNE EDRS PRICE MF-$0.25 HC-$0.28 5P. DESCRIPTORS- *HIGH SCHOOL STUD *INTERVIEWS, *STUDENT ATTI RACIAL ATTITUDES, NEGA SCHOOL ENVIRONMENT (PSYCHOLOGICAL RIC TH 005 674 PUB DATE DEC 67 NTS, *NEGROES, *PUERTO RICANS, UDES, SELF CONCEPT, ASPIRATION, IVE ATTITUDES, SCHOOL ATTITUDES, RACIAL RECOGNITION, IDENTIFICATION BENJAMIN FRANKLIN HIGH SCHOOL, HARLEM ESE QUOTED CONVERSATIONS WITH FOUR NEGRO AND PUERTO AN STUDENTS AT BENJAMIN FRANKLIN HIGH SCHOOL IN EAST HARLEM REVEAL THE NEGATIVE FEELINGS OF TWO OF THE TEENAGERS ABOUT THE VALUE OF AN EDUCATION ANC THE MOBILITY ASPIRATIONS OF THE OTHER TWO. THE TALKS SHOW A FATALISTIC HOPELESSNESS ABOUT THE BARRIERS IMPOSED BY RACIAL DISCRIMINATION AND A DEFENSIVE ATTITUDE ABOUT RACIAL IDENTIFICATION. THE RECORDER OF THE CONVERSATIONS FEELS THAT THE MOST "HOPEFUL" NOTE . REFLECTED IN THESE EXCHANGES IS THAT THREE OF THE STUDENTS PLAN.TO TEACH ANC TWO OF THEM ARE ALREADY INVOLVED AS TUTORS. THIS ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED IN "THE URBAN REVIEW," VOLUME 2, NUMBER 3, DECEMBER 1967. (NH) U .S . D E P A R T M E N T O F H E A L T H , E D U C A T IO N & W E L F A R E O F F IC E O F E D U C A T IO N T H IS D O C U M E N T H A S B E E N R E P R O D U C E D E X A C T L Y A S R E C E IV E D F R O M T H E P E R S O N O R O R G A N IZ A T IO N O R IG IN A T IN G IT . P O IN T S O F V IE W O R O P IN IO N S S T A T E D D O N O T N E C E S S A R IL Y R E P R E S E N T O F F IC IA L O F F IC E O F E D U C A T IO N P O S IT IO N O R P O L IC Y . Y o u C a n 't S e e t h e T re e s fo r th e S ch o o l 0 5 /6 2 ff by J un e M ey er B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo l lo ok s pr et ty m uc h li ke m os t N ew Y or k C it y hi gh s ch oo ls : bl ur re d be tw ee n ps eu do -c la ss ic a nd f ac to ry -b ri ck . T he re a re a lo t of m id dl e- ag ed t re es a nd f ro m h al f of t he w in do w s yo u ca n se e ri ve rs o f tr af fi c an d w at er . T he v ie w i s pa rt ly p ea ce fu l. F ro m t he o th er w in do w s, t ho se ac in g on P le as an t A ve nu e, y ou c an s ee t hr ee - an d fo ur -s to ry t en em en ts v a- ca te d on t op w it h a "m ar gi na l" c an dy s to re , o r so m et hi ng e ls e, o n th e bo tt om . L ea di ng a w ay E as t to W es t fr om P le as an t A ve nu e, a re t he c ro ss to w n st re et s of E as t H ar le m w he re e ve n m od es t im pr ov em en t of s ix o r se ve n sl um b ui ld - ub li ci o w w w w w w w w w w w w w W W a lN N IM IN II II II II M IN N II II IN Ig a r R i B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo 4 in N ew Y or k C it y, h as a p op ul at io n of a pp ro xi - m at el y 30 00 s tu de nt s. A cc or di ng t o re ce nt s ta ti st ic s, 4 7. 5 pe r ce nt o f th e st ud en ts ar e N eg ro , 4 4. 1 pe r ce nt a re P ue rt o R ic an , a nd 8 .4 p er c en t ar e w hi te . A s of t hi s ye ar , 1 00 s tu de nt s ar e en ro ll ed i n th e co m m er ci al p ro gr am , 6 70 i n th e ac ad em ic pr og ra m a nd 2 28 6 in t he g en er al p ro gr am . T he g ra du at in g cl as s of J un e 19 67 co m pr is ed 2 0 gr ad ua te s of t he a ca de m ic c ur ri cu lu m , 5 0 gr ad ua te s of t he c om m er ci al cu rr ic ul um , a nd 1 30 g ra du at es o f th e ge ne ra l cu rr ic ul um . T he d ro po ut r ar e at B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo l is a pp ro xi m at el y 42 p er c en t. O Can pr ec ep to rs . E rg o st ud en ts h av e no th in g to o ff er ( te ac h) , a nd t he s ys te m n ee d no t be l oc al iz ed a nd s en si ti ve ( ca pa bl e of l ea rn in g an d of c ha ng e) . S tu de nt s an d th ei r sc ho ol o ug ht t o fi t to ge th er , s ee m n at ur al t og et he r. T he on e ca n sc ar ce ly e xi st w it ho ut t he o th er . O r so y ou w ou ld t hi nk . B ut y ou c an 't us e th e sa m e fo cu s or k ee p th e sa m e di st an ce i n tr yi ng t o un de rs ta nd t he sc ho ol , a nd t he n ag ai n th e st ud en ts . B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo l an d it s st ud en ts d o no t co in ci de ; th e pl ac e an d it s pe op le c om bi ne l ik e a do ub le ex po su re . A ft er a ll " B en F ra nk li n" i s th e na m e of s om eb od y w ho d ie d a lo ng ti m e ag o an d "h is " sc ho ol i s no t al to ge th er d if fe re nt f ro m G ra nt 's T om b. A et ' ,1 1, 11 .1 11 1. 1. r- w w w ,g or m r. .r - S T A T E D D O N O T N E C E S S A R IL Y R E P R E S E N T O F F IC IA L O F F IC E O F E D U C A T IO N P O S IT IO N O R P O L IC Y . Y o u C a n 't S e e t h e T re e s fo r th e S ch o o l 0 5( 07 by J un e M ey er B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo l lo ok s pr et ty m uc h li ke m os t N ew Y or k C it y hi gh s ch oo ls : bl ur re d be tw ee n ps eu do -c la ss ic a nd f ac to ry -b ri ck . T he re a re a lo t of m id dl e- ag ed t re es a nd f ro m h al f of t he w in do w s yo u ca n se e ri ve rs o f tr af fi c an d w at er . T he v ie w i s pa rt ly p ea ce fu l. F ro m t he o th er w in do w s, t ho se ac in g on P le as an t A ve nu e, y ou c an s ee t hr ee - an d fo ur -s to ry t en em en ts v a- ca te d on t op w it h a "m ar gi na l" c an dy s to re , o r so m et hi ng e ls e, o n th e bo tt om . L ea di ng a w ay E as t to W es t fr om P le as an t A ve nu e, a re t he c ro ss to w n st re et s of E as t H ar le m w he re e ve n m od es t im pr ov em en t of s ix o r se ve n sl um b ui ld - in gs w il l ea si ly r ec ei ve n at io na l pu bl ic it y. to T he h ig h sc ho ol i s on ly a s ho rt w al k aw ay f ro m L en ox A ve nu e w he re 1 M al co lm X c ou ld f re qu en tl y be f ou nd , b ef or e he b ro ke w it h th e M us li m s, i n 44 th e T em pl e N um be r 7 R es ta ur an t. T hi s is t he n ei gh bo rh oo d w he re J es se G ra y he ld a " W or ld 's W or st F ai r" i n 19 64 , a nd t he e ve nt p ro ve d re m ar ka bl e at l ea st b ec au se N ew Y or k' s S an it at io n D ep ar tm en t un de rt oo k a m ai de n m is - si on i nt o th e ar ea a nd w as he d th e st re et s up t o fi ve t im es p er b lo ck i n an ef fo rt t o le ss en t he s te nc h th at m ig ht o th er w is e sh oc k vi si to rs es pe ci al ly 3 th e te le vi si on c re w s. N ow a nd a ga in , i n E as t H ar le m , l oo ki ng S ou th , i t is p os si bl e to g li m ps e th e no rt he rn e dg e of C en tr al P ar k w hi ch , e ve ry on e ag re es , i s be au ti fu l. A t th e in te rs ec ti on o f 11 6t h S tr ee t an d P le as an t A ve nu e, t he s ch oo l co ul d re fl ec t a co in ci de nc e of h ar ds hi p an d ha ve n, o f so ci et al n eg le ct a nd p re pa ra - ti on s fo r se lf -s uf fi ci en cy if a ny on e th ou gh t ab ou t ph ys ic al l oc at io n as a c lu e to r eq ui re d se rv ic es . B us in es sm en c om m on ly d o. B ut , c om pu ls or y pu bl ic ed u- ca ti on , l ik e th e dr af t, i s no t un de rs to od a s a pu bl ic s er vi ce fo r th os e di re ct ly in vo lv ed . C om pu ls or y pu bl ic e du ca ti on i s co nt ro ll ed b y go al s in va ri ab ly m or e ab st ra ct t ha n on e pa rt ic ul ar i nf an tr y di vi si on , o r on e pa rt ic ul ar s tu de nt p op u- la ti on . M or eo ve r, d if fe re nt ia te d ro le s ar e ab so lu te ly c le ar a nd m ut ua ll y ex - cl us iv e: S tu de nt s ar e re ce pt or s. T he s ys te m a nd i ts p ai d pe rs on ne l ar e th e pr ec ep to rs . E rg os tu de nt s ha ve n ot hi ng t o of fe r (t ea ch ), a nd t he s ys te m ne ed no t be l oc al iz ed a nd s en si ti ve ( ca pa bl e of l ea rn in g an d of c ha ng e) . S tu de nt s an d th ei r sc ho ol o ug ht t o fi t to ge th er , s ee m n at ur al t og et he r. T he on e ca n sc ar ce ly e xi st w it ho ut t he o th er . O r so y ou w ou ld t hi nk . B ut y ou c an 't us e th e sa m e fo cu s or k ee p th e sa m e di st an ce in t ry in g to u nd er st an d th e sc ho ol , a nd t he n ag ai n th e st ud en ts . B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo l an d it s st ud en ts d o no t co in ci de ; th e pl ac e an d it s pe op le c om bi ne l ik e a do ub le ex po su re . A ft er a ll " B en F ra nk li n" i s th e na m e of so m eb od y w ho d ie d a lo ng ti m e ag o an d "h is " sc ho ol i s no t al to ge th er d if fe re nt f ro m G ra nt 's T om b. A to m b is n o be gi nn in g; i t is a p la ce p ri m ar il y re la te d to t he p as t. A nd o ne te ac hi ng p ro bl em i s ce rt ai nl y th at o f m ak in g th e pa st u se fu l to t he f ut ur e us ef ul f or s tu de nt s to k no w . E ve n m or e, f or t he t ea ch er o f N eg ro s tu de nt s, th e pa st m ay s im pl y pr ov id e so ur ce m at er ia l fo r le gi ti m at e bi tt er ne ss an d st re ng th en p er ce pt io ns o f a de ad -e nd . G iv en c on di ti on s of b la ck A m er ic an li fe t od ay , a nd y es te rd ay , t ea ch in g sh ou ld f ol lo w t he f or m o f a qu es ti on , se ri ou sl y ra is ed . F or a ll A m er ic an s m ay , a t be st , r el at e to A m er ic an h is to ry in a n eq ui vo ca l m an ne r. C lo se t o on e hu nd re d pe r ce nt o f "B en F ra nk li n' s" s tu de nt s ar e N eg ro es . O r bl ac k. N eg ro n o lo ng er s ee m s an a cc ep ta bl e w or d. B y bl ac k, b y ca ll in g hi m - se lf b la ck , t he s tu de nt c an m or e cl ea rl y in di ca te t ha t he i s di ff er en t fr om , a nd op po se d to w hi te to w ha t w hi te m ea ns . C lo se t o on e hu nd re d pe r ce nt of th e sc ho ol 's t ea ch in g st af f is w hi te . F ou r st ud en ts t al ke d w it h m e ab ou t ex pe ct at io ns , e xp er ie nc e an d ab ou t th e im pa ct o r ir re le va nc y of t he ir e du ca ti on , t o da te .. .. P au l L uc ia no a nd V ic to r H er na nd ez C ru z ar e fr ie nd s. N ei th er o f th em th in ks o f gr ad ua ti on , n ex t Ja nu ar y, a s an yt hi ng e xc ep t a ti m e of " ge tt in g ou t" o f th e sc ho ol , p er s e. P au l re ga rd s th e ex pe ct ed " li tt le p ie ce o f pa pe r" (t he d ip lo m a) a s pr oo f th at y ou h av e be en " w hi te y- fi ed " fo r fo ur y ea rs . P a u l: I w as f or m er ly i n th e ac ad em ic p ro gr am . N ow I 'm i n ge ne ra l. V ic to r: G en er al p re pa re s yo u fo r no th in g. P a u l: P eo pl e w ou ld g et h ea rt a tt ac ks i f B en ja m in F ra nk li n w as p ri - m ar il y ac ad em ic . V ic to r: T he y kn ow w ha t th ey 'r e do in g. S ch oo l tr ai ns y ou t o be a f ac to ry w or ke r. ... P a u l: It 's l ik e so m an y je ll y be an s in a j ar . I f th er e' s no t en ou gh b ea ns , or t oo m an y of t he m , y ou g o to a no th er c la ss . S o yo u ju st g iv 'e u p. T ha t's t he p sy ch ol og y of a n in fe ri or p er so n: Y ou g iv e up . T ha t's w he re y ou r pr ob le m s st ar t. V ic to r: T he y ca ll ed a t ea ch er 's c on fe re nc e. Y ou k no w w hy ? A bo ut t he M id dl e E as t cr is is . T w o ho ur s! B - it t he y w ou ld n ev er c al l a co n- fe re nc e to h el p F ra nk li n st ud en ts . V ic to r is a ls o in t he g en er al p ro gr am . H e ha s be en w ri ti ng p oe tr y fo r tw o ye ar s, h as p ub li sh ed i n T he E ve rg re en R ev ie w , a nd i s re la ti ve ly c on fi de nt a bo ut a bo ok -l en gt h m an us cr ip t of p oe m s no w be in g co ns id er ed b y G ro ve P re ss . W he n as ke d ho w s ur e he i s ab ou t "g et ti ng o ut " ne xt J an ua ry , V ic to r re - m em be rs t he o ne o cc as io n w he n he w as n ot p ro m ot ed ; he w as l ef t be ck i n th e th ir d gr ad e: V ic to r: It 's k in d of s tu pi d to g et l ef t ba ck i n th ir d gr ad e. I p ro ba bl y he ld t he s tr aw w ro ng . P a u l: N o, m an , t he y fe lt y ou w er en 't qu al if ie d. V ic to r: I w ou ld 'v e li ke t o ha ve b ee n ou t of sc ho ol r ig ht n ow . I k no w w hi te k id s ou t of s ch oo l at 1 6, 1 7. P a u l: Y ea h, b ut t he n th e st at is ti cs w ou ld b e al l w ro ng . V ic to r an d P au l ar e bo th 1 8- ye ar s- ol d w it h li tt le t ra ce o f bo yh oo d. T he y ar e m or e li ke y ou ng m en f or ce d to pl ay p up il k no w in g th at t om or ro w t he y m ay b e fo rc ed t o fi gh t as s ol di er s in a w ar th ey r eg ar d as i ns an e. P a u l: T he p ro gr am [ th e cu rr ic ul um ) is a v er y co nf us in g sy st em . T he re 's n ob od y to e xp la in i t to y ou . T he y ju st , y ou kn ow , l ik e pa t yo u on t he b ac k. P eo pl e te ll m e if y ou do n' t go a lo ng w it h th e pr og ra m , y ou 'll m es s yo ur w ho le l if e up . w hi te k id s ou t of s ch oo l at 1 6, 1 7. P a u l: Y ea h, b ut t he n th e st at is ti cs w ou ld b e al l w ro ng . V ic to r an d P au l ar e bo th 1 8- ye ar s- ol d w it h li tt le t ra ce o f bo yh oo d. T he y ar e m or e li ke y ou ng m en f or ce d to p la y pu pi l kn ow in g th at t om or ro w t he y m ay b e fo rc ed t o fi gh t as s ol di er s in a w ar t he y re ga rd a s in sa ne . P a u l: T he p ro gr am [ th e cu rr ic ul um ] is a v er y co nf us in g sy st em . T he re 's n ob od y to e xp la in i t to y ou . T he y ju st , y ou k no w , l ik e pa t yo u on t he b ac k. P eo pl e te ll m e if y ou d on 't go a lo ng w it h th e pr og ra m , y ou 'll m es s yo ur w ho le l if e up . I sa y, w el l th en , t o he ll w it h m y li fe . Y ou h av e to t ak e so m e ki nd o f st an d. E ve ry th in g yo u le ar n is l ie s. It 's t he ir e du ca ti on . N ot m in e. It 's t he ir h is to ry . N ot m in e. It 's t he ir l an gu ag e N ot m in e. Y ou n am e it . I t's t he ir s. N ot m in e. A w hi te t ea ch er , h e ha s no t li ve d th e li fe . H e ca nn ot r el at e an y of t he t hi ng s to m e. S o I' m b or ed . V ic to r: T ha t's w hy y ou n ee d co m m un it y co nt ro l. ... Y ou k no w , t he y ha ve a J ew is h te ac he r te ac hi ng a c ou rs e on P ue rt o R ic an c ul - tu re a nd h is to ry ! S o I as ke d hi m a bo ut t he h ea d of t he P ue rt o R ic an N at io na li st P ar ty , o ne o f th e le ad in g po et s, a nd a 1 9t h- ce nt ur y ph il os op he r a ve ry i m po rt an t ph il os op he r th e ca t pr ed ic te d th e em er ge nc e of C hi na , m an ! S o, a ny w ay , I a sk ed th is t ea ch er , a nd h e di dn 't kn ow n on e of t he m . T ur ni ng t o fa ce P au l w ho t hi nk s of h im se lf m or e as a b la ck m an t ha n as a P ue rt o R ic an , V ic to r co nt in ue d: G eo rg e W as hi ng to n ha d sl av es , m an . Y ou k no w o ne ti m e he t ra de d a bl ac k m an f or a p ig ? T he n tu rn in g to m e: W e to ld t he l ib ra ri an w e w an te d a pi ct ur e of M al co lm X . W e sa id w e w ou ld s up pl y ou r ow n pi ct ur e an d ev er yt hi ng . B ut s he s ai d, 'N o. ' W e w an te d hi s pi ct ur e up t he re w it h G eo rg e W as hi ng to n an d T ho m as J ef fe rs on . P a u l: H e [M al co lm X ] di d no t co nt ri bu te t o th ei r cu lt ur e. V ic to r: T he l ib ra ri an s ai d he p re ac he d ha te . H e. ..P au l! G et y ou r m ot he r to c om pl ai n ab ou t G eo rg e W as hi ng to n' s pi ct ur e! P a u l: (q ui et ly , e m ba rr as se d) N o, m an , n ot m y m ot he r. V ic to r: W el l, g et s om eb od y' s m ot he r. .. W e as ke d th e li br ar ia n to g et T he A ut ob io gr ap hy o f M ak ol m X . S he s ai d, 'S om e bo ok s yo u ha ve t o w ai t th re e ye ar s? ... It 's s ti ll n ot t he re . B ef or e B en ja m in F ra nk li n, P au l at te nd ed F oo d an d M ar it im e H ig h S ch oo l. P a u l: T ha t's a s ch oo l w he re y ou j us t ge t pa rt s. O ne d ay y ou g et a rm s. A no th er d ay y ou r he ar t. A no th er d ay id ea s. ..u nt il y ou g ra du at e a ro bo t to w or k fo r th em . [ A t B en ja m in F ra nk li n] I w as w ri ti ng a b oo k ab ou t ev er y cl as s w ha t w as g oi ng o z. I g av e it t o m y E ng li sh t ea ch er . S he t or e it u p. I ju st s to pp ed g oi ng a lo ng w it h th e pr og ra m . S ta rt in g w it h th e pl ed ge o f al le gi an ce t o th e fl ag . I s to p th er e. I d on 't st an d fo r th e fl ag . C iv il L ib er ti es U ni on s ay s I do n' t ha ve t o. I ha d a lo t of c ut s. I h ad a bo ut 5 0 cu ts . T he y di dn 't pu t on e cu t do w n on m y [r ep or t] c ar d. T he se p eo pl e tr y an y w ay t o et r id o f yo u. V ic to r: D ec em be r 19 67 11 3 D e b o ra h : (a gg re ss iv el y) N eg ro c ol le ge s ar e no t eq ui pp ed . R ig ht n ow th ey 'r e [t he w hi te c ol le ge s] o n to p. T he y ha ve w ha t w e w an t. I th in k w e sh ou ld g o to t he ir s ch oo ls a nd l ea rn yo u kn ow , w ha t th ey h av e so w e ca n co m e ba ck a nd t ea ch o ur o w n. I m ea n so m et hi ng a bo ut a N eg ro c ol le ge t ha t. .. I m ea n, th ey [ w hi te e m pl oy er s] j us t do n' t ta ke y ou . ( D eb or ah b eg an ea rn es tl y ar gu in g w it h L ar ry :) B ut y ou 'v e be en a ro un d bl ac k pe op le a ll y ou r li fe . Y ou 'r e bl ac k yo ur se lf s o yo u kn ow h ow t he y fe el a nd h ow t he y th in k. T he w hi te m an i s th e pe rs on y ou d on 't kn ow h ow h e fe el s an d th in ks . I do . (a m az ed ) H ow c an y ou s ay t ha t? L a rr y: D e b o ra h : L ar ry s hr ug ge d, a nd r at he r th an t ry t o an sw er h er , h e th re w a q ue st io n ba ck . L ar ry h ad e ar li er r em ar ke d th at p ra ct ic al ly e ve ry on e at 'B en F ra nk li n" se em ed t o as su m e m ar ri ag e ri gh t af te r hi gh s ch oo l. H e no w a sk ed D eb or ah ho w s he w ou ld m an ag e to g o to c ol le ge i f sh e m ar ri ed . D eb or ah d id n ot c ha l- le ng e hi s as su m pt io n. S he a ns w er ed : "I f yo u w an t to g o to c ol le ge , y ou 'r e go in g to g o. A c hi ld w ou ld n' t ho ld m e ba ck . I m ea n, I 'd m ak e it m y bu si ne ss to g o. " L a rr y: W ho i s yo ur h us ba nd ? Is h e a co ll eg e gr ad ua te ? D e b o ra h : (s ud de nl y sh y) I d on 't kn ow . E ve ry bo dy l au gh ed . I a sk ed L ar ry i f he h ad d is cu ss ed h is p la ns w it h an y ad ul ts at s ch oo l. L a rr y: I ta lk ed w it h on e, b ut n ot w it h m y ow n gu id an ce c ou ns el or . M y ow n co un se lo r sc ar es m e, h e re al ly d oe s. W he ne ve r I se e hi m , h e' s al w ay s ru sh in g. B ut t he o th er t ea ch er , w he n- ev er I s ee h im , h e al w ay s ha s ti m e. H e st an ds t he re a nd h e w il l sh ak e m y ha nd a nd s ta nd t he re f or a f ew m in ut es . A nd w e ta lk . H e ta lk s w it h m e. I t hi nk h e' s a m ar ve lo us m an , I re al ly d o. ( L ar ry p ro ve d m or e th an w il li ng t o th in k al ou d ab ou t .. .. i& ka M IS M IM B O M ia M A IL N E n .,- I. M L L 11 M - 'W N W I M IN IT E M IN .1 in n w o w - ev er y cl as s w ha t w as g oi ng o n. I g av e it t o m y E ng li sh t ea ch er . S he t or e it u p. I ju st s to pp ed g oi ng a lo ng w it h th e pr og ra m . S ta rt in g w it h th e pl ed g of a ll eg ia nc e to t he f la g. I s to p th er e. I d on 't st an d fo r th e fl ag . C iv il L ib er ti es U ni on s ay s I do n' t ha ve t o. V ic to r: I ha d a lo t of c ut s. I h ad a bo ut 5 0 cu ts . T he y di dn 't pu t on e cu t do w n on m y [r ep or t] c ar d. T he se p eo pl e tr y an y w ay t o ge t ri d of y ou . I as ke d V ic to r fo r hi s id ea s on s ch oo l. H e sa id : "T ea ch er s sh ou ld b e re ad y to d o an yt hi ng . T he y sh ou ld b e yo ur n ei gh bo rs . T he y sh ou ld n ot o nl y be w il li ng t o te ac h yo u ho w t o re ad , b ut t he y sh ou ld b e w il li ng t o cu t th ro at s, w he n th e ti m e co m es ." P au l ex pl ai ne d ho w " th e pr og ra m " be ga n to s ee m i rr el ev an t to h im : "S ta rt - in g w it h m at h. I f el t th at m at h ha d no th in g to d o w it h m e. " V ic to r: (l au gh in g) A nd m at h is p ro ba bl y th e on ly t hi ng t he y ca n' t te ac h w ro ng un le ss t he y sa y 2 an d 2 is w hi te . P a u l: (n ot l au gh in g) T he y ar e te ac hi ng w hi te n at io na li sm . T he y te ll yo u, w he n yo u ar e 34 , a nd y ou b uy a h om e, yo u' ll b e ab le t o pu t up a f la g po le i f yo u le ar n al ge br a. V ic to r: I ke ep f lu nk in g al ge br a, m an . I m ea n, s er io us ly , I k ee p fl un k- in g al ge br a. T he y w er e la ug hi ng h ar d no w , a nd a ng ry a t th e sa m e ti m e: W ou ld t he y ge t to b e 34 -y ea rs -o ld ? W he re w ou ld t he y bu y a ho us e? W hy w ou ld t he y pu t up a fl ag p ol e? T H E N E X T T IM E I sa w V ic to r, P au l w as n ot t he re . P au l w as s pe nd in g th e af te rn oo n w it h hi s tu te e, a n 11 -y ea r- ol d bo y he i s te ac hi ng t o re ad . B ut h e an d V ic to r ha d ar ra ng ed f or m e to m ee t w it h tw o B en ja m in F ra nk li n H ig h S ch oo l st ud en ts w ho a re p re pa ri ng f or c ol le ge . In c on tr as t to P au l an d V ic to r w ho b ot h ha ve a k in d of g en tl e m an li ne ss , D eb or ah R og er s, 1 7, a nd L ar ry R ea do us , 1 8, s ug ge st ed t he t ee na ge t en si on pr od uc ed b y m im ic ry o f ad ul ts . W he n th ey t al ke d ab ou t "b ei ng b la ck ," t he re w as c on si de ra bl e, n er vo us g ig gl in g. L ar ry e vi de nt ly f el t he h ad t o de fe nd h is i nt en ti on t o en te r a S ou th er n sc ho ol , M or eh ou se C ol le ge , r at he r th an a " w hi te " co ll eg e: " I lo ve b la ck p eo - pl e, I r ea ll y do ." T hi s w as a d ec la ra ti on L ar ry m ad e re pe at ed ly a s th ou gh th e re pe ti ti on a lo ne w ou ld b ol st er i ts s in ce ri ty . at s c oo L a rr y: I ta lk ed w it h on e, b ut n ot w it h m y ow n gu id an ce c ou ns el or . M y ow n co un se lo r sc ar es m e, h e re al ly do es . W he ne ve r I se e hi m , h e' s al w ay s ru sh in g. B ut t he o th er t ea ch er , w he n- ev er I s ee h im , h e al w ay s ha s ti m e. H e st an ds t he re a nd h e w il l sh ak e m y ha nd a nd s ta nd t he re f or a fe w m in ut es . A nd w e ta lk . H e ta lk s w it h m e. I t hi nk h e' s a m ar ve lo us m an , I re al ly d o. ( L ar ry p ro ve d m or e th an w il li ng t o th in k al ou d ab ou t B en ja m in F ra nk li n. ) "I w ou ld n' t re co m m en d th is s ch oo l to m y si st er b ec au se s he 's no t as s tr on g as I a m . T he re 's s o m an y th in gs h er e to r ea ll y dr ag y ou d ow n. I m ea n, f or i ns ta nc e, i t's s o ea sy n ot to g o to cl as s. Y ou c an s ay t o yo ur se lf , I c an ea si ly n ot g o to c la ss . T he t ea ch er w on 't qu es ti on m e be ca us e th er e ar e ve ry f ew te ac he rs w ho 'll s ay , w el l, w he re 's J oh n? I th in k th at m os t te ac he rs c om e he re w it h th e id ea t ha t th es e ki ds a re d um b, i gn or an t, s tu pi d. A nd t he y ge t in t he cl as sr oo m , t he f ir st m on th , a nd s ee t ha t th e ki ds a re u nr ul y an d so f or th , a nd t he y ge t in t he s am e ol d ba g. T he y sa y, I ca n' t m ak e th em k no w a ny th in g. S o th e ki ds l os e a w ho le lo t. A nd I t hi nk t he t ea ch er s do , t oo . B ec au se I w ou ld i m ag - in e a lo t of t ea ch er s re al ly l ov e to t ea ch if t he y' re i n th e bu si ne ss o f te ac hi ng . A nd i t hu rt s ev er yo ne , al l th e w ay ar ou nd ... .( T he re w as a s il en ce . F in al ly L ar ry di st ur be d it :) N o, I ca n' t kn oc k th e sc ho ol . B ec au se t he re 's t oo m uc h ar ou nd th e ki d. T he w ho le e nv ir on m en t af fe ct s th e gr ow th o f a pe rs on . Y ou c an 't de al w it h it o n a le ve l of , o ka y th e ki d co m es t o sc ho ol -i t's ou ts id e th at y ou h av e to s ta rt .W ha t yo u ca n le ar n in c la ss i s so un at ta ch ed t o sl um l if e. ... 14 1 T he U rb an R ev ie w D e b o ra h : (i nt er ru pt in g) B ut w e ha ve s om e of t he t op t ea ch er s he re in t hi s sc ho ol , w ho t ea ch . A nd t he n ag ai n, s om e of t he s tu - de nt s he re , t he y do n' t w an t to w or k. A nd s om e of t he te ac he rs , t he y sh ou ld n' t ke ep t el li ng t he k id s: 'Y ou l iv e in a po ve rt y ar ea , i n a sl um , a nd y ou c an 't ge t ou t. ' W e kn ow w he re w e' re l iv in g. T ea ch u s w ha t yo u' re s up po se d to t ea ch . L ar ry : I sp ok e w it h th e pr in ci pa l an d he s ai d th e ge ne ra l co ur se pr ep ar es t he m f or n ot hi ng . ( V ic to r, w ho w as h el pi ng m e w it h th e ta pe r ec or de r, d id n' t ch an ge e xp re ss io n. ) -a rr y: S o, s om e of u s, a nd a f ew o f th e te ac he rs f or m ed t he F ra nk li n Im pr ov em en t C om m it te e to t ry a nd d o so m et hi ng a bo ut th is . T he " F ra nk li n Im pr ov em en t C om m it te e" w as t he s ec on d st ud en t gr ou p I kn ew . T he f ir st w as " T he F ra nk li n S tu de nt M ov em en t" t o w hi ch V ic to r an d P au l be lo ng . P au l ha d to ld m e ab ou t th e un be li ev ab le b at tl e w ag ed by F S M i n or de r to h av e m or e th an t w o ba th ro om s op en ed fo r th re e th ou sa nd s tu de nt s. E ve nt ua ll y, F S M w on . W e st oo d be tw ee n tw o ba rr en c ol um ns a t th e to p of t he s ch oo l st ai rs . I a sk ed D eb or ah w hy s he d id n' t be lo ng t o F S M . " W el l, " sh e pa rr ie d, " w ha t ha ve t he y do ne ? Ju st t he b at hr oo m s. " V ic to r sa id : "Y ea h, b ut , e ve n ho no r st ud en ts h av e to g o to t he b at hr oo m ." D eb or ah d id n ot r es po nd i m m ed ia te ly . S he w as t hi nk in g ho w t o co m pl et el y di st in gu is h he rs el f fr om V ic to r an d P au l. A t la st , a nd r at he r vi ci ou sl y, s he e xp lo de d: " S om e of y ou p eo pl e do n' t ev en 9! at m e sh e co nt in ue d: " T he 'r e ge ne ra l P a u l: V ic to r: P a u l: V ic to r: P a u l: V ic to r: P a u l: V :c to r: P a u l: V ic to r: P a u l: V ic to r: T h is is a r a ci st c o u n tr y, m a n . T h e re is n o in -b e tw e e n . P au l. H e' s th e w ei rd es t ca t I kn ow . L ik e, I m ea n, w he re d id y ou ge t yo ur l as t na m e? W ha t do y ou m ea n, w he re d id I g et m y na m e? Y ou b et te r ch ec k th at o ut . I d on 't th in k th at 's y ou r la st n am e. I to ld y ou , i t's a s la ve n am e. I t's a s la ve n am e. N o, m an , i t's a n It al ia n na m e. H ow d o yo u kn ow ? Y ou k no w , l ik e th at c ri m in al w ha t L uc ia no i t's a n It al ia n na m e. (s tu bb or nl y) I t's a s la ve n am e. (l os in g pa ti en ce ) B ut m an , d on 't yo u un de rs ta nd in g yo u? T he re w er e no I ta li an s w he n th er e w er e sl av es . M y gr ea t gr an df at he r, h e w as a m er ch an t an I ta li an ch an t. M y gr ea t gr an dm ot he r, s he w as a s la ve i n S pa in . S he w as o ne o f th e sl av es o f th e Q ue en o f S pa in , o r so m eb od y. L u- ci an o, h e w as a m er ch an t; i t w as a nd s ti ll i s a fa m ou s na m e in It al y. H ow d o yo u kn ow t ha t, m an ? w as hi s na m e? L uc ky w ha t I' m ° te ll - m er - th ou sa nd s tu de nt s. E ve nt ua ll y, F S M w on . W e st oo d be tw ee n tw o ba rr en c ol um ns a t th e to p of t he s ch oo l st ai rs . I a sk ed D eb or ah w hy s he d id n' t be lo ng t o F S M . " W el l, " sh e pa rr ie d, " w ha t ha ve t he y do ne ? Ju st t he b at hr oo m s. " V ic to r sa id : "Y ea h, b ut , e ve n ho no r st ud en ts h av e to g o to t he b at hr oo m ." D eb or ah d id n ot r es po nd i m m ed ia te ly . S he w as t hi nk in g ho w t o co m pl et el y di st in gu is h he rs el f fr om V ic to r an d P au l. A t la st , a nd r at he r vi ci ou sl y, s he e xp lo de d: " S om e of y ou p eo pl e do n' t ev en pl an o n go in g to c ol le ge ." L oo ki ng a t m e, s he c on ti nu ed : "T he y' re g en er al st ud en ts . T he y ha ve n o ki nd o f av er ag e. T he y' re n ot hi ng . H ow y ou g on na as k fo r th in gs i f yo u' re n ot hi ng ? T he y do n' t ev en h av e no k in d of a ve ra ge !" I w ai te d fo r V ic to r to s ay s om et hi ng , b ut h e di dn 't. S O M E W E E K S L A T E R , I m et w it h P au l an d V ic to r ag ai n. T he y w er e pr e- oc cu pi ed b y su m m er j ob s; w or ki ng f or S .T .I .R . S pe ci al T ut or in g In R ea di ng , a pr og ra m f in an ce d by t he J ob s C or p an d un de r th e ae gi s of t he C it iz en s' C ou nc il o f C ol um bi a U ni ve rs it y. T he y se em ed p le as ed a nd p ro ud ab ou t th ei r w or k. P a u l : D on 't te ac h m e R ob er t F ro st . H e ha s no th in g to d o w it h m e. D on 't te ll m e ab ou t th e bi rd s an d th e be es o ut i n so m ep la ce l ik e Q ue en s. B ut h is [ V ic to r' s] p oe tr y' s te ll in g m e ab ou t th e be au - ti fu l th in gs i n m y ow n ne ig hb or ho od th in gs I d on 't kn ow ab ou t. T ea ch m e bl ac k hi st or y. T ea ch m e P ue rt o R ic an h is to ry . I' m h er e be ca us e I ha ve t o be no t be ca us e I w an t to b e he re . A s P ue rt o R ic an s, d id t he y co ns id er t he m se lv es b la ck o r w hi te ? P a u l : (q ui ck ly ) I' m a b la ck m an . I 'm a b la ck m an . V i c t o r : W el l, I 'm n ot b la ck a nd I 'm n ot w hi te . I 'm i n- be tw ee n. : st u or n y V i c t o r : (l os in g pa ti en ce ) B ut m an , d on 't yo u un de rs ta nd w ha t I' m t el l- in g yo u? T he re w er e no I ta li an s w he n th er e w er e sl av es . P a u l: M y gr ea t gr an df at he r, h e w as a m er ch an t an I ta li an m er - ch an t. M y gr ea t gr an dm ot he r, s he w as a s la ve i n S pa in . S he w as o ne o f th e sl av es o f th e Q ue en o f S pa in , o r so m eb od y. L u- ci an o, h e w as a m er ch an t; i t w as a nd s ti ll i s a fa m ou s na m e in It al y. V i c t o r : H ow d o yo u kn ow t ha t, m an ? P a u l: I as ke d m y gr ea t gr an dm ot he r. V i c t o r : Y ou a sk ed h er ! W he n? P a u l: L as t C hr is tm as . V i c t o r : (w hi st li ng ) H ow o ld w as s he ? P a u l : A h un dr ed a nd s ix . N ob od y sa id a ny th in g. P au l re la xe d. A m on th a go h e ha d sa id h e w an te d to b e a tr uc k dr iv er . " Ju st g et a t ru ck a nd d ri ve o n th e ro ad . H av e no th in g to do w it h th e m an ." I d id n' t as k hi m w ho se t ru ck h e w ou ld d ri ve , o r w ho w ou ld de te rm in e hi s de st in at io n. T hi s af te rn oo n P au l w as s ay in g he w ou ld j oi n th e M er ch an t M ar in e as s oo n as h e "g ot o ut ." V ic to r co m m en te d on th e co nn ec ti on b et w ee n P au l's l at es t, st at ed a m bi ti on a nd t he I ta li an m er ch an t, L uc ia no . P au l m ad e no r ep ly . T o ch an ge t he s ub je ct , I a sk ed w ha t th ey w an te d to b e: P a u l: B e m ys el f, r ea ll y. G et o ut o f th e co un tr y. V i c t o r : I' m g oi ng t o go o n as a p oe t. I w an t to b e in t ha t si tu at io n w he re I bo th w ri te a nd h el p pe op le . ( H e th ou gh t fo ra w hi le a nd th en s ai d: ) I w an t to t ea ch . P a u l: V i c t o r : T ea ch ! T ea ch w ha t? (f ir m ly ) T ea ch w ha te ve r I kn ow . H el p pe op le b y te ac hi ng . I ha ve b ee n th in ki ng o f V ic to r an d P au l, s tu de nt s in t he " ge ne ra l co ur se " th at p re pa re s th em " fo r no th in g. " I ha ve b ee n th in ki ng of P au l an d hi s pr id e ' of V ic to r an d th e po et ry h e w ri te s an d of D eb or ah w ho w an ts t o "c om e ba ck a nd t ea ch o ur o w n. " I ha ve b ee n th in ki ng ab ou t th e w el l- re he ar se d sp ee ch o f L ar ry w ho w an ts t o "d o ad ve rt is in g fo r th e ge ne ra l pu bl ic ," b ut w ho w il l go t o M or eh ou se C ol le ge b ec au se "I l ov e m y pe op le , I r ea ll y do ." In t hi s ye ar o f D et ro it , t he m os t ho pe fu l th in g I kn ow i s th at t hr ee o f th es e fo ur s tu de nt s w an t to t ea ch . T he m os t ho pe fu l an d th e m os t am az in g tr ut h I kn ow i s th at t w o of t he se s tu de nt s th e tw o w ho w er e pu t at t he b ot to m o f "t he j el ly be an s" a re a lr ea dy t ea ch in g! F or a ll o f th em , fo r D eb or ah a nd P au l an d V ic to r an d L ar ry , t he g oo d an d w or th w hi le l if e is t ie d di re ct ly t o th e fa it hf ul a ct o f te ac hi ng . B ut w ha t w il l ha pp en f or t he m ? W ho w il l ke ep t he ir fa it h? W ha t ha pp en ed fo r th em a t "B en F ra nk li n" w he re I h ad t o ch ec k m y ow n ey es t o se e th at t he re w er e tr ee s yo u ca n' t se e th e tr ee s fo r th e sc ho ol . In a p oe m c al le d "T he J un gl e, " V ic to r ha s w ri tt en : "W e w ou ld n ot b e li ke f lo w er s re st in g de ad i n so m e hi ll ri ot e ve n ge tt in g cr ed it f or i ts c ol or or t he w ay i t sm el ls ." A nd w ha t he w ro te h e m ea ns . Ju ne M ey er i s a yo un g w ri te r an d po et l iv in g in N ew Y or k C it y. S he h as a ls o w or ke d as a r es ea rc he r in t he h ou si ng di vi si on o f M ob il iz ad on f or Y ou th . 
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work_dgbq34ek3jgajigqmx3lt5oovq	----	A m a t h e m a t i c i a n e m b a r k i n g on n e u t r o n t r a n s p o r t t h e o r y w o r k will m u c h benefit, of c o u r s e , from a r e a s o n a b l e f a m i l i a r i t y with the above m e t h o d s a s well a s with the g e n e r a l t h e o r y of i n - t e g r a l e q u a t i o n s . T h i s will n o r m a l l y be found at the P h . D . or at l e a s t at the M . S c . , r a t h e r than at the B . S c . l e v e l . A l s o it will n o r m a l l y be found in t h o s e s p e c i a l i z i n g i n a n a l y s i s or in n u m e r i - c a l m e t h o d s , r a t h e r t h a n in a b s t r a c t a l g e b r a , o r t h e o r y of n u m - b e r s , s a y . At the s a m e t i m e a man 1 s ability i s , of c o u r s e , m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t that h i s b a c k g r o u n d . Computation C e n t r e U n i v e r s i t y of T o r o n t o . RANDOM NOTES FROM THE SECRETARIAT Benjamin F r a n k l i n s a y s " t h r e e m o v e s a r e a s bad a s a fire1 1. We have now a c c o m p l i s h e d two m o v e s and hope we won't have the f i r e in which c a s e our work will be m o r e d i s o r g a n i z e d than it i s now. A s the work of the C o n g r e s s h a s i n c r e a s e d , we have b e e n in need of . m o r e and m o r e s p a c e . We have now, thanks to our colleague H e n r i Gaudefroy, D i r e c t o r of the E c o l e P o l y t e c h n i q u e , and the E c o l e P o l y t e c h n i q u e b o a r d , two v e r y commodious r o o m s i n t h e i r new e l e v e n m i l l i o n d o l l a r building. We a l s o have an a t t r a c t i v e r o o m i n the C h e m i s t r y Building at McGi l l , thanks to H e r b e r t T a t e , P r o f e s s o r Winkler ( C h a i r m a n of the C h e m i s t r y D e p a r t m e n t ) , a n d the McGill a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and g o v e r n o r s . While t h e r e i s some inconvenience in having offices four r n i l e s a p a r t , we.hope so to divide our w o r k between the two foci of the C o n g r e s s a s to c a r r y i t on without m o r e t h a n t h e o r d i n a r y confusion. L e e R i t c e y (see Volume 1, N o . 2 , page 144 and No. 3 , page 216) began h i s w o r k a s a s s o c i a t e executive s e c r e t a r y - t r e a s u r e r of the C o n g r e s s on S e p t e m b e r 1st. Let m e say f i r s t of a l l that the confusion m e n t i o n e d above i s due to our r e c e n t m o v e and to m y s e l f , and in no way to Dr* R i t c e y and M r s . B a k e r , both of whom have done t h e i r b e s t to k e e p things on an even k e e l . As money - and I arn s o r r y to t a k e a m a t e r i a l i s t i c view h e r e - i s one of the foundation s t o n e s on which the s u c c e s s of the C o n g r e s s i s b u i l t , h i s f i r s t t a s k h a s been to v i s i t a g r e a t m a n y c o m p a n i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in M o n t r e a l and T o r o n t o , soliciting funds, finding new s u b s c r i b e r s and obtaining i n c r e a s e d s u b s c r i p t i o n s from old s u b s c r i b e r s . I a m glad to r e p o r t that he h a s had a good d e a l of s u c c e s s under somewhat difficult c i r c u m s t a n c e s . The R i t c e y s have moved i n and gone to w o r k without fuss and f e a t h e r s . We do w i s h , h o w e v e r , to show our a p p r e c i a t i o n of t h e m and give t h e m a formal w e l c o m e , and are planning a r e c e p t i o n at the Cercle Universitaire on December 9. In addition to m e m b e r s 6 1 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core of the M a t h e m a t i c a l staffs of the M o n t r e a l i n s t i t u t i o n s including the Collège M i l i t a i r e Royal de St. J e a n , we hope to have the p r e s i d e n t of the C o n g r e s s and at l e a s t s o m e of the e x - p r e s i d e n t s join us on that o c c a s i o n . The p r e l i m i n a r y a n n o u n c e m e n t of next s u m m e r ' s s e m i n a r should go out b e f o r e too long; but one i m p o r t a n t p i e c e of news i s that Donald C o x e t e r h a s c o n s e n t e d to be one of the i n s t r u c t i o n a l l e c t u r e r s . He i s to l e c t u r e at St. A n d r e w ' s in the e a r l y p a r t of the s u m m e r and s a y s he e x p e c t s to have h i s cake and eat it too by linking t h i s a p p o i n t m e n t with the l e c t u r e s h i p a t our s u m m e r s e m - i n a r . A d e l i c i o u s p i e c e of c a k e , I should hope1. A good p i e c e of n e w s i s t h a t the I n t e r n a t i o n a l N i c k e l C o m - pany i s giving a s u b s t a n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n in s u p p o r t of the A l b e r t a S u m m e r I n s t i t u t e for M a t h e m a t i c s i n 1959, and a n o t h e r good p i e c e of n e w s i s t h a t t h e Sun Life I n s u r a n c e Company i s i n c r e a s i n g i t s s u b s c r i p t i o n to $ 3 , 0 0 0 beginning next y e a r . They a r e m u c h i n t e r - e s t e d in the s c h o l a r s h i p p r o g r a m m e which we e x p e c t to i n s t i t u t e in the P r o v i n c e of Quebec. Max Wyman h a s b e e n invited to speak at the s y m p o s i u m on n A s y m p t o t i c Expansions*1 at the C a l i f o r n i a I n s t i t u t e of Technology t h i s m o n t h . T h i s i s a n e x c e l l e n t opportunity a s he will be s p e a k - ing on the topic of h i s next s u m m e r ' s s e m i n a r l e c t u r e s and will be m e e t i n g s e v e r a l e x p e r t s in t h a t field. It i s good news t h a t L o u i s and M a b e l M o r d e l l a r e b a c k in C a n a d a . You will r e c a l l that a f t e r h i s r e t i r e m e n t f r o m C a m b r i d g e , P r o f e s s o r M o r d e l l spent two y e a r s a s v i s i t i n g p r o f e s s o r a t the U n i v e r s i t y of T o r o n t o . A f t e r spending a good d e a l of l a s t y e a r v i s i t i n g and l e c t u r i n g in foreign p l a c e s including Ghana and N i g e r i a , he i s b a c k i n C a n a d a a s v i s i t i n g p r o f e s s o r a t Mount A l l i s o n , I h e a r that he will be v i s i t i n g M c M a s t e r at C h r i s t m a s t i m e . No doubt h i s f r i e n d s in M o n t r e a l and T o r o n t o will have t h e p l e a s u r e of s e e i n g h i m a g a i n a t t h a t t i m e . Our South A f r i c a exchange fellowship p r o g r a m m e i s going on s u c c e s s f u l l y . J . R . Vanstone f r o m T o r o n t o i s no w i n h i s second y e a r a t the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal (Durban) with P r o f e s s o r Rund. O r i g i n a l l y we expected to a w a r d t h i s fellowship only once e v e r y two y e a r s , but a s C a r l T e m p l i n , a g r a d u a t e of T o r o n t o who spent l a s t y e a r at the U n i v e r s i t y of W i s c o n s i n , was anxious to go out to D u r b a n and work with P r o f e s s o r Rund, we a w a r d e d h i m a g r a n t of 1É250 f r o m our funds. He will a u g m e n t t h i s by doing a stint of t e a - ching. We had the p l e a s u r e of having a v i s i t f r o m M r . and M r s . T e m p l i n r e c e n t l y a s they m a d e t h e i r way t o w a r d New Y o r k f r o m w h e r e they w e r e sailing for South A f r i c a at the end of O c t o b e r . In t u r n M r . I . Z . Bouwer of the U n i v e r s i t y of S t e l l e n b o s c h h a s a r r i v e d in Canada and h a s t a k e n up h i s s t u d i e s at the U n i v e r s i t y of T o r o n t o , e s p e c i a l l y with p r o f e s s o r A . H . W a l l a c e . Bouwer w a s appointed a y e a r a g o but d e c i d e d to spend a y e a r working with the Council 62 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core for Scientific and I n d u s t r i a l R e s e a r c h at P r e t o r i a . He was able to do a good d e a l of r e a d i n g during h i s y e a r t h e r e and c o m e s well p r e p a r e d . Bouwer had a fine opportunity of seeing quite a bit of North A m e r i c a a s h i s ship f r o m South A f r i c a landed at C o r p u s C h r i s t i , T e x a s . We w e r e v e r y glad to have him with us in Mon- t r e a l for a few d a y s . Hans Z a s s e n h a u s , one of the v i c e - p r e s i d e n t s of the C o n g r e s s , i s t h i s y e a r at the California Institute of Technology a s v i s i t i n g p r o f e s s o r . We shall m i s s his good c h e e r and e n t h u s i a s m . I won't t r a n s g r e s s on news from the u n i v e r s i t i e s to say m u c h about the U n i v e r s i t y of T o r o n t o but I m u s t c o m m e n t on t h e i r a t t r a c t i v e new q u a r t e r s . I used a s m y head q u a r t e r s while t h e r e G i l b e r t R o b i n s o n ' s v e r y a t t r a c t i v e new office. He had a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g t r i p to A u s t r a l i a and J a p a n , which I hope he will w r i t e about a t some length in the B u l l e t i n . One p o s s i b l e b y - p r o d u c t of the v i s i t to A u s t r a l i a m a y be the initiation of a p o s t - g r a d u a t e i n t e r c h a n g e between A u s t r a l i a and Canada s i m i l a r to that we now have between South A f r i c a and C a n a d a . We r e c e n t l y had a talk about t h i s i n T o r o n t o ; t h o s e who w e r e p r e s e n t , in a d d i - tion to G i l b e r t Robinson and m y s e l f , w e r e R . B . P o t t s , a Rhodes s c h o l a r of some ten y e a r s ago at Queen ! s C o l l e g e , Oxford, f r o m South A u s t r a l i a , who i s now on the Toronto Staff but will be r e - t u r n i n g next y e a r to the U n i v e r s i t y of Adelaide a s p r o f e s s o r ; and Bill B u s c o m b e , a Toronto g r a d u a t e and P r i n c e t o n P h . D . , who i s on the staff of the o b s e r v a t o r y at C a n b e r r a . Among the p l a c e s I v i s i t e d r e c e n t l y on a m o n e y r a i s i n g t r i p to O n t a r i o w a s W i n d s o r , w h e r e I v i s i t e d the A s s u m p t i o n U n i v e r - sity and t h e i r n o n - d e n o m i n a t i o n a l c o l l e g e , E s s e x C o l l e g e . F a t h e r F a u g h t , a St. M i c h a e l s and Toronto g r a d u a t e , i s the v e r y a c t i v e head of the D e p a r t m e n t . They a r e putting on a full h o n o u r s c o u r s e and expect to i n c r e a s e the m a t h e m a t i c a l staff to t e n next y e a r . Among the staff m e m b e r s i s H e r m e s Eliopoulos who c a m e to Canada s e v e r a l y e a r s ago from the U n i v e r s i t y of Salonika. He did h i s g r a d u a t e w o r k at McGill and the U n i v e r s i t y of T o r o n t o , and i s a l r e a d y , for the staff i s a young o n e , one of the s e n i o r m e m b e r s of the A s s u m p t i o n staff. I hope t h a t the a t t e n t i o n of a m b i t i o u s high school t e a c h e r s will be called to the new Canada Council s c h o l a r s h i p s . The s c h o l a r s h i p s a r e of an a v e r a g e value of $2,000 (plus a n allowance for n e c e s s a r y t r a v e l by the s c h o l a r ) t e n a b l e in Canada or a b r o a d for one y e a r , to study or do o t h e r work to i m p r o v e t h e i r qualifi- c a t i o n s . E m p l o y e r s will be expected to m a k e an a p p r o p r i a t e a l l - owance to s u c c e s s f u l c a n d i d a t e s . The completed a p p l i c a t i o n s and supporting l e t t e r s m u s t r e a c h the Canada Council by J a n u a r y 3 1 , 1959. 63 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_dpw2mqivbnh6rixhuejj4sg7g4	----	Microsoft Word - ONK501BF Further Section Onkologie 1995;18:501 Reports Of Oncological Societies – Mitteilungen Onkologischer Gesellschaften Mitteilungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Inter-nistische Onkologie (AIO) Geschäftsstelle: A. Reichel, Martinistraße 52, D-20246 Hamburg, Tel/Fax (040) 4717-2924 Randomisierte Phase-lll-Studie einer wöchentlichen 24-Stunden-Dauerinfusion von hochdosiertem 5-Fluorouracil mit oder ohne Folinsäure versus Bolus-Applikation von 5- Fluorouracil plus Folinsäure bei Patienten mit metastasiertem kolorektalem Karzinom EORTC-Protokoll No.: 40952, AlO-Protokoll 1/95 Kurzfassung Studienleitung: Dr. med. Claus-Henning Köhne Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Robert-Rössle-Klinik Abt. Onkologie und Tumorimmunologie Lindenberger Weg 80 13122 Berlin Tel. + 49 (0) 30 9417-12 98 o. 12 00 Fax +49 (0) 30 9417-1299 o. 1209 Prof. Dr. med. Hans-Joachim Schmoll Medizinische Hochschule Hannover Dept. Hämatologie/Onkologie Konstanty-Gutschow-Straße 8 30622 Hannover Tel. +49 (0)511 532-5112 o. 4077 Fax + 49 (0) 511 5 32-58 24 o. 36 91 Einleitung Die Prognose des metastasierten kolorektalen Karzinoms ist unbefriedigend mit einer medianen Lebenserwartung von etwa 11 Monaten nach Diagnosestellung. 5-Fluorouracil (5-FU) ist derzeit die effektivste Substanz bei dieser Erkrankung. Durch prolongierte Infusion von 5-FU über Tage, Wochen oder Monate kann die Rate von objektiven Remissionen ver-bessert werden, allerdings ohne Verlängerung des medianen Überlebens der Patienten. Die Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Internistische Onkologie (AIO) hat große Erfahrungen mit einer wöchentlichen 24-Stunden-Dauerinfusion von 5-FU. Merkmal dieser Applikationsart ist die hohe 5-FU-Dosisintensität im Vergleich zu Bolusgaben, aber auch im Vergleich zu prolongierten Infusionen über Wochen und Monate. Im Rahmen einer dreiarmig randomisierten Phase-II-Studie wurde der Stellenwert einer Modulation dieser 5-FU- Applikation (wöchentliche 24-Stunden-Dauerinfusi-on) mit Folinsäure (FA), alpha-2b Interferon (IFN) oder einer Kombination aus Folinsäure und Interferon (FA plus IFN) an 239 Patienten geprüft. Die Kombination F¾WFA ergab im Vergleich zu F¾/⅛/IFN signifikant höhere Remissionsraten und eine signifikante Verlängerung des progressionsfreien Intervalls und erwies sich ge-genüber FU24h/FA/IFN als weniger toxisch. Die Kombination von F¾WFA wurde daher für die weitere Untersuchung im Rahmen dieser Phase-III-Studie ausgewählt. Gute Ergebnisse wurden auch mit einer wöchentlichen 5-FU-Infusion ohne den Zusatz eines Modulators berichtet, bei gleichzeitig sehr geringer Toxizität. Der randomisierte Vergleich einer wöchentlichen 24-Stunden- Dauerinfusion mit oder ohne Folinsäure im Vergleich zu einer Standardtherapie mit FUb0jus/FA erscheint daher notwendig, um die vielver-sprechenden Phase-II-Ergebnisse aus nicht randomisierten und randomisierten Studien gegenüber einer Standardtherapie zu vergleichen und deren Stellenwert in der Behandlung des metastasierten kolorektalen Karzinoms zu definieren. Studienziele: Hauptzielkriterien: Nebenzielkriterien: Überlebenszeit - Ansprechrate Lebensqualität - Toxizität Zeit bis zur Tumorprogression - Kosten-Nutzen-Analyse Patientenselektion: Einschlußkriterien Histologisch nachgewiesenes Adenökarzinom des Kolons bzw. Rektums Inoperable Erkrankung Meßbare oder nichtmeßbare und/oder evaluierbare Meta-stasen Keine ZNS-Filiae Kein Zweittumor außer Karzinoma in situ der Zervix nach adäquater Behandlung oder Nichtmelanom der Haut Lebenserwartung über 3 Monate Alter zwischen 18 und 75 Jahren Allgemeinzustand nach ECOG (WHO): 0,1,2 Keine chemotherapeutische Vorbehandlung außer adjuvanter Chemotherapie Adjuvante Vorbehandlung muß wenigstens 3 Monate zurück-liegen © 1995 S. Karger GmbH, Freiburg Metastasenlokalisationen außerhalb eines eventuell voraus-gegangenen Bestrahlungsfeldes Initiale Evaluation 2 Wochen vor Studienaufnahme Leukozyten > 3000/mm3, Thrombozyten > 100000/mm3 Bilirubin < 2 × Norm Einverständniserklärung des Patienten Möglichkeit der regelmäßigen Nachsorge Patientenselektion: Ausschlußkriterien Chemotherapeutische Vorbehandlung außer adjuvanter Chemotherapie mehr als 3 Monate vor Studienaufnahme Schwangere oder stillende Frauen Schwere kardiale oder pulmonale Begleiterkrankung Nicht einstellbare bzw. nicht kontrollierbare koronare Herz-erkrankung Leukozyten < 3000/mm3, Thrombozyten < 100000/mm3 Kreatinin > 2 × Norm Bilirubin > 2 × Norm Zweittumor, außer Karzinoma in situ der Zervix mit ad-äquater Behandlung oder Nichtmelanom der Haut ZNS-Metastasen Unmöglichkeit zu regelmäßiger Nachsorge aus psychologisch/ psychiatrischen, sozialen oder geographischen Gründen Keine Einverständniserklärung Randomisation und Stratifikation Die Patienten können über die Adresse der Studienleiter im EORTC-Data-Center in Brüssel zentral randomisiert werden. Die Patienten werden stratifiziert nach: Zentrum Adjuvante Vorbehandlung Meßbare/nicht meßbare Erkrankung Allgemeinzustand nach WHO Behandlungsplan und Dosismodifikationen Arm A: 5-Fluorouracil 2600 mg/m2, 24-Stunden-Infusion, gegeben an Tag 1, 8,15, 22, 29, 36, Tag 1-36 ist ein Therapiezyklus, Wiederholung Tag 50. Entwicklungen in der Internistischen Hamato-Onkologie Ein Symposium der Phase I/II-Studiengruppe der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Internistische Onkologie (AIO) und der Arbeits-gruppe Wirkstoffentwicklung in der Onkologie (AWO) in der Deutschen Krebsgesellschaft 19. und 20. Januar 1996 Ort: Universitätsklinikum Benjamin Franklin der FUB Hörsaal West Hindenburgdamm 30 12200 Berlin Organisation und wissen-schaftliche Leitung: Tagungssekretariat: Während der Tagung sind Sie unter der Rufnummer: 030/8445-3907 zu erreichen. Datum:19. und 20. Januar 1996 Beginn: Geschäftssitzungen AWO: 10 Uhr und AIO Phase I/II-Studiengruppe: 11 Uhr am 19. 01.1996 Beginn der wissen-schaftlichen Tagung: 14 Uhr, 19. 01.1996 Prof. Dr. med. W E. Berdel Sekretariat Prof. Dr. W. E. Berdel Frau D. Hoyer Universitätsklinikum Benjamin Franklin der FUB Fachbereich Humanmedizin Abteilung für Innere Medizin mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie und Onkologie Hindenburgdamm 30 12200 Berlin Tel.: 030/8445-3907/2773 Fax: 030/834 98 94 Unkostenbeitrag: DM 150 bei Registrierung Für Ubernachtung muß bitte selbständig gesorgt werden: Hotel Steglitz International, Tel: 79005-521, Stichwort: «AIO-Symposium» oder Verkehrsamt Berlin, Tel: 2123-4 502 Reports of Oncological Societies · Mitteilungen onkologischer Gesellschaften Arm B: Folinsäure 500 mg/m2, 2-Stunden-Infusion gefolgt von 5-Fluorouracil 2600 mg/m2,24-Stunden-Infusion, beide Medikamente werden gegeben an Tag 1, 8,15, 22, 29, 36, Tag 1-36 ist ein Therapiezyklus, Wiederholung Tag 50. ArmC: Folinsäure 20 mg/m2 i. v. Bolus gefolgt von 5-Fluorouracil 425 mg/m2 i. v. Bolus, beide Medikamente werden an Tag 1-5 gegeben, Wiederholung nach Woche 4, 8 und dann alle 5 Wochen. Eine 4- bzw. 5-Wochen-Zeitspanne entspricht einem Zyklus. Therapiedauer Alle Patienten im Arm A und B erhalten mindestens einen Zyklus, die im Arm C behandelten Patienten mindestens 2 Zyklen, es sei denn, daß dies zum Nachteil für den Patienten ist. Patienten mit eindeutiger Tumorprogression nach dem ersten Zyklus im Arm A oder B bzw. nach dem zweiten Zyklus im Arm C erhalten keine weitere Studientherapie und gelten als Therapieversager. Die Therapie kann nach einem Jahr abgebrochen werden, falls die Patienten eine komplette Remission erreicht haben. Bei Erreichen einer partiellen Remission oder bei no change wird die Therapie bis zur Tumor-progression fortgesetzt oder bei nicht tolerabler Toxizität bzw. auf Wunsch des Patienten vorher abgebrochen. Dosismodifikationen für Arm A und B Dosismodifikationen und Intervallverzögerungen sind bei Toxizitäten vorgesehen. Insbesondere müssen am Tag der Therapie alle gastrointestinalen Toxizitäten wieder vollständig abgeklungen sein. Ausschreibung Forschungspreis der Berliner Krebsgesellschaft 1996 „Curt-Meyer-Gedächtnispreis” Die Berliner Krebsgesellschaft e.V. stiftet einen Preis in Höhe von DM 20000,-für hervorragende wissenschaftliche Leistungen in der Onkologie. Der Preis ist vorrangig für die Auszeichnung und Förderung von Wissen-schaftlern gedacht, die das 40. Lebensjahr nicht überschritten haben und in Kliniken und Instituten im Lande Berlin tätig sind. Bisher nicht prämierte Arbeiten können, wenn sie als Manuskript vorliegen oder ihre Veröffentlichung nicht mehr als ein Jahr zurückliegt, an den Vor-sitzenden der Berliner Krebsgesellschaft in dreifacher Ausfertigung unter Beifügung des Lebenslaufes und eines wissenschaftlichen Tätigkeits-berichtes eingesandt werden. Einsendeschluß ist der 31. Januar 1996 (Datum des Poststempels) Berliner Krebsgesellschaft e.V. · Prof. Dr. Klaus-Peter Hellriegel Robert-Koch-Platz 7-10115 Berlin 503 
work_ds75ikrpardzpoe5gxg5yahfxa	----	598 129__130 Endoscopic insertion of esophageal self- expandable antireflux metal stents is a widely used procedure. The implantation is usually regarded as safe, with a low rate of complications. Here we report two cases of spontaneous fracture of Hanaro (M. I. Tech Co., Ltd., Seoul, South Korea) antireflux stents. A 69-year-old patient with metastasized stenosing Barrett’s carcinoma received a Hanaro stent (ref HEV-18-160-070; lot no. 07061422) at the University Hospital of Leipzig in August 2007. In January 2008, upper gastrointestinal endoscopy revealed complete fracture of the distal third of the stent and dislocation of the distal part of the stent into the antrum, which had caused a prepyloric ulcer (l" Fig. 1). Both fragments of the stent were removed immediately by endosco- py (l" Fig. 2). Eight days later, a replace- ment stent (ref HEVT-22-120-070; lot no. 07081314) was implanted without fur- ther complications. A similar stent (ref 1-ECF-22120-Z070; lot no. 08021228) was implanted in a 72- year-old patient with metastasized distal esophageal carcinoma at St Mary’s Hospi- tal, Berlin, in May 2008. Peritrast swallow showed regular placement of the stent (l" Fig. 3). Two months later, a contrast- enhanced computed tomography (CT) scan was taken at the University Hospital CharitØ, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Ber- lin. The scan showed an incomplete frac- ture in the proximal third of the stent (l" Fig. 4). Both fragments of the stent were removed immediately by endos- copy. Fracture of an esophageal stent is a rare event. A Medline search revealed only five reports of six patients. The authors of these reports suggested that the frac- tures were caused by thermal overstrain induced by laser application [1] or defec- tive material [1, 2], or that they were spontaneous [3 – 5]. All the stents used in the above reports were self-expandable metal stents without an antireflux valve and were constructed from different ma- terials (mostly nitinol) and obtained from different companies. To our knowledge, we report the first two incidents of frac- Fracture of a covered self-expanding antireflux stent in two patients with distal esophageal carcinoma Fig. 1 Endoscopic view of: a the distal fragment of the fractured stent; and b an ulcer in the pre- pyloric antrum. Fig. 2 Distally fractured stent after removal. Fig. 3 Peritrast swallow after placement of the antireflux stent. a Regular passage of contrast medi- um. b Functional antireflux valve. UCTN – Unusual cases and technical notes E129 Wiedmann M et al. Self-expanding antireflux stent fracture … Endoscopy 2009; 41: E129 – E130 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. tured antireflux esophageal stents. We recommend including stent fracture as potential complication in patient consent forms. Endoscopy_UCTN_Code_CPL_1AH_2AD M. Wiedmann1, 2, F. Heller3, M. Zeitz3, J. Mössner1 1 Division of Gastroenterology, Depart- ment of Internal Medicine, University of Leipzig, Germany 2 Department of Internal Medicine I, St Mary’s Hospital Berlin, Germany 3 Department of Gastroenterology, Infectious Diseases, and Rheumatology, CharitØ, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany References 1 Schoefl R, Winkelbauer F, Haefner M et al. Two cases of fractured esophageal nitinol stents. Endoscopy 1996; 28: 518 – 520 2 Grimley CE, Bowling TE. Esophageal metallic stent dysfunction: first reported case of stent fracture and separation. Endoscopy 1999; 31: S45 3 Reddy AV, Alwair H, Trewby PN. Fractured esophageal nitinol stent: report of two frac- tures in the same patient. Gastrointest En- dosc 2003; 57: 138 – 139 4 Chhetri SK, Selinger CP, Greer S. Fracture of an esophageal stent: a rare but significant complication. Endoscopy 2008; 40 (Suppl 2): E199 5 Dogan UB, Egilmez E. Broken stent in oesophageal malignancy: a rare complica- tion. Acta Gastroenterol Belg 2005; 68: 264 – 266 Bibliography DOI 10.1055/s-0029-1214661 Endoscopy 2009; 41: E129 – E130 � Georg Thieme Verlag KG Stuttgart · New York · ISSN 0013-726X Corresponding author M. Wiedmann, MD Department of Internal Medicine I St Mary’s Hospital Gallwitzallee 123 – 143 12249 Berlin Germany Fax: +49-30-76783425 Wiedmann@marienkrankenhaus-berlin.de Fig. 4 Three-dimen- sional computed tomography (CT) reconstruction of the proximally fractured stent. UCTN – Unusual cases and technical notesE130 Wiedmann M et al. Self-expanding antireflux stent fracture … Endoscopy 2009; 41: E129 – E130 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. 
work_dwojjjharfhirahalmk4rwvndq	----	Ann Hematol (2006) 85: 639 DOI 10.1007/s00277-006-0130-4 ERRATUM Olaf Penack . Thomas Beinert . Dieter Buchheidt . Hermann Einsele . Holger Hebart . Michael G. Kiehl . Gero Massenkeil . Xaver Schiel . Jan Schleicher . Philipp B. Staber . Stefan Wilhelm . Hans-Heinrich Wolf . Helmut Ostermann Management of sepsis in neutropenia: guidelines of the infectious diseases working party (AGIHO) of the German Society of Hematology and Oncology (DGHO) Published online: 30 June 2006 # Springer-Verlag 2006 The name of the author Hans-Heinrich Wolf was given incorrectly as Hans Wolf. The online version of the original article can be found at: http://dx. doi.org/10.1007/s00277-006-0096-2. O. Penack (*) Klinik für Hämatologie, Onkologie and Transfusionsmedizin, Charit Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany e-mail: olaf.penack@charite.de T. Beinert Abteilung für Innere Medizin mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie und internistische Onkologie, Klinik Wartenberg, Wartenberg, Germany D. Buchheidt Medizinischen Klinik, Universitätsklinikum Mannheim, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg, Heidelberg, Germany H. Einsele Medizinische Klinik und Poliklinik II, Universitätsklinikum Wärzburg, Würzburg, Germany H. Hebart Zentrum für Innere Medizin, Klinikum Schwbisch Gmünd, Mutlangen, Germany M. G. Kiehl Klinik für Innere Medizin, Klinikum Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany G. Massenkeil Medizinische Klinik mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie und Onkologie, Charit Campus Virchow-Klinikum, Berlin, Germany X. Schiel . H. Ostermann Medizinische Klinik, Klinikum Grosshadern, Ludwig-Maximilians Universität, München, Germany J. Schleicher Klinik für Hämatologie und Onkologie, Katharinenhospital Stuttgart, Stuttgart, Germany P. B. Staber Abteilung für Hämatologie, Klinik für Innere Medizin, Medizinische Universität Graz, Graz, Germany S. Wilhelm Abteilung für Hämatologie und Onkologie, Klinik für Innere Medizin, Universität Rostock, Rostock, Germany H.-H. Wolf Innere Medizin IV, Hämatologie/Onkologie, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle, Halle, Germany http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00277-006-0096-2 http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00277-006-0096-2 Management of sepsis in neutropenia: guidelines of the infectious diseases working party (AGIHO) of the German Society of Hematology and Oncology (DGHO) << /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles true /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (None) /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CalCMYKProfile (ISO Coated) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Error /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Off /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages true /CreateJDFFile false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Perceptual /DetectBlends true /ColorConversionStrategy /sRGB /DoThumbnails true /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 524288 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work_dzo2ypzfr5bandask5jk5bixka	----	games:science:science_magazine_1920-1939:root:data:science_1920-1939:pdf:1929_v070_n1824:p1824_0574a.pdf [Ganino] GANINO User Tools Register Log In Site Tools Search Tools Show pagesource Old revisions Backlinks Recent Changes Media Manager Sitemap Register Log In > Recent Changes Media Manager Sitemap Trace: games:science:science_magazine_1920-1939:root:data:science_1920-1939:pdf:1929_v070_n1824:p1824_0574a.pdf This topic does not exist yet You've followed a link to a topic that doesn't exist yet. If permissions allow, you may create it by clicking on Create this page. Page Tools Show pagesource Old revisions Backlinks Back to top 
work_dzy6bhqcjngkbonbbec2xxu5ay	----	E D I T O R I A L International recognition for ageing research: John Scott Award-2014 to Leonard Hayflick and Paul Moorhead Suresh Rattan Received: 21 July 2014 / Accepted: 23 July 2014 / Published online: 12 August 2014 � Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 It is with great pleasure and pride that we share the news of the award of the 2014 ‘‘City of Philadelphia John Scott Award’’, to Dr. Leonard Hayflick and Dr. Paul Moorhead, for their research on ageing. The press release announcing the award states that: ‘‘from the first awarded in 1822, the Award is the oldest scientific award in the United States and, as a legacy to Benjamin Franklin, they are in the historic company of past winners who include Marie Curie, Thomas Edison, Jonas Salk, Irving Langmuir, Nicola Tesla, Guglielmo Marconi, R. Buckminister Fuller, Sir Alexander Fleming, Sir Howard Florey, Edwin Land, and the Wright Brothers…. The award includes a cash prize, a medal and a certificate and is given to the ‘‘most deserving’’ men and women whose inventions have contributed in some outstanding way to the ‘‘comfort, welfare and happiness’’ of mankind… The ceremony and reception will take place on Friday, November 21, 2014 in Benjamin Franklin Hall at the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, PA.’’ The award announcement also mentions that: ‘‘Dr. Hayflicks’ research discoveries, mostly made at the Wistar Institute, occurred in the fields of aging, cancer and microbiology…. He is a member of twenty scientific societies in which he has held several high offices including President of the Gerontological Society of America, founding member of the Council of the National Institute on Aging, NIH and chairman of its Executive Committee…. He is an Academician of the Ukrainian Academy of Medical Sciences, corresponding member of the Société de Biologie of France, recipient of the Van Weezel Award by the European Society for Animal Cell Technology and the Lord Cohen of Birkenhead Medal by the British Society for Research on Aging…. In the early 1960s Hayflick discovered that cultured normal human cells have a limited capacity to replicate (commonly referred to as the ‘‘The Hayflick Limit.’’) and overturned a dogma in which it was believed, since the field began in 1907, that all cultured cells are potentially immortal…’’. Biogerontology thanks and salutes these pioneers for their life long work in bringing the scientific rigour, credibility and prestige to the study of ageing. S. Rattan (&) Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark e-mail: rattan@mb.au.dk 123 Biogerontology (2014) 15:415 DOI 10.1007/s10522-014-9524-1 International recognition for ageing research: John Scott Award-2014 to Leonard Hayflick and Paul Moorhead 
work_e3loririzbczrb6ixc7vv7uf74	----	XVII. A letter to Dr. Benjamin Franklin, F. R. S. giving an account of the appearance of lightning on a conductor fixed from the summit of the mainmast of a ship, down to the water: By Capt. J. L. Winn [ *88 ] Received February i , 177a, XVII. A Letter to Dr. Benjamin Franklin,. F. R* S* giving an Account of the Ap­ pearance of Lightning on a fixed from the Summit of the Mainmafi of a down to the Water; By Capt. J. L. Winn. S I R , Read March 2 9 , ~WT is a com m on, and, I am afraid, juft;. J [ com plaint, that Teamen are exceed­ ingly backw ard in availing themfelves o f tho^dif- coveries w hich men of fcience have m ade, and the directions w hich they have given for their benefit • and fafety. N otw ithftanding the pains feveral em i­ nent philofophers have taken, to bring conductors into general ufe, as well in (hips as h o u fes; ; it is too true that very few veffels are furniihed w ith them* though fcarce a year pafles, that does not afford us- inftances (fome o f th e m terrible ones), o f ihips b ein g | ftruck by lig h ten in g : for my part, l am never w ith? out a conductor in my (hip. I have h ad them o f various conftruCtions:: that w hich I. now ufe, is a chain o f copper wire, as deferibed in th e annexed p la te .^ T h a tfu c h a chainyfo difpofed,m ay conduCtthe- lightening, and prevent a firoke th at m ight deffroy a ftlip, has: often been dem onftrated^ but a circum - * . ftanee. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Voi.LX.TkB.VJI.Pa D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 fiance that occurred in my Jaft voyage, may perhaps have greater w eight w ith Tome feamen, than all the reafonings o f the electricians• I f it fhould be a means o f perfuading them to m ake ufe o f conductors, my intention will be anfwered. In April lafty . as we approached the coaft o f America, we met w ith ftrong South-rwefterly gales: : they had continued feveral days, w hen exceeding dark v heavy clouds arofe in th e oppofite quarter, forced againft the wind that blew > w ith; ms, till they had covered all th e N o rth -e a fte rn h a lfo f the hem ifphere: the itruggle then between the tw o winds was very extraordinary; fometimes one prevailing, fometimes the other. . I w asapprehenfive w e fliould have m uch lightning, and got ,my conductor in order $ w hen, in i hauling u p ,th e mainfail, the fheet block (truck vio­ lently againft the b a c k p a y s , to w hich the chain was ; fattened ( E E in fig* i . T ab. V II.), and, as I found 1 afterwards, broke the latter, which occafioned th e phenom enon I am going to defcribe.. It: was .near r m idnight and very dark, when I firft obferve a pale bluifh light a few feet above the quarter ra il: at firil t I thought it proceeded from the light in the binnacle; • but,finding that it frequently disappeared and return­ ed again precifely in the fame place, and that it fome- • times emitted fparks not unlike thofe o f a fmall fquib, ; I began to fufpeCt that it proceeded from the con­ ductor. T o be certain, I ordered all the lights to be put out below, and, that no raya o f light m ight iflue fropi the binnacle, I covered it entirely with my cloak. I .$ was prefently confirm ed,in my conjecture, th a t the lio-ht. and fparks which I had obferved proceeded ; fcom the chain 5 for, placing myfelf near it, during D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ I 9 ° ] 't h e fpace o f two hours and a half, I faw it frequent­ ly em it continued ttreams o f rays or fparks (fee % • '4*)/ fo re tim e s fmgie drops as it were flowlv fucceeding to each other, and fometimes only a pale feeble light. On examining next morning, I found •the chain broken at B, h a lf the eye o f each link being quite gone, and the points ot the remaining halves about three fourths o f an inch afu n d er: luckily* the chain was fattened to a fm a lle r rope ( % above and below the eye o f each link, w hich pre­ vented that part o f the chain below B, from falfino* into the water, or o f being feparated from the part ;above B, beyond th e ttriking or attra&ing diftance, I am with the greateft refped, S i r , Y our obliged hum ble fervant, J . L . W in n . References D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 I *9* } References to Plate V I I . , A A A T h e conductor, a chain o f copper wire, o f th e thicknefs of the barrel o f a fmall <juill, the u p p en u o d and lowed: links of w hich ter* initiate in fine points. B F ig . i . T h e broken links $ in p affin g b etw e en which,, the lightning became vifible. C A n , eye, in the, upperm od link, to which- th e pendant halliards are fadened. E) Fig, .3. T h e pendant halliards, which pafs over a fheave in the trucks on, the top-gallants m ad-head, and are fadened to the eye at Cj and hoid up the chain, till the point o f the upperm od link is a,foot,or two above the truck, E E T h e m aintop-m ad back-day, to which the chain, is dopped, to prevent its fwinging about. P Fig. 4. Appearance o f the lightning paffing b e-., tween the broken limbs, „ XVIII. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
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work_ej2y64lyobeqxisftthnn65pgu	----	XLII. Account of the transit of Mercury, observed at Norriton, in Pennsylvania, Nov. 9. 1769 agreeable to an appointment of the American Philosophical Society, held at Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge [ 5°4 ] X L II. A ccou n t o f the T ranfit o f Mercury, obfervedat Norriton, in Penniylvania, Nov. 9. 1769 agreeable to an A p p o in t­ m ent o f the American PhilofophicalSocietyy held ^/ Philadelphia, /2?r promoting ufeful Knowledge. ^ William Smith, Z>. D . Provoflo f the College o f Philadelphia 5 John Lukens E fq \ S urveyor G en era l o f Pennfylvania; David Rittenhoufe, M . A . a n d MnOwen Biddle. Communicated by Benjamin Franklin, L L . D . a n d Prefident o f the P h U fo p h ic a l Society a t Philadelphia. Read Dec. i | , j k S Iran fi ts of M e reury are more fne* / \ quent than thofe of Venus, we need not be fo particular in this account, as we were in that of Venus. W e had the fame telefcopes now as before, viz 1. T h e college reflector, with Dollond’s microme­ te r; ufed by myfelf, with a magnifying power o f 200, to obferve the contaBs, t, A refractor of 42 feet, magnifying 140 times, ufed by M r. Lukens* - ; * 3. M r. 6 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 5°5 ] 3. M r. Rittenhoufe’s refractor, with about the fame power, ufed by himfelf. M r. Biddle had no telefcope; but was very fervice- able in the other parts of the obfervation. * Although there were many flying clouds, w hich frequently obfcured the Sun in the forenoon of the d a y ; yet from about one o’clock till half an hour paft three, the Sun fhone perfectly clear, and undifturbed by clouds $ which gave us an opportunity, as favora­ ble as we could with, for obferving the contacts, and making fome micrometer meafures. T h e firft external contadt was obferved to the fame inftant by all the three obfervers, who had no com­ munication with each other, the two refradtors being out of doors, and the refle&or within the obfervatory 5 and the contadts noted (as at the tranfit o f Venus) by fignals given to perfons fet at the windows of the o h - fervatory, to count the clock. T h e contadfs were as follows: 1769, N ov. 9, apparent time, Jt 9t t f A t 2 35 vjfirft external c o n ta d t,b y all the three obfervers. 2 3 d 35 firft internal contadl, by D r. Smith and Mr. Rittenhoufe. 2 36 33 firft internal contadt, by M r. Lukens* I n , 2 0 tfer 5 0 0 th3 ' ©:’s diarru per microm. 3 13 7 M ercury’s diam. taken backwards an d ' forwards feveral times, and the fum > halved, gave only 32 2 0 ,2 4 0 8 ,2 2 V o u L X . T i N o t. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 £ 5 ° 6 ] Nov. 9, 1769. Micrometer meafures of Reduced to M$. apparent time. leait diftance of the nearcil nutesand Seconds * limbs of O and . of 0 ’s Diameter.J, t In. 20*11* 500th* / / / 3 1 4 4 0 5 14 d o u b t f u l 2 2 6 , 2 3 ‘ 9 0 6 1 2 2 5 0 , 5 3 19 7 0 8 1 3 3 ! >8 4 3 3 1 M 0 1 0 0 4 2 3>78 From 3 1 minutes part: three, the fun was con-' dantly oblcuredin a cloud, that defcended with him , till at 32' part 4 he broke out into a fhort glimpfe o f three m in u tes; during w hich the diameter o f $ was again meafured, and came out as before. One mi­ crometer meafure more was alfo now attempted o f the neared didance o f the limbs, but the o got under a cloud before it was completed, to our great regret, as we wifhed to have at lead one more meafure at an hour’s didance from the red. More might have been taken during the iird h alf hour, after th re e ; but thofe that were taken are diffidently near each other, and any between them would have been ufe- lefs for a proje&ion, as thofe we have may be de­ pended on. T h e following obfervations o f another kind were all that M r. Rittenhoufe could obtain, Apparent tim e. h / / / 3 3 30 O ’s lower limb at horizontal wire. .3 3 42 o ’s preceding limb at vertical wire. 3 5 58 $ *scenter at vertical wire. 3 6 3 1 o ’s fubfequent lim b at vertical wire. 3 6 3 2 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 h r n 3 6 32 5 ’s center at horizontal wire. 3 7 18 o ’s upper limb at horizontal wire- 4 3 0 34 o ’s lower limb at horizontal wire- 4 3 1 4 © ’s preceding limb at vertical, 4 3 2 39 $ ’s center at vertical, , 4 33 41 o s upper limb at horizontal. * T h e two remaining obfervations o f this fett could not be got, the fun being again obfcured by a cloud* and appearing no more that day. T h ey had fome- thing more of the fun at Philadelphia, and got fome micrometer meafures after four o’clock. By the con­ tacts of mercury at Philadelphia and Norriton, we get the latter 5 5 " of time weft of the ftate-houfe. obfervatory; the fame we made by the eclipfes o f Jupiter’s fatellites. [ 5°7 ] Philadelphia, W . S m i t h * Dec. ig, 1769, T t t 2 i XUS. A D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_enflxbdbmfcqvfekl6ijwt66sy	----	L. Experiments in electricity : In a letter from Father Beccaria, Professor of Experimental Philosophy at Turin, to Benjamin Franklin, L. L. D. F. R. S. [ 5 r4 ] in iifdem Societatis noftrae Comment art or um . IW jam fulius didum eft. L. Experim ents in EleSlricIn a L e tte r fro m Father Beccaria, o f E x p e ­ rim en ta l Fhilofophyat Turin, to Benjamin Franklin, L. L. D . . R . aS’. Benj amino Franklin viro de re electric a meritijjimo Joannes Baptijia Beccaria ex fcholis piis S.P .D . t Read Feb. 14, It Ofpitem ex America Londinum te 176°. appulifte gaudeo, vir praeclarif- fime. Offero tibi de motibus eledricis, qualem expe- rimentis excudi, hypothefin : partior hanc in duas partes, quemadmodum ipfa poftulare videtur motuum hujufmodi differentia: ago parte prima de acceflioni- bus, de difceffionibus dico parte altera. 2. E t continuo univerfam de acceflionibus pertrac- tationem meam ita paucis comprehendo: “ Quum ct ignis eledricus copiofior in corpore altero vi ex- “ pandendi fe ad aequalitatem trajicit in alterum, <c partem interjedi aeris dimovet e loco pro majore “ fua copia majorem: fit inde, ut aer a tergo cor- cc poribus adjacens deficiente fulcro aeris intermedii <c ruat verfus ipfum medium locum; ruit vero non <c circumeundo corpora, quae via eft longior, atque “ impedita abs igne profluente, fed ipfa trudendo a <c tergo: hac aeris trulione accedunt corpora inaequa- “ liter eledrica; dum accedunt, accelerantur, quia fC pro acceflione majore copiofior ignis interfluit, co* piofior D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 515 ] cc piofior intermedius aer disjicitur, augeturquc adeo “ momentum aeris a tergo trudentis.” E x p e r i m e n t u m I. 3. Aerem disjici ab interfluente eledrico igne, fcintillae experimento demonftratur, qua? excitatur in medio tubulo, hinc claufo hermetice, inde impedito abs liquore aliquo, ipfa enim, disjiciens liquorem, dif- jedum aerum tefhtur. 4. Neque vero interfluens ignis aeris intermedii disjedi fulcrum potefl: fupplere, quo aer corporibus a tergo adjacens fuftineatur; is enim liberrime efHuit, et effunditur per alterum corpus: quare cum non fulciatur ipfe, nec fulcri vices potefl: agere. E x p e r i m e n t u m II. 5. Experimento res confirmatur plane luculentif- limo : vittam ex charta inaurata longam pollices odo, latam lineas quatuor convolvo circa fefe, ut cylindrum folidum D [Vide T ^ .X I I.] efFormet: hunc fufpendo ferico filo D G fub fornice vitri pneumatici I H K, per cujus verticem H init virga metallica B C definens in metallicam fphasram C : figo in lance I K virgam me- tallicam L E fimili fphaera ornatam; nempe fphaeras C et E funt in eodem piano cum pcndulo D, atque ab ipfo diftant ambae asqualiter; turn nexa catena A B, qua; pertinet ad machinam eledricam virgae B C, et confequenter immiffo eledrico igne in virgam B C, obfervo : 1. ante fubdudum aerem chartaceum cylin­ drum D agitari vehementiffimis vibrationibus inter duas fphaeras E C : 2. dum aer fubducitur, minui earn agitationem plane pro copia fubdudi aeris: 3. omni, quantus potefl:, aere fubdudo, cylindrum D vix V o l , LI. X x x nutare. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5i& 1 *nutare. His obfervatis aerem reftituo particulatim; atque pro aere admiffo video vibrationes iterum au- gefcere, et fieri, quemadmodum antea, vehementifil- mas: quae dum contemplor fingula, atque omnia fimul comprehendo animo, inteliigo magnitudinem motuum eledtricorum aeri, vel toti, vei refiduo pro­ p o rtio n refpondere. E x p e r i m e n t u m III. 6. Quod leviora corpufcula, bradteolae, et pulvii- culi, motu adhuc fatis fenfili agitentur in rarefadta aere, id in caufa fuit, cur cenfuerim a principio cum phyficis aliis eledtricos motus adtioni ignis eledtrici in aerem aceeptos referri non debere; quod, re nunc accuratius collata, refiduos videam in refiduo aere motus non majorem habere ad primos motus, qui fiunt in toto aere atmofpherico, proportionem, quam ea fit, quae inter refiduum et primum aerem inter- cedit, id nunc facit, ut ilium meum, et alienum er- rorem agnofcam, atque in contrariam veniam, quam verifiima teftatur experientia, fententiam. 7. Neque omittam partem obfervationis opportunif- fimam rei confirmandae: foleo enim allatum ultimo loco experimentum perfaepe capere in cubiculo obte- nebrato, atque turn obfervo ignem vibrantem pendu­ lum ante aerem fubdudtum micare hinc inde crepi- tantibus quidem, ac lucidifiimis, fed ardtis, atque brevibus prope fphaeram utramque fcintillis: deinceps ignem hunc pro fubdudlo aere, adeoque pro minutis penduli vibrationibus effluere magis amplo radio,, magis tranquillo, magis continuo, qu an quam non ita micante* 8, Atque D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 5J7 ] 8. Atque base ipfa res certe readionem aeris de* monftrat ignem eledricum cohibentis in denfitate quadam, quae denfitati fuae proportioni refpondeat 5 haec autem aeris readio non poteft adioni non refpon- dere ignis eledrici aerem nitentis disjicere, ac plane disjicientis, ubi necefTaria is igni vi polleat. 9. Atque his plura non adferam tibi pro acceffio- nibus explicandis corporum eledricorum inaequaliter, attuli in datis ad Beccarium litteris, in quibus tamen non nifi dubitanter plura admodum differebam de mechanica acceffionum caufla: accuratior confidera- tio experimentorum facit nunc, ut de acceffionum cauffia dicam fidentius. 10. Corpora aequaliter eledrica difcedunt; qua cauffa id efficiatur, nunc perfequar. 11. <c Ignis eledricus, qui quoquomodo infldet in <c corporibus, nititur, ut libretur cum igne eledrico, “ qui infidet in aere. Si uterque” [finito me ilium deinceps proprium dicere hunc aereum] “ aequalem <c habet proportionem ad nativam corporum atque cc aeris capacitatem, corpora accedunt, aut in nativa <c quiefcunt diredione 5 alter fi fuperat proprius, vel ft aereus, corpora explicat fimiliter, compellitque ad <c difceffionem.” Haec rei narratio. E x p e r i m e n t u m IV. 12. Quoties in cubiculo quodam meo amplo ipfo quidem at claufo pergo diutius urgere alium, atque alium in catenam eledricum ignem, experior partem ejus ignis effimdi in aerem ambientem, ipfumque etiam, quantufcumque in cubiculo eft [dum a tern- peftate ficcus fit, vel abs igne] facere exceftu eledri­ cum. Duo enim tenuia ex lino fila, quae vel fummis X x x digitis D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5 * 8 ] digiti's prehenfa, vel arundine fufpenfa deffero quoli- bet, in quodlibet cubiculi fpatium, mutuo difcedunt. Atque, five in eodem ipfa contineam loco, five in loco transferam alia atque alia, pergunt divergere ad femi- horam, ad horam quandoque, et ultra.. E x p e r i m e n t u m V. 13. Si ea fila ope vitri feparentur ab arundine; adeoque a folo, principio divergunt, turn ad nativam veniunt diredtionem: obtingunt autem haec omnia poll: omnes elicitas, quantse poffunt, a catena fcintil- las, poll omnem ab ipfa fubdudtum redundantem ig~ nem, poll catenam nexam cum folo. E x p e r i m e n t u m VI. 14. Ex diuturna eledhricitate machinae phenomena experior omnino eadem. At, fi diuturna eledlricitas machinae continuo confequitur diuturnam eledtrici- tatem catena, aut contra, fila, quae arundine fufpenfa conftanter divergere videbam ex alterius eledtricitate, video principio accedere mutuo. incipiente eledtricitate alterius, turn iterum divergere quemadmodum antea. 1 5-.. His inquam experimentis doceri nos arbitror* “ 1. Dum alium atque alium ignem congerimus in <c catenam, aliam atque aliam ipfius partem difce- lc dere quam latifiime in ambientem aerem, ipfique <c adhaerefeere, atque ita omnem contentum in cubi- <c culo aerem evadere exceffu eledfricum: fimiliter (( dum alium atque alium ignem fubtrahimus a ma- “ china, aliam atque aliam ignis partem machinam *c haurire abs aere ambiente; atque ita omnem con- <£ tentum in cubiculo aerem fieri defedtu eledlricum. 4f a. Fila vel manu, vel arundine delata difcedere <£ in, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5 «9 ] *■ in aere, vel eledrico excefifu ex catena, vei eledrico •« defedu ex machina, vel vi proprii nativi ignis fu- <c perantis aereum, fi merguntur in aere eledrico ex €i machina, vel vi ignis aerei fnperantis nativum p r o c( prium filorum ignem, fi merguntur in aere eledrico c< ex catena. 3. Fila hujufmodi divergentia ex elec- cc tricitate catena?, ex confequente eledricitate ma- <c china? (vel contra) primo accedere, quia machina <c primo hauriatabs aere exceffum inditum a catena, vel catena ignem refiituat aeri fublatum a machina j u atque ita ignis in aere ad nativam menfuram re=- <£ dudus librari debeat cum igne nativo permanente ££ in iilis. 4. At deinceps ex diuturniore eledricitate “ machina? confequente eledricitatem catena?, vel ct contra, fila iterum divergere, quia vel machina per- <c gat haurire partem ignis nativi, vel catena pergat “ addere alium ultra nativum aeri ignem. 5. De- u nique fila cadem cum vitro feparantur, principio “ divergere, quia ipfa* qua? folum ignem nativum ££ habeant, mergantur in aerem vel1 excefifu, vel de- “ fedu eledricum. At dein, cum funt vitro fepa- <c rata, venire ad nativam diredionem, quia vel pars <£ ignis aerei, fi aer eft excefiii eledricus a catena, in “ ipfa fe denique efFundat ad asqualitatem, quin ultra “ pra?terfluat ob cohibens vitrum; vel pars ignis na~ “ tivi et proprii filornm fe efifundat in aerem, fi aei* “ eft eledricus defedu, quia fuppleri aliunde pofiit <£ ob interdicens vitrum.” 16. Quare hasc videntur univerfe conftare £C 1. Aerem fuum continere nativum ipfi fibi ignem. <£ 2. Nativo aeris igni ignem alium addi pofle, na- “ tivi abs aere ignis partem pofie fubtrahi, fed lente, u et quail per vim. 3. Aerem dimittere redundan- temi D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 ' r 5 » ] *e tern, haurire ignem deficientem, fed quam lentif- “ lime. 4. Si aer ®que ac contenta corpora habeant f< nativum ignem fuum, confidere h®c in nativo “ datu ; fi aer, manente nativo in corporibus igne, “ ignem habeat nativo aut copiofiorem, aut parcio- “ rem, corpora difcedere.” Verum lingula haec theo- remata experimentis aliis illuftrari miruin in modum pofiunt, et demondrari latius. E x p e r i m e n t u m VII. 17. Duo fila nexa eaten® pod paucas globi conver- liones divergunt maximej deinceps a diuturniore ea­ ten® eledlricitate incipiunt minus divergere; atque h®c divergentia ad certum ufque gradum minuitur, ut quandoque angulus divergenti® pod continuatam diutius globi fricationem fiat fubduplus anguli diver- > genti®, qui extiterat ab eledlricitate eadem primo ex- citata. Quum hanc filorum divergentiam video mi- nutam fatis, turn globum non frico ulterius, fed d i- lum acutifiimum eaten® admoveo pedetentim, quo lente redundantem omnem abs ipfa ignem hauriam. Id dum fit, lente fila accedunt, turn continenter lente iterum divergunt ad angulum primo quidem minorem, fed fatis magnum, qu® quandoque vix rnetiantur gradus quadraginta quinque $ turn vero pergunt divergere ad diuturnum tempus. 18. Videlicet maximus abs eledlricitate primo ex- citata angulus, quia turn fatis ingens immifius in ca- tenam, et in nexa fila, ignis -y nullus, vel minimus, in aerem. Fit deinceps minor angulus, prout augefeit ignis, qui confequenter immittitur in aerem, con- dante eodem ignis excelfu in catena. Dum admoto dilo lente minuitur ignis in catenam immiffus, mi­ nuitur D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 5 2 * ] nuitur adhuc angulus prout accedunt ad aequalitatem ignis in catena refiduus, atque ignis in aerem immif- fus, ipfique affixus; ubi uterque ignis pertingit ad aequalitatem, fila attingunt ad diredtionem fuam na- tivam ; cum deinceps minuitur ulterius ignis red un- dans adhuc in catena, nec fimiliter minuitur ignis re- dundans in aere [aeri enim, uti vidimus, adhaerefcit, atque ab ipfo lente dimittitur] fila iterum difcedunt pro exceffu ignis aerei fupra ignem in catena; qui denique aereus ignis, quoniam lentifiime dimittitur, diutifiime pergunt divergere fila. E x p e r i m e n t u m VIII. 15). Si fila fint nexa machinae, eadem omnia in iia contingunt phaenomena ex diuturna eledlricitate ma­ chinae, quae in iis contingebant catenae nexis ex diu- tuna eledtricitate catenae. 20. Quare univerfe, quemadmodum conftitui a principio, “ Si ignis proprius corporum, quantuf- “ cumque is fit, libratur cum igne ambientis aeris, “ corpora vel confiftunt in nativo ftatu, vel ad ipfum “ redeunt; fi alter ignis fuperat alterum, corpora dif- “ cedunt vi ignis fuperantis.” 21. Atque hinc rationem vides, ni fallor, vir prae- flantiflime, cur aeque difcedant turn qux a catena, turn quae a machina funt eledtrica corpora. “ Ignis “ proprius in corporibus a catena eledtricis vincit “ aereum, aereus vincit aeque proprium in eledlricis *c a machina.” E x p e r i m e n t u m IX. 22, Quoties fila mutuo difcedunt a fe invicem, atque divergunt ex audio in ipfis, vei minuto igne nativo $ D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5 2 2 ] native ad meum accedunt admotum digitum: quotles difeedunt, atque divergunt fervantes ignem fuum na- tiv.um ex audio, vel minuto igne nativo aeris, a di­ gito refugiunt meo. 23. Hac vero res primo quidem notiffimis legibus acceffionum atque difeeftionum eledlricarum eft con- fentanea ; quum enim nativus in fiiis ignis auclus eft, vel minutus, ipfa funt inasqualiter ac digitus eledtrica, qui habet nativum ignem fuum : quum vero nativus ignis perftat in fiiis, et ipfa difeedunt mutuo ob ignem audtum, vel minutum in aere; turn, quemaamo- dum difeedunt ambo alterum abs altero, ita difeedant oportet a digito meo ipfo etiam habente ignem na- tivum, vi aeris, in quo nativus ignis minutus eft, aut audlus. Sed prreterea base lilorum a digito difeeffio ipfa banc probat etiam, quam afFero, difeeftionis caufam : nam et digitus, et fila cum foio communi­ cant, adeoque alium in fe certe non habent ignem, niii nativum, quo quoniam non difeedunt, reftat ipfa difeedere ex nativo igne in aere audio, vel minuto. 24. Cum in hanc primo incidi difceftionum elec- tricarum theoriam, ea me ancipitem tenuit fufpicio, ne ignis aereus difeeftiones facere non poftet in ma- china iis asquales in pernicitate, et magnitudine, quas facit in catena ignis proprius: hxc inde fubibat ani- mum fufpicio, quod ignis in machina, et catena (uni- verfe in corporibus omnibus deferentibus) menfura mutetur quam perniciffime, lentiffime autem auge- atur, aut minuatur menfura ignis in aere ambiente. Alia prsterea fufpicionem exagerabat conlideratio tantum me nunquam abs aere, quantum a machina, fubtrahere ignem potuifte, tantum potuifle nunquam aeri addere, quantum catenas} nunquam enim eo veni, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5 * 3 ] lit omnem aerea fola eledlricitate fuftulerim filorutri divergentiam, quanta exiftebat ex integra machine aut eaten® eledlricitate. Fadtum inde eft, ut experimenta hsec eadem, imo et alia, in liter is attulerim ad praeclariftimum inftituti Bononienfi.s pra.fidetn datis, quin hanc in iis fatis late theoriain difceflionum conftituerem. Verum re maturius perpenfa intellexi pernicitatem difceffionum, quse fiant abs igne aereo, non ipli per- nicitati refpondere debere, qua vel augeatur ipfius copia, vel m inuatur; fed pernicitati, qua agat copia inhaerens; et magnitudinem difceflionum, qu fiant ab igne eodem, non abfolutae, fed comparative ipfius magnitudini refpondere debere; utrumque autem fa­ cile vidi pro re obvenire. E x p e r i m e n t u m X. 2f. Si in experimento VI. poft minutam ex diu- turniore eledtricitate catenae filorum divergentiam, non lente, fed protinus (manu nempe in catenam immifta) omnem fubtraho a catena redundantem ig- nem, continuo incipiunt quidem accedere fila quam velociflime ; verum velocitate aequali refiliunt repente, antequam pertingant ad nativam diredtionem. *Hec autem altera difcefiio quoniam fit ex aereo igne fu- perante proprium in filis refiduum, video inde ignem aereum (quamquam mutetur lentiflime ipfius copia) ipfum tamen difcefliones facere iis aeque veloces, quae abs igne proprio efticiuntur. E x p e r i m e n t u m XI. 2 6. Sed et ipfas ex igne aereo obvenire aeque mag- nas ita intelligo. Poft ignem inditum in aerem, qui V o l . LI. Y y y catenam D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 eatenam ambit quantus poteft, dempto red andante omni ab catena igne, atque adeo difcedentibus jam filis ex igne aereo, vitreo globo fubftituo fulphureum, atque ex hujus fundtione, video, principio augeri angulum divergentiae, quern effecerat ignis aereus, turn ipfum continenter minui. 27. Id autem certum : primas globi fulphurei fridti- ones demere partem nativi ignis a catena, neque pa­ ri ter demere exceflivum ignem ambientis aeris (acr enim lente, ut vidimus, accipit ignem alienum, lente acceptum exuit); quare augefcit magnitudo diver- gentiae, qua: fit abs igne aereo, non mutata magnitu- dine abfoluta ignis aerei, fed mutata folum magnitu- dine ipfius comparativa, minuto nempe igne proprio; adeoque audta proportione aerei ad proprium. Igitur quoniam quantum ignis ingeritur in catenam, tan- tandem fubtrahitur a m achina; proportio ignis aerei circa machinam ad refiduum in machina eadem erit ac proportio ignis in catena redundantis ad aereum circa catenam: quamobrem aereus circa machinam difceffiones faciet non aeque veloces folum, fed et aeque magnas, ac eae funt, quas facit ignis proprius in catena. 28. Itaque, ut omnia demum paucis compledtar, quse pertinere videntur ad motus eledtricos univerfe ©mnes cxplicandos (fufpenfiones enim, adhsefiones, vibrationes, infinitofque alios compofitiores quafi lu- dos eledlricos, tu ipfe probe videre vifus es difcefiioni- bus omnes, atque acceffionibus contineri) hasc deni- que eft fumma hypothefis mese. ts Accefiiones cor- i{ porum inaequaliter eledtricorum efficiuntur ab igne “ eledtrico a corpore altero, in quo copiofior eft, ef- u fluente in alterum per aerem interjedtum, ipfum- “ que [ 524 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 525 j xe que disjiciente. Difceffiones autem vel igne pro- <c prio corporum efficiuntur fe expandente contra <c aereum, vel aereo fe expandente valentius contra lc proprium ;” quas tamen expanfio ignis alterius al­ teram fuperantis fine mixtione mutua alterius cum altero videtur contingere. Aer enim ignem continet luum quantuncumque, ne difcedat; arcet propriam deferentium corporum ignem, ne adhaerefcat fibi. 29. Hanc, inquam, hypothefim offero tibi, vir prae- clariffime, quo tu earn facias meliorem. Si tanti in- terea ipfam ducas, lit Regiag iili fcientiarum Societati exhibenda videatur, res ex meo obtinget defiderio, qui quando ornamentum ipd adferre nullum poffum, diligentiam faltem nolim dedderari meam. T u vero cura, ut valeas. Servari enim te decet quam diutif- dme utiliffime, fcientias perficienda2 amplidcanda?- que, quam certiffimam inllituifti. Dat. Taurini, 24 Decembris, 1757, Rem arks on the preceding , by Benja- min fr a n k lin , L . L . D . F. R . S. Read Feb. i 4> p O R the better underftanding this pa- per, it is neceffary to know, that Father Beccaria ufes a large chain, fufpended by iilk lines, for the purpofe of a prime conductor; and that his machine for turning the glafs globe is fo con­ trived, as that he can, on occadon, readily ifolate it, (/. e. place it on glafs or wax) together with the per- fon that works it. W hen the communication is thus cut off between the earth and the chain, and alfo between the earth and the machine, he obferves, that the globe being turned, both the chain and the Y y y 2 machine D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 machine fhow figns of electricity j and as thefe fign% when examined, appear to be different in the chain, and in the machine, and the globe having, as he fuppofes, drawn from the machine part of its natural or common quantity of electricity, and given it to the chain, he calls the electricity appearing in the chain, eleCtricity by excefs; and the electricity ap­ pearing in the machine, electricity which anfwer to our terms of pof and negative electri­ city, or eleCtricity plus and . And thus his exprefiions, electrifying by the , and electrifying by the machine, are to be underftood, electrifying po- ftiv e ly , and electrifying neg_ [ 526 ] ' LI. A n uncommon Cafe o f an j by Erafmus Darw in, M . D . To the very Honourable and Learned the TrcfJenty and Members of the Royal . Gentlemen, Head Feb. i4>r | ’' H E following cafe of a difcharge 1 of blood from the pulmonary ar­ tery, appears to have been owing to a caufe different from any mentioned among# the writers of medicine t and as, from the knowlege of that caufe, the cure was fo eafily deduced, I flatter myfelf, you will not efteem it unworthy your attention. A gentleman, refiding near this place, between forty and fifty years of age, of a pale and meagre habit, has been daily afflicted with violent head-achs for D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Pbz"Zos.Trans .VolLI TAB. XII7:1.616. B A r .L ------- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_ewdyippmcvcoxechmteosvr7du	----	Ben Franklin and Open Heart Surgery Special Article Ben Franklin and Open Heart Surgery By Julius H. Comroe, Jr. and Robert D. Dripps • In 1966, President Lyndon Johnson said: "Presi- dents. . .need to show more interest in what the specific results of research are in their lifetime, and in their administration. A great deal of basic research has been done. . ., but I think the time has come to zero in on the targets by trying to get our knowledge fully applied. . . . We must make sure that no life saving discovery is locked up in the laboratory (italics added)." President Johnson's words popularized a new set of terms: research in the service of man (implying that there are two types of biomedical research, one that is in the service of man and another that is not), strategy for the cure of disease, targeted research, mission-oriented research, program- matic research, commission-directed research, contract supported research, and payoff research. And the President's remarks have been summa- rized as "research is fine, but results are better" and "we know all we need to know; now all we must do is to apply what we already know." His philoso- phy led to a sharp upsurge in contract-supported research and commission-initiated research. Most scientists are convinced that basic, un- directed research is essential to the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of disease, and most scientists can support their convictions with dra- matic examples. (1) When Roentgen discovered X rays, it was not to enable a cardiologist to visualize the coronary arteries of a patient suffering from angina pectoris; he was studying a basic problem in physics to determine the electrical nature of mat- ter. (2) When Karl Landsteiner discovered blood From the Cardiovascular Research Institute, University of California, San Francisco, California 94143 and The University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine, Philadelphia, Pennsylva- nia 19174. This study was supported in part by grants from the Commonwealth Fund and the Burroughs-Wellcome Fund and Contract l-HO-1-2327 from the National Heart and Lung Institute. This article is based on the address by Julius H. Comroe, Jr. on accepting the Wiggers Award of the Circulation Group of the American Physiological Society, April 9, 1974. Dr. Dripps died October 30, 1973. Since this article is of great importance for the future of basic research, the Editor of Circulation Research urges its readers to have it reproduced and made available to their representa- tives in the Government and also to the public through appro- priate media. groups, it was not part of a program to make blood transfusions safe; he was investigating basic prob- lems in immunology. (3) When Coumand and Richards passed a catheter into the heart of man, it was not to develop a new method of diagnosing congenital or acquired heart disease. They were primarily pulmonary physiologists who wanted to learn more about a basic physiological problem of how blood and air are distributed to air sacs of lungs. To do that, they first needed to measure the oxygen content of mixed venous blood in the right atrium. (4) When Shackell developed the tech- nique of freeze-drying in 1909, it was not to preserve penicillin without loss of potency (there uias no penicillin) or to preserve plasma and its fractions (there were none in 1909). He was study- ing a basic problem of the water content of liver and muscle of steers and needed a better method to prevent loss of water during his measurements. (5) When Clarke, a collector and amateur breeder of butterflies, studied variations in the color of but- terfly wings, he had no idea that it would lead to the discovery of the Rh factor in human blood. (6) When Davies and Brink devised an electrode for measuring the partial pressure of oxygen (Po,) it was not to monitor blood oxygen in an intensive care unit; it was to measure oxygen consumption of resting and active sympathetic ganglia. Such "for instances" or anecdotes are fascinating but they would not convince an editor of a scientific journal that they prove the case for support of basic science (though these "for instances" would make interesting "Letters to the Editor"). Nor should "for instances" form a logical basis for a national science policy. In 1966, the position of the Johnson Administra- tion on basic research was bolstered by a study called Project Hindsight (1), commissioned by the Department of Defense. A team of scientists and engineers analyzed retrospectively how 20 impor- tant military weapons such as Polaris and Minute- man missiles, nuclear warheads, C-141 aircraft, the Mark 46 torpedo, and the M 102 howitzer came to be developed. Some of the conclusions of the study were that (a) the contributions of University research were minimal, (b) scientists contributed most effec- Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 661 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 6 6 2 COMROE. DRIPPS tively when their effort was mission oriented, and (c) the lag between initial discovery and final application was shortest when the scientist worked in areas targeted by his sponsor. Although the report stated that the study focused primarily on the physical and engineering sciences, and that only a small fraction of the technological advances analyzed could have occurred without the discov- ery of nuclear fission in 1939 and without the organized body of knowledge that had accumulated in physics and mathematics by the 1930's and, although only a summary was published in 1966 and a full report has not yet been published 8 years later, this brief "interim report" had a great impact on Congress and on the Office of Management and Budget, because it was a study and not another "for instance." Medical and other scientists countered Project Hindsight with some carefully prepared case stud- ies. Shannon (2) wrote one on the development of polio vaccine (1966); Visscher (3) wrote one on the development of rubella vaccine (1967); Deutsch et al (4) analyzed advances in the social sciences (1971); and Holton (5) traced research in one aspect of physics (shock waves) in 1973. The National Science Foundation commissioned two studies: a 1969 study by the Illinois Institute of Technology (6) that included only one case report on a biomedical advance—how oral contraceptives came about, and a 1973 study by Battelle Labora- tories (7) that also included an analysis of only one biomedical advance—the cardiac pacemaker. And in 1974 Kone and Jordan edited The Greatest Adventure: Basic Research that Shapes Our Lives (8). But a continuing weakness in all of these studies or stories was that the authors analyzed "for instances" that they themselves had selected. So it seemed to us that we, as scientists—despite strong personal conviction—have little objective data on how lifesaving advances in medicine and surgery have come about, and it's time to collect it. We became convinced that it was more important for us to do research on research, on the process of discovery, than it was for us to continue with our ongoing research or other interests. We soon learned that research on research is more difficult than conventional laboratory research, takes a much longer time, and presents unusual problems in achieving objectivity. And we learned that an initial research project in this field, as in other fields, leads to many projects. So, we're far from finished, and we have no Results to present and no Conclusions to draw at this time. But we would like to present the the design and the goals of our main project, invite your criticism, advice, and help, and tell you some interesting things that we have learned (that won't ever fit into the Results or Conclusions of our final report). A. Design of the Project We wanted to learn how clinical advances came about that directly prevented disease, cured or arrested disease, or decreased suffering and pro- longed useful life. We believed that it was essential to avoid using the anecdotal approach, which inevitably leads to bias. Therefore, we decided to look at a large field, and we selected "Advances in cardiovascular and pulmonary medicine and sur- gery since 1945". To avoid stacking the cards to favor the contributions of basic research, we asked physicians and surgeons to pick the most impor- tant clinical advances since 1945 that directly benefited their patients. Here are their "Top Ten" (Table 1). At this time, we will discuss only one of the top ten, open heart surgery, because it headed the list of almost every voter. However, the discussion that follows applies equally well to each of the other nine advances. The public knows about open heart surgery. To the public, it is the dramatic achievement, the pinnacle of surgery, comparable to the conquest of Mt. Everest (Fig. 1). There are two ways the cardiac surgeon could have reached the top of Mt. Everest. The first is one giant leap from sea level to the pinnacle. The second is a less dramatic walk up the back of the mountain (Fig. 2), up steps laboriously chiseled out by thousands of workers in many branches of science (physical, biological and clinical) over tens or hundreds of years. Stated very briefly, our main project has three goals. (1) We want to find out whether the cardiac surgeon took a giant leap up the front of the mountain or whether he walked up the back. (2) If he walked up the back to or almost to the top, we TABLE 1 The "Top Ten" Open heart surgery Cardiac resuscitation, defibrillation, cardioversion, pacing Intensive cardiovascular and respiratory care Chemotherapy and antibiotics Vascular surgery Medical treatment of coronary insufficiency Oral diuretics New diagnostic methods Drug treatment of hypertension Prevention of poliomyelitis Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 BEN FRANKLIN AND OPEN HEART SURGERY 6 6 3 CARDIAC SURGEOH FIGURE 1 One giant leap to the pinnacle? FIGURE 2 Or Sid he climb the steps up the back of the mountain? want to learn who built the steps and why? Was Cardiac Surgery their target? (3) We want to tell the public and especially the makers of public policy how he got there. (1) A Giant Leap?—Our approach had to be retrospective. We started with the fact of open heart surgery and worked back, always asking the same question in one form or another: What had to be learned before the next step could follow? For the final step, the question was: What had to be learned before the operation could become a rou- tinely successful procedure? Most surgeons would answer that the laboratory was an absolute require- ment, but what they really mean is the surgical dog laboratory where surgeons practice and perfect their skills. These techniques are, of course, impor- tant, but what we need to know is: What knowledge had to be acquired before open heart surgery could become a routinely successful procedure? One absolute requirement was the development of a pump-oxygenator to keep the patient alive while his own heart was being repaired. The pump-oxygenator was developed by a surgeon, John Gibbon. For 15 years it was a product of mission-oriented research, and then, for the last few years, of engineering and development. But now our question becomes: What had to be learned before Gibbon could even think of building a pump-oxygenator, let alone construct a dependable device? It is crucial that the public and maybe also medical students, physicians, and surgeons realize Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 that the pump-oxygenator was itself possible only because of many earlier discoveries. One of the necessary earlier discoveries was that of two anticoagulants: citrate, which was discov- ered immediately following the basic discovery of the role of calcium in blood coagulation, and heparin, which was discovered during a basic physiological investigation of blood clotting. Gib- bon didn't begin his work on pump-oxygenators until 1934—the year that pure, potent heparin became available. This timing was not a coinci- dence; the most elegant pump that could be devised by engineers was doomed to fail unless the blood it pumped remained liquid. Another neces- sary earlier discovery was that of blood groups by Landsteiner; this led to blood typing, then to safe blood transfusions and now to safe blood for use in pump-oxygenators. A third earlier discovery un- covered basic knowledge of red blood cells, their life span in the body and how to preserve them outside the body; this led to the ability to store blood for use in emergencies, then to blood banks for routine convenient use, and now to adequate supplies of compatible blood for use in the pump-oxygenator. A fourth yielded basic information on the diffu- sion and exchange of Oa and CO2 that provided an essential base for the construction of artificial oxygenators. A fifth was the synthesis of new plastic materials, which began in chemistry labora- tories in 1905. Ultimately, this permitted the development of plastic tubes, bags, and valves, D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 6 6 4 COMROE, DRIPPS which are absolute requirements for a pump and valves that will damage blood little or not at all, and of an artificial lung that will permit proper pas- sage of oxygen and carbon dioxide. But successful open heart surgery requires more than the use of a pump-oxygenator. So our question now becomes: What had to be learned to permit the cardiac surgeon to open the thorax, stop the heart, open the heart, restart the heart, and care for the patient to ensure full and speedy recovery? (a) Physiologists had to learn about the existence and function of the heart's conducting system and the normal rhythm of the heart. Cardiologists had to study abnormal rhythms, especially ventricular fibrillation, which, if not reversed, leads to death in a few minutes. These studies led to the technique of electrical defibrillation and to other devices now used to detect serious arrhythmias, to reverse them ("cardioversion"), or to control them (cardiac pacemaker), (b) Physiologically trained anesthe- tists had to develop closed-circuit anesthesia and learn to use muscle-relaxing agents that allowed careful, delicate, painstaking repair of cardiac tis- sues to replace lightning-fast slashing and stitching that was the hallmark of early cardiac surgeons, (c) Physiologists had to learn about control of respira- tion and mechanical properties of lungs, how to ventilate lungs when the thorax was open, and how to measure blood oxygen (O2), carbon dioxide (CO2), and acidity (pH). Only then could there be precise oxygenation of the patient's blood and proper removal of CO2 during the operation and later in the intensive care unit (which itself was based on years of fundamental physiological re- search on the heart, lungs, and circulation), (d) A German physicist, Roentgen, had to discover X rays, a Dutch physiologist, Einthoven, had to devise a sensitive instrument to record the elec- trocardiogram (ECG), and a French and an Ameri- can physiologist had to develop the technique of cardiac catheterization, all essential to accurate preoperative diagnosis. (The history of cardiac surgery includes many optimistic starts followed by abrupt stops. These stops were usually due to the death of a patient because an inaccurate preopera- tive diagnosis forced the surgeon to face an unsus- pected lesion that he was not prepared to deal with, (e) Physiologists and clinicians had to study the survival times of completely bloodless organs at normal and low body temperatures, so that cardiac surgeons would know the safe time limits for an operation with the heart stopped, (f) Physiologists had to learn how to stop the heart beat chemically or electrically. Ultimately this knowledge permit- ted cardiac surgeons to stop a human heart and have a bloodless, motionless heart on which to operate, with assurance that this heart would beat again when the surgeon was ready and that its beat would be normal and vigorous, (g) A new type of scientist, the microbiologist, had to discover bacte- ria (which first had to await the discovery of the microscope), and many scientists had to do basic research on specific infections, asepsis, antiseptics, chemotherapy, and antibiotics. It seems certain, therefore, that the cardiac surgeon did not reach the pinnacle in one giant leap but climbed the steps carved by thousands of earlier workers up the back of the mountain. (2) Who Built the Steps and Why?—Table 2 lists 25 bodies of knowledge that had to be devel- oped to permit just one clinical advance—uni- formly successful open heart surgery. For all ten clinical advances listed in Table 1, we have iden- tified about 150 essential bodies of knowledge. But each of these 150 is only a heading of a word or two. Under each heading (e.g., electrocardiography in Table 2) is a long history of scientific progress from earliest concepts to full and effective use (for example, ECG) as a routine diagnostic test. TABLE 2 Twenty-Five Bodies of Knowledge Essential for the Full Devel- opment of Open Heart Surgery Anatomic and clinical diagnosis Physiological diagnosis: electrocardiography Physiological diagnosis: cardiac catheterization Radiologic diagnosis: selective angiocardiography Transfusion, blood groups and typing, blood preservation, components of blood and plasma Nutrition, intravenous feeding Preoperative care Assessment of cardiac, pulmonary, renal, hepatic, and brain function Asepsis Monitoring ECG, blood pressure, heart rate, blood 0 , , CCs and pH, and EEG Anesthesia and neuromuscular blocking agents Hypothermia and survival of ischemic organs Ventilation of open thorax Anticoagulants Pump oxygenator Elective cardiac arrest, defibrillation Fluid and electrolytes, acid-base balance Surgical instruments and materials Surgical techniques and operations Relief of pain General principles of intensive care Chemotherapy and antibiotics Management of postoperative complications Management of heart failure Wound healing Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 BEN FRANKLIN AND OPEN HEART SURGERY 6 6 5 With the generous help of consultants, we have identified about 3,000 scientific reports judged to be necessary for the development of the 150 bodies of knowledge. Of these, we plan to analyze in de- tail the 500 individual research reports judged by consultants to be the most important, most deci- sive, and most crucial for the full development of the ten clinical advances. From this analysis, we will learn how and why each study was done, how each led to the next step, how many studies were undirected and produced knowledge now essential but initially unrelated to its present clinical use, how many studies were mission oriented specifically to prevent or cure one disease, how many were reports of advances in engineering that created or improved needed instruments, apparatus, or techniques, and how many key, decisive studies were designed by commissions or supported by contracts. (3) Tell the Public and the Makers of Public Policy What We Have Learned.—The public us- ually knows only the final product of research and development, because it is easy to identify and publicize. And, as a rule, the public tends to link the name of one man with one discovery, e.g., the radio with Marconi or the airplane with Wright. What the public does not know is that tens, hundreds, and thousands of studies, stretching back over decades or centuries, contributed to any one step up the mountain. For example, Table 2 lists the word electrocardiography. The public knows ECG, but it does not connect the ECG with studies by Benjamin Franklin, the colonies' fore- most scientist, who learned in 1752 that naturally occurring lightning and electricity stored in a battery (initially a Leyden jar) are one and the same; or with studies by Galvani and Volta, whose curiosity about "animal electricity" in the late 1700's led to the science of electrophysiology and also to the intensely practical development of the storage battery; or with studies by Keith, Flack, His, Tawara, and Purkinje, who learned how the impulse that sparks the heart beat originates in the sinoatrial node and spreads to the atria and the ventricles; or with studies by Waller and Ein- thoven, who developed the ECG at the end of the nineteenth century; or with work by Sir Thomas Lewis, who used the ECG extensively as a physio- logical and diagnostic tool to learn much of what we know of normal and abnormal rhythms of the human heart, or with research by Wilson, who used the ECG in 1930 to diagnose myocardial infarction. Another problem with public understanding of science is that some of the great advances have Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 been around so long that they've become part of everyday life. Who today thinks of fire, or the wheel, or electricity, or the flush toilet as the product of truly creative minds? Who today still thinks of penicillin as a wonder drug? Now it's something—like toothpaste—that you buy at a drug store. The public has long forgotten that the discovery of penicillin first required the develop- ment of whole new sciences of microscopy, microbi- ology, infectious diseases, and pharmacology. Cardiac catheterization is now an everyday rou- tine test. Physicians and patients think of it only in terms of a patient lying on a hard table with a long plastic tube in his heart. What a cardiac catheteri- zation laboratory actually needs and uses besides a patient, a catheter, a cardiologist, and a nurse is shown in Figure 3. The public forgets or was never told that cardiac catheterization is not a procedure that stands alone; its use depends on many ad- vances in the basic sciences, in clinical investiga- tion, in engineering, and in industrial develop- ment. In 1969, Robert Berliner said: "Above all we have an enormous job of education to do. We need far more general understanding of how science pro- gresses, of the tortuous paths from distant, un- related points of departure that converge to bring us where we are. When the press conference is held to announce the current achievement, we need less emphasis on wild speculation about unforeseeable applications and far more on the roots in the past. We need emphasis not only on the giants on whose shoulders we have stood, but on the contributions of unsung investigators too numerous to mention. We should have the equivalent of a brief'commer- cial' before each therapeutic measure, each dose of vaccine, each effective drug: 'This is made possible by the research of Whozis and So and So; we trust you will find it effective and remember what research has done for you.' " B. Some Things We Have Learned (1) Physiologists can be proud of their contribu- tions to medical science. In the field of cardiac surgery, they showed how to ventilate the open thorax; how O, moved from air to lungs to blood to tissues; how to measure Po2, Pco2 and pH. Physiologists learned how to keep blood from clotting and how to preserve this liquid blood for several weeks. They learned how the heart beat spread from the sinoatrial node to the atria and the ventricles. They devised and used the first ECG. They first used the cathode-ray oscilloscope to measure electrical events in animals—an appara- D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 6 6 6 COMROE, DRIPPS C A T H E T E R S 1 Oocron and nylon weave 2 Rodioopoque cloth wovtn 3 Opoqu* synthetic extruded rubes for catheters 4 Double lumen, balloon ripped 5 Dotter-Lucas, Rashklnd, Swan-Ganx 6 Spring wire guide* 7 Courncnd-rype needle for percutaneous i m r t i w 8 Platinum rip catheters for Hj or ascorbate curves 9 Fbcing catheten 10 Ptionocardiographtc catheters 11 Catheter Hp pressure transducer 12 Fiber optic catheter R O E N T G E N O G R A P H I C E Q U I P M E N T 1 X-ray tub* 2 Electronics for pulling 3 Imoge intemifier 4 Television camera and monitor 5 Video tape recorder 6 Dlic-rypc video storage 7 Biplane cine camera 8 High contrast cine film 9 Projector for still and morion pictures 10 Timing of x-ray pulses and cine exposure 11 Lead sheets and aprons for protection E L E C T R O N I C I N S T R U M E N T S 1 Multichannel recorder 2 Transducers and amplifiers for ECG, blood pressure, phonocoJtfiogroph, poJarogroph and hecrt rate 3 CRO For monitorirtg A Frn tape recorder and tape 5 Therm!itor probe 6 Chri meter 7 Deraitoraerer 8 Defibrillotor 9 External and internal pacemaker STERILE E Q U I P M E N T 1 Steam sterilizer 2 Ethylene axide go* sterilization 3 Benzalkonium and cyanJde solution* 4 Sterile brushes, tapes, ere 5 Scrub and preparation solutions C A L C U L A T O t S 1 Slid. r u l . 2 Calculator 3 Corapurer D R U G S A N D C H E M I C A L S I 2 Local and general anesthetics 3 Oxygen (with robing, masks, valves, tanks) 4 Antiarrrryrhmic drugs 5 Indocyanine green for dye dilution curves 6 Radioocoque contrast media 7 Sterile solutions 8 Antibiotics 9 Heparln 10 Acetylchollne B I O C H E M I S T R Y L A B O I A T O I i Y 1 Macro and micro blood got onalyztn 2 Apparatus for rrwosurina blood pH, PcoI( Po? at body t«mp«rarur« 3 Gas anolyxef 4 Sp«ctropKotcMn«ter for measuring abnormol Hb 5 D«nsirom«tef 11 boproterenoj S P E C I A L I T E M S 1 MJcrosyringts 2 Pr«s*ura ln|«cror for ongiograpriy, rimed to match cardiac cycle 3 Respiratory valves and spiroowtTs 4 DougJas bogs for collecting gas 5 Go* sample collectors 6 Disposable syringes, sropcocb and plastic tubes 7 Surgical Instruments for macro and micro dissection 8 Constant wirhdrawal-infusion syringe FIGURE 3 Cardiac catheterization requires more than a catheter and a table. tus now essential for all monitoring in operating rooms and intensive care units. Physiologists learned how to measure blood pressure, cardiac output, blood flow and how to evaluate cardiovas- cular function. A physiologist, Carl Wiggers, in- troduced the concept of the vulnerable period of the ventricles and so provided the scientific base for defibrillation, "cardioversion," and cardiac pacing. Equally important, many physiologists contri- buted to the scientific training of modern surgeons who then applied their training to solve clinical problems. John Gibbon spent three and a half years (1931-1934) practicing surgery half of the time and doing research with Eugene Landis the other half; this was just before Gibbon started work on the pump-oxygenator in 1934. Landis, with characteristic modesty, says that his contri- bution to Gibbon was "transmitting what he (Landis) had learned from Cuthbert Bazett, Mer- kel Jacobs, A. N. Richards, Thomas Lewis, and August Krogh." We add, what a wonderful way to start a career in surgical research! (2) Research on physiological problems has had important spin-offs to other fields. Studies on ani- mal locomotion by Muybridge in 1872 produced the first motion pictures (on glass plates); this develop- ment led to Edison's use in 1893 of a celluloid strip, which then became the basis of a huge motion picture industry. Research by earlier physiologists on the mechanism of the heart beat in frogs and turtles led Einthoven to devise a sensi- tive string galvanometer, which was then used in Holland for recording wireless signals from the Dutch East Indies, for sound ranging in World War I to detect the location of German guns on French battlefields, and for telemetry. The need to completely denervate the carotid arteries of the dog to study responses of denervated arteries to chemical agents led in 1960 to the technique of microvascular surgery and now to reconstruction of a ligated vas deferens. The Po2 electrode, developed entirely for neurophysiological use, is now widely used to measure pollution of streams. Studies on the water content of tissues by Shackell (1909) led him to develop the technique of freeze- dryirig, which now has many industrial applica- tions, the latest being a large instant coffee in- dustry. Research on blood groups for safe use of blood has had important spin-offs in such diverse Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 BEN FRANKLIN AND OPEN HEART SURGERY 6 6 7 fields as human genetics, determination of pater- nity, criminology, and anthropology. (3) Physiologists in their research have both benefited other disciplines and in turn benefited from them. There are many instances of dis- coveries bouncing back and forth from basic to applied sciences to the benefit of both. Studies on animal locomotion (basic) led to the motion picture industry (applied), later to biplane cineangiocar- diography for research (basic) and clinical diag- nosis (applied), and now to the study of the velocity of contraction of cardiac muscle (basic). The urgent need in World War II for a device to detect leaks in aviators' oxygen masks led a physiologist, John Lilly, to devise a nitrogen meter (applied), using knowledge developed in earlier research in physics (basic). The new meter was soon used to study distribution of gas to alveoli (basic) and a little later to test pulmonary function clinically in patients suspected of having cardiopulmonary dis- ease (applied). Now it is also being used to study the mechanism of airway closure (basic) with the expectation that a new test will result to permit earlier diagnosis (applied). Studies on the cause of irregularities in the capillarity of mercury (basic) led Heyrovsky to devise a dropping mercury test that in turn led to the polarograph, an instrument useful in detecting small quantities of metals (applied). This discovery led to the O2 electrode used to measure Po2 in autonomic ganglia (basic) and, in turn, to the blood Os electrode now used universally to monitor the ventilation of pa- tients in operating rooms and in intensive care units (applied) and to detect stream pollution (applied). (4) Scientists do their research for a wide variety of reasons. John Gibbon did his be- cause a patient died of pulmonary embolism; he wanted to devise an apparatus to bypass the lung and allow him to remove the embolus (he did not have open heart surgery in mind). Julius Jacob- son, the father of microvascular surgery, was asked by two fellow faculty members at Vermont if he could perform a guaranteed total denervation of the carotid arteries of the dog so that they could test the responses of completely denervated vascu- lar smooth muscle to drugs. The only certain way was for Jacobson to cut the artery in two and then stitch it together again. This procedure required use of a dissection microscope and led to the birth of microvascular surgery. Dennis Jackson, a physiologist who later turned pharmacologist, developed the first closed-circuit anesthetic equipment in 1915 to help the poor. Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 Jackson later discussed his motives: "The need for some cheap, easy and effective method for administering nitrous oxide was impressed upon me long ago when I was a medical student on Chicago's old West Side. There...poverty...mingled with the stench from the stockyards. Many patients came into the clinic for minor surgery. Nitrous oxide was the anesthetic of choice, the cost being fifty cents. But that fifty cents often meant that the patient could not eat for the next day or two Nitrous oxide was generally given without oxygen..." because added Oj cost twice as much and that meant no food for 4 days! Jay McLean, a University of California college student, wanted a career in academic surgery and determined in 1915 to leave the University of California at Berkeley to enter the Johns Hopkins School of Medicine even though he had not been accepted. On his arrival in Baltimore, the dean ac- cepted him for admission a year later. McLean asked Professor William Howell for a year of re- search in the physiology laboratory "to see if I could solve a problem by myself." Howell put him to work on brain cephalin (a clotting factor). Mc- Lean instead discovered heparin in liver. Charles and Scott (Toronto) decided to purify heparin in 1933, not because of demand for its use clinically but "because of the importance of heparin in certain physiological experiments." Hustin in Brussels in 1912 had a patient who died of car- bon monoxide (CO) poisoning. Hustin reasoned that he could have saved the patient's life if he could have bled him, removed the CO, added 0 , , and then reinjected the blood. But this procedure required blood that would not clot. He had spent a year in the physiology laboratory at the University of Brussels, unusual for a young physician, and had perfused organs with defibrinated blood. Be- cause defibrinated blood had some toxic effects, he experimented with the addition of citrate and so developed the first indirect blood transfusion. (Re- member that in the early 1900's the gTeat American surgeon, Crile, was transfusing blood directly from an artery of a donor to a vein of the recipient; the two vessels were sutured end to end for the dura- tion of the transfusion). Carrel (more of him later) developed vascular surgery because he wanted to study the individual metabolic requirements of each organ: he wanted to know what each organ needed for maximal survival and optimal function. Sometimes one cannot tell from reading his re- port why a scientist began his studies. Maybe he thought it unscientific to say why. Maybe an editor deleted his account. Maybe the scientist stumbled D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 668 COMROE. DRIPPS or blundered on his discovery and didn't want to say so. Maybe he was a young scientist reluctant to acknowledge his debt to others. Sometimes a scien- tist in later years tells us how he came to make his early discoveries. Gibbon did this for the pump- oxygenator; McLean did it for heparin; one phys- iologist does this each year in the prefatory chapter of Annual Reviews of Physiology. (5) We have also learned that the record has not been entirely good. True, X rays were put to physio- logical and clinical use almost instantly; Roentgen's first report was in December 1895 and within a few months, in 1896, there was already a new journal (Archives of the Roentgen Ray) and within a year a new society (The Roentgen Society) devoted com- pletely to the new rays. The electrocardiograph too was put to clinical use quickly after Einthoven's work. But many discoveries made and widely used in the laboratory (such as artificial or controlled ventilation, measurement of lung volume, ventricu- lar defibrillation and closed-chest cardiac mas- sage) were not quickly applied clinically. Vesalius demonstrated artificial ventilation in 1543, Hooke demonstrated it again in 1667, and physiologists used it in laboratory experiments in the nineteenth century, but it never crossed over to clinical medicine, even to ventilating the lungs of patients with an open chest, until 1915. Humphry Davy in 1800 prepared his own hydrogen, breathed it in and out, measured its concentration in the expired gas and calculated his lung volume. How- ever, his method was not used again until the 1940's and 1950's. In 1899, Prevost and Battelli produced ventricular fibrillation electrically and then de- fibrillated the same dogs with stronger shocks. Their work had no impact until 1930 when Howell trans- lated their paper into English for Donald Hooker and William Kouwenhoven who were then working on electric shock in Howell's physiology laboratory at Hopkins. Closed-chest cardiac massage has been widely used in physiology laboratories since 1878 to resuscitate cats and dogs, but it was not applied to man until 1960. Long lags also occurred before the full clinical use of heparin, hemodialysis, the cath- ode-ray oscilloscope, telemetry, and techniques of vascular surgery. One of the most remarkable of all lags was that in vascular surgery. Between 1902 and 1910, Alexis Carrel performed every feat and developed every technique known to vascular surgery today (ex- cept for using a dissection microscope and plastic tubes, neither of which had then been discovered), but his work was essentially lost until 1940. He reunited vessels intima to intima; he sutured artery to artery, vein to vein, artery to vein, end to end, side to side, and side to end. He used patch grafts, autografts, homografts, heterografts, rubber tubes, glass tubes, metal tubes, and absorbable magne- sium tubes. He devised his own nontraumatic needles, clamps, and sutures. He performed a cor- onary bypass operation on a dog using a preserved carotid artery; the procedure required only 5 min- utes. He preserved vessels, tissues, and organs by refrigerating them in Locke solution. He sug- gested using a segment of a patient's vein to re- place a damaged artery. He transplanted thyroid, spleen, ovaries, limbs, and kidneys and so proved that, surgically, it was possible and easy to trans- plant organs. But he recognized that a homograft vessel served only as a framework for new cell growth. And as early as 1912, he stated: "But it is not yet known whether surgeons will ever be able to perform a homoplastic transplant with perma- nent success . . . it will only be through a more fun- damental study of the biological relationships existing between living tissues (... to recognize individuals, if such exist, between whom organs can be interchanged with impunity) that the prob- lems involved will come to be solved." We must ask why his work was not mentioned in the classic reports describing the "new" vascular surgical operations in the 1950's. Was Carrel's work published in a rarely read foreign language like Jansky's work on blood groups? No, he published in English. Did he work in unknown laboratories? No, he worked first at the University of Chicago and then at The Rockefeller Institute in New York City. Did he publish in journals never read by sur- geons? No, he published in Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, Journal of the American Medical Association, and Annals of Surgery. Was his re- search held in low esteem? No, he won the Nobel Prize in 1912, the first American to receive the Nobel Prize in Medicine and Physiology. Such lags probably occur in every branch of science and in technology, not just in biomedical research. It is such lags between initial discovery and application to patient care that support the clamor for commission-directed research and con- tract-supported research and development (9). It is our responsibility to try to interest clinicians in our ongoing work and its possible applications to medicine, even though our attempts will not al- ways work. Wiggers (American Heart Journal, 1940) fibrillated and defibrillated the heart of the same dog 41 times and then "by lecture and demonstra- Circulntion Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 BEN FRANKLIN AND OPEN HEART SURGERY 6 6 9 tion attempted to acquaint laboratory workers and surgeons with the procedure" of electrical defibril- lation, but he was without success until 1956. As you can see, research on research, like labora- tory research, leads to many more questions than the initial one. What accelerated discoveries? What held them back? Could the delays have been pre- vented? Why didn't a scientist follow through with his initial discovery? Was it lack of interest? Was it because he didn't appreciate the importance of his work to his field? Was it because he didn't appreciate the significance of his work to other fields? Why didn't he get his ideas to others who would follow up on them? (By sharing his ideas with others? By speculating to help those with less imagination?) What would modern policies govern- ing research have done to the research of 30-75 years ago? What would have been the effect of the Food and Drug Administration, the committee on human experimentation at each university, NIH study sections, NIH task forces, and of commis- sions? When might directed research have paid off? When might it have failed? References 1. SHERWIN CW, ISENSON RS: First Interim Report on Project Hindsight. Washington, D. C , Office of Director of De- fense Research and Engineering, June 30, 1966 (Revised October 13, 1966). 2. SHANNON JA: NIH: Present and potential contribution to application of biomedical knowledge. In Research in the Service of Man: Biomedical Knowledge, Development and Use. U.S. Senate, 90th Congress, 1st Session, Docu- ment No. 55, 1967, pp 72-85 3. VISSCHER MB: Applied science and medical progress. In Applied Science and Technological Progress. National Academy of Sciences Report, 1967, pp 185-206 4. DEUTSCH KW, PLATT J, SENGHASS D: Conditions favoring major advances in social science. Science 171:450-459, 1971 5. HOLTON G: Models for understanding the growth of research. In The Thematic Component in Scientific Thought. Grad J 9:397-430, 1973 6. Technology in Retrospect and Critical Events in Science. Prepared for the National Science Foundation by Illinois Institute of Technology Research Institute under Contract NSF-C535, December 15, 1968, and January 30, 1969 7. Interactions of Science and Technology in the Innovative Process: Some Cases Studies. Prepared for the National Science Foundation by Battelle Laboratories under Con- tract NSF-C667, March 19, 1973 8. KONE EH, JORDAN HJ, eds: The Greatest Adventure: Basic Research That Shapes Our Lives. New York, The Rockefel- ler University Press, 1974 9. COMROE JH JR: What's locked up? Am Rev Resp Dis 110:111- 114, 1974 Circulation Research, Vol. 35, November 1974 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 
work_ffrby5onjvf25ba3xusrm2wnsa	----	Introduction 40 January 2006/Vol. 49, No. 1 COMMUNICATIONS OF THE ACM I n his autobiography, American founding father Benjamin Franklin described 13 virtues [2]. The third—order—gave him the most trouble: “Order,” he wrote, “... with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire” [sic]. Today, more than 200 years later, order in many human endeavors continues to be an elusive goal. Per- sonal information management (PIM) is intended to sup- port the activities we, as individuals, perform to order our daily lives through the acquisition, organization, main- tenance, retrieval, and sharing of information. Although Cheap and fast search and storage technologies help bring order to our messy personal information environments, freeing us to make the most of our information collections. Personal Information Management B Y J A I M E T E E V A N , W I L L I A M J O N E S , A N D B E N J A M I N B . B E D E R S O N , G U E S T E D I T O R S m Illustration by Brad Yeo m COMMUNICATIONS OF THE ACM January 2006/Vol. 49, No. 1 41 42 January 2006/Vol. 49, No. 1 COMMUNICATIONS OF THE ACM nearly everyone has to apply PIM techniques in their daily lives, popular interest in PIM technolo- gies has picked up recently and is the subject of this special section. In 1945, Vannevar Bush, director of the U.S. Office of Scientific R&D during World War II, envi- sioned using technology to support PIM through the creation of what he called a Memex “... device in which an individual stores all his books, records, and communications, and which is mechanized so that it may be consulted with exceeding speed and flexibility” [1]. The phrase “personal information management” was first used in the 1980s [4] in the midst of popular excitement over the potential of the personal com- puter to greatly enhance our human ability to process and manage information. The 1980s also saw the advent of so-called PIM tools, with basic support for managing appointments, to-do lists, and contact information. Interest in PIM has increased in recent years, not only as a hot tech topic but as a serious area of inquiry, focusing the best work from a diverse set of scientific and engineering disciplines, including cogni- tive psychology, human-computer interaction, data- base management, information retrieval, and library and information science. (See [3] for a review of PIM, including its influences and alternate definitions.) Our own interest in PIM became morefocused as a result of a workshop inJanuary 2005 at the University of Washington sponsored by the U.S. National Science Foundation (pim.ischool.washington.edu/). As the workshop made clear, interest in PIM is double- edged—offering greater access to information while risking the loss of what is important. The pace of improvement in various PIM-relevant technologies gives us reason to believe that earlier visions of PIM may be realized in the near future. Digital storage is cheap and plentiful. Better search support makes it easy to pinpoint the information we need, even when it’s buried in vast databases of unrelated information. The ubiquity of computing and communications and the miniaturization of computing devices make it possible for us to take our information with us wher- ever we go. But interest from the research community in PIM also follows from the growing awareness of the prob- lems these new technologies sometimes create. The information that Benjamin Franklin and others of his generation struggled to order in paper form is now scattered in multiple versions among paper and digi- tal copies and isolated in separate applications and devices around the world. Even a seemingly simple action like responding to an email request can cascade into a time-consuming, error-prone chore that requires integrating information from various distrib- uted collections of paper and electronic documents, email, Web pages, and more. The result may be that we can’t find what we’re looking for, even when we’re sure it’s part of our own collection. We selected the articles here toreflect the opportunities and chal-lenges of new PIM technologies for two main reasons: the desire to apply improve- ments in digital technologies to the enduring chal- lenge of PIM and the desire to ensure the overall concerns of PIM are not lost in the rush by software and hardware vendors to exploit the technologies to deliver digital convenience. Mary Czerwinski et al. open the section by dis- cussing the potential for amassing and supporting access to a lifetime of digital memories that capture personal experience in digital form. Wanda Pratt et al. discuss the special relevance of PIM to patients, espe- cially those in a long-term struggle with illness like breast cancer. Increasingly, all patients bear a personal responsibility to collect and manage information relating to their medical conditions. Even personal survival may depend on their ability to manage it. However, it also raises important questions of privacy and security not only for them and for the medical professionals who treat them but also for customers, students, citizens, and employees everywhere. Clare- Marie Karat et al. provide an insightful overview of efforts to improve people’s ability to control who sees what in their personal information. The next two articles offer differing perspectives on the role of search in managing personal information. Edward Cutrell et al. advance the notion that appli- cations of search might eliminate (or greatly alter) the need for PIM. Search based on personal information can be customized, personalized, and contextualized in ways that go way beyond the standard query/results interaction. Catherine C. Marshall and William Jones provide a counterargument to such adaptation in their look at how people keep and orga- nize the information they encounter as they go about their daily routine. Even if improved search means we can always find the information we need, we may continue to organize it for other reasons, including to boost our confidence, support serendipitous browsing, and provide the satisfaction of putting our things in order. Email applications play a central role in many of our lives. For example, many of us live in our email during the day (and at home at night), using it not only for communication but also for task, time, and document management. Yet we are also often con- fused and distracted by the growing complexity of our email applications. Steve Whittaker et al. explore the future of email in support of PIM, emphasizing its role as a natural segue from PIM to interpersonal and group information management (GIM). Thomas Erickson explores further the practice of PIM in a larger networked GIM context defined by a person’s various roles in life as, say, parent, spouse, friend, employee, and team member. Problems of information fragmentation emerge as a recurring theme across all these articles. David Karger and William Jones review several promising approaches toward integrating and unifying personal information and PIM support. But even as existing tools and gadgets have increased information frag- mentation, how do we know that new approaches really do help us manage our information over time and across situations? Diane Kelly explores the special challenges of measurement and evaluation of PIM behaviors and tools. These articles provide a glimpse into leading researchers’ efforts to turn the Vannevar Bush vision of personal information collection, storage, sharing, and organization into an important aspect of the lives of everyone with a computer, whether desktop or mobile. Better PIM means we make better use of our increasingly precious time. We might waste less of our time with the burdensome and error-prone activities of managing information and take more time making creative, intelligent use of the information to get things done. As Benjamin Franklin said, “Do not squander time; for that’s the stuff life is made of.” References 1. Bush, V. As we may think. The Atlantic Monthly 176, 1 (July 1945), 101–108. 2. Franklin, B. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. Dover Thrift Edi- tions, 1790. 3. Jones, W. A Review of Personal Information Management, IS-TR-2005- 11-01. The Information School Technical Repository, University of Washington, Seattle; hdl.handle.net/1773/2155. 4. Lansdale, M. The psychology of personal information management. Applied Ergonomics 19, 1 (1988), 55–66. Jaime Teevan (teevan@csail.mit.edu) is a Ph.D. candidate in the Computer Science and Artificial Intelligence Laboratory at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA. William Jones (williamj@u.washington.edu) is a research associate professor in the Information School at the University of Washington, Seattle, WA. Benjamin B. Bederson (bederson@cs.umd.edu) is an associate professor in the Computer Science Department and director of the Human-Computer Interaction Lab at the University of Maryland, College Park, MD. © 2006 ACM 0001-0782/06/0100 $5.00 c COMMUNICATIONS OF THE ACM January 2006/Vol. 49, No. 1 43 Even if improved search means we can always find the information we need, we may continue to organize it for other reasons, including to support serendipitous browsing and provide the satisfaction of putting our things in order. 
work_ffvltfnayvgorlvoczyslzojim	----	EDX Upgrades Have an EDX system that's running out of steam? • New MCA and Windows based software from $4500. • Complete Electronics - Bias supply, premium 8th order triangular filter pulse processor, 4000 channel (0-20 keV at 5 eV per channel) MCA and full quantitative analysis software from $13,990. Visit our web site: www.ansxray.com for complete details and free demo software. /ANSI American Nuclear Systems, Inc. 1010 Commerce Park Dr., Suite G Oak Ridge, TN 37830 (800) 980-9284 FAX (423) 482-6253 email: sales@ansxray.com www.ansxray.com Value Through Innovation Lightning and the Electron Microscope Lydia Rivaud, Engelhard Corporation The chain of events that led to the invention of the electron microscope is an interesting story by itself. This chain has a common theme, namely electrons, and its first link is a natural phenomenon: lightning, A flash of lightning generates a stream of electrons with a potential energy difference of 100 to 200 megavolts between clouds acting as electrodes, Benjamin Franklin envisioned this as a source of energy and tried to snatch electricity from the skies, but this proved to be too dangerous, At the beginning of the century, lightning was a problem for electrical utilities because it produced surges that disrupted the steady flow of electric- ity along high tension lines. For this reason, in 1929 a high tension laboratory was founded in Germany with the sole aim of finding a way to test electrical transmission lines so as to make them capable of withstanding the lightning surges, The first approach to the problem was to design equipment that could simulate the effect of lightning on transmission lines. The test equipment already existed; cathode ray osciilographs, the precursors to modern commercial oscilloscopes, The cathode ray oscillograph used a beam of electrons in a high voltage chamber, a set-up similar to an electrical transmission line being affected by lightning's high voltage. There was a difference when comparing lightning and transmission lines to oscillographs with their voltage and electron beam. The osciiiograph could maintain a continuous high voltage on its electron beam, while lightning gives a series of voltage discharges on electrical lines lasting a fraction of a second each, The steady voltage in the oscillograph was more suiiable for experimenta- tion than a series of short voltage surges. In addition, the electron beam in the oscillograph could record any induced voltage disturbance affecting it by writing on a fluorescent screen. Cathode ray oscillographs constitute the second link in the chain of events being followed here. The next step was to modify the osciiiograph and its recording media in order to improve the resolution of the output signal recorded by the electron beam. The first modification was to pump the cathode tube chamber to a vacuum. The second modification was to improve the resolution of the electron beam by focusing it to a smaller spot. Max Knoll and Ernst Ruska in the German high tension laboratory then turned to Hans Busch's theory developed in 1929. Busch's theory postu- lated that a current circulating in a coil wrapped around a magnet had the same effect on a collimated beam of electrons as a glass convex lens on a light beam, Busch had, in effect, postulated the electromagnetic lens and Ruska decided to apply it to focusing the electron beam in the oscillograph in order to optimize its recording resolution on the fluorescent screen. The application of Busch's theory to the electron beam focusing in the oscillograph constitutes the third link in the chain of events that led to the invention of the electron microscope, Since Busch postulated that the electromagnetic lens should behave like a convex lens in an optical microscope, Ruska speculated he could apply the theory both to focus the electron beam in the oscillograph to improve the recording of voltage effects on the electron beam, as well as for constructing a magnifying microscope. He designed an arrangement of two electromagnetic lenses that would be capable of focusing the electron beam and in addition giving a magnified image of an object placed in front of the first lens. He placed the lenses in the vacuum inside the oscillograph chamber. Thus Ruska obtained a focused electron beam as well as the first electron microscope. The first three micrographs recorded were from bronze and platinum mesh grids at x4.3,x17.4, and x13 magnifications'. The electromagnetic lenses are the fourth link in the chain of events that started with lightning and led to the invention of the electron microscope, • 1. Martin M, Freundlich, "The History of The Development of The First High-Resolution Electron Microscope", MSA Bulletin, Vol.24, No.1 (1994). Circle Reader Inquiry #15 D o w n lo ad ed fro m h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re . C arn eg ie M ello n U n iversity , o n 06 A p r 2021 at 02:04:50 , su b ject to th e C am b rid g e C o re term s o f u se, availab le at h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re/term s . h ttp s://d o i.o rg /10.1017/S1551929500070358 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog?doi=10.1017/S1551929500070358&domain=pdf https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S1551929500070358 Before Etching and Coating After Etching and Coating Before and after images showing the polished cross-^seclional view of a typical semiconductor device. The sample was etched for 5 minutes at 6 kv and coaled with Au/Pd. In the etched image, \hc detailed grain structure of" the tungsten plugs are plainly visible. PECS PRECISION ETCHING COATING SYSTEM Chemical-free etching and coating in a single unit for SEM and light microscopy The new Precision Etching Coating System (PECS™) provides clean, chemical-free etching and high resolu- tion sputter coating in one compact desktop unit. Chemical free etching. Eliminates hazardous chemicals from your lab and provides precise control over the etching process. Etching/coating in one instrument. Samples can be etched and coated without breaking vacuum, reduc- ing sample handling and contamination or oxidation. Controlled etching and coating. Rock and rotate angles and rocking speed can all be varied to ensure uni- form etching and coating of the sample. Increased sample throughput. Samples can be re- etched and coated as necessary. You can select up to four target materials without breaking vacuum. Dormant targets are fully shielded from sputter conta- mination. The 36-mm stage and sample holder will accept most SEM stubs and metallographic speci- mens. Easy to use With Simple controls. Programmable timer precisely controls the duration of sample etching or coating. Coating rates and thicknesses can lie mea- sured with probe and film-thickness monitor. For more information on the new PECS, contact Gatan or a Gatan representative for mare information. Gatan USA —Pleasanron, Ca tel 510 463 0200 fax 510 463 0204 Gatan USA —Warrendate Pa tel 412 776 5260 fax 412 776 3360 mbH, Germany tel (089)35 23 74 fas (089)35 51 642 Gatan Lrd, UK tel (01536) 743150 fax (01536) 743154 Circle Reader Inquiry #1 Gatan Services Corp., Japan td SI (3)3923 6752 fax 81 (3)3928 6758 Gatan Online www. ga tan. co m infa@gatan.com D o w n lo ad ed fro m h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re . C arn eg ie M ello n U n iversity , o n 06 A p r 2021 at 02:04:50 , su b ject to th e C am b rid g e C o re term s o f u se, availab le at h ttp s://w w w .cam b rid g e.o rg /co re/term s . h ttp s://d o i.o rg /10.1017/S1551929500070358 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S1551929500070358 
work_fgdkj3vxwbcrffgkbpjnwjsixy	----	PII: S0961-1290(00)90594-5 Southampton Photonics start-up attracts USli55m in fundina Pictured: (from L-R) Professor David Payne (Chairman), Don Spalinger (Acting President) and Dr Peter Ballantyne (Senior VP, Operations and Engineering) of Southampton Photonics. A new start-up - Southampton Photonics (spun out of the Opto- electronics Research Centre at the University of Southampton) - has at- tracted first-round fund- ing of &37m (US$55m, a record for the UK) to de- sign and make fibre-optic telecoms components. The company intends to create 200 jobs over the next 18 months at a new 2250 m2 facility in the Chilworth Science Park in the UK and estab- lish design, production and sales facilities in California employing 250 staff by end-2002. Initial products will be based on technology licensed from the University of Southampton, much of it developed and patented by the founders and em- ployees while working at the ORC, with which the company will have an on-going alliance. Founder and Chairman is Professor David Payne FRS, head of the ORC, leader of the team that invented the optical amplifier (en- abling DWDM) in 1986, and jointly awarded the Benjamin Franklin Medal for developing the er- bium-doped fibre amplti- er in 1998. Products will include: ?? DFB fibre laser arrays for closely packed chan- nels for DWDM; ?? optical filters with en- hanced performance al- lowing more channels per fibre; and . broadband optical amplifiers. Southampton Photonics Tel: +44 (0) 238059- 2116 Corning to invest US$270m Corning Inc is investing US$270m to increase ca- pacity of Corning Lasertron products six- fold over the next two years, involving construc- tion of a new factory and creation of about 1150 jobs: * US$225m in expanding Corning Lasertron to in- crease capacity for am- plification and transmission products, including pump lasers, transmission lasers and receivers, enabling the broadening of manu- facturing from wafer fabrication through packaging; * Corning also invested US$45m to double ca- pacity at Corning Lasertron’s Oak Park fa- cility in Bedford, MA, USA. News Update JDSU and SDL in US$4lbn merger The largest fibre-optics component manufactur- er JDS Uniphase Corp (Nepean, Toronto, Canada and San Jose, CA, USA) has acquired num- ber 2 supplier and MOCVD-based high- power laser manufactur- er SDL Inc for about US$4lbn in stock. SDL has about 1,700 staff and JDSU over 17,000. SDL makes 980 nm chips but - unlike JDSrJ - also packages them into mod- ules. SDL will operate as a wholly-owned subsidiary. In the past year, a toi:al of 14 acquisitions have been undertaken eil:her by JDSU or by companies it later pur- chased. Including Epitaxx Inc, Sifam Ltd, O_ptical Coating Laboratory Inc, Cronos Integrated Microsystems InI:, and Fujian Casix Laser Inc (acquired be- tween November ‘99 and May ZOOO), JDSU’s year-2000 sales were US$1.43bn (up 143% on ‘99 for JDS FITEL Inc and Uniphase Corp com- bined). Including merg- er-related charges etc, ne;: loss was US$419m (US$905m for fiscal 2000). The combined com- pany - JDSU, SDL and E- TEK Dynamics (acquired for US$lSbn in June) - has annual sales of about USS2.7bn. JDSi uniphase carp Tel: +1-408-4341800 Ill-k Review ??Vol.13 No. 5 2000 27 
work_fox7qesrgbdsdjtjruq4kiez2i	----	Benjamin Franklin’s purse | Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London Login to your account Email Password Forgot password? Keep me logged in New User Institutional Login Change Password Old Password New Password Too Short Weak Medium Strong Very Strong Too Long Congrats! Your password has been changed Create a new account Email Returning user Can't sign in? Forgot your password? Enter your email address below and we will send you the reset instructions Email Cancel If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to reset your password. Close Request Username Can't sign in? Forgot your username? Enter your email address below and we will send you your username Email Close If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username Cookies Notification This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Find out more. × brought to you byCarnegie Mellon University Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome All Journals Biographical Memoirs Biology Letters Interface Interface Focus Notes and Records Open Biology Philosophical Transactions A Philosophical Transactions B Proceedings A Proceedings B Royal Society Open Science Brought to you by Carnegie Mellon University Sign in 0 Cart Search Anywhere This Journal Quick Search anywhereEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Quick Search in JournalsEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Advanced Search Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome Home Content Published ahead of print Latest issue All content Subject collections Blog posts Information for Authors Guest organizers Reviewers Readers Institutions About us About the journal Editorial board Author benefits Policies Journal metrics Open access Sign up Purchase eTOC alerts RSS feeds Newsletters Request a free trial Submit Restricted access MoreSections Get Access Get Access Tools Add to favorites Download Citations Track Citations Share Share on Facebook Twitter Linked In Reddit Email Cite this article Sweet Jessie M. 1952Benjamin Franklin’s purseNotes Rec. R. Soc. Lond.9308–309http://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1952.0018 Section Restricted accessArticle Benjamin Franklin’s purse Jessie M. Sweet Google Scholar Find this author on PubMed Search for more papers by this author Jessie M. Sweet Google Scholar Find this author on PubMed Search for more papers by this author Published:01 May 1952https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1952.0018 Abstract Shortly before the war an inquiry from the editor of an American periodical led to the identification of an interesting specimen of worked asbestos as the purse which was brought over from America by Benjamin Franklin and sold to Sir Hans Sloane in 1725. The collections of Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753), President of the Royal Society and Court Physician, have been described elsewhere. At his death they were bought for the nation by a state lottery and formed the nucleus of the present British Museum collections. In 1725 when Sloane was at the height of his fame, Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790), an impecunious young man of nineteen, arrived in this country. His intention was to acquire material to set up as a government printer in Pennsylvania, and he had been promised letters of credit by the governor, Sir William Keith. These, however, failed to materialize, and Franklin found it difficult to make ends meet. Eventually he obtained work as a compositor, and a kind landlady looked after him for 1s. 6d. a week. Footnotes This text was harvested from a scanned image of the original document using optical character recognition (OCR) software. As such, it may contain errors. Please contact the Royal Society if you find an error you would like to see corrected. Mathematical notations produced through Infty OCR. Previous Article Next Article Access options Sign in for Fellows of the Royal Society Please access the online journals via the Fellows’ Room Not a subscriber? You canrequest a library trial. Personal login Username or email Password Forgot password? Keep me logged in Institutional login Purchase Save for later Item saved, go to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old $22.00 Add to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old Checkout Restore content access Figures Related References Details 31 May 1952 Volume 9Issue 2 Article Information DOI:https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1952.0018 Published by:Royal Society History: Published online01/01/1997 Published in print01/05/1952 Copyright and usage: Scanned images copyright © 2017, Royal Society Statistics from Altmetric Close Figure Viewer Browse All FiguresReturn to FigureChange zoom levelZoom inZoom out Previous FigureNext Figure Caption NOTES AND RECORDS About this journal Contact information Purchasing information Submit Author benefits Open access membership Recommend to your library Help Author benefits Purchasing information Submit Open access membership Recommend to your library Contact information Help ROYAL SOCIETY PUBLISHING Our journals Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies Our journals Historical context Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies THE ROYAL SOCIETY About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire Back to top Copyright © 2021 The Royal Society 
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work_fsqmoqxrv5g7tjxig2yts3oina	----	The New World Stamp Corner Robin Wilson The New World TT he founders of American independence included several highly learned people who encouraged the study of mathematics and science in the late 18th century. Benjamin Franklin (1706–90) invented the Franklin stove, bifocal spectacles, the odometer, and the lightning rod. He also carried out experiments in electricity, such as his celebrated one on lightning conduction in which he flew a kite in a thunderstorm. Although never claiming to be a mathematician, he was fascinated by magic squares, and constructed a remarkable 16 9 16 square in which the numbers in any row, column, or 4 9 4 sub-square, have the same sum. Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826), the third president of the United States, extolled the virtues of science and wrote of the importance of calculation (extracting roots, solving quadratic equations, and using logarithms). Interested in classical archi- tecture, he designed his home, Monticello, and the rotunda of the University of Virginia. While ambassador in Paris he became enthused by the metric system being proposed in France, and strongly advocated decimalising the American coinage, but it was not until 1866 that the United States Con- gress passed a law legalising the use of metric measurements. Benjamin Banneker (1731–1826) was a self-taught mathe- matician and astronomer. When 22 years old he designed and built an accurate striking clock, although he had never seen one previously. In later life he constructed accurate astronomical tables. In 1791 he compiled the first of several almanacs, as ‘the creation of a free man of the African race’, and sent it to Jefferson with a plea to end slavery. Banneker was appointed by George Washington, himself a noted surveyor, to help with the surveying and layout of the new capital city. Benjamin Franklin Thomas Jefferson Franklin’s lightning experiment Virginia rotunda Banneker and Washington Benjamin Banneker � Column editor’s address: Robin Wilson, Mathematical Institute, Andrew Wiles Building, University of Oxford, UK e-mail: r.j.wilson@open.ac.uk 96 THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER � 2017 Springer Science+Business Media New York DOI 10.1007/s00283-016-9647-0 The New World 
work_g3ed7jxxzvdy7fic4m42j3izci	----	july04_researchers.qxp Review Articles and Special Issues RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS 436 MRS BULLETIN/JULY 2004 average diameter of 500 nm, by spin coat- ing. The hydrophobic PAA coating of the substrates enabled the particles to be deposited without using a surfactant. Areas of up to 50 µm of polycrystalline polystyrene nanoparticles were observed. The nanoparticles act as a nanomask during the etching process with oxygen. To achieve some nanodome top surface with PAA functionalities, the nanoparticles were not completely etched. The plasma treat- ment was stopped in time to leave some residual nanoparticles on top of the nano- domes. These nanoparticles were then removed by an ultrasound bath in water. Under atomic force microscopy and scan- ning electron microscopy studies, the resulting surface showed two-dimensional, crystalline, PAA truncated cones separated by substrate-like zones. Because the top of the truncated cones had not been exposed to the oxygen plasma, it retained the carbo- xylic functionalities of the polymer. Meas- urements from atomic force microscopy images showed flat plateaus of ~250 nm in diameter. Protein absorption experiments revealed that the molecules were selective- ly bound to the functional plateau of the domes, with no protein found in the sur- rounding matrix (Figure 1). The re- searchers anticipate applications for biosensor development because of the pos- sibility of controlling the surface distribu- tion of nanostructures in a macroscopic area of the devices. MARIA CORTALEZZI Acta Materialia 52 (10) (June 7, 2004) contains D.J. Larson, A.K. Petford-Long, Y.Q. Ma, and A. Cerezo, “Information Storage Materials: Nanoscale Characterisation by Three- Dimensional Atom Probe Analysis,” p. 2847. Journal of Applied Physics 95 (11) (June 1, 2004) contains R.C. Ewing, W.J. Weber, and J. Lian, “Nuclear Waste Disposal— Pyrochlore (A2B2O7): Nuclear Waste Form for the Immobilization of Plutonium and ‘Minor’ Actinides,” p. 5949. Low Temperature Physics 30 (5) (May 2004) contains S.V. Lubenets, V.D. Natsik, and L.S. Fomenko, “Plasticity and Strength of Metal Oxide High-Temperature Superconductors (Review),” p. 345. Physics of the Solid State 46 (5) (May 2004) contains Yu.I. Golovin, “Magnetoplastic Effects in Solids,” p. 789. Applied Mechanics Reviews 57 (2) (March 2004) contains V.A. Lubarda, “Constitutive Theories Based on the Multiplicative Decomposition of Deformation Gradient: Thermoelasticity, Elastoplasticity, and Biomechanics,” p. 95; R. Krueger, “Virtual Crack Closure Technique: History, Approach, and Applications,” p. 109; and H. Irschik and H.J. Holl, “Mechanics of Variable-Mass Systems—Part 1: Balance of Mass and Linear Momentum,” p. 145. Solid State Electronics 48 (8) (August 2004) is a special issue on “Strained-Si Heterostructures and Devices.” Chaos: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Nonlinear Science 14 (2) (June 2004) contains a focus section on “Global Dynamics in Spatially Extended Mechanical Systems.” Journal of Applied Physics 95 (11) (June 1, 2004) contains a special section with papers from the 9th Joint Magnetism and Magnetic Materials Intermag Conference Journal of Computing and Information Science in Engineering 4 (2) (June 2004) is a special issue on “Virtual Reality for Product Development.” Journal of Engineering Mechanics 130 (6) (June 2004) is a spe- cial issue on “Constitutive Modeling of Geomaterials.” Journal of Bridge Engineering 9 (3) (May/June 2004) contains a special section on “Steel Bridges.” Journal of Biomedical Optics 9 (3) (May 2004) contains a spe- cial section on “Biomedical Optics and Women’s Health.” Journal of Performance of Constructed Facilities 18 (2) (May 2004) is a special issue on “Blast Mitigation and Design Against Terrorism.” IEEE Transactions on Device and Materials Reliability 4 (1) (March 2004) is a special issue containing selected papers from the 2003 Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) International Symposium on Physical and Failure Analysis of Integrated Circuits (IPFA). Journal of Fluids Engineering 126 (2) (March 2004) contains papers from International Mechanical Engineering Congress 2002 in New Orleans, La., from the symposia on the “Rheology and Fluid Mechanics of Nonlinear Materials,” “Advances in Processing Science,” and “Electric and Magnetic Phenomena in Micro and Nano-Scale Systems.” Organic Electronics 5 (1–3) (March 2004) is a special issue containing papers from the European Materials Research Society symposium on “Current Trends in Crystalline Organic Semiconductors: Growth Modelling and Fundamental Properties.” Figure 1. Field-emission gun scanning electron microscopy image of the BSA protein selectively bound on a polymer film of acrylic-acid dome top surface. News of MRS Members/Materials Researchers Paul Alivisatos, Chancellor’s Professor of Chemistry and Materials Science at the University of California, Berkeley, has been elected into the National Academy of Sciences. Yoel Fink, Thomas B. King Assistant Professor of Materials Science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, has received the National Academy of Sciences Award for Initiatives in Re- search in recognition of his “pioneering contributions and ingenuity in the cre- ative design and development of photon- ic materials and devices.” The award, presented since 1981, was established by AT&T Bell Laboratories in honor of William O. Baker. Edith Flanigen, a consultant for UOP, a joint venture between Union Carbide and Allied Signal, has been named to receive the 2004 Lemelson-MIT Lifetime Achievement Award in recognition of her pioneering work in chemistry and materials science to help make petroleum refinement cleaner and safer. Nick Holonyak, the John Bardeen Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering and Physics at the Univer- sity of Illinois, has been named to receive the 2004 Lemelson-MIT Prize for Inven- https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.135 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.135 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms For more information, see http://advertisers.mrs.org https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.135 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.135 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS 438 MRS BULLETIN/JULY 2004 The Franklin Institute has announced award recipients for 2004, including: Roger Bacon, Amoco Corporation and Union Carbide, retired, who received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Mechanical Engineering for his fun- damental research on the production of graphite whiskers and the determination of their microstructure and properties, for his pioneering development efforts in the production of the world’s first con- tinuously processed carbon fibers and the world’s first high modulus, high- strength carbon fibers using rayon pre- cursors, and for his contributions to the development of carbon fibers from alter- native starting materials; Robert B. Meyer, Brandeis University, who received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Physics for his creative synthe- sis of theory and experiment demon- strating that tilted, layered liquid-crystal phases of chiral molecules are ferroelec- tric, thus launching both fundamental scientific advancement in the field of soft condensed matter physics and in the development of liquid-crystal displays that meet the demands of current tech- nology; and Robert E. Newnham, The Pennsyl- vania State University, who received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Electrical Engineering for his invention of multi- phase piezoelectric transducers and their spatial architecture, which has revolu- tionized the field of acoustic imaging. The Presidential Early Career Awards for Scientists and Engineers have been given to 57 researchers, including the following MRS members: Susmita Bose (Washington State University); Christine Orme (Lawrence Liver- more National Laboratory); Michelle L. Pantoya (Texas Tech University); Bridget Rogers (Vanderbilt Uni- versity); and Gregory Neil Tew (University of Massachusetts). The Institute for Scientific Information (Philadelphia, Pa.) has identified the top 10 most cited materials scientists for the period of January 1993–October 2003, including MRS members: Anthony G. Evans (University of California—Santa Barbara); Akihisa Inoue (Tohoku University, Japan); Terry Langdon (University of Southern California); Galen D. Stucky (University of California—Santa Barbara); and Ruslan Z. Valiev (Ufa State Aviation Technical University—Russia). The International Centre for Diffraction Data has selected six recipients for the 2004 Ludo Frevel Crystallography Scholarship Program: Geoffrey Kwai-Wai Kong, University of Melbourne/St.Vincent’s Institute of Medical Research, Australia, for explo- ration into “Crystallographic Studies of the Amyloid Precursor Protein (AAP)”; Chong Lim, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana for re- search concerning “Reaction Path and Crystallography of CoSi2 Formation on Si(001) by Reactive Deposition Epitaxy”; Andrew Locock, University of Notre Dame, for “Crystal Structure and Synchrotron Radiation Study of Uranyl Oxysalts of Phosphate and Arsenate— Implications for Remediation”; Robin T. Macaluso, Louisiana State University, for research involving “X-ray and Neutron Diffraction Studies for Understanding Geometrically Frustrated Systems”; Petra Simoncic, University of Bern, Switzerland, for studies focusing on “Defect Structure of the Natural and Synthetic Zeolites Mordenite—Structure Characterization of Dye Modified, Synthetic Mordenite”; and Kimberly Tait, University of Arizona, for “Investigations into the Stability, Morphology and the Crystal Structure of the Coexistence of Structure I and Structure II Methane-ethane Clathrate Hydrates—Occurrence and Geological Implications.” tion in recognition of his invention of the practical light-emitting diode in 1962. Charles Lieber, Mark Hyman Jr. Professor of Chemistry at Harvard University, has been elected into the National Academy of Sciences. Paras Prasad, SUNY Distinguished Professor in the Department of Chem- istry in the University at Buffalo’s College of Arts and Sciences and Samuel P. Capen Chair, has been awarded the 2004 Morley Medal by the Cleveland section of the American Chemical Society. Gary L. Smith, a staff scientist at the Department of Energy’s Pacific Northwest National Laboratory, has been appointed chair of the ASTM International Com- mittee C26 on Nuclear Fuel Cycle. This prominent and influential committee develops standards important to work done on the nuclear fuel cycle, including spent nuclear fuel, waste materials, and repository waste packaging and storage. Smith also was honored with the Harlan J. Anderson Award, which is presented annually to a member of C26 who has made outstanding contributions toward the successful operation of the committee. Robert L. Snyder has been named Distinguished Fellow of the International Centre for Diffraction Data (ICDD). For more information, contact: Anita B. Miller Materials Research Society 506 Keystone Drive, Warrendale, PA 15086 Tel: 724-779-3004, X 551; Fax: 724-779-8313; amiller@mrs.org www.mrs.org/publications/bulletin https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.135 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.135 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 
work_g4spxemt7fhinlsg7ob5s4ikge	----	RHYTHM PUZZLE - ANSWER DOI 10.1007/s12471-016-0832-8 Neth Heart J (2016) 24:435–437 Regular pulse rate but irregular heart rate? B. Bellmann1,4 · C. Gemein2 · P. Schauerte3 Published online: 4 April 2016 © The Author(s) 2016. This article is available at SpringerLink with Open Access The 12-lead ECG shows a ventricular bigeminy with right bundle branch block, which is evidence of a left ventricular origin. The inferior axis and repetitive monomorphic oc- currence points to an origin from the outflow tract. Thus, the diagnosis is repetitive left ventricular outflow tract pre- mature beats. This extrasystole can be found in healthy individuals and does not increase the risk of sudden cardiac death. However, due to the short coupling interval of the extrasystole there is almost no diastolic filling before the extrasystolic beat, thus leading to a pulse deficit which is aggravated by the lack of a subsequent sinus beat (postex- trasystolic pause). The subsequent sinus beat is augmented due to postextrasystolic potentiation and a prolonged dias- tole. During bigeminy there is a 2:1 pulse deficit leading to the reported slow but regular pulse rates of the patient. Outflow tract premature beats often show a fixed coupling interval due to triggered activity during phase III of the action potential (early afterdepolarisation) and thus some- times responds to calcium channel inhibitors such as vera- pamil. Beta-blockers may be effective but sides effects such � B. Bellmann barbara.bellmann@charite.de 1 Department of Cardiology, Charité Berlin Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany 2 Department of Cardiology, University Hospital Gießen, Gießen, Germany 3 Kardiologie an der Rudower Chaussee, Berlin, Germany 4 Department of Cardiology, University Hospital, Technical University Aachen RWTH, Aachen, Germany Fig. 1 Ablation catheter in the ascending aorta below the left main coronary artery as visualised by a diagnostic angiography catheter (JL-4). Additional electrode catheters are positioned in the high right atrium and right ventricle. Due to the anatomical proximity of the coronary artery to the origin of the arrhythmia at the left coronary sinus cusp, ablation is carried out under imaging of the coronary ves- sels. The ablation catheter and two diagnostic catheters, one in the atrium and one in the ventricle, are also shown. (LAD left anterior descending) as arterial hypotension decrease compliance, especially in young adults. Accordingly, in this patient, ablation of the arrhythmia was scheduled. For electrophysiological mapping, a de- flectable mapping and ablation catheter was introduced ret- rogradely into the left ventricle and mapping of the earli- est ventricular activity was performed during spontaneous ventricular premature beats. In this case, earliest activity was recorded above the aortic valve inside the left coro- nary sinus cusp. Pacing from this site revealed a similar http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1007/s12471-016-0832-8&domain=pdf 436 Neth Heart J (2016) 24:435–437 Fig. 2 Under such ablations at critical points, imaging from differ- ent levels is important to safely prevent injury to the coronary arteries. (LAD left anterior descending) 12-lead ECG morphology as during spontaneous ventricu- lar premature beats. Due to the proximity to the left main coronary artery, a left coronary angiography catheter was positioned into the left main coronary artery (Fig. 1 and 2) and simultaneous visualisation during ablation at this site was performed to identify impeding damage to the coro- nary vessel [1]. Ablation was performed using an irrigated catheter and the arrhythmia terminated after 10 seconds of radiofrequency ablation (Fig. 3). On the right side of the ECG you can see ST elevation which is documented near the coronary artery. After the ablation, this completely re- solved. Since then, the patient has been free of symptoms and repetitive Holter ECGs did not show a recurrence of the arrhythmia. Conflict of interest B. Bellmann, C. Gemein and P. Schauerte state that there are no conflicts of interest. References 1. Jauregui AME, Campos B, Park KM, et al. Ablation of ventricu- lar arrhythmias arising near the anterior epicardial veins from the left sinus of Valsalva region: ECG features, anatomic distance, and outcome. Heart Rhythm. 2012;9:865–873. Neth Heart J (2016) 24:435–437 437 Fig. 3 12-lead ECG with termination of the premature beats (arrow) under radiofrequency ablation. On the right side of the ECG you can see ST elevation (*) which is documented near the coronary artery. After the ablation, these completely resolved Regular pulse rate but irregular heart rate? References 
work_gfv4yksfuvaprlxskm5h4raiqq	----	CiteSeerX — Document Not Found Documents Authors Tables Log in Sign up MetaCart DMCA Donate No document with DOI "10.1.1.474.8502" The supplied document identifier does not match any document in our repository. Powered by: About CiteSeerX Submit and Index Documents Privacy Policy Help Data Source Contact Us Developed at and hosted by The College of Information Sciences and Technology © 2007-2019 The Pennsylvania State University 
work_ghks2yna2bg4dhhcfrqnfdii5y	----	Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men: The Politics of Class in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia Newman, S.P. (2009) Benjamin Franklin and the leather-apron men: the politics of class in eighteenth-century Philadelphia. Journal of American Studies, 43 (2). pp. 161-175. ISSN 0021-8758 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/8324 Deposited on: 11 October 2010 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men: The Politics of Class in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia SIMON P. NEWMAN Benjamin Franklin’s autobiography reveals his deep investment in shaping and controlling how both his contemporaries and posterity assessed his life and achievements. This essay explores Franklin’s construction and presentation of his pride in his working-class origins and identity, analysing how and why Franklin sought not to hide his poor origins but rather to celebrate them as a virtue. As an extremely successful printer, Franklin had risen from working-class obscurity to the highest ranks of Philadelphia society, yet unlike other self-made men of the era Franklin embraced and celebrated his artisanal roots, and he made deliberate use of his working-class identity during the Seven Years War and the subsequent imperial crisis, thereby consolidating his own reputation and firming up the support of urban workers who considered him one of their own. Benjamin Franklin is both the best-known and yet paradoxically the most enigmatic member of America’s founding generation. A true master of spin, Franklin enjoyed an enviable ability to construct and popularize certain public faces and images for himself while yet contriving to obscure others. As his autobiography makes abundantly clear, Franklin was enormously sensitive to the ways in which his contemporaries and posterity might regard him. He constantly attempted to fashion and refashion his own image and admitted as much almost as a point of honour, recording that ‘‘In order to secure my Credit and Character _ I took care not only to be in Reality Industrious and frugal, but to avoid all Appearances of the Contrary.’’1 The Simon P. Newman is Sir Denis Brogan Professor of American Studies at the University of Glasgow. E-mail: S.Newman@history.arts.gla.ac.uk 1 The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonard W. Labaree, et al. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), 125. Hereafter cited as Autobiography. The most comprehensive biographical study of Franklin is the as-yet unfinished multi-volume work by J. A. Leo Lemay. See Lemay, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Volume I, Journalist, 1706–1730 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); idem, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Journal of American Studies, 43 (2009), 2, 161–175 f Cambridge University Press 2009 doi:10.1017/S0021875809990089 Printed in the United Kingdom result of such self-conscious and adept self-fashioning is that for two cen- turies historians have made what they will of the archetypal self-made American and author of what is quite possibly the world’s most widely read autobiography, pursuing in his life, his writings and his actions whatever aspect of eighteenth-century British North American life and culture most interests them. The excellent recent studies by Edmund S. Morgan, Gordon S. Wood and David Waldstreicher illustrate the point.2 To Morgan, Franklin was a man who ‘‘could never stop thinking,’’ and who privileged public service.3 Wood recounts the inadvertent Americanization of a provincial Pennsylvanian who was drawn like a moth to the burning lights of the imperial metropolis of London. Wood’s Franklin longed for acceptance into the imperial inner sancta of Whitehall, but was burned by the rejection he experienced in the later 1760s and early 1770s, and thus was driven into radical politics and the Patriot cause. A very different man emerges from Waldstreicher’s study of the runaway servant who became wealthy and successful through his exploitation and usurpation of the labour of others, including African American slaves. All of these studies reveal elements of his life that Franklin sought to celebrate, and others that the authors contend he kept hidden. Perhaps, however, these very processes of self-revelation and self- concealment are what draw us to Benjamin Franklin. For all that he was one of the oldest members of the founding generation, his life, his interests and his self-promotion make him the most identifiably modern, universally ac- cessible and popular American of his age. Franklin was a self-made man in far more than a literal sense: how he constructed and presented himself, and the ways in which such performances succeeded and failed, reveal a great deal about life and society in eighteenth-century British North America. And yet for all of the many studies of different aspects of Benjamin Franklin’s life and character, his enduring working-class identity has been largely forgotten. This is somewhat surprising, given that it was a readily identifiable facet of Franklin’s self-image and popular representation during his lifetime, and was very familiar to contemporaries in Philadelphia and beyond. Of all the Founding generation, none were so readily identified with Volume 2, Printer and Publisher, 1730–1747 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); and idem, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Volume 3, Soldier, Scientist, and Politician, 1748–1757 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008). 2 Edmund S. Morgan, Benjamin Franklin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002); Gordon S. Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin (New York: Penguin, 2004); David Waldstreicher, Runaway America: Benjamin Franklin, Slavery, and the American Revolution (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004). 3 Morgan, 304. 162 Simon P. Newman the leather apron and the life, the work and the identity of the craftsman as was Benjamin Franklin. From Boston apprentice to runaway, from journeyman to master craftsman, his was the story of success that America appeared to promise, in which hard work could secure independence. In eighteenth-century British America the few men who actually rose from the obscurity of manual labour to genteel status usually distanced themselves from their labouring pasts and refashioned their identities in terms of their hard-earned elite rank and privilege. In stark contrast, Franklin never tired of celebrating both his own and others’ labour and craftsmanship. He revelled in the life that commercial success and financial independence afforded him, writing, conducting scientific experiments and exchanging ideas with some of the greatest minds of his generation, and he told all who would listen that he had succeeded. Yet throughout his life Franklin never looked down upon honest and capable workers, identifying with them and affording them a remarkable status and level of respect. If, as Wood suggests, Franklin would eventually become the heroic prototypical American ‘‘for hundreds of thousands of middling Americans,’’ during his own lifetime Franklin ap- peared as a champion of the leather-apron men who included both working men and those whose success had made them into semi-independent or independent master craftsmen.4 Franklin’s articulation of his pride in his identity as a craftsman, long after he had become a gentleman who no longer needed to work for a living, endeared him to mechanics and craftsmen in Revolutionary and early national America. On Independence Day in 1795, for example, the members of New York City’s General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen raised their glasses to this sentiment: ‘‘The memory of our late brother mechanic, Benjamin Franklin, may his bright example convince mankind, that in this land of freedom and equality talents joined to freedom and frugality, may justly aspire to the first offices of government.’’5 In their toast these working men remembered neither a gentleman nor a philosopher or scientist, but rather a working man, a skilled craftsman who embodied the democratic spirit of the new republic. It was an image that Franklin had helped fashion throughout his life, and which endured even after his death in the pages of his autobiography. 4 Wood, x. The best discussion of Franklin’s pride in his working origins is Billy G. Smith, ‘‘Benjamin Franklin, Civic Improver,’’ in Page Talbot, ed., Benjamin Franklin: In Search of a Better World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 91–123. 5 ‘‘NEW-YORK, July 8,’’ American Minerva, and the New-York (Evening) Advertiser (New York City), 8 July 1795. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 163 Franklin grew up relatively poor in Boston, a provincial town in which widening class differences would play a significant role in the coming of the Revolution. A half-century later Franklin visited his ancestral home in Ecton, Northamptonshire, and in the register of St. Mary Magdalene parish church he learned ‘‘that I was the youngest Son of the youngest Son for 5 Generations back.’’6 This reminiscence, early in his autobiography, recorded not only Franklin’s pride in his own ability to rise out of inherited poverty, but also the dignity and self-respect of a man who is not ashamed of his or his family’s working-class origins. At the tender age of ten Franklin began assisting his father Josiah, who worked as a tallow chandler and soap-boiler, but the boy strongly ‘‘dislik’d the Trade and had a strong Inclination for the Sea.’’ Fearing that their youngest son would follow his brother Josiah Jr. and run away to sea, never to return, Franklin’s father sometimes took me to walk with him, and see Joiners, Bricklayers, Turners, Braziers, &c. at their Work, that he might observe my Inclination, and endeavour to fix it on some Trade or other on Land. It has ever since been a Pleasure to me to see good Workmen handle their Tools; and it has been useful to me, having learnt so much by it, as to be able to do little Jobs my self in my House, where a Workman could not readily be got; and to construct little Machines for my Experiments.7 There is an almost lyrical quality to Franklin’s descriptions of the work of leather-apron men, and throughout his life his pleasure in ‘‘an excellent Craftsman’’ or an ‘‘ingenious’’ mechanic was almost tangible.8 Labour and craft were, for Franklin, far more than the means of survival and prosperity.9 While his autobiography records the limited options available to the sons of poorer craftsmen and labourers in early eighteenth-century Boston, Franklin nonetheless reminisces about and identifies with the joy and pride of skilled craftsmanship. He was the prototypical self-made man, who es- caped the legal indenture and the social realities that trapped most of the younger sons of poorer artisans and workers in the same or even lesser 6 Autobiography, 46. 7 Ibid., 57. 8 The reference to an ‘‘excellent Craftsman’’ is drawn from Richard Saunders, Poor Richard Improved: Being an Almanack and Ephemeris _ for the Year of Our Lord 1751 (Philadelphia: Franklin and Hall, 1751), in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, eds. Leonard W. Labaree et al., Volume IV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), 86. Hereafter cited as Papers. Examples of workers described by Franklin as ‘‘ingenious’’ include his uncle Benjamin, Aquila Rose and Matthew Adams. See James N. Green and Peter Stallybrass, Benjamin Franklin, Writer and Printer (New Castle, Delaware: Oak Knoll Press, 2006), 9. 9 Here I take issue with the argument presented in Paul W. Connor, Poor Richard’s Politicks: Benjamin Franklin and His New American Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), 40–47. 164 Simon P. Newman professions than their fathers, reducing some of them to unskilled wage labour. Franklin combined celebration of his success with respect for the skill and the honest labour of ordinary working men. Almost three-quarters of Franklin’s autobiography chronicled his working life as an apprentice, a runaway, a journeyman and a master craftsman, a remarkably unusual self- presentation by a wealthy and successful businessman and gentleman. He did not think less of an apprentice or journeyman who had not yet achieved independence, and even at the end of his life remembered with deep re- sentment the unfair beatings he had received from his brother and master James, recalling that ‘‘I fancy his harsh and tyrannical Treatment of me, might be a means of impressing me with that Aversion to arbitrary Power that has stuck to me thro’ my whole Life.’’10 In one of his earliest publications Franklin noted that ‘‘the Generality of People’’ were unwilling to judge what they read until they knew ‘‘who or what the Author of it is, whether he be poor or rich, old or young, a Schollar or a Leather-Apron Man.’’ When Franklin did identify himself it was most often in terms of his early-life status and craft, as a printer or a tradesman. This continued long after commercial success meant that he did not need to work for a living. In an age when class and status were profoundly significant in the ways in which people judged one another, Franklin continued to think of himself with pride as a skilled craftsman. Even after he had become a gentleman he repeatedly identified himself as ‘‘Benjamin Franklin, Printer,’’ or more anonymously as ‘‘a Tradesman.’’11 Franklin’s almanacs had been filled with Poor Richard’s celebrations of honest labour, and the collection of proverbs and aphorisms that Franklin pulled together and which eventually became known as The Way to Wealth can easily be read as a manual for controlling the terms of one’s own labour, albeit a humorous one.12 Self- presentation, popular image, hard work and frugality are presented by Franklin as the ways in which an honest worker may both succeed and command respect. Franklin’s social and political education came as a working child in Boston. The options facing Franklin’s father were severely limited by econ- omic circumstances, which in turn restricted the career options of his youngest son. Franklin experienced these domestic circumstances in the context of a decline in the enforced unity of the Puritan town, which had 10 Autobiography, 69. 11 Silence Dogood, New England Courant (Boston), 2 April 1722, in Papers, Volume I, 9. For further discussion of Franklin’s tendency to obscure his identity as an author and present himself as a printer, see Green and Stallybrass, 5–9. 12 I am indebted to James Green for this observation. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 165 been replaced by increasing social and political tensions. Mechanics who resented the control of the town’s only liberal church by wealthy gentlemen had combined in 1714 to found their own New North Street Church.13 Many, including Franklin’s older brother and master James, were supporters of the Old Charter and opponents of colonial governors’ attempts to rule by prerogative. In James’s printing office the young Franklin was surrounded by the political discussions of working men and their friends, and he was hardly in his teens when he first started contributing to them.14 But perhaps the most enduring lesson was less in the mechanics of printing and the principles of politics than in the potential of the man who worked. When Franklin formed the Junto in Philadelphia in 1727, originally named the Leather Apron Club, its members included other print workers like himself, a scrivener, a surveyor, a shoemaker, a clerk, and ‘‘a most ex- quisite Mechanic and a Solid and Sensible Man.’’15 The nascent American Philosophical Society may have been a self-help group for Franklin and his co-founders, but its very creation rested on the assumption that leather- apron men could and should be respected for their ‘‘exquisite’’ skills and their intellectual abilities. The Junto was in the tradition of artisanal mutual aid societies, designed not just to protect members and help advance their careers, but also to celebrate their lives as skilled craftsmen.16 Such beliefs informed much of what Franklin thought and did. In an impressive argument in favour of paper currency, the twenty-three-year-old journeyman printer expounded the labour theory of value in such clear terms as to later merit the approval of Karl Marx, who applauded Franklin’s formulations.17 ‘‘Labouring and Handicrafts Men _ are the chief Strength and Support of a People,’’ wrote Franklin, and he proposed that ‘‘Men have invented Money, properly called a Medium of Exchange, because through or by its Means Labour is exchanged for Labour, or one Commodity for another.’’18 He held these beliefs with conviction throughout his life. In some ways Franklin harked back to medieval and early modern artisanal concepts of work as far more than utilitarian physical labour but rather as highly skilled 13 Lemay, Life of Franklin, Volume I, 11. 14 Lemay, Life of Franklin, Volume I, 5–211. 15 Lemay, Life of Franklin, Volume I, 335, 334–36. 16 Smith, ‘‘Benjamin Franklin,’’ 100. 17 Karl Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (New York: International Publishers, 1970), 55; idem, Capital, trans. Ben Fowkes, 3 vols. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990), 1, 142, 286. 18 Franklin, A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper-Currency (Philadelphia, 1729), in Papers, Volume I, 144, 148. 166 Simon P. Newman productive activity with as much moral and social as economic value. This larger social role for skilled craftsmanship in the community encouraged artisans to regard themselves as equal to all other men, and Franklin inherited this proud belief.19 But with his clear articulation of the labour theory of value Franklin bridged the gulf between the medieval and modern worlds. In his autobiography he recalled that these ideas, contained in a defence of an expanded paper currency, were ‘‘well receiv’d by the common People in general; but the Rich Men dislik’d it.’’20 The proud memoirs of his own skilled labour by America’s most famous gentleman, his clearly stated belief in the labour theory of value, and Franklin’s lifelong respect for those who worked with their hands earned him a kind of respect from working men that was unparalleled amongst the Founding Fathers. During his lifetime wealth inequality rose in American towns and cities, and the economic security of craftsmen and unskilled labourers diminished. By the late eighteenth century the traditional route to competency and independence that many working men had dreamed of, and which Franklin and some others had travelled, had become increasingly difficult. It had been undermined by the import of mass-produced manu- factured goods, by increasing immigration which flooded urban labour markets, and by the growing employment of semi-skilled or unskilled workers in the manufacture of goods. This trend helped fuel the artisanal radicalism that surfaced in Revolutionary-era Philadelphia and other American cities.21 Franklin’s experience and identity as a craftsman informed a political radicalism that pre-dated the Revolutionary era. The advent of King George’s War against Spain and France, bringing with it the possibility of naval and privateering attacks on Philadelphia, provided the seemingly un- likely occasion for Franklin to articulate these beliefs. He took action by writing and then printing and distributing a pamphlet entitled Plain Truth, in which he proposed to bypass the recalcitrant Quaker assembly, which had long resisted the creation of an official colonial militia, by forming ‘‘a vol- untary Association of the People.’’22 The author of Plain Truth identified 19 Ronald Schultz, The Republic of Labor: Philadelphia Artisans and the Politics of Class, 1720–1830 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 4–5. 20 Autobiography, 124. 21 For a discussion of these trends in Philadelphia see Schultz; and Billy G. Smith, The ‘‘Lower Sort’’: Philadelphia’s Laboring People, 1750–1800 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990). 22 Autobiography, 182; A Tradesman of Philadelphia, Plain Truth: Or, Serious Considerations On the Present State of the City of Philadelphia, and the Province of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1747), in Papers, Volume III, 180–204. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 167 himself as ‘‘A TRADESMAN of Philadelphia,’’ and class politics informed his argument as he railed against ‘‘the Rich [who] may shift for themselves,’’ as ‘‘The Means of speedy Flight are ready in their Hands.’’ In contrast, ‘‘Tradesmen, Shopkeepers, and Farmers’’ were ‘‘most unhappily circum- stanced indeed’’, for ‘‘We cannot all fly with our Families; and if we could, how shall we subsist? No; we and they, and what little we have gained by hard Labour and Industry, must bear the Brunt.’’23 In his autobiography Franklin recalled that Plain Truth had ‘‘a sudden and surprizing Effect,’’ and he immediately drafted ‘‘the Instrument of Association.’’ At a meeting of a large number of Philadelphians, Franklin presented the terms of this voluntary militia association, and some twelve hundred men signed the printed copies that he had prepared. Further copies were distributed throughout the colony, eventually attracting some ten thousand signatures. The class politics of Franklin’s argument for a militia influenced his organization of the association: volunteers ‘‘form’d them- selves into Companies, and Regiments, [and] chose their own Officers.’’24 The association envisioned by ‘‘A Tradesman of Philadelphia’’ not only gave working men the power to elect their own officers, but in fact allowed them access to these ranks themselves. In positions of authority within companies of as many as one hundred men each were such Philadelphians as Richard Swan, a hatter; Plunket Fleeson and Abraham Jones, both of whom were upholsterers; and Francis Garrigues, a house carpenter.25 The association was ‘‘a symbol in Philadelphia of artisan strength and unity.’’ Its members ‘‘never engaged the enemy, but conferred among themselves, nonetheless, an enormous collective strength.’’26 Franklin enjoyed an enduring popularity amongst his fellow crafts and working men not just because he acknowledged their rights to choose their own political – and in this case military – leaders, but also because he recognized their need for regular work. Following his organization of the 23 Plain Truth, 198–99. 24 Autobiography, 183. 25 ‘‘Philadelphia, January 5,’’ Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia), 5 Jan. 1748. It is possible that Franklin’s democratic ideas about militia organization were drawn from his youth in Massachusetts, where ‘‘over half the [milita] company officers identified themselves with manual occupations, and in fact followed the same livelihoods as private soldiers.’’ See Fred Anderson, A People’s Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years’ War (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1984), 55. I am grateful to Alan Houston, who has traced the occupations of many of the officers recorded as serving in the eleven Philadelphia companies listed in the Pennsylvania Gazette article. See Alan Houston, Benjamin Franklin and the Politics of Improvement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 85–92. 26 Gary B. Nash, The Urban Crucible: Social Change, Political Consciousness, and the Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 232. 168 Simon P. Newman militia Franklin ‘‘propos’d a Lottery to defray the Expence of Building a Battery below the Town.’’27 While war with Spain and France threatened Pennsylvanian commerce, the immediate dangers to the city of Philadelphia were relatively minor, and what followed was in many ways a major public works project, giving occasional employment to workers who were suffering during the interruption of Atlantic trade, and thus bringing relief to their families. With characteristic precision Franklin recorded and then published the Philadelphia lottery accounts for the period between April 1748 and May 1751.28 While some money was spent on the cannon for the battery, most of the thousands of pounds raised and disbursed found its way into the pockets of ordinary working men. On many occasions the accounts are vague, recording the payment of one pound and seven shillings ‘‘to 3 Men, 3 Days Work each,’’ or miscel- laneous payments ‘‘to a Labourer’’ or ‘‘to the Workmen,’’ but more often the information is far more specific. A ‘‘Labourer’’ was paid one pound and thirteen shillings ‘‘for 11 Days Work, levelling the ground’’; Tobias Griscome earned eleven shillings ‘‘for Work at the upper Battery’’; and Edward Turner received five pounds and seven shillings ‘‘for Ditching.’’29 Craftsmen, too, benefited from the lottery’s largesse. John Beezly received three pounds and twelve shillings ‘‘for nine Days Work on the Carriages’’; George Kelly was paid twelve shillings ‘‘for Smith’s Work’’; James Catteer made one pound and one shilling ‘‘for jointing Shingles’’; the bricks made by John Coates earned him two pounds and fourteen shillings; and other craftsmen and workers employed on the public project included gunsmiths, stonemasons, painters, glaziers, carpenters, woodsmen, hauliers, black- smiths, carters, joiners, turners, and nail-makers.30 At least one hundred and eleven unskilled workers were paid on an individual basis, some twenty-six of whom were identified by name. Numerous references to payments to ‘‘the Workmen,’’ ‘‘sundry Workmen’’ and ‘‘the Men at the Battery’’ suggest that the total unskilled workforce was considerably larger. Seventy-nine craftsmen were identified in Franklin’s accounts, and almost one-third of these were paid on more than one occasion. Given that skilled craftsmen employed journeymen and apprentices, it is clear that this constituted one of the largest public works projects in the city’s history. 27 Autobiography, 183. 28 Philadelphia Lottery Accounts (Philadelphia: Franklin and Hall, 1752). For discussion of the ways in which the lottery scheme worked, and how it benefited Philadelphia’s working men and their families, see Houston, 92–100. 29 Philadelphia Lottery Accounts, 6, 11, 7, 11. 30 Ibid., 7, 11, 12. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 169 When military threats receded, the new Pennsylvania militias faded with them, but Franklin was instrumental in the revival of a militia force in the wake of General Edward Braddock’s defeat at the beginning of the Seven Years War. He drafted a bill to establish a militia, and prepared the ground by composing a dialogue ‘‘stating and answering all the Objections I could think of to such a Militia,’’ which appeared in the Pennsylvania Gazette.31 True to form, Franklin’s Militia Act placed power in the hands of ‘‘the Freemen of this Province,’’ who would form themselves into Companies, as heretofore they have used in Time of War without Law, and for each Company, by Majority of Votes, in the Way of Ballot, to chuse its own Officers, to wit, a Captain, Lieutenant and Ensign _ 32 The popularly elected officers would then in turn elect a colonel, lieutenant- colonel and major to command the regiment. While these officers and the colonial authorities enjoyed authority over the soldiers of Pennsylvania’s new militia, the ordinary working men they commanded enjoyed significant control over the terms of their service. The militia could not be led more than three Days March beyond the inhabited Parts of the Province; nor detained longer than three weeks in any Garrison, without an express Engagement for that Purpose first voluntarily entered into and subscribed by every Man so to march or remain in Garrison.33 Franklin’s contrived dialogue in defence of the new militia dealt with objections to the popular election of officers, and he began by noting that ‘‘if all Officers appointed by Governors were always Men of Merit and fully qualified for their Posts’’ then this would not be a problem. More signifi- cantly, ‘‘it seems likely that the People will engage more readily in the Service, and face Danger with more Intrepidity, when they are commanded by a Man they know and esteem.’’34 Franklin was a man who was thus esteemed by his fellow Philadelphians, and he was elected colonel of the regiment. ‘‘The first Time I review’d my Regiment,’’ he recalled with obvious relish, the twelve hundred or so men ‘‘accompanied me to my House, and would salute me with some Rounds fired before my Door, which shook down and broke several Glasses of my Electrical Apparatus.’’35 Increasing wealth and genteel status did not prevent Franklin from per- sisting in identifying with working craftsmen, and Philadelphia’s artisans and 31 Autobiography, 230; ‘‘A Dialogue between X, Y, and Z, concerning the present State of Affairs in Pennsylvania,’’ Pennsylvania Gazette, 18 Dec. 1755, in Papers, Volume VI, 295–306. 32 ‘‘Militia Act,’’ 25 Nov. 1755, Papers, Volume VI, 270. 33 Ibid., 272–73. 34 ‘‘A Dialogue between X, Y, and Z,’’ Papers, Volume VI, 298. 35 Autobiography, 238. 170 Simon P. Newman working men continued to celebrate the man who was proud of his own artisanal roots, and who respected the civic and political rights of working men and craftsmen. The actions of the professional organization of ship carpenters who protected Franklin’s Philadelphia home and possessions during the Stamp Act Crisis provide a revealing insight into Franklin’s status amongst the craftsmen whose lives and work he celebrated.36 Shipwrights and ship carpenters were often highly skilled and relatively affluent artisans, and the leading members of an array of craftsmen involved in shipbuilding including blockmakers, caulkers, joiners, sailmakers, blacksmiths and rope- makers.37 Few records remain of their organization, the White Oaks, named for the strongest and best of the woods from which they constructed ships, and it may have been a typical craftsmen’s social and mutual aid associ- ation.38 While ship carpenters were, like Franklin, relatively elite and suc- cessful craftsmen, their trade depended upon a wide range of Philadelphia’s skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled labor force, and contemporary reports suggest that a good many Philadelphia workers joined the White Oaks in celebration or defence of Franklin. Echoing the salutes to Franklin by the popularly elected militia officers, the White Oaks serenaded Franklin as they rowed him to his ship when he left for London in 1764, they mobilized craftsmen and workers to defend his home against Stamp Act rioters in 1765, and they celebrated the repeal of that law by launching their new smack, which they named the Franklin. Samuel Wharton wrote to Franklin de- scribing how Stamp Act rioters’ plans to destroy Franklin’s home had ‘‘roused Our Friends,’’ including ‘‘every Mechanick, Who rowed you from Chester to the Ship.’’39 Some eight hundred mechanics mobilized to protect Franklin’s family and home, including many ‘‘hones[t] good traidesmen’’ (sic) who supplemented the core of ship carpenters to form ‘‘a private army of Franklin’s artisan supporters.’’40 36 James H. Hutson, ‘‘An Investigation of the Inarticulate: Philadelphia’s White Oaks,’’ William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 28 (1971), 3–25; Jesse Lemisch and John K. Alexander, ‘‘The White Oaks, Jack Tar, and the Concept of the Inarticulate,’’ William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 29 (1972), 109–34; Simeon J. Crowther, ‘‘A Note on the Economic Position of Philadelphia’s White Oaks,’’ William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 29 (1972), 134–36. 37 Crowther, 134–35. 38 Hutson argued that the White Oaks were ‘‘typical of the ordinary Philadelphia working- man’’; see Hutson, 25. Lemisch and Alexander, and then Crowther, disagreed, providing compelling evidence that many ship carpenters, and presumably many members of the White Oaks, were relatively successful craftsmen, of middling rank. 39 Samuel Wharton to Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia, 13 Oct. 1765, Papers, Volume XII, 316. 40 Deborah Franklin to Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia, 22 Sept. 1765, and 3 Nov. 1765, Papers, Volume XII, 271, 353; Nash, The Urban Crucible, 305–6. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 171 This was one of the few instances when a crowd of American working men banished the Sons of Liberty, whose members generally controlled American urban space from the mid-1760s on. In virtually every other major urban area, craftsmen and workers united with the Sons of Liberty to oppose the Stamp Act; that this group of Philadelphia’s craftsmen and workers overcame their own opposition to the law in order to defend Franklin’s home and reputation is particularly telling.41 Few American gentlemen were able to count on mechanics as such steadfast friends. Perhaps Franklin’s creation of a militia in the preceding decade, a militia in which working men and craftsmen elected their own officers, had helped to consolidate his popularity. But it seems equally likely that the former apprentice, runaway, journeyman and craftsman, who throughout his life celebrated work and craftsmanship, was readily identified by working men as one of their own.42 It is perhaps in the lessons learned from the upbringing and education of his son William Temple Franklin, and the way in which Franklin tried again with his grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache, that we can see how Franklin regarded respectable labour. Franklin recalled, somewhat wistfully, that he had wanted William to become an artisan, but that his son had become infatuated with English titles and was too ashamed to emulate his father, preferring the life and title of a gentleman. After Franklin’s death those who had known both father and son even wondered whether William might suppress ‘‘the humble details’’ of his father’s early life as chronicled in the autobiography, complete with remarkably detailed memoirs of wages and the cost of living, the kind of fiscal details that were very familiar to working people.43 Regretful of the way that he had raised William, Franklin advised his son- in-law Richard Bache to raise his own son as a working man.44 Franklin then helped make this possible by taking Benjamin Franklin Bache with him to Europe and training him as a printer. Only seven years old when he ac- companied his grandfather to France in 1776, Bache was educated in France and Switzerland, until he began his apprenticeship in Franklin’s Passy 41 For examples of popular reactions to the Stamp Act see Alfred F. Young, The Shoemaker and the Tea Party: Memory and the American Revolution (Boston: Beacon Press, 1999); Nash, 292–338; Simon P. Newman, Parades and the Politics of the Street: Festive Culture in the Early American Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 11–44. 42 Hutson, 11–12. 43 Jacques Gibelin, Mémoires de la privée de Benjamin Franklin, écrits par lui-même (Paris: Chez Buisson, 1791), 110, as quoted in Green and Stallybrass, Benjamin Franklin, 154. See also Smith, ‘‘Benjamin Franklin,’’ 113. 44 Pierre Jean Georges Cabanis, Oeuvres complètes de Cabanis, 6 vols. (Paris: Bossange Freres, 1825), 5, 222–23. 172 Simon P. Newman printing works. With evident delight Franklin wrote to his son-in-law that Bache is a very sensible and a very good Lad, and I love him much. I had Thoughts of _ fitting him for Public Business, thinking he might be of Service hereafter to his Country; but being now convinc’d that Service is no Inheritance, as the Proverb says, I have determin’d to give him a Trade that he may have something to depend on, and not be oblig’d to ask Favours or Offices of any body. And I flatter my self he will make his way good in the World with God’s Blessing. He has already begun to learn his Business from Masters who come to my House, and is very diligent in working and quick in learning.45 Franklin employed the best master craftsmen to supervise Bache’s appren- ticeship, and the young man even learned type-casting and type-founding with the renowned Didot family.46 In his will Franklin bequeathed ‘‘to my grandson, Benjamin Franklin Bache, all the types and printing materials, which I now have in Philadelphia, with the complete letter foundry.’’ Bache subsequently became one of the new republic’s most successful newspaper printers, and one of the most politically radical Jeffersonian Republican printers of the 1790s. In the codicil to his will Franklin noted that he had been ‘‘bred to a manual art, printing,’’ and asserted that ‘‘among artisans, good apprentices are most likely to make good citizens.’’ Acknowledging that ‘‘all the utility in life that may be as- cribed to me’’ had come from his success as a craftsmen and the people who had aided him in that work, Franklin hoped to help other working men to follow the path he had travelled. He left one thousand pounds each to the cities of Boston and Philadelphia, to be loaned at low interest ‘‘to such young married artificers, under the age of twenty-five years, as have served an apprenticeship in the said town, and faithfully fulfilled the duties required in their indentures.’’ Franklin’s will also acknowledged the early education he had received in Boston, and left money for the free schools of that city.47 It is sometimes quite hard to recognize Gordon Wood’s Franklin in the man who celebrated his own working past and the nobility of all who worked with their hands. Wood looks back from the nineteenth century’s refashioning of Franklin as a liberal capitalist hero and presents the printer as 45 Franklin to Richard Bache, Passy, 11 Nov. 1784, The Papers of Benjamin Franklin: American Philosophical Society and Yale University. Digital Edition by the Packard Humanities Institute, available at http://franklinpapers.org/franklin/framedVolumes.jsp. Hereafter cited as Papers: Digital Edition. 46 See James Tagg, Benjamin Franklin Bache and the Philadelphia Aurora (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), esp. 23–55, and Jeffrey A. Smith, Franklin and Bache: Envisioning the Enlightened Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67–82. 47 Franklin, Will and Codicil, 17 July 1788, Papers: Digital Edition. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 173 a somewhat typical self-made man who, while revelling in his newfound wealth and power, was eager to enhance his status and was somewhat uncomfortable with his lower-sort origins. According to Wood, Franklin ‘‘believed in the power of a few reasonable men,’’ and he ‘‘regarded the common people with a certain patronizing amusement, unless, of course, they rioted,’’ in which case he reacted ‘‘with disgust.’’48 Whether a proud subject of the British Empire or a radical American revolutionary, Franklin in fact retained a comfortable pride in his working- class origins and a healthy respect for those who lived by their own labour. It was only after his death in the nineteenth century, according to Wood, that ‘‘many middling Americans – tradesmen, artisans, farmers, proto- businessmen of all sorts – found in _ [Franklin’s] popular writings a middling hero they could relate to.’’49 This sells both Franklin and his contemporaries short, for he was known and respected as a friend of working men throughout his public career. The advent of revolutionary politics encouraged the politicization of Franklin’s long-standing artisanal beliefs. Thus he built upon his earlier organization of the militia when he championed the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, premised upon the principle that freedom rather than property was the criterion for male suffrage. Only months before his death Franklin contributed to the debate over revision of this constitution, defiantly affirming the democratic politics that were, at least in part, the political articulation of his enduring respect for working men. A proposal to allow only men of property to elect members of a new upper chamber enraged the old printer, who asked what ‘‘the great Majority of the Freemen’’ had done ‘‘to forfeit so great a Portion of their Rights in Elections?’’ He continued, Why is this Power of Controul, contrary to the Spirit of all Democracies, to be vested in a Minority, instead of a Majority? _ Is it supposed that Wisdom is the necessary Concomitant of Riches _ ? And why is Property to be represented at all? _ the important Ends of Civil Society are the personal Securities of Life and Liberty; these remain the same in every Member of the Society, and the poorest continues to have an equal Claim to them with the most opulent, whatever Difference Time, Chance or Industry may occasion in their Circumstances.50 Much of Franklin’s lifelong commitment to public service had been in- formed by pride in his own working roots, a strong desire to help working men improve themselves and their situation, and a fierce belief in their 48 Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin, 10. 49 Ibid., 235. 50 Franklin, ‘‘Queries and Remarks on Hints for the Members of Pennsylvania Convention’’, Nov. 1789, Papers: Digital Edition. 174 Simon P. Newman political rights. Franklin had recorded with evident pride his role in creating a ‘‘HOSPITAL for the Relief of the Sick Poor,’’ which rested on his belief that ‘‘saving and restoring useful and laborious Members to a Community, is a Work of Public Service.’’ He had fashioned the rules for the creation of Pennsylvania’s first militia, including the election of their officers by the ordinary men who comprised each company, with commissions from the governor dependent on the votes of working men, thus creating an ‘‘an Army of FREEMEN.’’ And between July and September of 1776 Franklin had presided over the interim government of Pennsylvania, which drafted the most radical state constitution of the entire Revolutionary era. Franklin’s carefully amended copy of the Declaration of Rights that preceded the Frame of Government illustrated his role in the creation of this document, which decreed that ‘‘all elections ought to be free; and that all free men having a sufficient evident common interest with, and attachment to the community, have a right to elect officers, or to be elected into office.’’51 Franklin championed a polity in which a leather-apron man like his own youthful self and his printer grandson were the equal of any other man. Lauding this singular achievement were the great many of Philadelphia’s workers and craftsmen, together with their wives and children, who swelled the ranks of the twenty thousand people who attended Franklin’s funeral, as they bid farewell to one of their own.52 51 ‘‘Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital,’’ 28 May 1754, Papers, Volume V, 287; ‘‘FORM of the ASSOCIATION into which Numbers are daily entering, for the Defence of this City and Province,’’ Pennsylvania Gazette, 3 Dec. 1747; Franklin’s amended copy of the first draft of the Pennsylvania Declaration of Rights is reprinted in Papers, Volume XXII, 531. 52 For Franklin’s funeral see ‘‘Philadelphia, April 28,’’ Pennsylvania Gazette, 28 April 1791. Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men 175 citation_temp (2).pdf http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/8324 
work_gml5cul66bbf3b7omxfxjyfjza	----	Tropomyosin 1 genetically constrains in vitro hematopoiesis RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access Tropomyosin 1 genetically constrains in vitro hematopoiesis Christopher Stephen Thom1,2,3* , Chintan D Jobaliya4,5, Kimberly Lorenz2,3, Jean Ann Maguire4,5, Alyssa Gagne4,5, Paul Gadue4,5, Deborah L French4,5 and Benjamin Franklin Voight2,3,6* Abstract Background: Identifying causal variants and genes from human genetic studies of hematopoietic traits is important to enumerate basic regulatory mechanisms underlying these traits, and could ultimately augment translational efforts to generate platelets and/or red blood cells in vitro. To identify putative causal genes from these data, we performed computational modeling using available genome-wide association datasets for platelet and red blood cell traits. Results: Our model identified a joint collection of genomic features enriched at established trait associations and plausible candidate variants. Additional studies associating variation at these loci with change in gene expression highlighted Tropomyosin 1 (TPM1) among our top-ranked candidate genes. CRISPR/Cas9-mediated TPM1 knockout in human induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSCs) enhanced hematopoietic progenitor development, increasing total megakaryocyte and erythroid cell yields. Conclusions: Our findings may help explain human genetic associations and identify a novel genetic strategy to enhance in vitro hematopoiesis. A similar trait-specific gene prioritization strategy could be employed to help streamline functional validation experiments for virtually any human trait. Keywords: Hematopoiesis, Genetics, Tropomyosin 1, Induced pluripotent stem cells Introduction Elucidating genetic mechanisms governing hematopoiesis has broad value in understanding blood production and hematologic diseases [1]. Given interest in generating platelets and red blood cells (RBCs) from in vitro culture of induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSCs) [2–4], there is also translational value in harnessing genetic and molecu- lar processes that regulate hematopoiesis. Cost-effective blood cell generation will require novel strategies based on better knowledge of underlying mechanisms driving in vitro development. In vitro hematopoietic systems might be improved by identifying novel factors from human genetic studies. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have linked hundreds of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) with platelet and/or red cell trait variability [5, 6]. Be- cause most GWAS SNPs are non-coding, likely influen- cing transcriptional expression of key genes [7, 8], it has been challenging to derive functional biochemical under- standing of the key genes of action [8–10]. Relatively few studies have elucidated biochemical mechanisms for blood trait variability loci [11–15]. One strategy to nar- row focus on candidate genes is to link non-coding vari- ation to expression of nearby genes [1, 16, 17]. However, for platelet trait variation alone, GWAS have thus far implicated > 6700 expression quantitative trait loci © The Author(s). 2020 Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated in a credit line to the data. * Correspondence: thomc@email.chop.edu; bvoight@pennmedicine.upenn.edu 1Division of Neonatology, Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA 2Department of Systems Pharmacology and Translational Therapeutics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA Full list of author information is available at the end of the article Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12915-020-00783-7 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1186/s12915-020-00783-7&domain=pdf http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1830-9922 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ mailto:thomc@email.chop.edu mailto:bvoight@pennmedicine.upenn.edu (eQTLs) affecting expression of > 1100 genes (see the “Methods” section). Hence, there is a clear need to more specifically identify putatively functional sites. Actin cytoskeletal dynamics play key roles in hematopoiesis [18–20]. Tropomyosin proteins coat most actin filaments and regulate actin functions [21, 22]. All four human tropomyosin genes (1–4) are expressed in human hematopoietic cells, and Tropomyosin 4 pro- motes platelet development [15]. Genetic studies have also suggested a role for Tropomyosin 1 (TPM1) in hu- man platelet trait variation [6], though no prior studies have elucidated if or how TPM1 impacts human hematopoiesis. Here, we utilized penalized regression to construct a model that predicted platelet GWAS associations based on epigenetic datasets as features for the prediction. Our model built from platelet trait GWAS loci reliably distin- guished sentinel GWAS SNPs, as well as platelet- relevant genes and loci. Among these prioritized sites were SNPs that regulate TPM1 expression. To validate this putative candidate gene and to explore its function, we used CRISPR/Cas9 genome editing to discover that cultured TPM1-deficient induced pluripotent stem cells enhanced hematopoietic progenitor cell formation. In turn, this increased functional megakaryocyte (MK) yield. Thus, our framework stratified relevant functional loci and helped identify TPM1 manipulation as a novel strat- egy to enhance in vitro hematopoiesis. Results Penalized regression model identifies genetic regulatory loci for hematopoiesis GWAS have linked hundreds of single nucleotide poly- morphisms (SNPs) with variability in human platelet traits [6]. To focus our studies on credible functional follow-up candidates, we utilized a penalized logistic re- gression framework, i.e., the least absolute shrinkage and selection operator (LASSO) [23, 24]. We used 860 fea- tures to construct a model that distinguished platelet trait GWAS SNPs from control SNPs after controlling for allele frequency, distance to gene, and number of SNP proxies in strong linkage disequilibrium (Fig. 1a, the “Methods” section, and Additional file 1: Table S1). Our “platelet trait model” was trained on 580 genome- wide-significant platelet trait-related SNPs from a large recent GWAS of human blood trait variation [6], along with 860 chromatin features (Fig. 1b). These GWAS SNPs affected human platelet count (PLT), platelet-crit (PCT), mean platelet volume (MPV), and/or platelet dis- tribution width (PDW). For each GWAS SNP, we Fig. 1. A penalized regression-based approach to identify hematopoietic regulatory loci and genes. a Schematic outline of our approach. We generated a penalized regression-based predictive scoring algorithm based on platelet trait GWAS loci and applied the resultant scoring algorithm genome-wide to predict causal variants and genes. We validated this model computationally and through validation of TPM1 function in induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSCs). b To generate a penalized regression model, 580 platelet trait GWAS SNPs [6] and matched control SNPs (~ 100 per GWAS SNP [25]) were analyzed for overlap with 860 chromatin features (e.g., histone marks and transcription factor binding sites). c Penalized regression (LASSO [23]) analysis identified 38 chromatin features from the indicated cell types that best discriminated GWAS SNPs, after controlling for background features (distance to nearest gene, number of SNPs in linkage disequilibrium, and minor allele frequency). Bar heights are LASSO coefficients, indicating the relative importance of each feature. MK, primary megakaryocytes; Ery, peripheral blood derived erythroblasts; MK/Ery, K562 cells; Lymphoblast, GM12878 or GM12891 Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 2 of 16 identified control SNPs matched to the degree possible on distance to nearest gene, number of SNPs in linkage disequilibrium, and minor allele frequency. We forced our models to include these background characteristics, in order to ensure that we identified chromatin features that would distinguish GWAS SNPs after controlling for background genetic variables. Model performance in the training phase was assessed using standard approaches (i.e., 10-fold cross-validation). The resultant predictive model comprised 38 epige- nomic features that best distinguished platelet trait GWAS SNPs from controls (Fig. 1c, Additional file 2: Figure S1, and Additional file 1: Table S2). Background features were included during model creation and are reflected in the area under the receiver operator curve (AUC) for the initial training phase. However, given our interest in genomic positions and overlapping chromatin features, background characteristics were not carried for- ward for genome-wide model application. These back- ground characteristics would not affect determination of human trait-associated loci based on genomic context. While some care in interpretation was required, it was encouraging that the model selected biologically plaus- ible features. GATA1, GATA2, SCL, and FLI1 are crit- ical hematopoietic transcription factors [26, 27], and most of our features came from hematopoietic cell types (primary MK, peripheral blood-derived erythroblasts, K562 with MK/erythroid potential, and GM12878/ GM12891 lymphoblasts; Additional file 1: Table S2). Genome-wide model application We calculated trait-enrichment scores genome-wide based on SNP overlap with each of the selected chroma- tin features, weighted by our penalized regression model coefficients (see the “Methods” section and Add- itional file 1: Table S2). As expected, training SNP scores were significantly higher for platelet trait GWAS SNPs relative to SNPs genome-wide (p < 0.0001 by ANOVA, Fig. 2a). A set of 94 validation platelet trait GWAS SNPs, representing 15% of all platelet trait GWAS SNPs [6], also scored significantly higher than genome-wide SNPs, although not as well as training SNPs (Fig. 2a). Application of additional prediction methods Our goal was to use a compilation of methods and evi- dence to specify loci with high functional likelihood. Some models have been previously developed to identify active genomic loci (e.g., CADD [29], GWAVA [17], and DeepSEA [28]). We compared the effectiveness of these models, and our trait-specific model, to discriminate training or validation platelet trait GWAS sites from sets of ~ 100 control SNPs for each GWAS SNP. LASSO scores were based only on overlaps with chromatin fea- tures and associated coefficients. We used AUC values to assess model performance. Our trait-specific model performed well in analyses of training SNPs (AUC 0.799, Fig. 2b) and validation SNPs (AUC 0.771, Fig. 2c). GWAVA also performed well in predicting training SNPs (AUC 0.745, Fig. 2b) and validation SNPs (AUC 0.836, Fig. 2c). GWAVA prioritizes functional impact of non-coding genomic elements without regard for lineage or trait specificity [17]. Hence, our results suggested that chro- matin marks associated with active gene regulatory re- gions were enriched in platelet trait GWAS loci. However, hematopoiesis- and blood lineage-specific chromatin regulatory mechanisms are also critical for blood development [31–33]. It was difficult to parse hematopoietic biological rationale in the regulatory ele- ments prioritized by GWAVA scoring. Therefore, we pursued further validation of our trait-specific model, in an effort to best specify loci and related genes that were important for hematopoiesis, megakaryopoiesis, and/or platelet biology. Genome-wide model validation Encouraged by the features we selected and our model performance, we next sought to derive external support for the model selected by our regression framework. First, we evaluated the biological specificity of variation prioritized by the model. This was particularly import- ant, given practical limitations associated with fine- mapping and cellular validation experiments. Gene Ontology analysis of the top 1% highest-scoring SNPs indicated that the nearest genes to penalized regression- prioritized variants were enriched for biologically relevant pathways, even after removing GWAS-significant sites (Fig. 2d and Additional file 1: Table S3-S5). While many associated pathways related to platelet function and co- agulation, generalized hematopoiesis- and hematopoietic progenitor cell-related pathways were also included. Second, we asked whether our SNP scores correlated with summary association statistics for platelet trait- GWAS data [6]. Indeed, variants that were nominally as- sociated with platelet traits but did not reach genome- wide significance and not included in our model (p value between 0.05 and 5 × 10−8) had significantly higher aver- age scores compared to SNPs that were not obviously associated (p value > 0.05, Additional file 2: Figure S2). This correlation suggested that our scoring algorithm was valid genome-wide and could potentially reveal true biological associations, as had the GWAS [5, 11, 12, 14]. Finally, we asked if regulatory gene enhancer regions were enriched with high-scoring SNPs by our model, consistent with regulatory function. We found that our model assigned higher scores to SNPs in FANTOM5 en- hancer regions [34] compared with other sites genome- wide, consistent with the hypothesis that functional non- Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 3 of 16 coding SNPs associate with active regulatory regions [8, 35] (Additional file 2: Figure S3, enhancer region scores > 0.9 vs genome-wide baseline < 0.1). We further ob- served that enhancer regions in hematopoietic cell types scored significantly higher than enhancers from irrele- vant control cells (Additional file 2: Figure S3). These data suggest trait specificity in hematopoietic enhancers, consistent with prior studies [31], and the broader hy- pothesis about tissue-specific trait heritability as re- ported elsewhere [36, 37]. Collectively, our findings indicated that we could successfully target hematopoietic and platelet trait-relevant loci. Exemplary candidate locus and gene identification Next, we used computational predictions, including our own model, to stratify sites and related genes for func- tional validation. Given practical limitations related to follow-up validation, we wanted to narrow our focus to a modest number of loci (e.g., < 20). We reasoned that functional SNPs would (i) be in high linkage disequilib- rium (LD) with established platelet trait GWAS loci, (ii) score highly relative to other SNPs within that LD block, (iii) regulate target gene(s) as expression quantitative trait loci (eQTLs), and (iv) overlap GATA binding sites [38, 39]. We prioritized GATA binding sites based on Fig. 2. Penalized regression model identifies genes relevant to platelet and hematopoietic biology. a SNP scores for platelet model training SNPs, or a set of validation platelet trait SNPs, were significantly higher than genome-wide SNP scores. Bars represent mean ± SEM, ****p < 0.0001 by ANOVA. b Performance comparison of our platelet trait model to DeepSEA [28], GWAVA [17], and CADD [29] for training platelet trait SNP identification. AUC values are shown in the legend. c Performance comparison for validation platelet trait SNP identification. There was substantial variation in the number of validation SNPs recognized and scored by each model. AUC values shown in the legend represent prediction accuracy in identifying validation SNPs for LASSO (n = 94 SNPs), GWAVA (n = 16), CADD (n = 18), and DeepSEA (n = 94) vs ~ 10,000 random control SNPs. d Platelet and hematopoiesis pathways [30] identified by the highest-scoring (top 1%) SNPs genome-wide for the indicated models, excluding established platelet trait loci [6] (FDR, false discovery rate) Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 4 of 16 the importance of GATA factors in hematopoiesis [26, 40] and in our penalized regression model (Add- itional file 1: Table S2). We specifically focused our at- tention on sites that were scored in the top 5% genome- wide by our platelet trait model and by GWAVA [17], a more generalized machine learning-based model that performed well in validation analyses (Fig. 2b, c). This stratification approach identified 15 loci and related genes, including SNPs known to impact hematopoiesis, megakaryocyte, and/or platelet biology (Table 1 and Additional file 2: Figure S4). In principle, any site meeting these stringent criteria could form the basis for interesting biological follow-up experiments. Two of these loci stood out as high-scoring variants by the recently described gChromVAR algorithm [1], which is based on accessible chromatin regions in hematopoietic cells (Table 1). First, rs342293 is a GWAS SNP [5] that reg- ulates PIK3CG gene expression [12] and lies within access- ible chromatin in hematopoietic progenitor cell types [53] (Fig. 3a, b). The GATA site is disrupted in the presence of the SNP minor allele (Fig. 3c). In platelets, PIK3CG activity regulates PIK3 signaling [55] and response to collagen [56]. Individuals harboring this minor allele had increased MPV and decreased platelet reactivity [12] (Fig. 3d). A second variant, rs11071720, found within the 3rd in- tron of the Tropomyosin 1 (TPM1) gene locus, also attracted our attention. This sentinel GWAS SNP scored highly compared to linked SNPs (EUR r2 > 0.7) and over- lapped accessible chromatin in hematopoietic cells [53] (Fig. 3e, f). The rs11071720 minor allele, which disrupts a near-canonical GATA binding site, is an eQTL associ- ated with decreased TPM1 expression [41, 54], higher platelet count, and lower MPV [6] (Fig. 3g, h and Add- itional file 2: Figure S5). Tropomyosin proteins regulate actin cytoskeletal func- tions, which are critical for hematopoietic, megakaryo- cyte, and platelet biology [15, 19, 20, 57]. Although morpholino studies showed TPM1 to be important for zebrafish thrombopoiesis [5], no prior study had exam- ined the effect of TPM1 during human hematopoiesis. Based on these and the human genomics data, we hy- pothesized that TPM1 would be an important effector of hematopoiesis and ultimately platelet biology. Thus, in what follows, we focus our cellular validation studies on TPM1, under the hypothesis that rs11071720 regulated the expression of this gene. Tropomyosin 1 modulation enhances in vitro hematopoiesis We investigated functions for the TPM1 gene in an in vitro human model of primitive hematopoiesis [58]. We expected that total gene deletion would show Table 1 Penalized regression-based fine-mapping identifies eQTLs in established platelet trait GWAS loci that overlie GATA binding sites. Listed SNPs are within platelet trait GWAS LD blocks (EUR r2 > 0.7), scored in the top 5% by our platelet trait model and by GWAVA [17], overlap canonical or near-canonical GATA binding sites, and are eQTLs for at least 1 gene [41] (GTEx V7). Associated gChromVAR posterior probabilities of being causal for platelet count trait association (PP PLT) are shown [1]. Genes in boldface have known hematopoietic function. SNP rsIDs and locations refer to hg19 genome rsID Chr Pos (Mb) Platelet score (percentile) GWAVA score (percentile) gChromVAR (PP PLT) Nearest gene eQTL gene(s) rs11240368 1 205.1 1.12 (97th) 0.52 (95th) DSTYK CNTN2, TMEM81 rs3771535 2 70.0 0.94 (95th) 0.53 (95th) 0.01 ANXA4 GMCL1, SNRNP27 rs10180681 2 121.0 1.41 (98th) 0.63 (97th) 0.01 RALB EPB41L5, PTPN4 [42], RALB [43] rs10180682 2 121.0 1.41 (98th) 0.64 (97th) 0.01 RALB EPB41L5, PTPN4 [42], RALB [43] rs9646785 2 172.0 1.27 (98th) 0.58 (96th) TLK1 GAD1, GORASP2 rs6771578 3 167.4 1.14 (97th) 0.60 (96th) 0.003 PDCD10 PDCD10 [44], SERPINI1, WDR49 rs12652692 5 77.8 3.62 (99th) 0.57 (96th) 0.01 LHFPL2 LHFPL2, SCAMP1 rs72793280 5 131.6 2.73 (99th) 0.89 (99th) 0.001 P4HA2 ACSL6, P4HA2 [45, 46], PDLIM4 [47], SLC22A4, SLC22A5 rs1741820 6 122.8 1.75 (99th) 0.55 (96th) HSF2 HSF2, PKIB rs342293 7 106.4 1.80 (99th) 0.94 (99th) 0.99 CC71L PIK3CG [12]* rs13265995 8 56.7 1.75 (99th) 0.60 (96th) TMEM68 LYN [48, 49], TGS, TMEM68 rs9704108 11 0.3 1.12 (97th) 0.85 (99th) 0.087 IFITM2 IFITM2 rs11071720 15 63.3 1.53 (98th) 0.58 (96th) 0.98 TPM1 APH1B, LACTB, RAB8B, TPM1 [5]** rs2316513 17 2.0 0.92 (95th) 0.54 (95th) 0.005 EST1A DPH1, SMG6, SRR [50] rs1654439 19 55.6 2.69 (99th) 0.58 (96th) 0.002 RDH13 GP6 [49, 51], NLRP2, RDH13 [52] *eQTL in human platelets [12], but not in GTEx tissues [41] **Function suggested by D. rerio morpholino experiments [5] Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 5 of 16 stronger effects than non-coding SNP modification [59]. Using CRISPR/Cas9, we targeted a ~ 5-kb region con- taining TPM1 exons 4–8 in iPSCs (Fig. 4a), anticipating creation of a null allele [60]. We confirmed deletion by sequencing and western blot (Fig. 4b, c and Add- itional file 2: Figure S6). In total, we obtained 3 TPM1 knockout (KO) clones from 2 separate genetic back- grounds. Karyotype and copy number variation analyses confirmed that engineering these clones did not intro- duce any de novo genomic aberrancies (Additional file 1: Table S6 and Additional file 2: Figure S7). TPM1 protein was present during early iPSC differenti- ation, but downregulated in non-adherent hematopoietic progenitor cells and differentiated MKs (Fig. 4b, c). Early dif- ferentiation proceeded normally in KO clones, with normal patterns of primitive streak and mesoderm gene expression (Fig. 4d), as well as pluripotency marker loss (Add- itional file 2: Figure S8). The kinetics by which KDR+/ CD31+ endothelial/hemogenic endothelial cells and CD43+ hematopoietic progenitor cells (HPCs) emerged were also normal (Fig. 4e, f). In this culture system, KDR+/CD31+ cells include both HPC precursor cells (hemogenic endothelium) as well as cells destined for a purely endothelial fate. Unexpectedly, we found that KO cultures enhanced generation of KDR+/CD31+ as well as CD43+ HPCs (Fig. 4e, f). We quantified HPC abundance by cell count- ing and flow cytometry, observing that KO HPC yield doubled that of WT controls (Fig. 4g). We confirmed this finding in a KO clone from a genetically distinct iPSC background (Additional file 2: Figure S9). All HPCs retained normal hematopoietic cell surface marker ex- pression (Additional file 2: Figure S10). Fig. 3. Exemplary high-scoring eQTLs near the PIK3CG and TPM1 gene loci overlap putative GATA binding sites and are associated with altered platelet traits. a High-scoring platelet trait GWAS SNP rs342293 (black) and linked SNPs (EUR r2 > 0.7, cyan) lie upstream of PIK3CG. Bar heights depict SNP scores. b This region overlaps a dynamic accessible chromatin region during hematopoiesis [53]. Accessible chromatin (ATAC-Seq) data are shown for hematopoietic stem cells (HSC), CD34+ hematopoietic progenitor cells, megakaryocyte-erythroid progenitors (MEP), and erythroblasts (Ery). c The local DNA sequence for rs342293 (underlined) includes a canonical GATA binding site [38] (red). d Platelet phenotypes associated with rs342293 alleles [12]. e SNP scores near platelet trait GWAS SNP rs11071720 (black) and linked SNPs (EUR r2 > 0.7, cyan). Bar heights depict SNP scores. f ATAC-Seq regions at this locus are shown for the indicated cell types [53]. g Local DNA sequence shows a putative GATA binding site [38] (red) around rs11071720 (underlined “T”). h The major and minor rs11071720 alleles and associated platelet phenotypes [6, 54]. Allele percentages based on UCSC Genome Browser and dbSNP Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 6 of 16 Next, we investigated whether KO HPCs would yield functional megakaryocytes in increased quan- tities. Liquid expansion culture revealed normal ma- ture CD41+/CD42b+ megakaryocyte yield per HPC (Fig. 5a). With twice as many starting HPCs, this meant that total megakaryocyte recovery increased ~ 2-fold in KO cultures. KO megakaryocyte morphology was normal (Additional file 2: Figure S11), and mega- karyocyte activation in response to agonists was normal-to-increased (Fig. 5b). Microarray gene expression analyses of WT and KO megakaryocytes revealed no statistically significant changes in mega- karyocyte genes (Additional file 2: Figure S12 and Additional file 1: Table S7). The early hematopoietic phenotype in KO cultures was unexpected. We asked whether KO HPCs might also enhance yield of other blood cell types. Indeed, KO HPCs spawned normal-to-increased quantities of erythroid and myeloid cells (Fig. 5c and Add- itional file 2: Figure S13). Hence, TPM1 deletion Fig. 4. TPM1 deficiency enhances iPSC-derived hematopoietic progenitor cell formation. a A 5-kb region (TPM1 exons 4–8, red box) was targeted for CRISPR/Cas9-mediated deletion to create KO iPSCs. b Western blots showing TPM1 protein expression at the indicated differentiation days. c Western blots showing TPM1–4 expression in wild type (WT) and KO iPSCs, hematopoietic progenitor cells (HPC, differentiation d8), and FACS- sorted MKs (CD41+/CD42b+, expansion d3). TPM1 antibodies targeted exon 4 (top) or exon 9d (2nd panel). d Primitive streak and mesoderm gene expression are normal in differentiating KO iPSCs. e, f KO cells yield e KDR+/CD31+ cells and f CD43+ hematopoietic progenitor cells (HPC) with normal kinetics, but in enhanced abundance. Percent (%) cells within boxed regions for WT and KO clone 2 are shown from a representative experiment. g Quantification of WT and KO non-adherent HPCs on differentiation day 8. Bars represent fold change in HPCs (mean ± SD) vs WT for ≥ 4 experiments. **p < 0.01 by ANOVA. (Top) Culture images on differentiation d8, with HPCs (light color) floating above an adherent monolayer. Scale bar, 20 mm Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 7 of 16 enhanced formation of HPCs with multilineage poten- tial (Fig. 5d). Tropomyosin 1 locus is prioritized by red cell trait-based penalized regression model We were surprised by the early hematopoietic effects of TPM1 deletion, given that rs11071720 has only been genetically linked with platelet traits [6]. We therefore investigated whether this finding could have been pre- dicted using human genetics data. We found that rs11071720-linked regulatory variants were marginally associated with red cell traits, although these data did not meet genome-wide significance (Additional file 2: Figure S14). It is possible that future studies with im- proved power will reveal a true statistical association with red cell traits at this locus. We also trained an additional model for red cell traits, using an analogous framework and regulatory features as described for platelet traits (see the “Methods” section). Model training used 818 red blood cell trait-related GWAS SNPs affecting red blood cell count (RBC count), hematocrit (HCT), mean red cell corpuscular volume (MCV), and/or red cell distribution width (RDW). The resultant model included 78 features and performed well in distinguishing red cell trait GWAS SNPs (Add- itional file 2: Figure S15 and Additional file 1: Table S8). When used as a scoring algorithm genome-wide, this red cell trait model displayed performance similar to the platelet trait model (Additional file 2: Figure S16, S17 and Additional file 1: Table S9). Interestingly, our red cell model scored rs11071720 in the 96th percentile genome-wide (Additional file 1: Table S10). This prioritization agrees with TPM1 impacting both megakaryocyte and erythroid lineages. The other 14 sites that scored in the top 5% by both platelet and red cell models might also be expected to regulate early hematopoietic biology, and could form the basis for future cellular validation experiments (Add- itional file 1: Table S10). Indeed, several of these genes are known to regulate hematopoiesis. Discussion Genetic insights could augment efforts to generate blood products in vitro [2–4], but relatively few genetically Fig. 5. TPM1-deficient hematopoietic progenitor cells yield normal-to-increased quantities of functional megakaryocytes and erythroid cells. a WT and KO HPCs put into MK expansion culture generate equivalent numbers of MKs. Points represent CD41+/CD42b+ MK percentage multiplied by total cell count, normalized to cell count on day 0. ns, not significant. b TPM1 KO MKs respond appropriately to platelet agonists. WT and KO MKs were incubated with Convulxin (CV) or Thrombin (Thr) at the indicated concentrations, and the percentage of activated MKs (PAC-1+/CD41+/ CD42b+) were quantified. *p < 0.05 by ANOVA vs WT. c KO HPCs put into erythroid expansion culture generate more erythroid cells than WT HPCs. Points represent CD235+ percentage multiplied by total cell count, normalized to cell count on day 0. **p < 0.01 by ANOVA. d Model in which KO iPSCs yield more HPCs than WT, generating more total blood cells Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 8 of 16 implicated loci or genes have been functionally validated [11–15]. The purposes of our present study were to es- tablish (i) whether computational approaches using available genomic data could prioritize trait-specific sites and genes that impact hematopoiesis, megakaryopoiesis, and/or platelet biology, and (ii) to validate the function of a novel candidate gene (i.e., TPM1) in a translationally relevant iPSC model. Our data support a model whereby TPM1 deficiency enhances in vitro formation of multili- neage HPCs (Fig. 5d). In addition to understanding a genetic modifier of hematopoietic traits [6], application of our results may augment in vitro megakaryocyte and erythroid cell yields. Broadly, the successful implementation of this trait- specific penalized regression method demonstrates a tunable approach to variant and gene identification. Our pipeline is similar to prior methods that have stratified loci based on chromatin feature data (e.g., GWAVA [17] and fGWAS [61]), but is readily scalable to any set of loci and chromatin features. For blood-related traits, it is an adaptable complement to established and excellent scoring models such as gChromVAR [1]. Given the scope of the present study, the most import- ant functional result was enhanced yield of HPCs and functional megakaryocytes. Our results were direction- ally consistent with human genetic data [6], finding that decreased TPM1 expression portends higher megakaryo- cyte yield. The molecular mechanism(s) driving en- hanced hemogenic endothelium and/or HPC formation will be of considerable biologic and translational interest, and such studies are ongoing. TPM1 KO-related in- creases in HPC formation may complement or synergize previously described approaches that enhanced later stages of hematopoiesis [2, 3, 62, 63]. Early hematopoietic function for TPM1 was unex- pected based on blood genetics [6]. Our model may have prioritized some “early” hematopoietic sites, given that many chromatin features derived from rela- tively immature megakaryocytes [26] as well as K562 cells, which can act as progenitors for erythroid or megakaryocyte lineages. Indeed, some of the sites tar- geted general hematopoietic- and HPC-related path- ways (Fig. 2d). Chromatin feature data from mature megakaryocytes may enable future models to more specifically target late stage megakaryopoiesis and/or platelet sites. Alternatively, TPM1 could have separate functions in early and late hematopoiesis, akin to GATA2 [64]. Though a lack of robust detection methods precluded accurate platelet production quantitation in our culture system, normal function of derived megakaryocytes sug- gests an overall increase in megakaryocyte yield would translate into higher platelet production. Importantly, our findings do not exclude additional effects on terminal megakaryopoiesis or erythroid development in vitro, nor in vivo effects outside the scope of our iPSC model. Enhanced hematopoiesis in TPM1KO iPSCs contrasts detrimental effects of TPM1 deficiency on organism fit- ness in other contexts [5, 65, 66]. For example, abro- gated D. rerio thrombopoiesis with tpma-directed morpholinos [5] resembles human TPM4 deficiency [15] rather than TPM1 deficiency. This highlights the import- ance of species-specific genetic validation, particularly given inter-species disparities in hematopoiesis [67]. Conclusions In conclusion, using a penalized regression modeling ap- proach to functional variant identification led us to define a role for TPM1 in constraining in vitro hematopoiesis. Recent advances increasing per-MK platelet yields [2] have focused a spotlight on increasing cost-effectiveness of earlier stages of in vitro hematopoiesis. In addition to improved recognition of genes and mechanisms under- lying quantitative hematopoietic trait variation, application of the computational approach described herein could also help to specify trait-specific causal genetic variants for virtually any clinically relevant human trait. Methods In silico analyses Relevant datasets and coding scripts can be found on GitHub (https://github.com/thomchr/2019.PLT.TPM1. Paper). Human genome version hg19 was used for all analyses, and we utilized the LiftOver script when neces- sary (https://bioconductor.org/packages/release/work- flows/html/liftOver.html). GWAS summary statistics are publicly available (http://www.bloodcellgenetics.org/). Expression quantitative trait locus analysis To estimate the number of eQTLs implicated by prior platelet trait GWAS, SNPs in high LD with established GWAS loci [6] (EUR r2 > 0.9) were identified using PLINK. From this set of SNPs, eQTLs and affected genes were identified from GTEx V7 [41]. Numbers reported in the text reflect unique eQTL SNPs, which often func- tioned across multiple tissues. The affected gene esti- mate reflects the number of unique Ensembl gene identifiers (ENSG). SNP selection From a total of 710 genome-wide significant GWAS SNPs (p < 5E−8) affecting platelet count, platelet-crit, mean platelet volume, and/or platelet distribution width [6], 580 comprised our platelet model training SNP set. These 580 had rsIDs that were recognized by the Gen- omic Regulatory Elements and GWAS Overlap algo- Rithm (GREGOR) [25] tool, which we used to select control SNPs based on distance to nearest gene, number Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 9 of 16 https://github.com/thomchr/2019.PLT.TPM1.Paper https://github.com/thomchr/2019.PLT.TPM1.Paper https://bioconductor.org/packages/release/workflows/html/liftOver.html https://bioconductor.org/packages/release/workflows/html/liftOver.html http://www.bloodcellgenetics.org/ of SNP LD proxies linked to the lead associated SNP (r2 ≥ 0.8), and minor allele frequency. We identified ~ 100 matched controls for each training SNP, all with a minor allele frequency > 10%. This minor allele cutoff was necessary to limit the effects of very low control SNP frequencies on the resultant model. From a total of 1003 genome-wide significant GWAS SNPs (p < 5E−8) affecting red cell count, hematocrit, mean corpuscular volume, and/or red cell distribution width [6], 818 had rsIDs recognized by GREGOR. These comprised the red cell model training SNP set. We iden- tified ~ 100 matched controls with minor allele fre- quency > 10% for each training SNP. Chromatin feature selection We collected a subset of available feature tracks from ENCODE [68], including data for hematopoietic (K562, GM12878, and GM12891) as well as other cell types (e.g., H1-hESC, HUVEC, HeLa, HepG2). We also col- lected available feature tracks from primary MKs and hematopoietic cells [26]. The only modification to any of these genomic datasets was peak-calling in MK-derived chromatin immunoprecipitation-sequencing (ChIP-Seq) tracks [69]. See Additional file 1: Table S1 for a list of these features. Penalized regression modeling To generate our model, we first analyzed training set GWAS SNPs and matched control SNPs for overlap with 860 chromatin features (dataset available on GitHub). Columns representing our 3 baseline parame- ters (distance to nearest gene, number of LD proxies linked to the lead associated SNP, and minor allele fre- quency) were also included in this data table for each SNP. This chromatin feature overlap data file was then analyzed using the least absolute shrinkage and selection operator (LASSO, L1 regularization, glmnet version 2.0- 18) [23, 24] with 10-fold cross-validation. Baseline pa- rameters were assigned penalty factors of 0 (to force in- clusion), while other chromatin features were assigned penalty factors of 1. Features and coefficients were taken from the λse. In addition to 3 baseline features, there were 38 features included in our platelet model and 78 features in our red cell model. Only the chromatin fea- tures and related coefficients were carried forward for model applications. For downstream genome-wide ana- lyses, we scored all SNPs within NCBI dbSNP Build 147 based on coefficients and overlaps with model features. Model performance comparison We used public databases to obtain SNP scores for alter- native models (CADD v1.3 [29], GWAVA unmatched score [17], DeepSEA [28]; https://cadd.gs.washington. edu/download, http://www.sanger.ac.uk/resources/ software/gwava, http://deepsea.princeton.edu). For each model, we identified scores for platelet trait GWAS SNPs and a random selection of ~ 100 control SNPs for each GWAS SNP. We then used ROCR [70] to compare model performance in discriminating GWAS SNPs from controls, and report the area under the receiver operating characteristic (AUC) for each model. An analogous pipeline was used to analyze the ability of each model to discrimin- ate red cell trait-related GWAS SNPs from controls. For sites in Table 1, including rs11071720, we ob- tained gChromVAR scores [1] (https://molpath.shi- nyapps.io/ShinyHeme/). Model evaluation To assess biological specificity, we identified the top 1% highest-scoring SNPs from each model (platelet model, red cell model, GWAVA, CADD) after excluding all red cell or platelet trait-associated GWAS loci. We then used closestBed (https://bedtools.readthedocs.io/en/lat- est/content/tools/closest.html) to identify the nearest gene to each of these SNPs. Genes and position were de- fined by BioMart (http://www.biomart.org/). We then used the Gene Ontology resource (http://geneontology. org/) to analyze pathway enrichment. Input analysis set- tings were binomial tests and calculated FDR for GO Biological Process complete. Pathways identified with FDR < 5% are presented in Fig. 2d, Additional file 1: Table S3-S5, Additional file 2: Figure S16d, and Add- itional file 1: Table S8. Enhancer regulatory regions were defined according to the FANTOM5 dataset [34]. Presented FANTOM5 data represent scores for all overlapping SNPs from dbSNP 147. Linkage disequilibrium structure assessment The SNP Annotation and Proxy Search tool (https://archive. broadinstitute.org/mpg/snap/ldsearch.php), LDlink (https:// analysistools.nci.nih.gov/LDlink), and 1000 Genomes Project (phase 3) data were used to measure linkage disequilibrium in the EUR population. Transcription factor binding site identification To identify GATA sites, the genomic sequence context for SNPs of high interest were obtained using the UCSC Table Browser [71] and analyzed for matches by manual curation of canonical or near-canonical GATA binding motif in all orientations (AGATAA, TTATCA, AATAGA, TTATCT; GATAA, AATAG, CTATT, TTATC). Human iPSC generation iPSC models were generated as described from peripheral blood mononuclear cells [72]. The “CHOP10” and “CHOP14” lines were used in this study. CRISPR/Cas9- mediated genome editing was performed as described [73] per protocols from the CHOP Human Pluripotent Stem Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 10 of 16 https://cadd.gs.washington.edu/download https://cadd.gs.washington.edu/download http://www.sanger.ac.uk/resources/software/gwava http://www.sanger.ac.uk/resources/software/gwava http://deepsea.princeton.edu https://molpath.shinyapps.io/ShinyHeme/ https://molpath.shinyapps.io/ShinyHeme/ https://bedtools.readthedocs.io/en/latest/content/tools/closest.html https://bedtools.readthedocs.io/en/latest/content/tools/closest.html http://www.biomart.org/ http://geneontology.org/ http://geneontology.org/ https://archive.broadinstitute.org/mpg/snap/ldsearch.php https://archive.broadinstitute.org/mpg/snap/ldsearch.php https://analysistools.nci.nih.gov/LDlink https://analysistools.nci.nih.gov/LDlink Cell Core Facility (https://ccmt.research.chop.edu/cores_ hpsc.php) with the following guide sequences: 5′ (1) ATGACGAAAGGTACCACGTCAGG, 5′ (2) TGAGTA CTGATGAAACTATCAGG, 3′ (1) CCCTTTTCTT GCTGCTGTGTTGG, and 3′ (2) GGAGAGTGATCAAG AAATGGAGG. Karyotype analysis Chromosomal G-band analyses were performed by Cell Line Genetics (Madison, WI). Copy number variation analysis Copy number variation (CNV) analysis was performed with the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia Center for Applied Genomics. CNVs were called using PennCNV [74] based on an Illumina Infinium GSAMD-24v2-0 (hg19) microarray with 759,993 SNPs. iPSC hematopoietic differentiation and analysis iPS cell cultures and primitive hematopoietic differentia- tions were performed as per published protocols [58, 75–77]. iPS cells were maintained on irradiated mouse embryonic feeder cells in human embryonic stem cell (ESC) medium (DMEM/F12 with 20% knockout serum, 100 μM non-essential amino acids, 0.075% sodium bicar- bonate, 1 mM sodium pyruvate, 2 mM glutamine, 50 U/ml penicillin, 50 g/ml streptomycin (all from Invitrogen), 10– 4 M β–mercaptoethanol (Sigma, St. Louis, MO), and 10 ng/ml human bFGF (Stemgent)). Medium was changed at least every 2 days, and colony clusters passaged weekly to new feeders ESC medium containing ROCK inhibitor (10 μM) using TrypLE (Invitrogen) and gentle scraping. About 1 week prior to differentiation, iPSCs were tran- sitioned to a “feeder-free” state by culturing on Matrigel- coated wells (BD Biosciences; 6-well tissue culture plate, Falcon 3046) in ESC medium under atmospheric O2 conditions. Throughout hematopoietic differentiation, cells were maintained at 37 °C in 5% CO2, 5% O2, and 90% N2. All media were supplemented with 2 mM glutamine, 50 μg/ ml ascorbic acid (Sigma, St. Louis, MO), 150 μg/ml transferrin (Roche Diagnostics), and 4 × 10−4 M mono- thioglycerol (Sigma). Media and cytokines were changed daily as follows [78]: days 0–1 RPMI (Invitrogen) with 5 ng/ml BMP4, 50 ng/ml VEGF, and 25 ng/ml Wnt3a; day 2 RPMI with 5 ng/ml BMP4, 50 ng/ml VEGF, and 20 ng/ ml bFGF; day 3 SP34 (Invitrogen) with 5 ng/ml BMP4, 50 ng/ml VEGF, and 20 ng/ml bFGF; days 4–5 SP34 with 15 ng/ml VEGF and 5 ng/ml bFGF; day 6 serum-free dif- ferentiation medium (SFD) with 50 ng/ml VEGF, 100 ng/ ml bFGF, 100 ng/ml SCF, and 25 ng/ml Flt3L; and days 7–9 SFD with 50 ng/ml VEGF, 100 ng/ml bFGF, 100 ng/ ml SCF, 25 ng/ml Flt3L, 50 ng/ml TPO, 10 ng/ml IL-6, and 0.05–2 U EPO. In all differentiations, marked cell death occurred through day 2, after which time surviving cells formed an adherent monolayer. Analyses during differentiation therefore used 0.25% trypsin-EDTA (ThermoFisher Scientific; 1 ml/well, 5 min at room temperature) to dissociate monolayer cells. By days 6–7, non-adherent floating hematopoietic pro- genitor cells (HPCs) appeared. HPCs were collected on days 7–9 and either frozen or used directly for further culture and/or analyses. HPCs cultured in 50 ng/ml thrombopoietin and 25 ng/ml SCF to generate megakar- yocytes, 2 U erythropoietin and 25 ng/ml SCF to gener- ate erythroid cells, or 200 ng/ml granulocyte/ macrophage colony stimulating factor to generate mye- loid cells. Flow cytometry gating strategies for pluripotency (SSEA3+/SSEA4+), hemogenic endothelium (KDR+/ CD31+), hematopoietic progenitors (CD43+ and CD41+/ CD235+), and terminal lineages have been previously validated [58, 75–77]. Flow cytometry Flow cytometry analysis was performed on a Cytoflex LX, and FACS sorting was performed on a FACS Aria II (BD Biosciences). Flow cytometry data were analyzed using FlowJo 10 (Tree Star, Inc.). The following anti- bodies were used for flow cytometry: FITC-conjugated anti-CD41 (BioLegend), PE-conjugated anti-CD42b (BD Biosciences), APC-conjugated anti-CD235 (BD Biosci- ences), PB450-conjugated anti-CD45 (BioLegend), AF488-conjugated anti-SSEA3 (BioLegend), AF647- conjugated anti-SSEA4 (BioLegend), PE-conjugated anti- KDR (R&D Systems), PECy7-conjugated antiCD31 (Bio- Legend), PECy7-conjugated anti-CD34 (eBioscience), and FITC-conjugated anti-CD43 (BioLegend). Gene expression analysis by RT-semiquantitative PCR Total RNA was prepared using PureLink RNA micro kits (Invitrogen) in which samples were treated with RNase-free DNase. The reverse transcription of RNA (100 ng–1 μg) into cDNA was performed using random hexamers with Superscript II Reverse Transcriptase (RT) (Life Technologies), according to the manufacturer’s in- structions. Real-time quantitative polymerase chain reac- tion (PCR) was performed on QuantStudio 5 Real-Time PCR Instrument (Applied Biosystems). All experiments were done in triplicate with SYBR-GreenER pPCR SuperMix (Life Technologies), according to the manu- facturer’s instructions. Primers (Additional file 1: Table S11) were prepared by Integrated DNA Technologies or Sigma Aldrich. Dilutions of human genomic DNA stan- dards ranging from 100 ng/μl to 10 pg/μl were used to evaluate PCR efficiency of each gene relative to the housekeeping gene TATA-Box Binding Protein (TBP). Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 11 of 16 https://ccmt.research.chop.edu/cores_hpsc.php https://ccmt.research.chop.edu/cores_hpsc.php Microarray analysis For microarray analysis, 50,000 cells were FACS-sorted directly into TRIzol. RNA was extracted from using a miRNeasy Mini Protocol (Qiagen). Samples passing qual- ity control were analyzed using the human Clariom D Assay (ThermoFisher Scientific) and analyzed using Tran- scriptome Analysis Console (ThermoFisher Scientific) Software and Gene Set Enrichment Analysis (http://soft- ware.broadinstitute.org/gsea/index.jsp) software. Cell analysis and imaging For Cytospins, FACS-sorted MKs were spun onto a glass slide and stained with May-Grünwald and Giemsa. Im- ages were obtained on an Olympus BX60 microscope with a × 40 objective. An Invitrogen EVOS microscope with a × 10 objective was used to image cells in culture. Western blots Cell pellets were resuspended in Laemmli buffer, soni- cated for 5 min, and boiled for 5 min at 95 °C. Lysates were centrifuged at 10,000 rpm for 5 min at room temperature, and supernatants were used for analysis. Lysate volumes were normalized to cell counts. Samples were run on 4–12% NuPAGE Bis-Tris gels (Invitrogen) and transferred onto nitrocellulose membranes (0.45um pore size, Invitrogen) at 350 mA for 90 min. Following blocking in 5% milk for 1 h, membranes were incubated with primary antibodies overnight at 4 °C. After washing thrice in TBST, membranes were incubated with sec- ondary horseradish peroxidase-conjugate antibodies for 1 h at room temperature, washed in TBST thrice, and developed using ECL western blotting substrate (Pierce) and HyBlot CL autoradiography film (Denville Scien- tific). The following antibodies were used for western blotting: Rabbit anti-TPM1 (D12H4, #3910, Cell Signal- ing Technologies), Mouse anti-TPM1/TPM2 (15D12.2, MAB2254, Millipore Sigma), Mouse anti-TPM3 (3D5AH3AB4, ab113692, Abcam), Rabbit anti-TPM4 (AB5449, Millipore Sigma), and Mouse anti-β Actin (A1978, Sigma). Western blot band quantitation was performed using FIJI [79] (https://fiji.sc/). MK activation assay MKs were pelleted and resuspended in Tyrode’s Salts (Sigma) with 0.1% bovine serum albumin (BSA) contain- ing FITC-conjugated PAC-1 (BD Biosciences), PacBlue- conjugated CD42a (eBioscience), and APC-conjugated CD42b (eBioscience) at a concentration of roughly 100, 000 cells per 50 μl. Following addition of Convulxin (Enzo Biochem) or Thrombin (Sigma), cells were incu- bated at room temperature in the dark for 10 min. Cells were then incubated on ice for 10 min. An additional 100 μl Tyrode’s Salts containing 0.1% BSA was added, and cells were immediately analyzed by flow cytometry. Data presentation Genome-wide SNP scores were loaded as custom tracks into the UCSC Genome Browser [71]. Images depicting genomic loci were generated using this tool, as well as Gviz [80]. Other data were created and presented using R, Adobe Illustrator CS6, or GraphPad Prism 6. Statistics Statistical analyses were conducted using R or GraphPad Prism 6. Data availability All materials, data, code, and associated protocols will be promptly available to readers upon request. Supplementary information Supplementary information accompanies this paper at https://doi.org/10. 1186/s12915-020-00783-7. Additional file 1: Table S1. The 860 chromatin feature tracks included in our LASSO analysis. These data were obtained from ENCODE [68], ChromHMM [81], and analyses of primary human MK cells [26]. Table S2. Chromatin features and coefficients comprising our penalized regression- based platelet scoring model. Coefficients for background parameters are included at the bottom of this list, but were not included in subsequent genome-wide SNP scoring. Table S3. Gene Ontology pathways that were significantly enriched in the top 1% of SNPs, as defined by platelet model scores. Presented pathways had false discovery rate (FDR) < 5%. Table S4. Gene Ontology pathways that were significantly enriched in the top 1% of SNPs, as defined by GWAVA scores. Presented pathways had false discovery rate (FDR) < 5%. Table S5. Gene Ontology pathways that were significantly enriched in the top 1% of SNPs, as defined by CADD scores. Presented pathways had false discovery rate (FDR) < 5%. Table S6. CRISPR/Cas9-edited Tropomyosin 1 knockout (KO) iPSC lines did not incur any additional CNVs compared to the parent line. Analyses of wild type CHOP14 and CHOP10 ‘parent’ lines, and derivative TPM1KO ‘child’ lines, are shown. Karyotype and copy number variation (CNV) ana- lyses for all child lines were consistent with parental iPSC lines. Table S7. Dysregulated molecular pathways in TPM1KO MKs. FACS-sorted MKs were analyzed by microarray, and gene set enrichment was performed. Upreg- ulated Gene Ontology [30] pathways with FDR<25% are shown. There were no significantly downregulated pathways. GO, Gene Ontology. NES, nominal enrichment score. FDR, false discovery rate. Table S8. Chromatin features and coefficients comprising our penalized regression-based red cell scoring model. Coefficients for background parameters are included at the bottom of this list, but were not included in subsequent genome- wide SNP scoring. Table S9. Gene Ontology pathways that were signifi- cantly enriched in the top 1% of SNPs, as defined by red cell model scores. Presented pathways had false discovery rate (FDR) < 5%. Table S10. Penalized regression-based fine-mapping identifies eQTLs in estab- lished platelet and/or red cell trait GWAS loci that overlie GATA binding sites. Listed SNPs are within platelet or red cell trait GWAS LD blocks (EUR r2>0.7), scored in the top 5% by both our platelet trait and red cell models, overlap canonical or near-canonical GATA binding sites, and are eQTLs for at least 1 gene [41] (GTEx V7). Associated GWAVA [17] scores are present, if available. SNP rsIDs and locations refer to hg19 genome. Table S11. Semi-quantitative RT-PCR primers used in this study. Additional file 2: Figure S1. Penalized regression identifies epigenetic features that discriminate platelet trait GWAS SNPs from matched controls. Area under the receiver operator curve (AUC) for platelet trait model. Penalized regression results depicting the regularization parameter (λ) vs. AUC. Top axis shows how many features were identified at each level of λ. Variation in AUC at each λ reflects 10-fold cross- validation. The λmin (model with maximal AUC) and λse (minimal feature inclusion with AUC within 1 standard error of λmin) are shown, with λse Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 12 of 16 http://software.broadinstitute.org/gsea/index.jsp http://software.broadinstitute.org/gsea/index.jsp https://fiji.sc/ https://doi.org/10.1186/s12915-020-00783-7 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12915-020-00783-7 model incorporating the indicated number of features. The final model, with 41 total features, included 38 chromatin features and 3 background characteristics (Distance to Nearest Gene, Minor Allele Frequency, and Number of SNPs in linkage disequilibrium). The AUC at λse was 0.726. Note that this AUC includes background characteristics, which were not used in subsequent genome-wide SNP score applications. Figure S2. High SNP scores for platelet trait model capture information from sub- genome-wide significant loci. a,b Higher SNP scores correlate with lower GWAS p-values for variation in a mean platelet volume (MPV) or b plate- let count (PLT). SNPs were scored genome-wide and plotted against arbi- trarily binned –log10(p-value) GWAS MPV or PLT variation values. A value of 7.3 for –log10(p-value) correlates with a p-value of 5x10 -8. Box-and- whisker plots show 25th-to-75th percent interval (box) and standard devi- ation (whiskers). ****p < 0.0001 vs Column 1 (ANOVA, Dunnett’s multiple comparison test). Significant linear correlations existed between higher values of –log10(p-value) and SNP scores (Pr(>|t|)<2e-16 by linear regres- sion significance test). c,d SNPs that nearly missed genome-wide signifi- cance for c MPV or d PLT were enriched for high SNP scores. SNPs that did not meet genome-wide significance were stratified into non- significant (p-value >0.05) and marginally significant (p-value between 5x10-8 and 0.05). Bars represent mean±SEM. ****p < 0.0001 by Wilcoxon Rank Sum test. Figure S3. Platelet trait model gives high scores to SNPs marking hematopoietic enhancer regions. Hematopoietic enhancer re- gions are enriched for high SNP scores based on our platelet trait model. FANTOM5-defined enhancer regions for adult bone marrow (BM) CD34+ (CNhs12553), K562 (human erythroleukemia, CNhs12458), and CMK (hu- man megakaryoblastic leukemia, CNhs11859) hematopoietic cells were compared with enhancer regions from random non-relevant cell types (CNhs11756 from adult pancreas, CNhs14245 from a papillary cell lung adenocarcinoma cell line and CNhs12849 from adult parotid gland). Bars represent mean±SEM. ****p<0.0001 by 1-way ANOVA vs Controls. Figure S4. Additional putatively active eQTLs implicated through fine-mapping with LASSO-based SNP scores and by direct overlap with GATA binding sites. In each panel, the top portion shows GWAS SNP in black and linked SNPs (EUR r2>0.7) in cyan. Bar heights depict SNP scores. Gene exons are shown in yellow. Accessible chromatin regions (ATAC-Seq) are shown for hematopoietic stem cells (HSC), CD34+ hematopoietic progenitor cells, megakaryocyte-erythroid progenitors (MEP), and erythroblasts (Ery) [53]. Implicated SNP(s) in each region are outlined in the gray box, and inter- esting gene(s) in each region are indicated. Note that some SNPs regu- late multiple genes, but only nearby regulated genes are boxed and labeled here. a rs11240368 is an eQTL for CNTN2 and TMEM81. b rs3771535 is an eQTL for GMCL1 and SNRNP27. c rs10180681 and rs10180682 are eQTLs for EPB41L5, PTPN4, and RALB. d rs9646785 is an eQTL for GAD1 and GORASP2. e rs6771578 is an eQTL for PDCD10, SER- PINI1, and WDR49. f rs12652692 is an eQTL for LHFPL2 and SCAMP1. g rs72793280 is an eQTL for ACSL6, P4HA2, PDLIM4, SLC22A4, and SLC22A5. h rs1741820 is an eQTL for HSF2 and PKIB. i rs13265995 is an eQTL for LYN, TGS, and TMEM68. j rs9704108 is an eQTL for IFITM2. k rs2316513 is an eQTL for DPH1, SMG6, and SRR. l rs1654439 is an eQTL for GP6, NLRP2, and RDH13. Scale bars, 50 kb. Figure S5. The SNP rs11071720 is an ex- pression quantitative trait locus (eQTL) for TPM1. Individuals with the rs11071720 minor ‘C’ allele have decreased Tropomyosin 1 expression in tibial artery tissue (p= 0.000056, Normalized Enrichment Score= -0.082). Data obtained from GTEx V7 [41]. Figure S6. DNA sequencing and west- ern blot confirmation of TPM1 deletion. a Shown are TPM1 exons (num- bered light blue boxes) in and around the proposed deletion site. 5’ and 3’ guide RNA sites are marked. Deleted areas in each clone are indicated as ‘empty’ bars, with flanking present DNA in dark red. b Western blot of CHOP14 or CHOP10 iPSC lysates showing no TPM1 protein in KO clones. Middle lane in CHOP10 blot depicts a suspected heterozygous clone. Fig- ure S7. Karyotype analyses of iPSC clones were normal. a,b,c Analyses of a wild type CHOP14 performed at the time of genome editing, b CHOP14-derived TPM1 knockout clone 1 (KO1), and c CHOP14-derived TPM1 knockout clone 2 (KO2) show normal human female karyotypes. d,e Analyses of d wild type CHOP10 karyotype analysis performed at the time of genome editing and e CHOP10-derived TPM1 knockout clone (KO3) show normal human male karyotypes. These results reflect analyses and interpretations from Cell Line Genetics (Madison, WI). Figure S8. KO cells show normal kinetics of pluripotency marker loss in early differentiation. a Representative gating strategy for flow cytometry ana- lysis. Singlet cells were analyzed directly for all presented studies. b On days 0-4, TPM1 KO iPSCs show normal loss of pluripotency markers SSEA3 and SSEA4, with kinetics identical to WT. Figure S9. CHOP10-derived TPM1 KO iPSCs yield more single cells after differentiation. There were more hematopoietic progenitor cells (HPCs, non-adherent single cells) in CHOP10-derived TPM1 KO clone 3 following 7-8 hematopoietic differenti- ation. **p<0.01. Figure S10. Non-adherent cells (HPCs) from TPM1 KO cultures show normal cell surface markers. WT and TPM1 KO iPSC clones 1-3 all display relatively normal cell surface marker patterns after 9 d dif- ferentiation. Multiple experiments show no consistent lineage preference across all clones. Figure S11. TPM1 KO MKs have normal morphology. Following 8 d differentiation and 5 d MK expansion culture, wild type (WT) and TPM1 KO CD41+/CD42b+ primitive MKs were FACS-sorted and analyzed by Cytospin. Scale bar represents 20 μm. Figure S12. Microarray analysis shows no significant differences in MK genes. a Volcano plot showing gene expression changes in WT and KO MK microarray analysis. TPM1 is circled. b Hierarchical clustering for microarray gene analysis data of FACS-sorted WT and KO MKs. Red, high expression. Blue, low expres- sion. c Heat map shows the most highly upregulated (top) and downreg- ulated (bottom) genes in KO MKs. d Expression of representative MK genes are not significantly (ns) changed in WT vs KO MKs. PF4, Platelet factor 4. PPBP, Pro-platelet basic protein. SELP, P-selectin. NFE2, Nuclear fac- tor erythroid 2. e Gene set enrichment analysis (GSEA) for MK pathways were not significantly changed. Shown are GO pathways for MK differen- tiation (FDR q-value 0.314) and Regulation of MK differentiation (FDR q- value 0.64). f GSEA plots for select significantly upregulated pathways in KO MKs. Figure S13. TPM1KO HPCs retain normal myeloid lineage ex- pansion potential. HPCs obtained after 8d differentiation were put into lineage expansion media and cultures were analyzed by manual cell counting and flow cytometry over 3-5 d. Mature myeloid cells were CD45+. Points represent lineage-specific cell percentage multiplied by total cell count, normalized to cell count on day 0. *p<0.05 by ANOVA vs WT. Figure S14. Hematopoietic trait associations of SNPs near and within the TPM1 gene locus. Aggregated GWAS platelet, red cell, or white cell trait p-values for SNPs near and within the TPM1 gene locus in LD with rs11071720. The p-values for these SNPs reach genome-wide signifi- cance for platelet traits (PLT#, MPV). Figure S15. Penalized regression identifies epigenetic features that discriminate red blood cell trait GWAS SNPs from matched controls. a Area under the receiver operator curve (AUC) for red cell trait model. Penalized regression results depicting the regularization parameter (λ) vs. AUC. Top axis shows how many features were identified at each level of λ. Variation in AUC at each λ reflects 10- fold cross-validation. The λmin (model with maximal AUC) and λse (min- imal feature inclusion with AUC within 1 standard error of λmin) are shown. The λse model incorporated 81 total features, including back- ground characteristics (Distance to Nearest Gene, Minor Allele Frequency, and Number of SNPs in linkage disequilibrium). The AUC at λse was 0.732, though it is important to note that this included background characteris- tics (distance to nearest gene, number of SNPs in linkage disequilibrium, and minor allele frequency). b Penalized regression (LASSO) analysis iden- tified 78 chromatin features from the indicated cell types that best dis- criminated red cell GWAS SNPs, after controlling for background characteristics. Bar heights are LASSO coefficients, indicating the relative importance of each feature. Subsequent application of this model was based only on these 78 chromatin features and associated coefficients. Ery, peripheral blood derived erythroblasts. MK, primary megakaryocytes. MK/Ery, K562 cells. Lymphoblast, GM12878 or GM12891. Figure S16. Pe- nalized regression model identifies genes relevant to erythroid and hematopoietic biology. a SNP scores for red cell trait model training SNPs, or a set of validation red cell trait GWAS SNPs, were significantly higher than genome-wide SNP scores. Bars represent mean±SEM, ****p< 0.0001 by ANOVA. b Performance comparison of our red cell trait model to DeepSEA [28], GWAVA [17], and CADD [29] for training red cell GWAS SNP identification. AUC values are shown in the legend. c Performance comparison of the indicated methods for validation red cell GWAS SNP identification. AUC values are shown in the legend corresponding to model accuracy in predicting validation SNPs (LASSO n=152, GWAVA n= 29, CADD n=23, DeepSEA n=152) vs. ~15,000 random controls. d Eryth- roid and hematopoiesis pathways [30] identified by the highest-scoring Thom et al. BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 13 of 16 (top 1%) SNPs genome-wide for the red cell model, excluding established red cell trait loci [6] (FDR, False Discovery Rate). Figure S17. High SNP scores for red cell trait model capture information from sub-genome- wide significant loci. a,b Higher SNP scores correlate with lower GWAS p- values for variation in a mean corpuscular volume (MCV) or b red blood cell count (RBC). SNPs were scored genome-wide and plotted against ar- bitrarily binned –log10(p-value) GWAS MCV or RBC variation values. A value of 7.3 for –log10(p-value) correlates with a p-value of 5x10 -8. Box- and-whisker plots show 25th-to-75th percent interval (red box) and standard deviation (whiskers). ****p < 0.0001 vs Column 1 (ANOVA, Dun- nett’s multiple comparison test). Significant linear correlations existed be- tween higher values of –log10(p-value) and SNP scores (Pr(>|t|)<2e-16 by linear regression significance test). c,d SNPs missed genome-wide signifi- cance for c MCV or d RBC were enriched for high SNP scores. SNPs that did not meet genome-wide significance were stratified into non- significant (p-value > 0.05) and marginally significant (p-value between 5x10-8 and 0.05). Bars represent mean±SEM. ****p < 0.0001 by Wilcoxon Rank Sum test. Acknowledgements We are grateful for thoughtful suggestions from Mortimer Poncz, Michele Lambert, Sara Borst, and members of the Voight laboratory, as well as technical support from Tapan Ganguly and Hetty Rodriguez (University of Pennsylvania Microarray Core Facility), and the Penn Medicine Academic Computing Services. We thank Osheiza Abdulmalik for generous use of his microscope for Cytospin imaging. Authors’ contributions CST and BFV conceived of this study. CST, CDJ, KL, JAM, AG, PG, DLF, and BFV conducted and/or analyzed the experiments. CST and BFV wrote the manuscript. BFV oversaw the work. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Funding This work was supported through R01DK101478 (BFV), a Linda Pechenik Montague Investigator Award (BFV), R01HL130698 (DLF, PG), T32HD043021 (CST), a Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia Neonatal and Perinatal Medicine Fellow’s Research Award (CST), an American Academy of Pediatrics Marshall Klaus Neonatal-Perinatal Research Award (CST), and a Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia Foerderer Award (CST). Availability of data and materials Relevant datasets and coding scripts can be found on GitHub (https://github. com/thomchr/2019.PLT.TPM1.Paper). All materials, data, code, or associated protocols will also be promptly available to readers upon request. Ethics approval and consent to participate Not applicable Consent for publication Not applicable Competing interests The authors declare no competing interests. Author details 1Division of Neonatology, Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 2Department of Systems Pharmacology and Translational Therapeutics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 3Department of Genetics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 4Center for Cellular and Molecular Therapeutics, Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 5Department of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine, Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 6Institute of Translational Medicine and Therapeutics, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA. Received: 13 February 2020 Accepted: 21 April 2020 References 1. Ulirsch JC, Lareau CA, Bao EL, Ludwig LS, Guo MH, Benner C, et al. 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BMC Biology (2020) 18:52 Page 16 of 16 Abstract Background Results Conclusions Introduction Results Penalized regression model identifies genetic regulatory loci for hematopoiesis Genome-wide model application Application of additional prediction methods Genome-wide model validation Exemplary candidate locus and gene identification Tropomyosin 1 modulation enhances in�vitro hematopoiesis Tropomyosin 1 locus is prioritized by red cell trait-based penalized regression model Discussion Conclusions Methods In silico analyses Expression quantitative trait locus analysis SNP selection Chromatin feature selection Penalized regression modeling Model performance comparison Model evaluation Linkage disequilibrium structure assessment Transcription factor binding site identification Human iPSC generation Karyotype analysis Copy number variation analysis iPSC hematopoietic differentiation and analysis Flow cytometry Gene expression analysis by RT-semiquantitative PCR Microarray analysis Cell analysis and imaging Western blots MK activation assay Data presentation Statistics Data availability Supplementary information Acknowledgements Authors’ contributions Funding Availability of data and materials Ethics approval and consent to participate Consent for publication Competing interests Author details References Publisher’s Note 
work_gsjx4lnh6rbpfbd37frkjw2maa	----	untitled Onkologie 2013;36(suppl 5):1 Published online: 1. Juli 2013 DOI: 10.1159/000353543 © 2013 S. Karger GmbH, Freiburg 0378-584X/13/3617-0001$38.00/0 Accessible online at: www.karger.com/onk Fax +49 761 4 52 07 14 Information@Karger.com www.karger.com Vorwort Mathias Freunda Diana Lüftnerb Martin Wilhelmc a Klinik für Innere Medizin III, Hämatologie, Onkologie, Palliativmedizin, Zentrum für Innere Medizin, Universitätsmedizin Rostock, b Medizinische Klinik mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie, Onkologie und Tumorimmunologie, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin, c Medizinische Klinik 5, Klinikum Nürnberg, Deutschland Die Flut der neuen Medikamente an sich und die damit verbundenen Kosten erfordern eine kritische Diskussion über die zukünftige Organisation klinischer Studien, über geeig- nete patientenrelevante Endpunkte, über Nutzenbewertung, über Kostenerstattung und über die Anpassung der Struktu- ren des Gesundheitswesens. Die DGHO – Deutsche Gesellschaft für Hämatologie und Medizinische Onkologie – hat diese Diskussion auf ihrer Frühjahrstagung 2013 geführt und in diesem Sonderheft zusammengefasst. Dieses Heft versteht sich als Statusdarstellung und ist eine Aufforderung zum weiteren gemeinsamen Nachdenken und Handeln. Die medikamentöse Tumortherapie ist ein zunehmend komplexes Gebiet geworden. In Deutschland sind über 130 verschiedene antineoplastisch wirksame Arzneimittel zugelas- sen. Eine Besonderheit der Onkologie ist, dass in den letzten 15 Jahren gleich zwei neue Substanzklassen von Medikamen- ten eingeführt wurden, die monoklonalen Antikörper (-mabs) und die gezielt wirkenden kleinen Moleküle (-mibs). Das Einsatzgebiet der medikamentösen Tumortherapie ist vielfältig. Es umfasst kurative Behandlungen in komplexen Schemata, adjuvante und neoadjuvante Ansätze sowie den gesamten Bereich der palliativen Therapie. Die Zahl der Zu- lassungen in der Hämatologie und Onkologie steigt jährlich. Die Indikationen werden zunehmend biochemisch und mole- kulargenetisch differenziert. Die Perspektiven für gezielt wirksame immunmodulierende Medikamente werden das Spektrum darüber hinaus erweitern. Prof. Dr. med. Mathias Freund Geschäftsführender Vorsitzender Priv.-Doz. Dr. med. Diana Lüftner Vorsitzende Prof. Dr. med. Martin Wilhelm Mitglied im Vorstand – Sekretär 
work_gw7qsrpkqjcm3ctgdferiqxc2a	----	JVR332.indd Fax +41 61 306 12 34 E-Mail karger@karger.ch www.karger.com Announcement © 2005 S. Karger AG, Basel Accessible online at: www.karger.com/jvr The GESELLSCHAFT FÜR MIKROZIRKULATION UND VASKULÄRE BIOLOGIE e.V. (German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology) invites applications and nominations for the Hermann-Rein-Award for outstanding achievements in the area of clinical or experimental research in microcirculation and vascular biology sponsored by Deutschland GmbH The prize amounting to EUR 2,000 is awarded on occasion of the next annual meeting of the German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology, September 15-17, 2005, in Rostock. The awardee will present the Hermann-Rein-Lecture during the meeting. Personal applications as well as other suggestions are invited. For personal applications, please provide: - 7 copies of a peer-reviewed paper (published or accepted for publication) with the applicant being the only or first author (agreement of co-authors is needed) - Exceptionally and if justified by contents, also a. 2 joint publications may be submitted b. a researcher's whole work may be evaluated - Should an extraordinary study have been performed by two authors equally responsible, a joint application is possible - Published articles should not be older than 2 years upon application - Curriculum vitae, research fields, reference list (7 copies) In case of suggestions which should include author and publication, the according appli- cation material will be solicited from the candidate by the prize committee. The awardee will be announced, if possible, in the following: - Homepage and sendings of the German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology - Homepage and sendings of the European Society for Microcirculation and other scientific societies - Deutsches Ärzteblatt as well as other suited journals (e.g. Journal of Vascular Research, etc.) Applications to / Further information: Prof. Dr. A.R. Pries, Charité - Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Dept. of Physiology, Arnimallee 22, 14195 Berlin, Tel.: (+49-30) 84 45-16 32 or -16 31 (secr.), FAX: +(49-30) 84 45-16 34; e-mail: axel.pries@charite.de Deadline for applications: June 15, 2005 
work_gwfyhbslxrevdcvozfl66auhqa	----	Sea-level rise and other influences on decadal-scale salinity variability in a coastal plain estuary lable at ScienceDirect Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 Contents lists avai Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ecss Sea-level rise and other influences on decadal-scale salinity variability in a coastal plain estuary Andrew C. Ross a, *, Raymond G. Najjar a, Ming Li b, Michael E. Mann c, Susan E. Ford d, Brandon Katz a, 1 a Department of Meteorology, 503 Walker Building, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802, USA b Horn Point Lab, University of Maryland Center for Environmental Science, P.O. Box 775, Cambridge, MD 21613, USA c Department of Meteorology and Earth and Environmental Systems Institute, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802, USA d Haskin Shellfish Research Laboratory, Rutgers University, 6959 Miller Avenue, Port Norris, NJ 08349, USA a r t i c l e i n f o Article history: Received 22 July 2014 Accepted 31 January 2015 Available online 5 March 2015 Keywords: estuaries salinity climate climatic changes sea level changes USA Delaware Delaware Estuary * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: andrewross@psu.edu (A.C. R (R.G. Najjar), mingli@umces.edu (M. Li), mann@psu.e rutgers.edu (S.E. Ford). 1 Present address: JLT Towers Re, New York, NY 10 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecss.2015.01.022 0272-7714/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. a b s t r a c t The response of salinity in the Delaware Estuary to climatic variations is determined using statistical models and long-term (1950-present) records of salinity from the U.S. Geological Survey and the Haskin Shellfish Research Laboratory. The statistical models include non-parametric terms and are robust against autocorrelated and heteroscedastic errors. After using the models to adjust for the influence of streamflow and seasonal effects on salinity, several locations in the estuary show significant upward trends in salinity. Insignificant trends are found at locations that are normally upstream of the salt front. The models indicate a positive correlation between rising sea levels and increasing residual salinity, with salinity rising from 2.5 to 4.4 per meter of sea-level rise. These results are consistent with results from 1D and dynamical models. Wind stress also appears to play some role in driving salinity variations, consistent with its effect on vertical mixing and Ekman transport between the estuary and the ocean. The results suggest that continued sea-level rise in the future will cause salinity to increase regardless of any change in streamflow. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction Salinity influences both the physical properties of an estuary and the characteristics of its ecosystem. For example, salinity is the dominant factor regulating stratification. Even small changes in the salinity of an estuary can have a significant impact on the estuary's ecosystem. For example, salinity influences the spread of oyster disease (Powell et al., 1992), the distribution and diversity of ammonia-oxidizing bacteria (Bernhard et al., 2005), and the development of phytoplankton blooms (Gallegos and Jordan, 2002). Understanding and mitigating the impacts of changing salinity are particularly important because climate change and other human activities have already stressed many estuarine eco- systems (Kennish, 2002). oss), najjar@meteo.psu.edu du (M.E. Mann), susan@hsrl. 017, USA. Many climatic and oceanic factors, including streamflow, sea level, oceanic salinity, and wind stress, have an influence on the salinity and water quality of an estuary. Streamflow determines the amount of fresh water entering the estuary. Elevated streamflows are typically associated with fresher water in the estuary; lower streamflows are associated with increased salinity in the estuary. Higher sea levels increase salinity by bringing more salt water into the estuary. Variations in oceanic salinity alter the salinity of water circulating into the estuary. Finally, wind stress may influence salinity through vertical mixing, Ekman transport and upwelling (Banas et al., 2004), and other mechanisms. Climate change has the potential to cause changes in all of these variables. Precipitation amounts, frequencies, and intensities are expected to change in many areas as a result of anthropogenic climate change, and the associated effects on streamflow may be complicated by land use and evaporation changes (Krakauer and Fung, 2008). Global mean sea level has risen significantly during the twentieth century and is expected to rise at an increasing rate through the twenty-first century (Rahmstorf, 2007; Vermeer and Rahmstorf, 2009; Church et al., 2013). Meanwhile, changes in Delta:1_given name Delta:1_surname Delta:1_given name Delta:1_surname Delta:1_given name Delta:1_surname mailto:andrewross@psu.edu mailto:najjar@meteo.psu.edu mailto:mingli@umces.edu mailto:mann@psu.edu mailto:susan@hsrl.rutgers.edu mailto:susan@hsrl.rutgers.edu http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.ecss.2015.01.022&domain=pdf www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02727714 http://www.elsevier.com/locate/ecss http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecss.2015.01.022 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecss.2015.01.022 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecss.2015.01.022 A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e9280 land use and large-scale atmospheric circulation have slowed winds over much of the Northern Hemisphere land area (Jiang et al., 2009; Vautard et al., 2010), although wind speeds have also increased in some areas (Hartmann et al., 2013). Regardless of the causes, salinity change could be detrimental to many estuaries. This study focuses on the salinity of the Delaware Estuary on the United States East Coast. Over 8 million people live within the Delaware River basin (Sanchez et al., 2012), and the estuary contains the largest freshwater port in the United States (Philadelphia) (Kauffman et al., 2011). The Delaware River and Es- tuary provide a significant amount of freshwater to New York City and Philadelphia. Salt intrusion into the Philadelphia area water supply can occur during periods of high salinity (Hull and Titus, 1986). These factors prompt the Delaware River Basin Commis- sion to carefully regulate the position of the salt front in the estuary. In addition, species in this estuary are typically sensitive to salinity; and interactions between parasites and hosts, as well as predators and prey, are often influenced by salinity. For instance, eastern oysters, a keystone species in the estuary, are host to two parasites that cause important diseases: Perkinsus marinus (dermo disease) and Haplosporidium nelsoni (MSX disease). The distribution of both parasites, as well as that of the oyster, is restricted by low salinity, but oysters can tolerate much lower salinity than either parasite, thereby providing low-salinity refuges from disease in the upper estuary (Haskin and Ford, 1982; Bushek et al., 2012; Ford et al., 2012). Because of the importance of the estuary and river for shipping, drinking water, and fishing, a number of studies have examined the physical properties of the estuary. Salinity is higher in the center of the estuary and lower near the shores. The estuary is weakly to partially stratified, and the lateral salinity difference is typically greater than the vertical difference (Wong and Münchow, 1995; Wong, 1995). However, significant vertical stratification can occur in the main channel (Aristiz�abal and Chant, 2013). The estuary experiences two tides per day as a result of a large principal lunar semidiurnal (M2) constituent (Wong, 1995). Salinity variability in the estuary produced by tidal advection is larger than the vari- ability caused by streamflow (Garvine et al., 1992). Sea level and circulation also vary on the subtidal time scale primarily as a result of wind forcing (Wong and Garvine, 1984). Several numerical modeling studies have examined the response of salinity to sea-level rise (Hull and Tortoriello, 1979; U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Philadelphia District (1997); Kim and Johnson, 2007). These studies found that salinity should increase in response to sea-level rise in most of the estuary. Numerical models have produced similar results in other estuaries, including the Chesapeake Bay (Hilton et al., 2008) and the San Francisco Bay (Cloern et al., 2011). Although numerical model simulations can be informative, they are also subject to potentially restrictive assumptions and are no substitute for long-term observations of salinity trends. For example, all modeling studies to date assume that sea-level rise has no influence on bottom topography, even though it is likely that sea-level rise causes increased shoreline erosion, which increases sediment deposition (Cronin et al., 2003). Thus, empirical methods are an essential complement to numerical models for determining the effects of climate change and sea-level rise on salinity. Ordinary linear regression is commonly applied to empirically model salinity. For example, Garvine et al. (1992) and Wong (1995) used linear regression to model the response of the salt intrusion length to streamflow in the Delaware Estuary. Marshall et al. (2011) used multiple linear regression to build predictive models of salinity in the Florida Everglades. However, when applying linear regression, care must be taken to account for issues such as cor- relation among data (autocorrelation), non-constant variance (heteroscedasticity), and non-linearity that are commonly found in water quality data (including salinity data). Autoregressive models have been applied to empirically model salinity by taking advantage of the highly autocorrelated nature of most water quality data. Using autoregressive models, Gibson and Najjar (2000) predicted the response of salinity in the Ches- apeake Bay to future changes in streamflow, and Hilton et al. (2008) tested whether sea-level rise has caused significant changes in Chesapeake Bay salinity. Saenger et al. (2006) used autoregressive models to relate river discharge to salinity and to reconstruct Ho- locene discharge and precipitation in the Chesapeake Bay watershed. Other studies have applied additive models to empirically model salinity. The additive model and the related generalized additive model expand the traditional linear regression model by modeling the response variable with one or more smooth functions with forms that are nonparametric (i.e., are not defined a priori). Several authors have recently applied these models in studies of salinity and other water quality metrics. Jolly et al. (2001) and Morton and Henderson (2008) used additive and generalized ad- ditive models to determine changes in river salinity. Autin and Edwards (2010) applied additive models to extract tidal variations from salinity, dissolved oxygen, and temperature data and found that the additive methods performed better than multiple regression. Neither additive nor autoregressive models offer a complete solution to the problems of autocorrelation, non-linear relation- ships, and heteroscedasticity commonly found in water quality data. Additive models are not typically robust against correlated or heteroscedastic errors, and autoregressive models do not handle heteroscedasticity or non-linear relationships between variables. Additive mixed models (AMMs) offer a solution to the compli- cations commonly encountered when modeling water quality time series. AMMs combine the nonparametric smooth functions of additive models with the ability to handle correlated errors and observations. AMMs are popular in many environmental fields that deal with autocorrelated and non-linear data, such as air pollution (Coull et al., 2001) and paleoclimatology (Simpson and Anderson, 2009). In this work, AMMs are applied to perform a data-driven analysis of the effects of climatic variations on salinity in the Delaware Estuary. 2. Methods 2.1. Study area and data The Delaware Estuary is located in the Eastern United States to the east of the Chesapeake Bay (Fig. 1a). The Delaware River is the primary source of river discharge to the estuary. The head of tide extends to Trenton. Salt intrusion normally extends through the lower half of the estuary (Garvine et al., 1992). Salinity in the Delaware Estuary has been measured through many different monitoring programs, including surveys, automated sensors, and boat sensors. However, records with long-term data coverage are rare. The goal of this analysis was to determine which variables have an influence on salinity over long time periods. In addition, the statistical models that were applied perform better with larger amounts of data. As a result, of the many salinity datasets that are available, the automated sensor data from the United States Geological Survey (USGS) and bottom salinity mea- surements from the Haskin Shellfish Research Laboratory (HSRL) were selected for statistical modeling. Both datasets are suitable for studying long-term trends, as they include a large number of measurements and together cover the period from the 1950s to the present. Fig. 1. a: Map of the United States East Coast. Black box indicates the region shown in b. b: Map of the Delaware Estuary, including the sea-level measurement site at Atlantic City and the locations where the USGS measured salinity and streamflow. Black box indicates the region shown in c. c: Locations of the oyster beds where the Haskin Shellfish Research Laboratory measured bottom salinity. Names correspond to the IDs in Table 1b. A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 81 The USGS has measured near-surface salinity at five locations in the Delaware Estuary since the 1960s (Table 1a, Fig.1b). The salinity data are reported as daily averages that are computed from instantaneous measurements every 15 min. The measurements from Reedy Island Jetty contain the least amount of missing data. The USGS discontinued measurements at Ship John Shoal in 1986. Chester, Fort Mifflin, and Ben Franklin Bridge contain a large amount of missing data, particularly during winter months. When this analysis was performed, the USGS had approved the accuracy of salinity measurements through 2012, so values from Table 1 a: Summary of USGS salinity data. Columns provide station name, axial distance (distance from the mouth of the estuary), percent of non-missing monthly means during 1964e2012, and mean salinity for the five USGS salinity stations in the es- tuary. Mean salinity was calculated from all available monthly means. Axial distance was obtained from the Delaware River Basin Commission. b: Summary of oyster bed salinity data. Columns provide oyster bed ID, approximate axial and lateral distance, and mean of all available bottom salinity measurements for each oyster bed. Axial and lateral distances are approximated based on distances from the lines shown in Fig. 1c. (a) Name Axial dist. (km) Data coverage (%) Mean salinity Ben Franklin Bridge 161 77 0.12 Fort Mifflin 147 31 0.15 Chester 133 74 0.22 Reedy Island 87 87 4.4 Ship John Shoal 60 28 13 (b) ID Axial dist. (km) Lateral dist. (km) Number of obs. Mean salinity ARN 34.87 �1.82 409 11.5 MID 28.62 �0.93 303 13.6 COH 26.64 �2.98 643 13.9 SHJ 26.00 �0.44 178 14.8 SHR 21.68 �1.07 596 15.0 BEN 16.91 �2.82 491 17.0 NPT 14.69 �5.11 120 16.3 HGS 13.83 �3.45 193 17.0 NWB 13.27 �2.91 572 17.5 LDG 9.83 0.41 226 19.6 BDN 9.29 �5.91 329 17.7 EIS 7.69 �3.89 316 19.1 the earliest possible date through 2012 were used. Salinity mea- surements from all locations were converted from electrical con- ductivity to practical salinity units using the algorithm introduced by Lewis and Perkin (1981) and simplified by Schemel (2001). To focus on long-term variations and to reduce the computational time needed to fit the statistical models, the salinity data were converted from daily means to monthly means by averaging any month with at least 15 days of data. Plots of the annual cycles and anomalies in these data are shown in Fig. 2. Salinity is typically highest in late summer and early autumn and lowest in mid-spring, and streamflow follows the opposite pattern. Similarly, streamflow anomalies were lowest and salinity anomalies highest during the extensive drought in the 1960s and reversed during the wetter 1970s and 2000s. The accuracy of the USGS salinity measurements should be sufficient for statistical analysis. The earlier USGS measurements were made with a flow-through monitor. The accuracy stated by the USGS documentation for electrical conductivity (salinity) measurements from the flow-through monitor is ±3% of the full scale (Gordon and Katzenbach, 1983). The USGS also issues an annual water data report for each location, which classifies the measurements into four accuracy categories. During recent years, the USGS has typically categorized the accuracy as ±3�10% or ±10�15%. Even ±3% may be too pessimistic, however, as Katzenbach (1990) determined that the flow-through monitor was more accurate than other systems and that the monitor performed better than the stated accuracy. Furthermore, some USGS locations, including Reedy Island, have recently switched to a YSI Incorpo- rated sonde that has a stated salinity accuracy of 0.1 or 1%, whichever is greater (Mark R. Beaver, personal communication, March 5, 2007). Assuming these errors are random, they will be absorbed by the model residual and will not bias the analysis. Relocations are more difficult to account for and could affect the analysis. The USGS station at Chester moved 0.8 km upstream in April 1981, and the Ben Franklin Bridge station moved 0.09 km upstream in July 1988. Despite these relocations, the USGS has approved these data, so no attempt was made to correct for the effects of the relocations. Salinity was also measured at various oyster beds in the Dela- ware Bay by the HSRL. Haskin (1972) and Haskin and Ford (1982) Fig. 2. a: Mean annual cycles of salinity and streamflow. The annual cycles were calculated using all data after 1970 to exclude the unusual drought in the 1960s. b: Time series of anomalies. A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e9282 report some results from this measurement program. From the 1950s to about 1980, HSRL salinity measurements were made by titration; thereafter, conductivity was measured using an “Autosal” Laboratory Salinometer and converted to practical salinity units. The sampling frequency was irregular; many beds were sampled once or twice per month, and sampling occurred more often in the warm season. The locations of the 12 oyster beds used in this analysis are shown in Fig.1c, and river distances and mean salinities are provided in Table 1b. Whereas the USGS measures surface salinity, the HSRL measured bottom salinity. Because the mea- surements were made intermittently from about 1950 to 1990, they were not reduced to monthly averages. Tide stage, streamflow, and day of year are included in the statistical models used to analyze these data to minimize the impact of the intermittent and instan- taneous sampling frequency. Daily averages of streamflow in the Delaware River at Trenton, NJ were obtained from the USGS. At Trenton, the flow is approxi- mately 58% of the total discharge into the estuary from land (Sharp, 1983; Sharp et al., 1986). Measurements were also obtained from the Schuylkill River near Philadelphia, PA, which accounts for an additional 15% of the total discharge. The Schuylkill gauge, which is upstream of the entrance of the river into the Delaware River, has a drainage area of 4903 km2 compared to the total of 4952 km2 in the watershed. To approximate the actual flow into the Delaware River, the Schuylkill gauge measurements were multiplied by the ratio of the total drainage area to the gauged drainage area and added to A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 83 the corresponding day's average streamflow at Trenton (except when analyzing the salinity at the Ben Franklin Bridge, which is upstream of the Schuylkill River). No other river or stream con- tributes more than 1% to the total discharge (Sharp et al., 1986). For use in modeling monthly mean salinity at the five USGS stations, the daily total streamflows were converted to monthly means. Before modeling the instantaneous oyster bed salinity measurements, the daily streamflow measurements were smoothed with an exponential moving average with a weight co- efficient of 1/15. This accounts for the slow response of the estuary to streamflow. The weight coefficient was determining by maxi- mizing the model's log-likelihood. Goodness of fit measures also indicated that applying an exponential moving average produced better fits than other methods, such as applying a simple lag. Monthly averages of sea level at Atlantic City, NJ were obtained from the Permanent Service for Mean Sea Level (Holgate et al., 2013). Atlantic City was selected because it is just outside of the estuary. To match the monthly mean sea level with the instanta- neous oyster bed salinity measurements, the mean sea levels were interpolated to the days of the oyster bed salinity measurements using cubic splines. Because the oyster bed salinities were measured throughout the tidal cycle, it is also necessary to also account for tidal fluctuations in sea level. However, measurements of sea level with sufficient temporal resolution are not available for most of the time period of the oyster bed salinity measurements. Instead, the water level at Ship John Shoal, which is approximately in the middle of the axial length of the oyster beds, was approximated using harmonic con- stituents obtained from the National Ocean Service. Although the time difference between a high or low tide and the corresponding salinity measurement is provided in the HSRL data, the actual time of measurement is not. Therefore, to match the salinity measure- ments with a time and water level, the water level predictions were offset by the provided time difference. Then it was assumed that salinity measurements would have only taken place during the day (8AMe8PM), so the appropriate offset high or low water level in this range was selected. In the event that measurements could have occurred at either 8AM or 8PM, the two water levels were averaged. The subtidal mean sea levels discussed in the previous paragraph are not correlated with the tidal water levels, so it is permissible to include both in the statistical models. The accuracy of the oyster bed data is unknown, and errors may be present in the data, particularly since the data were read from punch cards. To eliminate outliers, the local outlier factor method (Breunig et al., 2000) was applied. Here, the outlier factor was based on how isolated an observation's salinity, log-streamflow, and sea-level values are compared to a minimum of the 15 near- est points in the three dimensional salinity-streamflow-sea-level space. The 1% of the data (43 observations) with the worst outlier factors were discarded. Although removing these outliers improved the error distributions obtained after applying the sta- tistical models later in the analysis, the results of the analysis were not significantly different. The time series of salinity at each oyster bed after removing outliers are shown in Fig. 3. As would be ex- pected, the patterns in the oyster bed bottom salinity are similar to those in the USGS surface salinity data. Salinity is typically lowest in spring and highest in autumn, and the impact of the extensive drought in the 1960s is immediately visible in the anomaly time series. Long-term measurements of offshore salinity outside of the Delaware Bay are not available. Instead, the Gulf Stream Index (Taylor, 1995), which represents the first principal component of the latitude of the north wall of the Gulf Stream, was used as a proxy for oceanic salinity. Lee and Lwiza (2008) determined that the index is a suitable proxy for salinity in the Mid-Atlantic Bight. The monthly data from 1966 to 2013 were obtained from http:// www.pml-gulfstream.org.uk/. Wind speed and direction were obtained from the North American Regional Reanalysis (Mesinger et al., 2006), which has a horizontal resolution of 32 km. Reanalysis data are advantageous because they contain no missing data or instrument biases and because they provide complete coverage over water (although they do so by blending observations with imperfect models). Wind data were taken from three reanalysis grid points over the Delaware Bay between 38.8 and 39.63�N, 74.9e75.6�W. 3-hourly wind speed and direction from the reanalysis were used to compute the meridional and zonal components of the wind stress with the equation t ! ¼ C10r ����U10��! ����U10��!, where C10 is a drag coefficient, r is the density of air, ����U10��! ���� is the wind speed at 10 m, and U10��! is the wind vector at 10 m. C10, which varies with wind speed, was calculated using the equation from Wu (1982) assuming constant air density. The wind stress components and magnitude were then averaged over the bay and by month to form monthly averages. Finally, alongshore and cross-shore wind stresses were calculated using an alongshore di- rection of south-southwest to north-northeast (the orientation of the estuary's mouth) and a cross-shore direction of east-southeast to west-northwest. Wind stresses over the shelf were also computed but not used because they were nearly identical to stresses over the Bay at the monthly time scale. The reanalysis data only cover 1979 through the present. When relating salinity to wind stress, any salinity measurements before 1979 were dropped. 2.2. Statistical models The influences of observed streamflow, sea level, wind stress, and oceanic salinity on estuarine salinity were extracted using AMMs. A separate AMM was used to model each USGS location. The oyster beds are relatively similar to each other, so one AMM was used to model all of the oyster beds together with a term included to account for random variability between beds. The basic model for surface salinity at each USGS station was Si ¼ b0 þ b1Xi þ fQðQiÞ þ fMðMonthiÞ þ εi (1) where Si is the ith monthly-mean salinity value, b0 is a constant intercept, fQ(Qi) is a spline that relates salinity to streamflow and is evaluated at the streamflow value Qi, and fM(Monthi) is a cyclic spline for capturing seasonality in salinity that is not explained by the other independent variables and is evaluated at the ith month. b1Xi is an optional term used to test the importance of another variable Xdfor example, sea level. This term is analogous to that in an ordinary or multiple linear regression model. The residual εi is assumed to follow a Gaussian distribution with zero mean and variance s2L, i.e. εi � Nð0; s2LÞ, where L functions as a weight that accounts for autocorrelation and heteroscedasticity. Note that an ordinary regression model assumes εi � Nð0; s2Þ, and therefore does not account for autocorrelation or heteroscedasticity. For the oyster bed bottom salinity data, the basic model was Sij ¼ bi þ b0 þ � b1Xij � þ b2Hij þ b3xi þ b4yi þ fQ � Qij � þ fDD � DDij � þ εij (2) where the subscript j denotes an individual observation at the ith oyster bed.In thismodel,bi isa uniqueinterceptforeachoysterbed; it accounts for random variability in background mean salinity mea- surementsateachoysterbed. Thisvariabilitycouldoccurasa resultof other physical factors that are not in the model such as depth, http://www.pml-gulfstream.org.uk/ http://www.pml-gulfstream.org.uk/ Fig. 3. a: Mean annual cycles of bottom salinity at the oyster beds. b: Time series of salinity anomalies. A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e9284 proximitytounmodeledfreshwatersources,orlocalcirculation.Allof the b parameters are analogous to the parameters in a multiple linear regression model. b0 is a constant intercept that applies to every bed. b1Xij is an optional term for some predictor X. b2 gives the slope of the response of salinity to tidal water level and Hij is the water level predicted from harmonics. b3 is the axial salinitygradient and xi is the relative axial distance for the ith oyster bed (column 1 in Table 1b). Lateral salinitygradients can be large in the Delaware Estuary (Wong, 1994), so b4yi accounts for the lateral salinity gradient and distance (column 2 in Table 1b). fQ(Qij) is a smooth function of exponential moving averaged streamflow. fDD(DDij) is a cyclic spline that relates salinity to decimal day. Finally, the residuals εij � Nð0; s2LiÞ, where Li includes only heteroscedasticity. To test the influence of sea level, oceanic salinity, and wind stress on the salinity measurements, additional terms representing these variables were inserted as the optional terms in the two basic models (Equations (1) and (2)). For example, to test the influence of sea level on the USGS salinity data, an additional term b1Hi was added to Equation (1). This term works like a traditional linear regression model, and is known as a parametric term because it has a specified form. In this example, b1 represents a slope that models the linear response of salinity to sea level. When adding additional terms to the model, all available data were used (in other words, pairwise deletion of missing values was applied). The time trend and sea level slope were tested for both the USGS salinity moni- toring locations and for the oyster beds. The influences of oceanic A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 85 salinity and wind stress were only tested at the USGS salinity monitoring locations. 2.2.1. Smoothing functions The terms fQ, fM, and fDD in Equations (1) and (2) are smoothing functions that enable the response of salinity to the predictor var- iables to be modeled nonparametrically. For example, fQ models the influence of streamflow on salinity. The shape and amount of smoothness of the functions are determined by the model fitting algorithm. The USGS locations are notably different, so fQ and fM are determined separately for each location. The oyster beds have sufficiently similar responses to streamflow and residual season- ality, so all of the oyster beds were grouped together to determine fQ and fDD. To make the model algebraically fit, the expected value of every smoothing function is set to zero (Wood, 2006). This is a purely algebraic concern and has no practical influence on the re- sults other than centering the smoothing functions at zero. Thin plate regression splines (Wood, 2003) were applied to model the response of salinity to streamflow. These splines are considered optimal for use in additive models (Wood, 2006). To account for residual seasonal effects, a cyclic cubic spline was used to model the response of salinity to the current month (for the USGS monthly averages) or to the decimal day of the year (for the HSRL instantaneous measurements). A cubic spline is a piecewise curve composed from a number of cubic polynomials. The locations where the polynomials are joined are known as knots. At each knot, the values and first and second derivatives of the joining poly- nomials are equal. For cyclic cubic splines, the first and last knots also have equal values and first and second derivatives. This makes a cyclic spline useful for modeling data where the response should be similar at the boundaries of the predictor variable. The first and last knots in the smoothing function were placed at months 1 and 13 or decimal days 0 and 1, which causes the spline to smooth continuously from December to January. The remaining knots were placed with even spacing by the model fitting algorithm. 2.2.2. Distributions The distribution for the residuals is εiðjÞ � Nð0; s2LðiÞÞ, where the subscripts in parenthesis are used in Equation (2) but not Equation (1). The L s are defined to accommodate any autocorrelation or heteroscedasticity, and the subscript i in the second distribution indicates that the residuals are independent from values at other oyster beds. For both the USGS and HSRL salinity data, the variance was assumed to depend on a power function of streamflow such that varðεiðjÞÞ ¼ s2 ���QiðjÞ ���2d (Pinheiro and Bates, 2000). Other vari- ance structures including homoscedastic errors, variances related to the fitted values, and exponential relationships were also considered. Experiments indicated that the power function of streamflow produced the highest likelihoods for most models. Furthermore, not including the fitted values in the variance func- tion allows the use of exact procedures to find the parameter d (Pinheiro and Bates, 2000). In addition to heteroscedasticity, temporal autocorrelation is also present in the USGS data. This autocorrelation is a common problem in hydrological and climatological time series (Hirsch and Slack, 1984). A first-order autoregressive (AR1) error process was used to model the temporal autocorrelation in the USGS data. The lag-1 correlation was estimated by the model fitting algorithm. The USGS locations are modeled separately, so spatial autocorrelation is not an issue. There was typically enough time between successive observations in the HSRL data that both spatial and temporal autocorrelation were assumed negligible. Additive mixed models assume a Gaussian distribution for the errors; however, the errors may be modeled as following another distribution in the exponential family, such as the gamma or Poisson distribution. In this case, the model is known as a gener- alized additive mixed model. The gamma distribution may seem like the best option for modeling salinity since both are positive definite. However, tests comparing the model performances and the distributions of the residuals indicated that the standard ad- ditive mixed model with a Gaussian distribution was by far the best choice for modeling salinity. One consequence of this choice is that the models can predict negative salinities. In practice, however, this rarely occurred. 2.2.3. Fitting and testing Additive mixed models can be fit using maximum likelihood estimation (MLE) methods (Wood, 2006). However, MLE generally produces biased estimates of variance. A modification to MLE known as restricted maximum likelihood estimation (REML) solves this problem. However, REML makes model selection difficult because two models that have been fit with REML can only be compared under certain restrictive conditions. Mixed models contain terms for both fixed effects and random effects. Fixed effects are model parame- ters that apply to the entire population being sampled. Random effects apply to an individual unit or group that was randomly taken from the population. For example, the unique intercept term bi in Equation (2) is a random effect because the value for bi is different for each oyster bed and is assumed to be drawn from a random normal distribution. The term b1 is a fixed effect because it applies to all observations from all oyster beds. The smooth terms such as fQ are split into both fixed and random effects (Lin and Zhang, 1999; Wood, 2004). REML works by removing the fixed ef- fects from the likelihood maximization procedure (Corbeil and Searle, 1976). As a result, it is only possible to compare models fit with REML when the fixed effects are identical (Pinheiro and Bates, 2000; Wood, 2006). To resolve this issue, the significance of the model terms was tested using models fit with MLE. The resulting best model was then re-fit with REML to produce the final results. Likelihood ratio tests were applied to determine the significance of the fixed effects. The likelihood ratio test works under the assumption that twice the difference of the log-likelihoods of two nested models has a known c2 distribution (Wilks, 1938; Pinheiro and Bates, 2000). Model selection for the unique intercept (bi in Equation (2)) and other random effects, such as a separate trend for each oyster bed, was performed by including all possible fixed effects, fitting with REML, and using likelihood ratio tests to determine which random effects to include. Finally, the fixed effects were tested using MLE as above and the final best model was re-fit using REML. These methods indicated that a random intercept for each oyster bed significantly improved the model. However, other random effects did not improve the model. The models were fit and tested using the mgcv version 1.7e28 package of the open source statistical software R (Wood, 2014). Details of the methods used in this software are described in Wood (2003, 2004, 2006). 3. Results 3.1. Basic models Streamflow is often one of the primary influences on estuarine salinity. In the Delaware Estuary, the annual cycles of salinity and streamflow are clearly opposed (Fig. 2); maximum streamflow and minimum salinity both occur in April, and minimum streamflow in August precedes peak salinity in September and October. Similarly, salinity was unusually high during the drought of the mid 1960s and subsequently declined during the period of increased Fig. 5. Seasonal variations in salinity. For the oyster beds, the smooth plots the rela- tionship between salinity and decimal day of year (term fDD in Equation (2)). For the USGS data, the smooths show the relationships between salinity and month of year (term fM in Equation (1)). The gray shaded regions indicate ±2 standard errors. A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e9286 precipitation and streamflow in the 1970s. There is also a modest downward trend in salinity after 1980 corresponding to a moderate increase in streamflow during this time. Equations (1) and (2) model this relationship between salinity and streamflow. The fitted smooth functions of streamflow fQ, without the optional term b1Xi(j), are shown in Fig. 4. Actual salinity predictions from the model are derived by adding the values from this smooth function with the intercept and other terms in the model; therefore, these smooth functions of streamflow represent only the modeled influence of streamflow on salinity. Smooth terms such as fQ are specified to have an expected value of 0, so negative values for the smooths are entirely valid. The smooths show that salinity and streamflow are negatively correlated, as expected. The magnitude of the marginal response of salinity to streamflow is larger under low-flow conditions. The residual seasonal variation included in the model appears similar at all locations (Fig. 5). In general, after accounting for the influence of streamflow, salinity is lowest in May and June and highest in October and November. These residual seasonal terms are not significantly changed after including the additional model terms that are discussed in the following paragraphs. The basic terms included in the oyster bed model also give the response to tidal water level and the axial and lateral salinity gra- dients. Likelihood ratio tests indicated that all three terms improved the model. The response of salinity to tidal water level, b2, is 1.1 m �1, which is smaller than the response to subtidal (monthly-mean) sea level (presented later in Table 2). This is reasonable, since the estuarine salinity field may not fully adjust to sea level over the tidal time scale but should over the monthly time scale. The axial salinity gradient (b3 ¼ �0.28 km�1) and lateral salinity gradient (b4 ¼ 0.35 km�1) are similar in the oyster bed re- gion. The axial gradient of bottom salinity is slightly weaker than the �0.337 km�1 calculated by Garvine et al. (1992) from five bottom and near-surface monitoring stations spread throughout Fig. 4. Relationship between streamflow and salinity. The black lines denote term fQ in Equations (1) and (2). The shaded gray regions indicate ±2 standard errors. the estuary. The lateral distance was defined as positive away from the eastern shore of the bay, so the positive lateral gradient in- dicates that salinity increases away from the eastern beds and to- wards the center of the bay, which is consistent with Wong (1994). The adjusted R2 value for the model fit to Reedy Island salinity is 0.73. Farther down the estuary, the adjusted R2 value for the fit to salinity is 0.57 at Ship John Shoal and 0.83 at the oyster beds. Up- stream at Chester, Fort Mifflin, and Ben Franklin bridge, the adjusted R2 values are 0.18, 0.60, and 0.55 respectively. The reduced performance at these upstream locations is a result of higher variability of salinity and the weaker relationship between salinity and streamflow under low-flow conditions. As a result of the higher variability and weaker relationship, streamflow has less predictive power under low-flow conditions, and any statistical model based on streamflow would have reduced performance. The high salinity variability may simply be the result of some sort of random or in- ternal variability, or a process that happens at longer or shorter time scales than are captured by the model. It is also possible that extremely low flows amplify the effect of sea level, wind, and other factors. For example, although the axial salinity gradient in the estuary is mostly constant, salinity levels far upstream exhibit a Table 2 Trends in streamflow-adjusted salinity and response of salinity to sea level. Bold indicates results that are significant at the 95% confidence level. Location Trend (decade�1) Response to sea level (m�1) Ben Franklin Bridge 8.9 � 10�4 (0.30) 3.8 � 10�3 (0.68) Fort Mifflin 2.5 � 10�3 (0.31) 3.3 � 10�2 (0.17) Chester 2.1 � 10�4 (0.99) 2.6 � 10�2 (0.30) Reedy Island 0.17 (1.4 � 10�2) 3.3 (5.2 � 10�5) Ship John Shoal 1.6 (5.6 � 10�2) 4.4 (3.4 � 10�2) Oyster beds 0.38 (<1.0 � 10�5) 2.5 (6.2 � 10�3) A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 87 more gradual transition to riverine salinity (Ketchum, 1952). Under low-flow conditions, the region of gradual transition could shift farther upstream, increasing the axial salinity gradient in this re- gion and possibly the effect of sea level, wind, and other factors. The model performance could be improved if these variables had a predictable change in effect under low-flow conditions or if there was some other variable that is important only under low-flow conditions and could explain this variability. However, we did not find any variable that did. Finally, we note that the poor perfor- mance at Chester may also be caused by the gauge's proximity to Chester Creek or by possible freshwater release or removal by nearby manufacturing facilities. At all locations, the models often, but not always, underpredict when salinity is high. This can be seen in Fig. 6, which plots the relationship between the observed and modeled salinity. One concern was that this bias could have been caused by the use of smoothing splines to approximate the sharply nonlinear response to streamflow under low-flow conditions. However, experimental results described in the discussion indicated that the modeling methods were reasonable even when approximating exponentials. Furthermore, other smoothing methods did not perform better at correctly predicting high salinities. Long-term trends are also present in the model residuals (Fig. 7). This suggests that after accounting for streamflow, salinity in the estuary has been increasing with time. To test the significance of these trends, a parametric time term was added to Equations (1) and (2). The resulting trends and p-values are provided in Fig. 6. The difference between modeled and observed salinity versus modeled salinity. Mod line marks where there is no difference between observed and modeled values. The sign has higher than the observed salinity and negative values indicate that the model-predicted sa Table 2. Significant upward trends in streamflow-adjusted salinity are found at the oyster beds and Reedy Island. Upward trends are also found at all of the remaining locations; however, none of these trends are significantly different from zero at the 95% confidence level. The lack of statistical significance may reflect the short observational records, particularly at Ship John Shoal and Fort Mifflin, and the possibility of higher variability due to the proximity of the upstream locations (Chester, Fort Mifflin, and Ben Franklin Bridge) to the salt front. It should also be noted that each location covers slightly different time periods. 3.2. Effect of sea level Over the last century, sea level along the East Coast of the United States has risen significantly, and levels have been increasing faster than the global average along much of the coast (Sallenger et al., 2012). Locally, since measurements began in 1911, sea level at Atlantic City, NJ has risen at a rate of 0.41 m per century. The long- term trend has been nearly linear, although some short-term var- iations are present. Is sea-level rise responsible for the increasing trends in streamflow-adjusted salinity? This hypothesis was tested by including a parametric term for sea level in Equations (1) and (2) (and removing the time term previously included). Note that high and low tide water level, without sea-level rise or subtidal fluctuations, is already included in the oyster bed model to allow observations from both high and low tide to be combined. The resulting coefficients for the eled salinity values are from Equations (1) and (2) without the optional term. The black been configured so that positive values indicate that the model-predicted salinity was linity was less than the observed salinity. Fig. 7. Timeseries of model residuals. The gray dots are the raw residuals (observed minus modeled salinity) for the models in Equations (1) and (2) without the optional term. The black lines show the trends that result when a term for time is added to these models. Table 3 Responses of salinity to alongshore wind stress, along-estuary wind stress, and wind stress magnitude. p-values are indicated in parenthesis. Bold indicates locations where the results are significant at the 95% confidence level. Alongshore wind stress is defined as positive when it has a south-southwest to north-northeast component. Negative slopes indicate that salinity is lowered when the alongshore wind stress is from this direction. Along-estuary wind stress is defined as positive when it has a component pointing upstream perpendicular to the alongshore direction. Units for all values are psu per N m�2. Location Alongshore Along-estuary Magnitude Ben Franklin Bridge 7.1 � 10�2 (0.41) 0.11 (0.14) 0.11 (0.11) Fort Mifflin �7.3 � 10�2 (0.67) 0.65 (8.6 � 10�5) 0.21 (0.18) Chester �0.33 (0.31) 0.51 (9.2 � 10�2) 0.13 (0.55) Reedy Island ¡23 (2.0 � 10�4) 6.5 (0.25) 11.0 (4.8 � 10�2) Ship John Shoal ¡49 (1.2 � 10�2) �3.6 (0.72) 4.4 (0.74) A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e9288 sensitivity of salinity to sea level are provided in Table 2. These results indicate that there is a significant correlation between sea level and estuarine salinity, with salinity increasing by as much as 4.4 per meter of sea-level rise. Due to the significant upward trends in streamflow-adjusted salinity already detected, any time series with a significant trend would likely be modeled as having a significant effect on salinity. However, the results here are reasonable, as there is a physical reason to expect increasing salinity with increasing sea level. Adjusted R2 values for the models with the time term were similar to those with the sea-level term (0.54 vs. 0.55, 0.60 vs. 0.61, 0.17 vs. 0.17, 0.75 vs. 0.75, 0.62 vs. 0.65, 0.84 vs. 0.83 in order of distance downstream). The model likelihoods (as well as Akaike information criterion values) were slightly better for all models with the sea- level term except at the oyster beds. Finally, several studies examined in the discussion using idealized and dynamical models have arrived at similar sensitivities. Idealized models with exponentially decreasing estuary widths predict that the response of salinity to sea level is not a simple linear function but rather a power function (Savenije, 1993; Hilton et al., 2008). A simple way of testing this non-parametrically is to replace the parametric relationship between salinity and sea level with a smooth term. Likelihood ratios indicated that the null model with a linear response to sea level was never rejected. This does not necessarily mean that the response of salinity to sea level is linear; however, it does indicate that any other form of response is not detected in the current data. 3.3. Effect of winds In addition to streamflow and sea level, wind stress may affect the salinity of the estuary by generating turbulent mixing and estuary-shelf exchanges. Because of the interaction between wind stress and sea level, the sea-level terms in the previous models were dropped and replaced with terms for wind stress. The indi- vidual wind stress components (alongshore, along-estuary, and magnitude) were also tested separately to avoid any problems caused by correlations between the components. Parametric terms were used to represent all of the wind stress terms because, like sea level, smooth relationships between salinity and wind stress were never significantly better. The results are presented in Table 3. Alongshore wind stress from the south-southwest to the north- northeast should induce Ekman transport away from the estuary and lower sea level and salinity. Wind stress from the opposite direction should have the opposite effect. The effect of low- frequency alongshore wind stress variability on subtidal sea level and circulation has been observed in the Delaware Estuary (Wong and Moses-Hall, 1998). Using generalized least squares (Pinheiro and Bates, 2000) with an AR(2) error covariance, there is also a significant negative correlation between sea level and alongshore wind stress in the data used in this study (p < 1 � 10�5). The resulting effects of wind stress on salinity were detected at Reedy Island and Ship John Shoal (Table 3). The values at the remaining locations were not significantly different from zero. Along-estuary wind stress may also affect salinity and sea level by directly inducing set-up inside the estuary. However, with the alongshore component in the previous regression models replaced by the along-estuary component, the effects of along-estuary wind stress were only significant at Fort Mifflin. This result is supported by Wong and Moses-Hall (1998), who found that although local wind effects have some influence on subtidal currents in the upper estuary, there is little coherence between subtidal current and surface salinity in this region. Similarly, Garvine (1985) determined that subtidal sea level and barotropic current fluctuations should primarily be produced by remote wind effects. The magnitude of wind stress may also have an effect on salinity, for example by increasing or decreasing vertical mixing in the es- tuary. The Delaware Estuary has strong tides and is traditionally A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 89 considered weakly to partially stratified (Wong and Münchow, 1995; Wong, 1995), meaning any effect of wind mixing should be relatively small. However, strong vertical salinity stratification can occur, particularly during spring (Sharp et al., 1986). To test this influence, the along-estuary component in the previous regression model was replaced with a component for wind stress magnitude. A significant relationship was found at Reedy Island. The slopes at Reedy Island and the remaining insignificant locations were all positive, consistent with the hypothesis that higher winds will in- crease surface salinity by increasing vertical mixing. 3.4. Effect of oceanic salinity Finally, variability in oceanic salinity may also influence the salinity of the estuary. When a parametric term for the Gulf Stream Index is included in Equation (1), the term is significant only at Reedy Island (b1 ¼0.10,p ¼ 1.8 � 10�2). The sign of the slope b is positive, consistent with the hypothesis that a northward displacement of the Gulf Stream will increase oceanic salinity offshore on the Mid-Atlantic Bight and drive more saline water into the estuary. The terms are also positive at all of the remaining USGS locations except Chester; however, the terms are not statistically significant. This does not necessarily disprove the influence of oceanic salinity on estuarine salinity. Because the Gulf Stream Index is a highly variable time series, the statistical models may have difficulty identifying any relationship between oceanic and estua- rine salinity. In addition, there could be a lag between movement of the Gulf Stream and any associated changes in estuarine salinity, or the influence of oceanic salinity could occur over longer time scales that would not necessarily be detected by examining monthly averages. 4. Discussion 4.1. Sea level impact on estuarine salinity Assuming that the statistical models are reliable and the effects of unmodeled influences are negligible, the results show that a long-term upward trend in salinity is present after accounting for the effects of streamflow. This trend provides evidence that rising sea levels may be causing salinity to rise. If rising sea levels are in fact causing salinity to increase, salinity is likely to increase significantly in the future as a result of continued and accelerated sea-level rise. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Changes's (IPCC's) Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) predicts that global mean sea level will rise by 0.38e0.73 m during the twenty-first century under the RCP6.0 emissions scenario (Church et al., 2013). Other studies suggest that the AR5 may un- derestimate sea-level rise, with global mean sea level possibly rising 1 m or more above the 1990 mean by 2100 (Rahmstorf, 2007; Vermeer and Rahmstorf, 2009). Using statistical models, Vermeer and Rahmstorf (2009) project that global mean sea level will in- crease 1.24 m above the 1990 mean level by the end of the twenty- first century under the A2 emissions scenario (the models in this study range from 0.98 to 1.55 m). Using the modeled sensitivity to sea level of 3.3 m�1 at Reedy Island, this amounts to a 4.1 increase in mean salinity by the end of the twenty-first century with a range of 3.2e5.1. If streamflow is unchanged, this will raise the mean salinity at Reedy Island to 8.5 (7.6e9.5). Using the possibly conservative IPCC estimates of sea-level rise still results in an increase of 1.3e2.4, bringing the mean salinity at Reedy Island to 5.7e6.8. Statistically identifying sea-level rise as the cause of increasing salinity is difficult, since statistical models would correlate any time series with a large upward trend to the increasing salinity in the estuary. Other influences that are difficult to measure, such as dredging, could have also increased salinity in the estuary. How- ever, results from other models and studies of the effect of sea-level rise on salinity in the Mid-Atlantic region are generally similar to the results obtained from the statistical models in this study. Using numerical models, Hull and Tortoriello (1979) determined that a sea-level rise of 0.13 m resulted in a maximum increase in salinity of 0.38 near Reedy Island. This translates to a 2.9 m�1 sensitivity of salinity to sea level, which is slightly less than the 3.3 m�1 determined using the statistical models in this study. At a location 23 km upstream of Reedy Island, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Philadelphia District (1997) found that a 0.3-m increase in sea level resulted in a 0.3 increase in surface salinity, which translates to a sensitivity of 1.0 m�1. However, they also found that bottom salinity in the lower oyster bed area would actually decrease by 0.2 for a 0.3-m sea-level rise (a sensitivity of �0.7 m�1), which contradicts the 2.5 m�1 sensitivity determined by the sta- tistical models in this study. The Army Corps hypothesized that the negative sensitivity may be a result of flow diversions such as the C&D canal linking the Chesapeake and Delaware Bays; flow di- versions may have been introduced in the model by their approx- imation of sea-level rise in the Chesapeake. In the area upstream of Reedy Island, Kim and Johnson (2007) used numerical models to simulate the response of salinity under 1965 flow conditions and 1996 consumptive use (a worst-case scenario) to a 0.17-m sea-level rise. They found that chlorinity would increase by 0.14 ppt at Chester and 7 ppm at Ben Franklin Bridge. When converted to salinity in parts per thousand (which is nearly equivalent to the practical salinity unit used in this paper), this results in a sensitivity of 1.5 ppt m�1 at Chester and 7.1 � 10�2 ppt m�1 at Ben Franklin Bridge. This is much larger than the sensitivities identified by the statistical models in this study, which may be a result of the imposed low-flow conditions. Savenije (1993) developed a one-dimensional model for ideal- ized estuaries. The model assumes an estuary width and cross- sectional area that decrease exponentially upstream, assumes steady state at high water slack, and models dispersion using an empirical relation. Since the model is one-dimensional, the model salinity does not vary with depth. This may still be a reasonable first-order assumption, particularly since the Delaware Estuary is generally well-mixed. To compare this model with the statistical models in this study, we ran the calculations with the mean value of streamflow at Trenton during this study (349 m3 s�1), a mean estuary depth of 7.7 m approximated from the National Geophys- ical Data Center's Coastal Relief Model, and with the remaining model parameters as defined by Savenije (1993). The results indicate that the Savenije (1993) model-predicted salinity closely matches the observed salinity values (Fig. 8a). The response of salinity to 1 m of sea-level rise is similar to that predicted by the statistical models (Fig. 8b). Both models project the largest in- crease in the middle of the estuary and only minor changes farther upstream. Recent studies have also identified the implications of sea-level rise for salinity in other estuaries. In the nearby Chesapeake Bay, Hilton et al. (2008) applied statistical and numerical models and found that salinity has a sensitivity to sea level of 2e7 m�1, which is similar to the 2.5e4.4 m�1 sensitivity identified in this study. Similarly, using a 3D numerical model, Hong and Shen (2012) determined that the mean salinity of the Chesapeake Bay would increase by 1.2e2.0 if sea level rises by 1 m. With the same nu- merical model, Rice et al. (2012) found that, during typical flow conditions, a 1-m sea-level rise would increase salinity by nearly 10 in the James River at the mouth of the Chickahominy River. During a simulated dry year, a 1-m sea-level rise would result in a salinity increase of slightly more than 4, which is more in line with the estimates by Hilton et al. (2008). Fig. 8. a: Comparison between observed salinity and salinity predicted by the Savenije (1993) 1D model. The shapes are the observed salinity, and the lines denote the 1D model predictions. The distance for the oyster beds is determined by the mean dis- tance weighted by number of observations. b: Projections of salinity change in response to 1 m of sea-level rise under current mean streamflow. Shapes are from the statistical models developed in this work. Solid lines are from the Savenije (1993) 1D model. c: Projections of salinity change in response to a 35% increase or decrease in streamflow under current mean sea levels. As before, solid lines are from the Savenije (1993) 1D model, and shapes are from the statistical models developed in this work. A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e9290 4.2. Delaware Estuary salinity response to streamflow Changes in streamflow are more difficult to project. In the Eastern United States, precipitation primarily determines streamflow. Many studies have projected that precipitation amounts will increase, both globally (Collins et al., 2013) and over the Eastern United States (Najjar et al., 2009). However, land use changes, reduced plant transpiration as a result of increased CO2, and increased evaporation as a result of higher temperatures (Krakauer and Fung, 2008) will also influence streamflow change. Using global climate models, Najjar et al. (2009) projected that precipitation changes will cause streamflows in the Mid-Atlantic region to change by 15 ± 20% by the end of the twenty-first cen- tury under the A2 emissions scenario. However, Najjar et al. (2009) also found that warming-induced evapotranspiration changes could cause a 15e40% decrease in streamflows in the region. If sea level is held constant at the 1964e2012 mean, the statistical model for Reedy Island predicts that salinity would increase from the 1964e2012 mean value of 4.4e5.5 for a 35% decrease in mean streamflow or decrease to 3.7 for a 35% increase in mean streamflow. Thus, only an extreme streamflow increase will be able to offset the salinity change caused by a moderate 1 m sea-level rise. The 1D model of Savenije (1993) also predicts a similar response of salinity to streamflow change (Fig. 8c). As a result of the quasi- exponential shape of the salinity-streamflow curve, salinity changes more in response to an increase of streamflow than it does for an equal decrease of streamflow. The 1D model predicts a larger response to streamflow change than the statistical models predict at Reedy Island and downstream; however, 1D models are known to overpredict the sensitivity of salinity to streamflow in the Delaware Estuary (Garvine et al., 1992). 4.3. Limitations of statistical models Although the statistical models generally performed well and produced results that make sense from a physical standpoint and are reasonably close to other studies, the models have some shortcomings. One issue is that the models often underpredicted extremely high salinities. It was thought that this issue may have reflected an inability of the smoothing splines to fit the roughly exponential salinity-streamflow relationship. This hypothesis was tested in three steps. First, simulations were conducted in which exponential curves were created from the observed salinity- streamflow relationship. For example, a curve was created with shape S ¼ a � exp(Q/b), where the coefficients a and b were deter- mined using nonlinear least squares and observed S and Q values. Next, various levels of random noise (including no noise) were added to these exponential curves. Finally, the ability of the AMM smoothing splines to fit the exponential curves with noise was tested. In all cases, the splines were remarkably close to the actual exponentials. In addition, using other smoothing splines, increasing the maximum degrees of freedom in the splines, and manually setting the spline knots did not improve the model fits. Specifying exponential or power law relationships between salinity and streamflow, rather than using smoothing functions, did not improve the model results either. Since it otherwise appears to work well, fitting splines to the raw quasi-exponential relationship is advantageous over other methods for fitting quasi-exponential curves, such as applying a log transform to salinity, because it preserves the additive nature of the model. Because there are seasonal patterns in many of the variables, there is also the potential for some concurvity issues when including multiple variables as predictors in the model (concurvity, or approximate concurvity, refers to the presence of nonlinear re- lationships between predictor variables (Buja et al., 1989; Ramsay et al., 2003)). This issue may also arise from the time-of-year term that accounts for residual seasonal variation. However, the month term significantly improves the model fits, and excluding it from the models results in seasonal patterns in the residuals. The cause of this residual seasonal variation is unknown. One possibility is seasonal patterns in evaporation and precipitation. In the reanalysis data used to obtain wind speed and direction, the evaporation rate is generally lowest in AprileJune (roughly 10 mm per month) and highest in OctobereDecember (roughly 100 mm per month). The seasonal pattern in precipitation is fairly small, so the difference between precipitation and evaporation follows a similar pattern, peaking at a net evaporation of 56 mm per month in October and a net precipitation of 42 mm per month in March. A.C. Ross et al. / Estuarine, Coastal and Shelf Science 157 (2015) 79e92 91 This seasonal pattern in E � P should cause decreasing salinity in MarcheJune and increasing salinity in OctobereDecember. Indeed, this very closely matches the seasonal pattern in the model re- siduals (Fig. 5). However, the actual impact of evaporation is likely negligible. As a simple example, consider a 1 m2 by 1-m deep volume of water at the surface. After one month of evaporation and precipitation, the salinity of this water is Sf ¼ Si � 1 þ mEPmi�mEP � where Si and mi are the salinity and total mass of water at the start of the month respec- tively and mEP is the E � P accumulated mass loss during the month. Applying this equation to each month of the NARR annual cycle of E � P results in an approximate annual cycle of salinity resulting solely from evaporation and precipitation. Using Reedy Island as an example, with a starting January salinity of 4.0, results in an annual cycle with a range of 0.66 compared to the range of the residual cycle of roughly 3. Furthermore, this example assumes that there is no mixing below 1 m throughout the year, which is extremely unrealistic. Using the approximate mean depth of the estuary (7.7 m) results in an annual cycle range of only 9.4 � 10�2 at Reedy Island. Other factors that are difficult to model, such as changes in the width and depth of the Delaware River navigation channel, may also influence the salinity of the Delaware Estuary. However, the width and depth of the navigation channel remained relatively stable for the majority of the time period of this study. The project to deepen the channel downstream of Philadelphia to a depth of 40 feet (approximately 12.2 m) was completed in 1942 (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Philadelphia District (2009)), and the autho- rized depth remained at 40 feet until 1992. Walsh (2004) found minor changes after the channel deepening, with primarily small- scale dredging projects such as an extension of the Marcus Hook anchorage in 1964 and minor accretion in the area surrounding the channel from 1980e1987 to 2001. Although the authorized channel depth was increased to 45 feet (approximately 13.7 m) in 1992, work to deepen the channel to this depth did not begin until 2010, and as of 2014 this work has not been completed. Numerical model simulations performed by Kim and Johnson (2007) predicted that the increase in channel depth from 40 feet to 45 feet would cause a 6.33% increase at Chester under 1965 drought conditions. The sta- tistical models in this study did not detect a significant trend in salinity at Chester, suggesting that the effect of the recent deep- ening has not influenced long-term salinity trends. By 2040, Kim and Johnson (2007) projects that sea-level rise will have increased salinity more than channel deepening and increased water consumption combined. 5. Conclusion After accounting for the effects of streamflow and seasonal variations, salinity in many areas of the Delaware Estuary is increasing. This increase may be caused by sea-level rise. If the future response of salinity to sea level matches the modeled past response, salinity will increase significantly in the future as sea level continues to rise. Any increase in streamflow caused by warming will likely be unable to balance the increase in salinity caused by sea-level rise. Although the statistical models used in this study appear to have worked well, additional investigation into the ability of the methods to handle the salinity-streamflow relationship may be beneficial. In addition, the comparison of the statistical model re- sults with results from numerical models would benefit from modern numerical model simulations forced with the full range of possible streamflow conditions (rather than only low-flow conditions). Acknowledgments Mike Loewen provided assistance in reading the oyster bed salinity data from punch cards. We thank the three anonymous re- viewers whose comments improved this paper. Support for this research was provided by the National Science Foundation Physical Oceanography Program (award #0961423) and Pennsylvania Sea Grant (4796-TPSU-NOAA-0061). North American Regional Rean- alysis data was provided by the NOAA/OAR/ESRL PSD, Boulder, Col- orado, USA, from their Web site at http://www.esrl.noaa.gov/psd/. 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Introduction 2. Methods 2.1. Study area and data 2.2. Statistical models 2.2.1. Smoothing functions 2.2.2. Distributions 2.2.3. Fitting and testing 3. Results 3.1. Basic models 3.2. Effect of sea level 3.3. Effect of winds 3.4. Effect of oceanic salinity 4. Discussion 4.1. Sea level impact on estuarine salinity 4.2. Delaware Estuary salinity response to streamflow 4.3. Limitations of statistical models 5. Conclusion Acknowledgments References 
work_h24uzdg4hrftnf63as25mkmooy	----	Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia's Favorite Son, was a Membrane Biophysicist Biophysical Journal Volume 104 January 2013 287–291 287 Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia’s Favorite Son, was a Membrane Biophysicist Da-Neng Wang,†‡* Heather Stieglitz,† Jennifer Marden,† and Lukas K. Tamm§{* †The Helen L. and Martin S. Kimmel Center for Biology and Medicine at the Skirball Institute of Biomolecular Medicine and ‡Department of Cell Biology, New York University School of Medicine, New York, New York; and §Center for Membrane Biology and {Department of Molecular Physiology and Biological Physics, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia ABSTRACT Benjamin Franklin, mostly known for his participation in writing The Declaration of Independence and work on electricity, was also one of the first scientists to seek to understand the properties of oil monolayers on water surfaces. During one of his many voyages across the Atlantic Ocean, Franklin observed that oil had a calming effect on waves when poured into rough ocean waters. Though at first taking a backseat to many of his other scientific and political endeavors, Franklin went on to experiment with oil, spreading monomolecular films on various bodies of water, and ultimately devised a concept of particle repulsion that is indirectly related to the hydrophobic effect. His early observations inspired others to measure the dimensions of oil monolayers, which eventually led to the formulation of the contemporary lipid bilayer model of the cell membrane. As a Founding Father of the United States of America, statesman, philosopher, diplomat, inventor, and scientist, Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) had an amazing life (1,2). Born in Boston, Franklin moved to Philadelphia at the age of 17 and began working in local print houses. He was soon heralded as a favorite son of Philadelphia because of his literacy, devotion to learning, community service, and leadership (Fig. 1). His experiments on the electric proper- ties of lightning are much renowned; however, less well known are his studies involving oil monolayers on water surfaces and hydrophobic forces. As told in the book Ben Franklin Stilled Waves: An Informal History of Pouring Oil on Water with Reflections on the Ups and Downs of Scientific Life in General by the late Charles Tanford (3), a former president of the Biophysical Society (1979– 1980), Franklin’s experiments on oil monolayers were the first of their kind and eventually led to the formulation of the lipid bilayer model of the biological membrane. OIL ON THE SEA In 1757, Franklin was sent by the American House of Assembly of Philadelphia to Great Britain to petition King George II against the policies and activity of the Penn family, the proprietors of Pennsylvania. Soon after leaving New York harbor, the fleet of 96 ships encountered windy weather, sending them ferociously rocking over the waves. Franklin noticed that two of the ships in the fleet were sailing much more smoothly than the rest and inquired from the Captain a reason for the anomalous smooth sailing Submitted November 8, 2012, and accepted for publication December 10, 2012. *Correspondence: wang@saturn.med.nyu.edu or lkt2e@virginia.edu Note: This article is published on the occasion of the 57th Annual Meeting of the Biophysical Society, held February 2–6, 2013 in Philadelphia. Editor: Brian Salzberg. � 2013 by the Biophysical Society 0006-3495/13/01/0287/5 $2.00 (4). ‘‘The cooks . have, I suppose, been just emptying their greasy water through the scuppers, which has greased the sides of those ships a little,’’ the captain told him in a matter-of-fact tone. (Apparently, pouring olive oil on rough water was known since the Classical Era to have a calming effect and was a common way for seamen to weather storms (5), although the practise was connected with magic and fanciful explanations. Plutarch attributed to Aristotle that ‘‘the oil produces calm by smoothing the water surface so that the wind can slip over it without making an impression’’ (6).) The incident piqued Franklin’s curiosity, perhaps partially because it reminded him of the wax he played with as a 10-year-old apprentice in his father’s soap-making shop. However, he did not quite agree with the captain’s rationale that ship-greasing was the cause of the water-calming effect, but was unable at the time to think of another explanation. During later trips he observed the phenomenon again and again and like any good scientist, Franklin performed a liter- ature search to find anything he could about the phenom- enon and its underlying cause (4): ‘‘I at times revolved in my mind, and wondered to find no mention of them in our books of experimental philosophy.’’ Therefore, Franklin ‘‘resolved to make some experiment of the effect of oil on water, when I should have opportunity.’’ MONOLAYER OF OIL ON A LAKE Over the next decade, Franklin continued his distinguished work on lightning for which he was eventually awarded the Copley Medal, a first for any scientific work carried out in North America. Previous winners of this most presti- gious honor from the Royal Society included Franklin’s long-time hero, Isaac Newton. Possibly because he was encouraged by his recent successes or the opportunity finally arose, in 1769, the same year Franklin published his book, Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America, he decided to revisit his http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028 mailto:wang@saturn.med.nyu.edu mailto:lkt2e@virginia.edu http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028 http://crossmark.dyndns.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028&domain=pdf http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bpj.2012.12.028 FIGURE 1 Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia, L.L.D., F.R.S., in between 1763 and 1785, during the period when he carried out his experi- ments of oil on water (by Edward Fisher, 1730–ca.1785). Print shows Benjamin Franklin, three-quarter-length portrait, seated at desk, looking to his right at an electrical device; in his left hand are papers upon which he is taking notes, and visible through a window to his left is lightning striking a building (Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Washington, DC). 288 Wang et al. questions on the water-calming effect of oil that he had been pondering for over a decade. While staying in the Clapham Common area in south London during another trip to Great Britain, he and his merchant friend Christopher Baldwin went to lake Mount Pond, located near Baldwin’s home (7). There they started the experiment that is best described by Franklin’s own words (4): ‘‘At the length being at Clapham where there is, on the common, a large pond, which I observed to be one day very rough with the wind, I fetched out a cruet of oil, and dropt a little of it on the water. I saw it spread itself with surprising swiftness upon the surface . and there the oil, though not more than a teaspoonful, produced an instant calm over a space several yards square, which spread amazingly, and extended itself gradually till it reached the lee side, making all that quarter of the pond, perhaps half an acre, as smooth as a looking-glass. . [The oil layer was] Biophysical Journal 104(2) 287–291 so thin as to produce the prismatic colors, for a con- siderable space, and beyond them so much thinner as to be invisible, except in its effect of smoothing the waves at a much greater distance.’’ Franklin had actually discovered a layer of oil that was a single-molecule-thick! As a good experimentalist, Franklin did not forget to repeat his experiment at other locations and under different conditions, and was able to reproduce his results (4). ‘‘After this, I contrived to take with me, whenever I went into the country, a little oil in the upper hollow joint of my bamboo cane, with which I might repeat the experiment as opportu- nity should offer; and I found it constantly to succeed.’’ THE HYDROPHOBIC FORCE Franklin actually considered the underlying forces that caused the oil to spread on the water surface (4): ‘‘In these experiments, one circumstance struck me with particular surprise. This was the sudden, wide, and forcible spreading of a drop of oil on the face of water, which I do not know that anybody has hitherto consid- ered. If a drop of oil is put on a polished marble table, or on a looking-glass that lies horizontally; the drop remains in its place, spreading very little.’’ In contrast, on a water surface, Franklin observed something totally different: ‘‘If there be a mutual repulsion between the particles of oil, and no attraction between oil and water, oil dropt on water will not be held together by adhesion to the spot whereon it falls; .it will be at liberty to expand itself; and it will spread on a surface that, besides being smooth to the most perfect degree of polish, prevents, perhaps by repelling the oil, all immediate contact, keeping it at a minute distance from itself; and the expansion will continue, till the mutual repul- sion between the particles of the oil is weakened and reduced to nothing by their distance.’’ Importantly, Franklin further observed, ‘‘there seems to be no natural repulsion between water and air, such as to keep them from coming into contact with each other.’’ Clearly, Franklin understood that oil ‘‘particles’’ could move freely at the interface between water and air and that they reduced the tension between the two bulk phases. The concept of molecules, which among others was promoted by John Dalton in the early 1800s, was of course not yet known during Franklin’s times and even the ideal gas law attributed to Emile Clapeyron based on Amedeo Avoga- dro’s law of 1811 was only formulated in 1834. What Franklin actually observed was a monomolecular layer of oil, which eventually expanded into a two-dimensional gas of oil molecules at the air-water interface. When expanded Franklin’s Oil Monolayer 289 into the more condensed liquid monolayer state, Franklin observed a reduction of surface tension, which caused the oil’s wave-calming effect and which is at the source of the hydrophobic forces or hydrophobic effect as they were realized later. Therefore, Franklin’s experiment may well be the first experiment on the nature of the hydrophobic effect! Franklin was eager to understand such forces (4). ‘‘The quantity of this force, and the distance to which it will operate, I have not yet ascertained; but I think it a curious inquiry and I wish to understand whence it arises.’’ Of course, the underlying molecular nature of the hydrophobic effect was, understandably, to remain unclear for another 150 years (8,9). FIGURE 2 Structure of a major component of olive oil, triolein (1,2,3- (9Z-octadecenoyl)-glycerol). Three oleate chains are ester-linked to a glycerol moiety at the bottom, which contacts the water surface when spread as a monolayer. (A) Chemical structure. (B) Space-filling model. MEASUREMENTS OF MONOLAYER THICKNESS Franklin did not go on to calculate the thickness of the oil monolayer, although he did mention ‘‘particles spreading on the water surface’’ (4). Had he done this he would have predated the first measurement of the physical dimensions of a molecule by over 100 years. The fact that he did not attempt the calculation is a bit puzzling, however, for Franklin must have had the conceptual computational knowledge required. In Philadelphia, he once calculated the audience size for a popular priest, who had a clear and very loud voice, by measuring the furthermost distance one could hear his voice and by estimating the surface area that one person occupies (1). Franklin found that he could still distinctly hear the preacher’s voice up to a distance of 200 feet. He then determined that by ‘‘imagining then a semi-circle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were fill’d with auditors, to each of whom I allow’d two square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand.’’ Both calculations are the same type of close-packing problems that occur on a two-dimensional flat surface. However, the actual experimental measurements of a molecule’s dimen- sions would have to wait until a British Lord and a German amateur scientist entered the scene (3,7,10). Lord Rayleigh (1842–1919), then Professor of Natural Science at the Royal Institute in London, was a physicist with many interests who made contributions to multiple areas of science, from optics and electromagnetism, to photography and liquid capillarity. He found the question of oil spreading on a water surface to be ‘‘of great interest which attaches to the determination of molecular magni- tudes, [and] the matter seemed well worthy of investiga- tion’’ (11). In March, 1890 he published his experiments on the thickness of an olive oil monolayer performed in a round sponge-bath (Fig. 2). He found that 0.81 mg of olive oil was just enough to cover the entire surface area of the bath with a diameter of 84 cm. Using a density of 0.9 g/mL, Lord Rayleigh obtained 16.3 Å as the thickness of the olive oil monolayer (5,11). The accuracy of Rayleigh’s measurements improved significantly when a self-taught scientist, Agnes Pockels (1862–1935), approached Lord Rayleigh when she saw his 1890 paper in the Royal Proceedings. Pockels was born in Venice but grew up in Lower Saxony, Germany. Even though she had no formal training and suffered various health problems during her life, Pockels developed a strong interest in surface chemistry and physics (3,10). Working totally on her own, at the age of 20 she invented a tin trough with a sliding barrier that was used to measure surface tension by means of the force required to pull a small disk (a button) from contact with the surface. This trough is considered to be a precursor of the more famous Langmuir trough of 1917, as also acknowledged by Langmuir himself. When Pockels sent to Lord Rayleigh her experimental results that she obtained independently and literally at her kitchen bench, he immediately arranged for their publica- tion in the journal Nature (12,13). Pockels’ original experi- ments were actually carried out between 1882 and 1890, i.e., they predated Lord Rayleigh’s experiments (10). Pockels measured the first pressure-area diagrams of lipid mono- layers with her device. By identifying the drop in surface tension when a specified amount of oil was applied, she calculated the thickness of the oil film to be 13 Å. Guided by Agnes Pockels’ findings, Lord Rayleigh subsequently improved his own measurements of molecules in surface films (14). These accomplishments by the famous future Nobel Laureate Lord Rayleigh and Miss Pockels, a self- educated scientist who as a woman was denied higher Biophysical Journal 104(2) 287–291 290 Wang et al. education and never held any academic position, using very simple techniques, were extraordinarily ahead of their time. They measured sizes of molecules even before the discovery of x-rays, which would be used decades later to accurately measure molecular dimensions of lipid films as well as many other molecules. (Agnes Pockels’ accomplishments were recognized by the German academic establishment only much later. In 1932, shortly before her 70th birthday, she was awarded her well deserved if belated honorary doctorate from the University of Braunschweig in her home- town (10).) Then entered on the scene the great American chemist and physicist and future Nobel Laureate, Irving Langmuir (1881–1957). Langmuir was working at the General Electric Research Laboratory in Schenectady, New York, where he initially worked on the improvement of light bulbs by filling them with gases. His work on the surface chemistry of gas adsorption to metals (motivated by understanding the proper- ties of tungsten wires in gas-filled light bulbs) and his famous experimental and theoretical work on the physical chemistry of adsorption also piqued his interest in the chemistry of oil films. By inventing the Langmuir trough of similar design to that of Miss Pockels with the addition of a pressure- measuring device attached to a fixed barrier, he was able to accurately measure the effect of various compounds on water’s surface tension (15,16). This in turn provided a way to investigate both the water-oil interaction and the properties of oil monolayers at the air-water interface, including the monolayer thickness and cross-sectional areas of many amphiphilic molecules including membrane lipids. CALMING WATER WAVES Following Franklin’s experiments, thoughts about the underlying reasons for the calming effect of oil on water waves progressed in the late 19th century. A Scottish mete- orologist named John Aitken expanded on Franklin’s obser- vation and proposed that it is ‘‘not the bite, grip or friction of the air on the surface’’ that was reduced when oil was poured on water as had been believed by many of his predecessors, but that it is the surface tension on the water surface, or the lack of it upon the spreading of oil, that accounts for the oil’s wave-calming effect (17,18). This is best explained by Lord Rayleigh (5): ‘‘Let us consider small waves as propagated over the surface of clean water; as the waves advance, the surface of the water has to submit to periodic exten- sions and contractions. At the crest of the wave the surface is compressed, while at the trough it is extended. As long as the water is pure there is no force to oppose that, and the wave can be propagated without difficulty; but if the surface be contaminated, the contamination strongly resists the alternating stretching and contraction. It tends always, on the Biophysical Journal 104(2) 287–291 contrary, to spread itself uniformly; and the result is that the water refuses to lend itself to the motion which is required of it. The film of oil may be compared to an inextensible membrane floating on the surface of the water, and hampering its motion; and under these conditions it is not possible for the waves to be generated, unless the forces are very much greater than usual.’’ FROM MONOLAYER TO BILAYER AND BEYOND Initially, Langmuir’s work attracted little attention from biol- ogists, but one Dutch pediatrician, Evert Gorter, saw the important implications for Biology almost immediately (3,19). In 1925, he and his graduate student François Grendel published a short paper describing their measurements of the total area of lipids extracted from red blood cells by spreading the lipids as a monolayer on water (20). They compared this to the total surface area of the red blood cell membrane and obtained a ratio of two. This seminal work provided the first evidence that the cell membrane may consist of a phospholipid bilayer. Although their conclusions were correct, Gorter and Grendel were lucky. Due to tech- nical limitations and the limited knowledge of biological membranes at the time, they made a few ‘‘mistakes,’’ which however canceled each other out (21). Contemporary lipid extraction procedures allowed them to quantitatively extract only about half of all lipids present in the red cell membrane. This underestimate was compensated by the chosen film balance surface pressure, which we now know was much too low to simulate the area/lipid in a bilayer. Aditionally, an underestimate of the red blood cell surface was counter- acted by the fact that a substantial fraction of the total area of cell membranes is occupied by membrane proteins. Despite these shortcomings, the ratio of two is still true and the concept of the lipid bilayer was born. In the 1940s, the newly-invented electron microscope provided the first picture of a cell at a magnification and resolution high enough that its membrane could be visual- ized. Improved resolution allowed researchers to discover the ‘‘tri-laminar’’ ultrastructure of membranes in the late 1950s, which however was initially incorrectly interpreted in terms of lipid and protein arrangements (22). In the 1960s, a wealth of classical x-ray diffraction experiments on lipids in excess water by Vittorio Luzzati firmly estab- lished that the lipids in biological membranes are organized in bilayer structures with liquid acyl chains (23). Based on a multitude of biochemical and functional experiments and additional electron microscopy, x-ray diffraction, and thermodynamic and spectroscopic data, the fluid mosaic model of the cell membrane eventually became widely accepted (24). With the development of new concepts and novel technol- ogies, our understanding of biological membranes is making Franklin’s Oil Monolayer 291 rapid progress (25). But it is with the same curiosity that Benjamin Franklin displayed at sea and on a lake 250 years ago that the advance of science today is driven. Research on membrane biophysics, pioneered by Mr. Franklin, has gone a long way in answering fundamental questions in biology and medicine and, yet, still more discoveries lay ahead. D.-N.W.’s work is supported by National Institutes of Health grants No. R01 DK073973, No. R01 GM093825, No. R01 MH083840, No. R01 DA019676, and No. U54 GM075026. L.K.T.’s work is supported by National Institutes of Health grants No. R01 GM51329, No. R01 AI30577, and No. P01 GM72694. REFERENCES 1. Franklin, B. 1996. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. Dover Publications, Mineola, NY. 2. Isaacson, W. 2003. Benjamin Franklin. Simon & Schuster, New York. 3. Tanford, C. 2004. Ben Franklin Stilled the Waves—An Informal History of Pouring Oil on Water with Reflections on the Ups and Downs of Scientific Life in General. Oxford, New York. 4. Franklin, B. 1774. Of the stilling of waves by means of oil. Philos. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. B. 64:445–460. 5. Rayleigh, L. 1890. On foam. Proc. R. Inst. G. B. 13:85–97. 6. Scott, J. C. 1978. The historical development of theories of wave- calming using oil. In History of Technology. A. R. Hall and N. Smith, editors. Mansell, London. 163–186. 7. Giles, C. H. 1969. Franklin’s teaspoonful of oil—studies in the early history of surface chemistry, part 1. Chem. Ind. 1616–1624. 8. Hartley, G. S. 1936. Aqueous Solutions of Paraffin Chain Salts. A Study in Micelle Formation. Hermann, Paris. 9. Tanford, C. 1973. The Hydrophobic Effect: Formation of Micelles and Biological Membranes. John Wiley, New York. 10. Giles, C. H., and S. D. Forrester. 1971. The origins of the surface film balance—studies in the early history of surface chemistry, part 3. Chem. Ind. 43–53. 11. Rayleigh, L. 1890. Measurements of the amount of oil necessary in order to check the motions of camphor upon water. Proc. R. Soc. Lond. 47:364–367. 12. Pockels, A. 1891. Surface tension. Nature. 43:437–439. 13. Pockels, A. 1892. On the relative contamination of the water-surface by equal quantities of different substances. Nature. 46:418–419. 14. Rayleigh, L. 1899. Investigations in capillarity: the size of drops—the liberation of gas from supersaturated solutions—colliding jets—the tension of contaminated water surfaces. Phil. Mag. & J. Sci. 48: 321–337. 15. Langmuir, I. 1917. The constitution and fundamental properties of solids and liquids. II. Liquids. J. Amer. Chem. Soc. 39:1848–1906. 16. Langmuir, I. 1917. The shapes of group molecules forming the surfaces of liquids. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA. 3:251–257. 17. Aitken, J. 1882. On the effect of oil on a stormy sea. Proc. R. Soc. Edinb. 12:56–75. 18. Giles, C. H., and S. D. Forrester. 1970. Wave damping: the Scottish contribution studies in the early history of surface chemistry, part 2. Chem. Ind. 80–87. 19. Tanford, C. 1987. Amphiphile orientation: physical chemistry and bio- logical function. Biochem. Soc. Trans. 15(Suppl):1S–7S. 20. Gorter, E., and F. Grendel. 1925. On bimolecular layers of lipoids on the chromocytes of the blood. J. Exp. Med. 41:439–443. 21. Zwaal, R. F. A., R. A. Demel, ., L. L. M. van Deenen. 1976. The lipid bilayer concept of cell membranes. Trends Biochem. Sci. 1:112–114. 22. Robertson, J. D. 1960. The molecular structure and contact relation- ships of cell membranes. Prog. Biophys. Mol. Biol. 10:343–418. 23. Luzzati, V. 1968. X-ray diffraction studies of lipid-water systems. In Biological Membranes. D. Chapman, editor. Academic Press, New York. 71–123. 24. Singer, S. J., and G. L. Nicolson. 1972. The fluid mosaic model of the structure of cell membranes. Science. 175:720–731. 25. Tamm, L. K. 2012. Biophysics of membranes. In Comprehensive Biophysics. E. H. Egelman, editor. Vol. 5, Membranes. Lukas Tamm, editor. Academic Press, New York. 1–2. Biophysical Journal 104(2) 287–291 Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia’s Favorite Son, was a Membrane Biophysicist Oil on the Sea Monolayer of Oil on a Lake The Hydrophobic Force Measurements of Monolayer Thickness Calming Water Waves From Monolayer to Bilayer and Beyond References 
work_h2r6abhanrgmfcuwphvtiwyynu	----	july06_RR.qxp RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS 504 MRS BULLETIN • VOLUME 31 • JULY 2006 Clyde L. Briant, dean of engineering and the Otis E. Randall University Professor at Brown University, has been appointed vice president for research, effective July 1. Briant succeeds Andries van Dam, the inaugural vice president for research. J.M. Carpenter of the Intense Pulsed Neutron Source Division of Argonne National Laboratory has been named the recipient of the Neutron Scattering Society of America’s 2006 Clifford G. Shull Prize for “seminal contributions to the development of neutron sources and instrumentation that have had worldwide impact on neutron scattering across a broad range of scientific disciplines, cul- minating in the optimized design of the Spallation Neutron Source at Oak Ridge.” Andrea Hill of NanoSonics Inc. has been named recipient of the Outstanding Young Engineering Alumnus Award for 2005–2006 by Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Yakov Kutsovsky has been named a vice president of Cabot Corporation. Richard M. Laine has been appointed director of the University of Michigan Macromolecular Science and Engineering Center. Doug Ray has been named associate laboratory director for the Fundamental Science Directorate at Pacific Northwest National Laboratory. Ray replaces Steve Colson, who is retiring. Arthur H. Rosenfeld, a commissioner at the California Energy Commission, where he serves as chair of the Research and Development Committee and as the second member of the Energy Efficiency Committee, has been named the recipient of the 2005 Enrico Fermi Award, the U.S. government’s oldest award for scientific achievement. This presidential award carries an honorarium of $375,000 and a gold medal. The Department of Energy administers the Fermi Award on behalf of the White House. Giacinto Scoles (Princeton University and the International School for Ad- vanced Studies) and J. Peter Toennies (University of California, Berkeley; the Max Planck Institut; and the University of Göttingen) have been awarded the 2006 Benjamin Franklin Medal in Physics for the development of new tech- niques for studying molecules, including unstable species that could not be exam- ined otherwise, by embedding them in extremely small and ultracold droplets of helium. Their work also led to a better understanding of the extraordinary prop- erties of superfluid helium, such as its ability to flow without friction. John Tranquada, head of the Neutron Scattering Group at the Department of Energy’s Brookhaven National Labora- tory, has been named the recipient of the 2006 Sustained Research Prize estab- lished by the Neutron Scattering Society of America. News of MRS Members/Materials Researchers For more information, see http://www.mrs.org/bulletin_ads T h e M a t e r i a l s G a t e w a y — w w w . m r s . o r g MRS Election Goes Online! Watch your e-mail in July for further details! The Material Research Society’s annual election of officers and directors will be ONLINE this year to provide members with an easier, more convenient way to vote! www.mrs.org/bulletin https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2006.132 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:49, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2006.132 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 
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work_hgv7gvw7yvaalbev7lm6yrajpi	----	PII: 0042-6989(95)90019-5 RETINAL, DETACHMENT SURGERY 1121 1123 ll22 ANATOMICAL AND FUNCTIONAL OUTCOME IN RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATED BY ADVANCED PROLIFERATIVE VITREORETINOPATHY IN CHILDHOOD A. KARILA, B. MASHHOUR, D. CHAUVAUD, Y. POULIQUEN Department of Ophthalmology, H&pita1 H&l-Dieu de Paris, France. eurpaSe To analyse anatomical and functional results of retinal detachment swery in cases complicated by proliferative vitreoretinopatby in childhood. M&Q& Thirty six consecutive cases of retinal detachment complicated by PVR stages Cl and more in childhood were analysed retrospectively. All the cases associated scleral buckling, pars plana vitrectomy, complete membrane peeling, injection of liquid perflomcarbon (LPFC), endophotocoagulation, and internal tamponade. In selected cases lensectomy and/or relaxing retinotomy were requiered. &J&S Predominant etitogies were blunt trauma and high myopia. Anatomical swxs was obtained with one operation in 7 cases, and 2 OI more operations in 14 cases. Final visual acuity was <O.l, O.l-0.4 and 0.4 or more in 23, 10 and 3 cases respectively. Conelusion Complicated retinal detachment in childhood represents a high proportion of overall RD in childhood and could be treated wing agressive vitreoretinal procedures with comparative visual outcome to RD’s in adult. REOPERATIONS FOLLOWING VITRECTOMY FOR DIABETIC RETINOPATHY Helbig H. Kellner U. Bornfeld N. and Foerster M. H. Department of Ophthalmology, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University of Berlin (Germany) Purpose: The assess risk factors and visual outcome of reoperations after vitrectomy for diabetic retinopathy. Methods: The charts of 327 consecutive patients (412 eyes) operated by the authors in the last 4 years for complications of diabetic retinopathy were retrospectively reviewed. Preoperatively the retina was flat in 171 eyes, in 239 eyes it was detached. Mean follow up was 16 months. Basulls; 114 eyes required vitreoretinal reoperations. 46 for recurrent vitreous hemorrhaae. 46 for retinal detachment and 20 for removal of silicone. In 34 eyed a third operation, in 11 eyes a 4th, in 5 eyes a 5th, and in 2 eyes 6 operations were necessary. Visual prognosis after reoperation for vitreous hemorrhage was good, while after reoperation for retinal detachment funtional results were guarded. Risk factors for detachment were iatrogenic retinal breaks and lack of endoohotocoaaulation. With increasina number of reooerations visual progbosis bec”ame worse. but even-after 5 operations ambulatory vision was preserved in some cases. Cataract surgery was performed in 54 out of 306 phacic eyes. No severe complications were seen after cataract surgery. Conclusions: With current indications for vitreoretinal surgery in diabetic retinopathy reoperations are necessary in a considerable proportion of cases. Although visual prognosis is guarded after reoperations for retinal detachment, ambulatory vision can be preserved in many cases even after repeated reoperations. Cataract surgery can be safely performed after vitrectomy in diabetic patients. 1X24 RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATING RECURRENT OCULAR TOXOPLASMOSIS FERON EJ". MRRTENS DAE'. VAN MEURS JC'. SAARSMA GS'. SUTTORP MSA’. ROTHOVA A=. ’ The Rotterdam Eye Hospital, Rotterdam $Netherlands) . The Netherlands Ophthalmic Research Institute, Amsterdam (Netherlands). ’ The University Hospital of Utrecht, Utrecht (Netherlands) . Purpose Recurrent ocular toxoplasmosis is an important cause of blindness throughout the world. Permanent loss of vision can either be the result of direct involvement of the macula or optic nerve in the inflammation, or can he related to well-recosnized conmlications such es macular oedema, scbretinal neovascularisation, retinal or choroidal vascular occlusion. Relativelv little is known about the incidence and prognosis-of retinal detachment es a complication of the disease. Methods We have performed a retrospective study of 15 immmocompetent patients with ocular toxo- plasmosis, complicated by retinal detachment either at an active or inactive stage of the disease. Results The retinal detachments associated with ocular toxoplasmosis were either rhegmatogenous (8 patients), tractional (2 patients) or combined rhegmatogenous/tracticnal (5 patients). A high frequency of complications was observed: proliferative vitreoretinopathy (5 patients), macular oucker I2 oatients~. aiant retinal tear (1 patie‘nt). * " - Conclusipne The complexity and the high complication rate of the retinal detachments described in our series of ocular toxoplasmosis patients contrasts with previous reports in the ;iterature. s53 
work_hipquuktcnhbfcvyubdyawaz4y	----	wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk Params is empty 404 sys_1000 exception wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk no 220953585 Params is empty 220953585 exception Params is empty 2021/04/06-03:04:49 if (typeof jQuery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/1.14.8/js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,String.fromCharCode(60)).replace(/\]/g,String.fromCharCode(62))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} Page not available Reason: The web page address (URL) that you used may be incorrect. Message ID: 220953585 (wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk) Time: 2021/04/06 03:04:49 If you need further help, please send an email to PMC. Include the information from the box above in your message. Otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using PMC: Search the complete PMC archive. Browse the contents of a specific journal in PMC. Find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/MED/ 
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work_hs3wc6bzffbydjndlgpz3oz73m	----	Maurice Ettinger (Dow Chemical Com- pany, Midland, Michigan), Thle Populist Scienitific Crusade (A Recipe for Inicreased Job Security or Inistanit Famle). Allan Neil (Texas Christian Univer- sity), Illusions, Allusions, Delusions and1f Eliusionis. Lawrence La Fave (University of Wind- sor, Ontario), New Explorationis in In- selnsitivitv Training: The Nuideless D (Diseticoiunlter) Group. James Turner and Robert Boice (Uni- versity of Missouri, Columbia), Religios- ity in H[eipets. 27 December Lightning Lightning kills more people and causes more damage than tornadoes in the United States. Thus it seems ap- propriate for this symposium to have the general purpose of presenting the broad aspects of the lightning flash and the effects of lightning upon planes, space vehicles, man, animals, and for- ests. Recent measurements of lightning have utilized the techniques of photog- raphy, electric and magnetic field mea- surements, cLurrent measurements, spec- troscopy, and acoustical measurements to deternmine the physical characteristics of lightning. Our modern concept of lightning has led to an increasing in- Selby Evans (Institute for the Study of Cognitive Systems, Texas Christian Uni- versity Research Foundation, Fort Worth), Ncurons atnd Otlher Qluantulmti Phenomena. H. E. Marks (University of Georgia), Comlputer Model of Hypotlhalamlic Hypei- phlauria antdt Nolmal Feedinig Behavior. terest in the hazards of triggered light- ning. This is exemplified by the investi- gation of the Apollo 12 lightning inci- dent and studies of subsequent Apollo launches. As longer planes, such as the Boeing 747, enter the sky the hazard of triggered lightning is of greater con- cern. Our modern concept of lightning is leading to better protection for homes and other structures. Lightning strikes to humans, both direct and indirect, kill more than 100 persons each year Lightning flash triggered by a tall tower on Mount San Salvatore, near Lugano, Switzerland. These types of lightning strikes also occur to tall buildings (Empire State Building) and to spacecraft being launched toward the moon (Apollo 12 space vehicle, 14 November 1969). [State University of New York at Albany] I (50) SCIENCE, VOL. 174 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ in the United States. However, recent medical evidence reveals that some hu- mans "killed" by lightning can be re- vived with little or no permanent in- jury. On the other hand, strikes to trees cause damage ranging from apparently no destruction to complete destruction and extensive forest fires. Our attempts to understand lightning are producing results in our efforts to understand the problems, and to progress in lightning modification. RICHARD E. ORVILLE State University of New York at Albany Speakers and Topics 27 December (morning) Arranged by Richard E. Orville (State UJniversity of New York at Albany). Bernard Vonnegut (State University of New York at Albany), chairman. Richard E. Orville, Introduction to the Lightninig Flash. Martin A. Uman (Westinghouse Re- search Laboratories, Pittsburgh), The Phlysical Parameters of Lightning atnd the Techniques by Which Thiey Are Mea- sured. Marx Brook (New Mexico Institute of Mining and Technology, Socorro), The Apollo 12 Lightning Incident. E. P. Pierce (Stanford Research Insti- tute, Menlo Park, Calif.), Triggered Light- ninlg and Some Unisuspected Lightninig Hazards. 27 December (afternoon) R. H. Golde (Electrical Research Asso- ciation, Leatherhead, Surrey, England), Lightining Protection. Theodore Bernstein (University of Wis- consin, Madison), The EfJects of Lightning and Electrical Shlocks onz the Humani Body anid Anlimals. Alan R. Taylor (Northern Forest Fire Laboratory, Missoula, Montana), Light- ning E/Jects in Forests. Donald M. Fuquay (Northern Forest Fire Laboratory), Problems anid Progress in Ligyhtning Modification. 27-30 December General Systems of the World Environment Increasing concern with environ- mental problems in the past decade has led inevitably to recognition of the ab- solute necessity of dealing ultimately with the entire ecosystemic loop. It has become apparent that in large measure our environmental dilemmas have re- sulted from the convenience of looking at only one or at most a few facets of what are in fact intricately interrelated, vastly multifaceted problems. We have tended arbitrarily to bound the system in which we are at the moment especial- ly interested, and in our optimization efforts have forgotten that we are often really suboptimizing, in the worst sys- temic meaning of that term. For ex- ample, in part at least, such a limited frame of reference accounts for the historic preoccupation with economic and technical values at an accumlated implicit cost only recently becoming all too explicit. Thus we are compelled, by circum- stance if not by a priori wisdom, to deal with larger and larger systems, and to curtail our ceteris paribus mode of reasoning. Now general systems con- cepts are increasingly imperative for ecosystemic research. As a pioneer or- ganization in this area, the Society for General Systems Research has for al- most two decades fostered the genera- tion, evaluation, and communication of such holistic ideas. The program theme of the Society's Philadelphia meeting was developed al- most 2 years ago, in response to what even then seemed an obvious need. The subsequent evolution of the United Na- tions Conference on the Human En- vironment has created a new focus for the work of the Society for General Systems Research during 1972, which will in turn contribute to the develop- ment of its program a year from now, when the theme will be "The World System." The Society's interdisciplinary and transcontextual orientation is manifest in its program this year. The program commences with an address by its vice president, anthropologist Margaret Mead (Monday evening, 27 December, "General Systems Theory as a Frame- work for Transnational Cooperation") and concludes with an address by its president, British cybernetician, Stafford Beer (Wednesday evening, 29 Decem- ber, "The Surrogate World We Man- age"). A wide range of subject matter is scheduled for discussion on 28 Decem- ber; the morning session dealing with the physical and biological aspects and the afternoon session addressing the so- cial and philosophical dimensions of problems in the human environment. On Wednesday morning, 29 December, a panel comprised of representatives of the Society and of Simulation Councils will assess the general and technical problems in simulating the world en- vironment. Registration and Information Centers Registration Desks: Sheraton (Third Elevator Foyer) Information Desks: Sheraton (Third Floor) Floor), Benjamin Franklin (Lafayette Room), Bellevue-Stratford (First Floor, Floor), Benjamin Franklin (Lafayette Room); Ticket Desk: Sheraton (Third Hours: 26 December, 9:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m., and 27-30 December, 8:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. The registration fee is $15. A registrant and spouse may register for $20, which entitles them to one program and two badges. The fee for young people and students is $5. Any person who purchased an advance copy of the program but did not register in advance may complete reg- istration by paying an additional $10, should he decide to attend the meeting. Young people under 16 are not registered but will be admitted to the Exposition and Film Program if accompanied by a registered adult. DECEMBER 1971 1051 3 DECEMBER 1971 1051 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ 27 December Lightning Richard E. Orville DOI: 10.1126/science.174.4013.1050 (4013), 1050-1051.174Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/174/4013/1050.citation PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the trademark of AAAS. is a registeredScienceAdvancement of Science, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for theScience © 1971 by the American Association for the Advancement of Science o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/174/4013/1050.citation http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
work_i7eghnhfr5b67fuftiadflej7y	----	Reaching the Grassroots: The World-wide Diffusion of Iroquois Democratic Traditions Reaching the Grassroots: The World-wide Diffusion of Iroquois Democratic Traditions by Bruce E. Johansen Professor of Communication and Native American Studies University of Nebraska at Omaha 9 April 2002 Contents A Wide range of Opinions in a World-wide Context Celebrations from Celebrities The Antiquity of the Idea Continued Criticism from the "Trolls" More Poundings from Right-wing Pundits Increasing Use of the Idea in Educational Venues Use of the Idea in Practical Politics Conclusion References After many years of intense debate (our roster of annotations has reached 1,369 items), the idea that the Iroquois helped shape democracy has passed generally into the realm of general knowledge the length and breadth of "Turtle Island," and beyond. While a few brushfires of criticism remain in academia, many people and organizations have been applying Iroquois political principles in their daily lives and operations. As of April 6, 2002, according to our records, the issue had been raised in 334 books, 175 scholarly-journal articles, commentaries, letters to the editor, book and film reviews, or bibliographies; 167 other periodical articles (including book reviews); 372 newspaper or news-service articles, columns, letters, or book reviews, and 188 Internet Web sites. Additionally, "influence" has been raised in 80 other venues, including several documentary films, a commencement speech at Wellesley College by Gloria Steinem; an ABC Radio "Perspectives," by Hugh Downs, a presidential proclamation by Bill Clinton, several college course outlines, other school curricula; a transcript of "Larry King Live" on Cable News Network ; a speech by Joe Clark, Canadian Minister of Constitutional Affairs; and a feature film script ("The Indian in the Cupboard," 1995). The subject now has its own Library of Congress classification, and citations in three dozen legal journals, as well as a place in a speech by Janet Reno while she was U.S. attorney general. "Influence" also has emerged in a set of U.S. history trading cards and a 1958 Classics Illustrated comic book, as well as a CD-ROM cut by Portland (Oregon) State University. A Wide range of Opinions in a World-wide Context As usual, the range of opinions on the idea is very broad, from the Dalai Lama (who embraces the idea) to the celebrated "new western historian" Richard White of Stanford University, who loathes it. The most notable change in the idea’s ideological landscape has been its diffusion through various educational enterprises (such as state curriculum guides) and its acceptance in some of political science’s standard references. We continue to be surprised continuously by the sheer range of the idea that the Iroquois had a fundamental role in the evolution of democracy. During 1984, Paula Gunn Allen wrote in a poem that "The shot heard ‘round the world was fired from an Iroquois gun." ( Mann, xx ) Her verse has proved to be prescient, as students of democracy around the world are now becoming aware of the role Native American confederacies played in the worldwide evolution of government by consensus. Works from many parts of Indian Country often discuss Iroquois roots of democracy. Ian Frazier, in On the Rez (a book mainly about the Oglala Lakota) begins his tour of Indian Country (notably the Pine Ridge reservation) with a discussion of how Native American foods and ideas have shaped general American society. "Influence is harder to document than corn and beans, but as real," Frazier wrote, (Frazier, 2000, 8) as he recounted Benjamin Franklin’s use of Iroquois precedents in the Albany Plan. Frazier also quotes Thomas Jefferson on Native American government ( Frazier, 2000 , 9), and provides, on following pages, a detailed description of ways in which Native American notions of freedom have permeated the general society. The last page of North Dakota’s Turtle Mountain Chippewas’ Constitution, revised during 2001 and 2002, contains an acknowledgement to the Iroquois Confederacy: The Turtle Mountain Constitution Committee acknowledges the people of the Six Nations, also known by the term Iroquois Confederation, who comprise the oldest living participatory democracy on Earth. Their government, with a separation of powers and a Bill of Rights for the people, was and currently is based on the consent of the governed. The original United States representative democracy fashioned by such central members as Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson drew much inspiration from the tribes of the Six Nations. In our quest to establish a new government, truly dedicated to all life’s liberty and happiness, we need to look no further than our own native people who have practiced true democracy for hundreds of years. (Constitution, 2002) By the turn of the millennium the tracing of Iroquois democratic roots was becoming a world-wide pursuit. Our daily e-mails often bring inquiries this sort. Jesus Herrera, professor of political science at Simon Bolivar University in Caracas, Venezuela, asked for material he could use in lectures there. Japanese author Jun Hoshikawa’s The Water Planet (2000) includes a chapter (pp. 169-190) entitled "Native Democracy," which describes the Iroquois system and its influence on governance in North America and Japan as an extension of the "MacArthur Constitution" that has governed Japan since the end of World War II. ( Hoshikawa, 2000 , 169-190) Hoshikawa and several other Japanese have traveled to Onondaga and met, face to face, with representatives of the Confederacy. José Moreira da Silva, a teacher of English in Sao Paulo, Brazil, undertook a translation of Johansen’s Forgotten Founders (1982) into Portuguese. Often a week does not pass by in our offices without an inquiry from Europe -- two examples being Floyd Rudiman, a professor of Psychology at Tromso University in northernmost Norway and Demichelis Livio, a graduate student of political science at the University of Turin. Denis Baggi, a professor in Switzerland, wrote that the Swiss adopted large parts of the United States constitution shortly after 1800 (as did several other European nations); he is now interested in how the Iroquois example helped shape Swiss practice. Jay Fikes, an anthropologist known for his biography of Reuben Snake, has lectured on the subject at Yeditepe University in Istanbul. More and more often, the Iroquois political system is discussed in the context of world surveys of political and philosophical history. An example is provided by a documentary film prepared and broadcast by KCTS (Seattle), a Public Broadcasting Service affiliate, titled "The Crucible of the Millennium," January 31, 2002. The film discusses a number of cultural, political, and religious systems -- European, Moslem, Chinese, and Native American (e.g. Iroquois). Circulation of these ideas world-wide has been greatly aided by the spread of the Internet. Grinde and Johansen’s Exemplar of Liberty is available on line in full text at [ http://www.ratical.org/many_worlds/6Nations/EoL/ ]. Forgotten Founders also is available in full text on the Internet at [ http://www.ratical.org/many_worlds/6Nations/FF.html ]; it has been included around the world in Web-page links describing the basics of U.S. government. For two of many examples, see: 1. "WWW.SuperEva.com; International Directory: American Government," An Italian Web site. 1999. [http://dmoz.supereva.it/Science/Social_Sciences/Political_Science/American_Government/]; 2. "Malaysia Web Directory: American Government." 1999. [http://www.malaysiadirectory.com/op/index.cgi/Science/Social_Sciences/Political_Science/American_Government] [NOTE: As of October 2002, the above links no longer resolve. At this time Forgotten Founders is found listed on an Indonesian web site, http://islamlib.com/EBOOKS/us.html and a Japanese site run by a faculty member of Osaka University: http://cobalt.lang.osaka-u.ac.jp/~krkvls/history.html --ratitor] Celebrations from Celebrities The Iroquois-influence idea continues to receive endorsements from some well-known people. One example is His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet, who decried the United Nations’ ignorance of Tibet’s oppression by China, comparing it to the subjugation of North American native peoples. Along the way, the Dalai Lama observed that "The inspiration for the American Founding Forefathers, Thomas Paine and Benjamin Franklin, by their comprehensive studies of the Iroquois Confederacy and the thousand year old ‘Great Law of Peace’ given by the Peacemaker Hiawatha, provided them with the foundation stone for our United States Constitution and the Declaration of Independence! The early drafts of the American Constitution included some of the Iroquois language, for the English words were too limiting!" (His Holiness) Television personality Hugh Downs (whom the Guinness Book of World Records credits with having logged more hours of on-air television and radio exposure than any other single human being) in Perspectives (a collection of fifty essays) closely examines Iroquois precedents for United States government, drawing in large part from Johansen’s Forgotten Founders . The essays in Perspectives are adapted from ten-minute essays by Downs on a program of the same name aired over the American Broadcasting Company ( ABC ) Radio Network. The idea has spread, in some cases, into popular literature. Robert Pirsig, author of Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance, chronicles a sailboat journey carrying his philosopher-narrator Phaedrus down the Hudson River as winter closes in. Along the way, he finds a traveling companion, Lila. One of their conversations follows this line: "The idea that ‘all men are created equal’ is a gift to the world from the American Indians. Europeans only transmitted [this] as a doctrine that they sometimes followed and sometimes did not. Phaedrus thought the Indians haven’t yet lost this one. They haven’t won it either, he realized; the fight isn’t over. It’s still the central internal conflict in America today." (Pirsig, 48) The Antiquity of the Idea Older mentions of "influence" continue to come to light. Harry Liebersohn, writing in Aristocratic Encounters: European travelers and North American Indians (1998) illustrates the role of Iroquois democracy in the French Revolution by quoting Jacques Grasset de Saint-Sauveur’s 1784 work, in French, on costumes from around the world. The book included a chapter on the Iroquois that discoursed not only on costume, but also on government. "The form of their government has a simplicity and at the same time a wisdom that our profound legislators have not yet been able to achieve in their sophisticated codes. . . . Is it necessary then to go to the Iroquois to find a model of legislation?" ( Grasset, in Liebersohn, 1998, 13) In the Introduction of Indian Treaties Printed by Benjamin Franklin 1736-1762 ( 1938 ), editors Carl Van Doren and Julian P. Boyd Van Doren, author of the most enduringly popular biography of Benjamin Franklin, (first published the same year, 1938, as this volume) describes the historical context of the Lancaster Treaty (1744) during which the Onondaga Canassatego, Tadadaho (Speaker) of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy, urged the English colonists to unite on an Iroquois model. "Though the colonists were slow in learning union from the Indians," writes Van Doren, "Pennsylvania’s steady alliance with the Six Nations had a large effect in preserving the friendship of the Iroquois for the English." (page x.) The Classics Illustrated series of comic books, designed to teach children history and other subjects in a comic-book format in 1958 featured an account of the Iroquois, "The Woodsmen of the Eastern Forests." The text of the comic observes "The Iroquois-speaking tribes formed a democratic form of government that was admired by Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. Some historians say our government borrowed the ideas of the Iroquois for our Constitution." (Illustrated Story, n.p.) Continued Criticism from the "Trolls" The "Trolls’" full-frontal bashings of the influence idea have become less frequent. The literature is still marked by a number of angry brushfires of abject denial, however, even with Elisabeth Tooker in retirement and William A. Starna having retired and moved to Germany. James Axtell has been notably absent from Troll ranks lately; he has been busy penning books such as The Pleasures of Academe. Mohawk artist, teacher and culture bearer John Kahionhes Fadden gave the constant critics the nickname "Trolls" dueing the 1980s after the European mythological characters who charge tolls to cross bridges, observing the notion that certain people, at that time, controlled access of the idea to the realm of established knowledge. Some of the more enduring critics of the Iroquois-influence idea continue to hammer away at it. One example is Laurence Hauptman who, in a review, of Griffin and Grinde, eds., Apocalypse of Chiokoyhikoy (1997) does not spare invective. "According to its editors," Hauptman begins his review, "this minor, enigmatic document further supports those would-be academics who believe that the Iroquois Indians had an influence on the thought of...the institutions created by the Founding Fathers." Hauptman wrote that he is "incensed" by the publication of this book. As usual, the "Trolls" ad hominem style of attack does not exactly brim over with decorum and respect for "would-be academics" whose opinions they consider to be in error. Hauptman thus opined that Grinde’s annotations have "as much depth as a comic strip." (Hauptman, 220) Richard White, the celebrated new western historian, who hangs his mortarboard at Stanford University, by 1998 was sounding a lot like Tooker’s and Starna’s aseertions a decade earlier. In so doing, White invoked the invisible authority of uncited historians as he wildly overstates the assertions of "influence" advocates in order to discredit them: The newer contributionist [sic] school has set its sights much higher. Native Americans, this new school says, gave us democracy and republican government and inspired our Constitution. Some of the literature has proved very popular with the tribes. The Six Nations, who were the central figures in the theory of American Indian democracy put forward by Bruce Johansen and Donald Grinde, were quick to embrace their role in founding the Republic against whose birth many of their ancestors had, for good reason, fought bitterly. To oppose the American Indian origins of the Constitution was to oppose not just academics but sometimes quite vocal and articulate Native American people. Still, very few historians accepted the Grinde and Johansen thesis. Both historians of Native American peoples and American historians in general have regarded it as a fabric of insinuation, invention, and misreading. The factual basis was weak and its own portrayal of Indian governance simplistic. (White, 232) More Poundings from Right-wing Pundits Dismissive polemics from right-of-center commentators have long been another staple of opposition to the "influence" idea. George Will, Patrick Buchanan, Rush Limbaugh, and John Leo have slimed the idea in past years. In 1999, David Brooks a senior editor of the conservative Weekly Standard stepped into the breach. Brooks took an imaginary family of tourists through the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution, in Washington, D.C., as he complained that the museum had been overtaken by multiculturalism and "political correctness." Brooks guided his imaginary family past exhibits detailing the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 and black protests of segregation during the 1950s. Brooks then complained that even an exhibit on First Ladies’ gowns was tainted by feminist rhetoric. Brooks continued to an exhibit titled "After the Revolution: Every-day Life in America, 1780-1800." This exhibit was said to Brooks to include a display of implements used by a typical Seneca family of the period. Brooks wrote: "It’s in this room that you hit the first oblique reference to the U. S. Constitution: ‘When the American colonies sought to unite during their war with Britain, some leaders thought the [Iroquois] confederacy might serve as a model in some respects for the new American government.’" (Brooks, 20) Donald S. Lutz, writing in Publius: The Journal of Federalism, offered a detailed examination of the Iroquois Confederacy, with special attention to its federalist attributes. The debate over Iroquois influence on the development of federalism was dismissed at the beginning of Lutz’ article as an invention by "a few non-historians." "Historians," writes Lutz, "quickly concluded that such claims were ill-founded." ( Lutz, 1998 , 99) Lutz cites Johansen’s Forgotten Founders calling its author "a journalist" (i.e., "a non-historian"). Lutz struggles mightily to squeeze the Iroquois League into a European framework. Is it "Aristotelian" or "Hobbesian"? Lutz, who is so sure how to define "historian" and "journalist," and declare that never the twain shall meet, can’t decide. (Lutz, 1998, 99) Lutz, who seems be making a case that only academics whom he regards as historians should have a crack at writing history is not, himself, a card-carrying member of a history faculty. He is a political scientist. Increasing Use of the Idea in Educational Venues Despite the concerns of the critics, the idea that the Iroquois and other Native American confederations helped shape the character of democracy is being promulgated in an increasing number of educational venues. An example is the State of California’s history and social-science curriculum for the Fourth Grade. This guide contains a section on the Iroquois Confederacy’s government which identifies the Iroquois Confederacy as "the first democratically governed federation in North America," and describes its structure, adding: "Some historians think that when Franklin attended the Constitutional Convention he applied what he had learned from the Iroquois to the creation of the United States Constitution." (California) Saskatchewan Education’s history curriculum includes a classroom activity which "provides students with an awareness of key attributes found in constitutions and how they impact the rights of the citizenry to influence societal decision making." Students discuss the Iroquois Great law of Peace with reference to its "provisions for referendums, recall of leaders, and publicly-sponsored initiatives." The curriculum says that Iroquois leadership "was accountable to a degree not paralleled in contemporary Europe. A complex system of checks and balances ensured that all member nations would participate in the decisions of the Confederacy’s paramount decision-making body, the Grand Council." (Saskatchewan) The Dayton, Ohio, Public Schools’ Citizenship Competencies for 1999 asked pupils to "Identify contributions of cultural groups to American Society. Competency Demonstration: Given a chart outlining characteristics of the Iroquois Confederacy and the Albany Plan of Union, indicate two ways in which the English colonists may have been influenced by their contact with the Iroquois." Iroquois decision-making processes were consciously utilized in the creation of New York State’s Shaker Mountain School. According to an Internet account: When we founded Shaker Mountain School [in New York State], in 1968, it was set up as a democratic school, with the encouragement of the then-Commissioner of Education of the state, Harvey Scribner. Shaker Mountain school [was] heavily influenced in the early years by [its] involvement with the traditionalist Mohawk Indians of the Iroquois Confederacy (We had regular exchange visits with them). This is perhaps quite fitting because it was the influence of the Iroquois Confederacy that convinced Benjamin Franklin, among others, that democratic decision making was a good form of government and, therefore, a good one to be used for the fledgling independent colonies. (Mintz) Nevada’s Assembly Bill No. 393 , "An Act Relating to Native Americans; Revising the Provisions Relating to the Commemorative Day for Native Americans. Approved May 2, 1997," begins: Whereas, many political concepts, such as federalism, the separation of political and military leaders, the process of admitting new states to the union rather than keeping them as colonies, modern notions of democracy based on egalitarian principles and the recognition of the importance of independence, were concepts admittedly borrowed from the sophisticated League of Iroquois and other Indian nations by such writers as Thomas Payne [sic], Benjamin Franklin and Alexis de Tocqueville . . . Section 1. NRS 236.040 is hereby amended to read as follows: 236.040 The governor of this state is authorized and requested to issue annually a proclamation designating the: 1. third week of July as "Nevada All-Indian Stampede Days" to be celebrated in Fallon, Nevada; and 2. Fourth Friday of September as [Nevada Indian] Native American Day, in commemoration of the Indian people and their efforts to maintain their culture, customs and traditions [ . ] and in recognition of the many contributions of Native Americans to the economic and cultural heritage of all residents of the United States. A description of Iroquois precedents for democracy was worked into Juan González’ Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (2000). González wrote, in part: "The Iroquois constitution, preserved over the years in oral tradition and recorded on wampum belts, led to a unique brand of democracy, which was based on consensus decision-making by elected representatives. Their confederation, according to [Lewis Henry] Morgan, contained ‘the germ of modern parliament, congress, and legislature.’ Since Morgan, numerous scholars have documented how the Iroquois influenced the democratic ideas of our own Founding Fathers. This country’s fierce devotion to individual rights, insists historian Felix Cohen, has its roots in Iroquois thought, as does ‘universal suffrage for women. The pattern of states within a state we call federalism, the habit of treating chiefs as servants of the people instead of as masters.’" (González, 24-25) The Iroquois-influence idea has been receiving increasing attention in political-science curricula. Some political-science document sourcebooks now begin with extracts from the Iroquois Great Law of Peace. An example is the fourth edition of Kenneth M. Dolbeare’s American Political Thought (1998). This college-level political-science textbook begins by stating that the main roots of political thought in the United States stem from Europe, but Dolbeare also acknowledges the debate over Iroquois precedents. On page 32, under "Benjamin Franklin," Dolbeare writes: "The extent to which the Six Nations’; federal system served as a model for the U.S. Constitution of 1787 is a matter of debate among historians today. Two younger [sic] historians, Bruce Johansen and Donald Grinde have produced a significant body of scholarship asserting that the Iroquois model was widely known and regularly drawn upon. Franklin is central to this argument." (Dolbeare, 38, 40) Note in endnote: "Younger historians" is a relative termn. As of this writing, Grinde and Johansen are in their 50s. The Course Catalogue for the Political Science Department, University of New Brunswick ( Canada ) listed a course (in 1998-99), "Political Science 3494: Theories of Federalism," which "will introduce students to theories of federalism. Using the Canadian, American and Haudenosaunee federal systems as examples, the course will examine various analyses of federalism." "Government 473 -- American Political Thought," a course offered at Suffolk University (Boston), Fall, 1998, began with study of the Iroquois Great Law of Peace. The professor, John C. Berg (who is director of graduate studies in the Department of Government at Suffolk) also advises students to access on-line, abbreviated, text of the Great Law. He also asks students to read Chapter One of Lyman Tower Sargent, ed., Political Thought in the United States: A Documentary History (1997), which begins with excerpts from the Great Law of Peace, with pictographic symbols provided by Mohawk culture bearer Ray Fadden. [http://www.cas.suffolk.edu/berg/syl-473.html] Of the Iroquois Great Law, Sargent writes: "The practices of the League influenced Benjamin Franklin, who may, in turn, have been instrumental in bringing some of those practices -- such as federalism -- into the U.S. political system." (Sargent, 4) Use of the Idea in Practical Politics The opinions of Professors Lutz and White notwithstanding, the Iroquois-influence idea has been borrowed in the course of practical politics around the United States. In a speech sponsored by Utah State University Extension Education, Larry Echo-Hawk, professor law at Brigham Young University (as well as former attorney general of Idaho), recalled that he spoke to the 1992 Democratic Party National Convention, describing Iroquois precedents for democracy: I had an opportunity to speak at a National Political Convention. In 1992 and I was invited to be a principal speaker at the Democratic National Convention in New York City at Madison Square Garden. I remember when I got the invitation, I was just struck with fear. "Gee, what am I going to do to finalize the convention? They have given me eight minutes, what am I gonna say?" The thoughts I shared that evening were taken from a Native American concept of government that is many years old. It is a concept of governments that non-Indians learned a long time ago when they first came in contact with Native people on the Eastern Seaboard. There was a very sophisticated federation of Native people and Native governments, known as the Iroquois Confederacy. The white man adopted many things from them. In fact, it is taught in many constitutional law courses that many of the concepts that we now have in the Constitution of the United States were adopted from the Iroquois Confederacy. (Echo-Hawk) Presidents George Bush (Senior) and Bill Clinton have endorsed the Iroquois-influence idea, most often in federal declarations of November as National American Indian Heritage Month. On August 3, 1990, Bush declared the month of November as "National American Indian Heritage Month . . . Activities planned will focus on Native American contributions to this nation for the past five centuries such as the foundation of the U.S. Constitution that was based upon the government of the Iroquois Confederacy of Nations." (American Heritage) The Iroquois model of federalism has been invoked in an effort to prevent federal criminalization of acts that are already crimes under state laws. Gerald B. Lefcourt, speaking before the Committee on Governmental Affairs of the United States Senate May 6, 1999 advocated an Iroquois model of federalism in which he said would allow states to retain jurisdiction within their borders: "The Iroquois model is the right one to follow." (Lefcourt) Lefcourt said that "federalization" of crimes is popular with politicians eager to appear to be doing something about crime. Such federalization duplicates state laws and has caused caseloads in many federal courts to become bloated. The application of Native American federal models on a local level has been an American tradition. According to one contemporary scholar, Thomas Jefferson advocated Native American federalism in local governance. In her analysis of Jefferson and "ward republics," Suzanne W. Morse traced Thomas Jefferson’s theory of local governance (which she calls "ward republics") to Native American polities: In his Notes on the State of Virginia, Jefferson addresses the self-governance of Native Americans. Jefferson greatly admired the fact that Native Americans operated, in his view [on a] model [which] divided the large tribes down into smaller tribal councils for decision-making. Jefferson’s observation of the tribal organization of Native American societies informed his vision of ward republics as vehicles for governing in its most basic and perhaps most necessary level. (Morse, 266) The enduring value of Iroquois and other Native American governmental models may be illustrated by pairing Morse’s analysis of Jefferson with a speech November 28, 1999, by United States Attorney General Janet Reno. Reno opened a meeting with Native American leaders and Interior Department officials in Washington, D.C. by saying, in part, that before Columbus landed "Native Americans had established democratic governments; societies with complex social institutions; economies with far-flung networks of trade." She elaborated, on Iroquois governance: "The Constitution’s framers, notably George Washington and Benjamin Franklin, recognized the genius of the Iroquois Confederacy. And the confederation of the original thirteen colonies...was influenced by the model of the confederacy." (Reno) The idea that the Iroquois helped shape our political character plays well with the United States Green Party, a Web page of which contains the following: The Committees of Correspondence, a term used by dissenting church groups in English history, was the name of the network set up by rebellious town meetings to exchange views and coordinate the political action that led to the first American Revolution. They closely followed the advice given to Benjamin Franklin and others by the Penacook and Iroquois Confederacies to have a movement grounded in and controlled by strong local units. Committees of Correspondence was also the name of a peace network in the 1950s, started by A. J. Muste, and has appeared in other movements as well. (An Introduction) The Iroquois example also has been invoked by the Promise Keepers, which calls itself an "assembly of Christian men." According to a transcript of a Promise Keepers press conference February, 4, 1997 in Washington, D.C., Steve Chavis opened this "assembly of Christian men" by recognizing Huron Claus, the North American director of Chief Ministries, Inc., based in Phoenix, Arizona: He brings with him and in him not only Kiowa but Mohawk lineage, and will offer a prayer in his native tongue and in English. Claus began his presentation: "My name is Huron Claus, and I represent the Mohawk Six Nation Iroquois Confederation. And as I come here today, it was a couple hundred years ago that Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson visited our people, and what they observed in that period of time was a people that were unified, six different nations coming together in unity. And yet, a great reverence, too, for our creator God. So I want to share with you this morning, I want to go to prayer to our Lord, and I want to share my native tongue with you, as well as pray in English. Let’s bow for prayer." (Press Conference) Also in Washington, D.C., Winnebago elder Reuben Snake began a speech on the steps of the U.S. Capitol September 29, 1990, by observing that, "As an American, it is inspiring to stand here at the foot of the U.S. Capitol to exercise two of our basic American rights, the freedom of speech and the right to petition for a redress of grievances." (Snake) Snake said that Native Americans have been identified with liberty in America since at least the Boston Tea Party. "Before that dramatic event," said Snake, the Iroquois Confederacy formed a government that utilized concepts of checks and balances, freedom of speech and religion, referendum, and veto. "These concepts became known to John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau whose writings are cited in identifying the sources of the U.S. Constitution." (Snake) In a practical sense, the increased appreciation of Native American contributions to political theory and practice also represents an increased respect for contemporary Native political systems. For example, Anthony P.X. Bothwell, a San Francisco attorney, has used the impact of Native American confederations on democracy to strengthen a case that Native nations be accorded voting rights in the United Nations. Bothwell’s line of reasoning suggests that large Native American nations, such as the Navajo, Cherokee, et al. , be admitted to the United Nations, and that smaller tribes and nations be admitted as members of confederations. The destruction of Native American nations is all the more ironic in light of the contribution Indians made to the formation of our country. Our Founders had extensive and generally friendly interactions with the Native Americans, who consequently exerted formative influences on our art, food and culture, our appreciation of nature, and our ideas about democracy. Their disrespect for authority influenced our own revolutionaries. Their penchant for helping others set an example for us. So did their thirst for freedom, and their commitment to participative democracy. Franklin, Jefferson and others internalized Indian political and social concepts, and embraced ideas of personal liberty that went far beyond anything ever imagined in England, from which the framework of our law came. Iroquois federalism -- with six nations (Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras and Senecas) in a league, having checks and balances, separation of civilian and military authority, limited government, protection of individual rights, and tolerance for all religious views -- set a model for our federal system. (Bothwell, 177) Conclusion Richard Williams, executive director of the American Indian College Fund, who also is an historian, provides a concluding context for this description of ways in which Iroquois political ideas have spread around Turtle Island, and the world. Williams places the political accomplishments of Native North Americans in a broader context that illustrates early and advanced knowledge in many fields of knowledge. "The ancient structures and cities built by natives on this continent," Williams wrote in the Denver Post , "illustrate an advanced knowledge of mathematics, physics, engineering, astronomy, architecture and urban planning that rivaled -- and in some cases surpassed -- those in Europe, Asia and Africa. In fact, the Mayans pioneered zero as a numeric value, which is considered one of the great mathematical achievements in history and was used thousands of years ahead of the Europeans. . . . And though Mendel is credited with ‘discovering’ the concept of genetics, the Indians of the Americas had perfected the science of hybridization thousands of years before, with scientific experimentation and sophisticated production methods that are studied by agricultural experts worldwide to this day." (Williams, 2002) Immigrants from Europe often have borrowed from native peoples, embraced this knowledge as their own, and then forgotten its origins. Meanwhile, the prevailing assumptions of the "winners’" histories condemn Native Americans as primitive and brutish. The reconstruction of history in its true complexity takes some work, since it often runs counter to the heavy weight of well-established assumptions. So it has been in the evolution of democracy, Williams believes: "The political structure of the great Iroquois Confederacy served as a model for democracy among the founding fathers, who wrote the Constitution based on ‘we the people,’ something unheard of in the aristocratic, feudal societies of Europe. In fact, there is no word for ‘I’ in any American Indian language, which was a profound concept to the framers who closely studied the tribes’ customs, government and culture." (Williams, 2002) Another concluding comment is provided by Kathleen Bragdon in her Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Northeast (2001), which includes a discussion of the "influence" issue (pp. 236-239) with a detailed bibliography of work on both sides. The author comments, in part: "Judging by the number of publications concerning it, the history and influence of the League of the Iroquois [on the ‘Origins of the Constitution,’ in the section’s title] ranks among the most controversial topics of the past several decades. Did complex native institutions precede European influence, and did native institutions in turn contribute to American culture more generally? Many native people argue that both were so." (Bragdon, 2001, 237) References [NOTE: As of October 2002, links below that no longer resolve, or do not link to what is being cited, are not live. If anyone finds a working URL for any of these references please let the ratitor know.] __________ . "American Indian Heritage Foundation." Washington, D.C., Falls Church, VA. Press Release. August 3, 1990. [http://www.indians.org/november/bkgrnd.html] _________. "California: A Changing State." History/Social Science Curriculum for the State of California. [http://www.clre.org/material/celesson/grade4.htm] __________. "Course Catalogue for the Political Science Department, University of New Brunswick [Canada]." [http://ultratext.hil.unb.ca/Texts/calendar/SectionF/political_science.htm] __________. "Dayton [Ohio] Public Schools: Citizenship Competencies. 1999." [http://www.dps.k12.oh.us/academic/secsoc/SSSBB01.HTM] __________. "An Introduction to the Green Party." National Clearinghouse Committees of Correspondence, Box 30208, Kansas City MO 64114. "Building a Green Movement in America: An Introduction to the Green Committees of Correspondence: Our Roots and Heritage." [http://ecosys.drdr.virginia.edu/greens/intro.html] __________. Press Conference Transcript: Announcing "Stand in the Gap: A Sacred Assembly of Men." Promise Keepers, Washington, D.C., February 4, 1997. [http://www.promisekeepers.org/2cde.htm] __________. Saskatchewan Education: History 30 and Social Studies 30. Canadian Studies; A Teacher’s Activity Guide. Regina. (1997) [http://www.sasked.gov.sk.ca/docs/actss30/indexh1.html] __________. "The Illustrated Story of Indians." Classics Illustrated. New York: Gilbertson, 1958 (No. 2), unpaginated. Bothwell, Anthony Peirson Xavier, "We Live on Their Land: Implications of Long-ago Takings of Native American Indian Property." Annual Survey of International and Comparative Law, Golden Gate University School of Law 6(Spring, 2000):175. Bragdon, Kathleen. The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Northeast. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001). Brooks, David. "The National Museum of Multiculturalism." The Weekly Standard, June 7, 1999, 20. Constitution of the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa: Revised. March. Belcourt, North Dakota: Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa, 2002 Dolbeare, Kenneth M. American Political Thought . Fourth Edition. Chatham, N.J.: Chatham House, 1998. Downs, Hugh. "We, the Iroquois," in Perspectives. Atlanta: Turner Publishing, 1995, 272-276. Echo-Hawk, Larry. "The Legal and Political Status of Tribes." May 22, 1998. [http://utahreach.usu.edu/rosie/read/tribes.htm] Frazier, Ian. On the Rez. New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 2000. González, Juan. Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America. New York: Viking Press, 2000, 24-25. Grasset de Saint-Sauveur, Jacques. Costumes Civils Actuels de Tous les Peuples Connus, Dessines d’Apres Nature, Graves et Colories, Accompagnes d’Une Notice Historique de Leurs , Coutumes, Moeurs. Paris, 1784. (Cited in Harry Liebersohn. Aristocratic Encounters: European Travelers and North American Indians. New York and Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1998, 13. Hauptman, Laurence. [Review, Robert Griffin and Donald A. Grinde, Jr. Apocalypse of Chiokoyhikoy, 1997] The Journal of American History 86:1(June, 1999), 220-221. Hoshikawa, Jun. In Praise of the Water Planet. Kagoshima-shi, Kagoshima-ken, Japan: Minaminippon Shinbun-sha, 2000. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet. "The Trojan Horse: Massacre of Tibet." [http://www.goldencapstone.org/trojanhorse.html] No date. Lefcourt, Gerald B. "Testimony, May 6, 1999, Gerald B. Lefcourt, Immediate Past President and Chair, Senate Governmental Affairs, Federalization of Criminal Law. Before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate." (in LEXIS) Lutz, Donald S. "The Iroquois Confederation Constitution: An Analysis," Publius: The Journal of Federalism 28:2(Spring, 1998), 99-127. Mann, Barbara Alice. Iroquoian Women: The Gantowisas. New York: Peter Lang, 2000, xx. Mintz, Jerry. "Democratic School Governance." [http://www.educationrevolution.org/demschoolgov.html] No date. Morse, Suzanne W. "Ward Republics: The Wisest Invention for Self-Government," in James Gilreath. ed., Thomas Jefferson and the Education of a Citizen. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1999, 264-277. [Nevada State] Assembly Bill No. 393: An Act Relating to Native Americans; Revising the Provisions Relating to the Commemorative Day for Native Americans; Approved May 2, 1997. [http://www.leg.state.nv.us/69th/97bills/AB/AB393_EN.HTM] Pirsig, Robert M. Lila: An Inquiry into Morals. New York, Bantam, 1991. Reno, Janet. "Remarks at Native American Heritage Month Event: Washington, D.C., November 24, 1998. Federal Document Clearing House Political Transcripts. (In LEXIS). Sargent, Lyman Tower, ed. Political Thought in the United States: A Documentary History. New York: New York University Press, 1997. Snake, Reuben A., Jr. "Statement of Reuben A. Snake, Jr., Coordinator, Native American Religious Freedom Project, at a Gathering of Native American Religious Leaders at the U.S. Capitol to Obtain Guarantees of Religious Liberty, September 29, 1990." [http://www.repatriationfoundation.org/congress.html] Van Doren, Carl and Julian P. Boyd, eds., Indian Treaties Printed by Benjamin Franklin 1736-1762 . (Philadelphia: Historical Society of Pennsylvania) 1938). White, Richard, "Using the Past: History and Native American Studies." in Russell Thornton, ed., Studying Native America: Problems and Perspectives. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998), 217-243. Williams, Richard B., "Natural Intelligence." Denver Post, February 6, 2002. [http://www.denverpost.com/] http://www.ratical.org/many_worlds/6Nations/grassroots.html 
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work_ig33m7b5hrhzlezwoev34e7ify	----	Non-invasive recording of the arrhythmogenic substrate within the QRS-complex using magnetocardiography JACC February 1996 ABSTRACTS- Poster 373A Insufficiently reflect the complete verddcular mass electrically activated. The a~Jptication of electrical presordial mapping is time consuming, and may not detect the Information content as recorded by magnetocardicgrap~. Magne- tocardingraphio precordial mapping (MCG) with synchroneous recording of 49 channels using SQUID sensors ~ performed in a magnatfcatiy shielded room (background noise < 5 fTIv'Hz) in normal parsons (norm), in post- myocardial infarction patients (post-MI pts) and in patients prone to sus- tained veofdcular tacbycardia (VT-pts). Visual or automatic definition of the T-wave's end in single channels was unreliable with or without filtering due to the high sensitivity of the recording. Thus, the dispersion was dotermined by analysing the synchronlclty of the end of T-wave: the ampl~rdas of all tracings were normatized, summed up and filtered. The Ql"-disporsion was quantltied in this sum crave as the negative slope of the end of the T-weve, indicating a non-homoganslty of cardiac repelarizatfon. Resu~: Group. N Downslope of MCG.T.wave map Norm 25 -2.8:~ 1.3 Post-MI-pts 30 -1.7:1:0.0 VT-pts 12 -1.2:E0.9 slgnllk:anoe: norm vs post-Ml: p = 0.002, norm vs V'l'-pts: p - 0.004, post-MI ~ VT-pts: p ,, 0.05 Thus, the inhomngenezty in repolarization in the 49-channel presordial magnatsoardiograpbic mapping is indicated by a slow downslopo of the end of the combined T-w~ve in VT-patients. This dewnsfope is intermediate in post-MJ-patlents without anl"=ythmias and steep in normals. ~ A n a l y s i s o f P h a s e a n d E n v e l o p e o f High Frequency Components In the M a g n e t o c a r d i o g r a m t o I d e n t i f y H i g h R i s k Patients Michael Oeff, Alfred Unkl, Peter Endt, Lutz Trahms I Cardiopulmon. Dept., Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Fmie Unfversft~t Berlfn; I Physikalisch-Technische Bundasanstalt Berlin, FR Germany Low amplitude fragmented catdias signals am usutiay not detectable within the QRS complex due to inadequate filtering; variable signals are eliminated by the signal averaging technique. To investigate if low amplitude cardiac signals within the QRS complex different from background noise character- ize patients (pts) w~th high risk of malignant tachyarrhythmias, single-beat high resolution rnegnofocardicgraphic recordings (MCG) of 16 normal per- sons (NORM) and 12 patients mit ventricular tachyan'nythmlas (VTVF) were investigated. Multichannsi MCG was recorded in a highly shielded room with a baskgmund noise of < 5 tT/~'R"z. Complex binomial bandpass filtering (70-100 Hz) was applied to preserve fragmented activity dudng ventdcular activation (i.e. within the QRS). Unpredictable (Pv) and periodic changes (Pc) of the low amplitude fragmented signals within QRS were calculated by analysis of phase and envelope of these signals (representing combined time and frequency analysis) and graphically displayed. Results: Presentation of Pv and Pc of cardiac low amplitude signals in consecutive alngle-beat analysis. Identification of periodic, however variable micropotentials within and efter the QRS complex, differentiating NORM from VTVF (N: normal pemons, +: VTVF persons). O,I; 0 . 5 0.4 I .3 P " 0 , : 0.1 O,O 4- 4- 4--I- • .I. 4. t~4. % , ~ + , =.o ,.a ~o o.o zo.o u.o P c ~ Single-beat analysis of high resolution magnetocardicgram using binomial filtering and 2-dimensional spoctrofemperal analysis identified variable irreg- ular mlcropetantisls even with the QRS to identify patients with malignant tachyanythmlas. Non-l.nvasive Recording of the Arrhythmogenic ~ubslrats Within the O R S , Complex Using M a g n e t o c a r d i o g r a p h y Michael gall, Lutz Trahms f, Peter Endt, Heinz-Pater Schultheiss. Cardiopulmon. Dept., Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Freie Universit~t Berlin: 1 Physikalisch-Technisohe Bundesenstaft Berlin, FR Germany Electrical instability of the ventdcutar myocardium is characterized by frag- mented etectrograms during its aclJvation. Signal averaged ECG (SAECG) only detects "late potentials" longer than the QRS-complex. To investigate the clinical significance of pathologic activation within the total QRS com- plex, high-resolution magnetoeardiographic mapping was poffonned in 26 nomnal persons (NORM), 32 post-MI patieofs (33 ± 7 days after MI) wilhout symptomatic arrhythmias (aMl-pts), and in 24 pts with venfficular tachycardia (Vl"-pts). The magnetocardtOgTam (MCG) was recorded in a shielded room (multi-sensor SQUID-system, 37 channels, noise < 5 f l " l V ~ ) and analyzed using binomial non-recursive filtering providing a ,near phase response of the MCG. A scorn (FI) characterized the extent of the intraventrlcular frag- mentation. MCG results were compared to signal average ECG findings (SAECG). Results'. Group R (~r, it~ve SAECG NORM 2O ± 6 0/27 aMId31s 28 ~ 11 3/32 VT-pts 50+17 11/22 NORM vs aMh p = 0.002, NORM vs VTVF: p = 0,0001, aMIvs VTVF: p = 0.0001 Outing 1 -year-foflow-up of the post-MI pts, 2 pis having higher score values (34, 40, resp.) suffered from anbythmic events. Thus, high-resolution magnetocardiographic mapping with QRS analysis using new filtering techniques allowed idantifK:atJon of patients prone to malignant tachyarrhythmias and may reveal a prognostic relevance. Clinical S i g n f f i c a n c e o f V e n l d c u i e r L a t e P o t e n l i e l s i n I d i o p a t h i c Dilated C a r d i o m y o p a t h y - - A P r o s p e c t i v e S t u d y i n 120 Patlents Wolfram Grimm, Volker Menz, J0rgan Hoffmann, Ursula Knop, Jens Winzenburg, Bernhard Maisch. Phillips-University Marburg, Gen'nany Signal-avemgod ECG (SAECG) was performed in 120 patients with idio- pathic dil&'ed card~omyupatby (DCM, 50 -4- 12 years, EF 31 4- 11%). DCM was defined as cardiomegaly with left venMcular EF _< 50% in the absence of any comnery alenosis > 50% by angicgrapby, and no hiato~j of byperten- sign or valvular disease. All 120 study patients with DCM were prospectively followed beginning from the time of SAECG analysis until May 1995. Major arrhy~mic events during follow-up were defined as sustained VT or VF, or sudden cardiac death, i.e. death within 1 hour after the onset of symptoms or unwitnessed death. In patients without bundle branch block (n = 82), time domain analysis of the SAECG (Corezonles PREDICTOR) was used to detect late potentials. Late potentials were considered to be present if 1) QRS-duration was > 114 ms, and2) RMS 40 was < 20 p.V and/or LAS 40 was > 38ms a t 4 0 Hz filtering. In patients with bundle branch block (QRS > 110 ms; n = 38), speofrotemporal analysis of the SAB?J3 was performed automatically with the use of software (FFT-Plus, ART). Late potentials were considered to be present if a nsrmality factor of < 30% was derived from analysis of the x, y or z lead. Results: SAECG revealed ventdcular late potentials in 22 of 120 patients wit~ OCM (18%). Oudng 11:1:6 months follow-up, 14 of 120 study patients with DCM (12%) had a major arrhythmlc event as defined above. Major an'bythmic events did occur in 3 of 22 patie~s with late potentials (14%) and in 11 of 98 patian',s wiffmat late potentials (11%). Sensilk, ify, specifity, positive and negative predictive accuracy of late potentials for the occurrence of major arrhythmic events were 21%, 82%, 14% and 89% r e s p e ~ . Cono/usion: In this selected patient popula, on with idiopathic dilated car- diomyopethy, ventdcutar late potentials detected by SAECG have a low sensitivity and a low positive ~ accuracy for the ocourrence of major arrhythmic events during follow-up. 
work_ih3gc4ervvg2pn2wm6iwowtsjy	----	untitled From the Chairman British Journal of Anaesthetic & Recovery Nursing Vol. 14(1-2), 1 doi:10.1017/S174264561300003X r British Association of Anaesthetic and Recovery Nursing, 2013 The Power Within You Manda Dunne BARNA Chair I suppose we should be used to it by now – Healthcare, in a constant state of change. Working in a Trust that is about to amalgamate with another for a second time in as many years, the future can be unsettling and quite frightening. Two basic rules of life are for sure. First, change is inevitable and secondly, everyone resists it. As nurses we are expected to ‘keep calm and carry on’, but underneath we are probably feeling quite the opposite. Today’s leaders in nursing must be able to make personnel commitment to change, not only for one’s own survival but in order to encourage and influence others. We are aware that we need to lead by example, but how do we do that, particularly in the difficult and challenging times we are living in today. Life is about evolving and actively creating change, as well as learning how to go with the flow when inevitable change comes our way. We need to look back, revisit and rekindle our passion for nursing and take that passion to commu- nicate a clear vision for the future. If we can recharge our motivation for change then we must embrace the passion and vision together because the future depends on all of us. To explore how we lead others we may need to make changes in ourselves. It is important to take advantage of those ‘quiet’ moments that we have, sit with your colleagues and share your experiences and nursing stories, sad, happy and otherwise. Energise yourself! As a role model it is important to take initiative and adopt a positive attitude and to share your voices together. Now, I am talking about the voice of BARNA. I have often spoken of how rewarding my journey with the association has been for me personally and I am still on a quest to convince may more anaesthetic and recovery nurses as to how exciting it can be to be more involved. Start small, be brave and submit your report for publication in the journal, then go for the article or piece of research that you have been working on and see it in the BJARN. From there you may decide that you would like to commit a little more, take a medium step and join one of our subcommittees, education perhaps. Then, you may want to go for the big, much larger step and join the executive committee. We need successors, and this is a fantastic way to become more involved in the speciality that you are passionate about. Find the leader in you, make a difference and recharge your personnel power, passion and vision. Change happens every day, every moment, in every way and everywhere. We must learn to embrace change, even when it arrives with its companions, fear and uncertainty. Do not let the two companions of change put you off – there is much more fun out there! In the words of Benjamin Franklin, ‘When you’re finished changing, you’re finished’. 1British Journal of Anaesthetic & Recovery Nursing Vol. 14 No. 1-2 r British Association of Anaesthetic and Recovery Nursing, 2013 https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S174264561300003X Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S174264561300003X https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_iocwtrxv6jf5dpbuw733xcufhq	----	PDF revista.pdf Spinal intradural arteriovenous �stula mimicking intramedullary tumor and associated with a giant intracranial aneurysm Wuilker Knoner Campos1, Benjamin Franklin da Silva2, Jose Antônio Damian Guasti3 ABSTRACT Spinal intradural arteriovenous !stulas (AVFs) are a rare type of neurovascular malformation. Many a time hemodynamic disturbs associated to these entities can cause edema with subsequent myelopathy. On MRI study, this edema can mimic an intramedullary tumor. We report a rare case of spinal intradural AVFs mimicking an intramedullary tumor, which also were surprisingly associated with a giant intracranial aneurysm. We highlight in detail the MRI !ndings in intramedullary lesions, and also emphasize that these entities requires as careful differential diagnosis as supplementary investigation of the neuroaxis looking for other simultaneous neurovascular pathologies. KEY-WORDS Arteriovenous !stula, vascular malformations, spine, intracranial aneurysm, spinal cord/pathology. RESUMO Fístula arteriovenosa intradural espinhal mimetizando tumor intramedular e associado com aneurisma intracraniano gigante Fístulas arteriovenosas espinhais intradurais são um tipo raro de malformação neurovascular. Muitas vezes, distúrbios hemodinâmicos associados a essa entidade podem causar edema com subsequente mielopatia. Em estudos de ressonância magnética, esse edema pode mimetizar um tumor intramedular. Relata-se um caso raro de !stula arteriovenosa espinhal intradural mimetizando um tumor intramedular, que também estava associado a um aneurisma cerebral gigante. Destacam-se em detalhes os achados de RM nas lesões intramedulares, assim como se enfatiza que essas entidades requerem tanto um diagnóstico diferencial criterioso quanto uma investigação complementar do neuroeixo procurando por outras patologias neurovasculares associadas. PALAVRAS-CHAVE Fístula arteriovenosa, malformações vasculares, coluna vertebral, aneurisma intracraniano, medula espinhal/patologia. 1. Neurosurgeon, NEURON Institute of Neurosurgery, Baía Sul Hospital, Florianópolis, SC, Brazil, associate professor, Division of Neurosurgery, Federal University of Santa Catarina, Florianópolis, SC, Brazil. 2. Assistant neurosurgeon, Department of Neurosurgery, Bonsucesso Federal Hospital, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil. 3. Head, Department of Neurosurgery, Bonsucesso Federal Hospital, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil. Introduction Intradural spinal arteriovenous !stulas (AVFs), a subtype of spinal vascular malformation, are a direct communication between a spinal artery and a vein on the spinal cord surface or in the subarachnoid space. Spinal vascular malformations are a heterogeneous group of rare and still underdiagnosed pathological entities that classically may lead to progressive mye- lopathy if not early diagnosed and treated.4,8 Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) is considered the !rst-line diagnostic modality of choice in progressive myelo- pathy. However, despite high-resolution of this exam, care must be taken not to fall into the image’s pitfall of these entities. Spinal cord infarction related to spinal AVFs may mimic an intramedullary tumor, leading even expert physicians to make mistake of diagnosis. Moreo- ver, other vascular malformations may be associated to AVFs in the nervous system. We report a rare case of spinal intradural AVFs mimicking an intramedullary tumor, which were surprisingly associated with a giant intracranial aneurysm. Arq Bras Neurocir 30(4): 199-202, 2011 200 Case report History A 62-year-old Caucasian woman was referred to our hospital complaining of low-back pain for 4 years associated to a progressive lower-extremity weakness and intermittent urinary incontinence over the past 2 years. At the time of presentation the patient has exhib- ited paraplegia for 2 months. "ere was no history of trauma or orthopedic deformities. Examination In additional paraplegia on neurological examina- tion, we also found a bilateral anesthesia with sensitivity level at D11 dermatome, proprioceptive sensory de!cit of the lower limbs, bilaterally Babinski`s sign, bladder dysfunction, and tendon re#exes were increased in the lower extremities. Unexpectedly, an unclear Ho$mann’s sign in right upper extremity was found. Spine MRI !ndings have demonstrated an intramedullary lesion at D11-L1 levels Figures 1 A and B, but no changes in cervical spine. An intramedullary tumor (astrocytoma or ependymoma) had been suggested by neuroradi- ologists. Neurosurgical team agreed to this reasonable hypothesis and then surgical procedure was proposed to the patient. As cervical spine was no changes and Ho$mann’s sign was uncertain, we did not consider this sign like an objective physical !nding. Operation It was performed a posterior operative approach with a D10-L1 laminectomy. As soon as we had opened the dura-matter, it was unexpectedly found a numerous serpiginous vessels with medium caliber that covered posterior and lateral surface of cord extending at the conus medullaris without radicular prolongations. "ese lesions compressed slightly the medulla, which presented pallidal and tumescent aspect (Figure 2). We did not observe nidus. On immediately transoperative reanalysis of the spine MRI, we found multiple signal voids dots in subarachnoid space (Figure 1 C). Subse- quently, microsurgical ligature of !stula with a dorsal venous plexus resection was successful performed. Postoperative course Initially, the patient reported a discreet improve- ment of the strength in the le% leg, but not functional (muscle strength grade I). Because of the initial unva- lu ed Ho$mann’s signs and the transoperative !ndings, the remaining neuroaxis was investigated through Figure 2 – Intraoperative photograph: It observes tortuous and dilated vessels with serpiginous aspect on the posterior surface of the cord. In addition to venous out!ow obstruction (not shown), arterialization of these veins produces venous hypertension. Nidus was not observed. Figure 1 – Image’s Studies: "oracolumbar spine MRI (A, B, C) of spinal intradural AVFs showing an intramedullary edema (white arrow) mimicking a tumor at D11-L1 levels. (A) Sagittal T1-weighted image and (B) Sagittal FLAIR sequence show a lesion with signal hyperintensity without spinal cord contrast enhancement, making it di#cult to di$erentiate from other entities such as intramedullary tumors. (C) Axial T2-weighted MRI shows multiple intradural vessels with !ow voids in dorsal and lateral subarachnoid space (white arrows). (D) Cerebral digital angiography showing a giant aneurysm in the le% MCA. angiography and magnetic resonance. Cerebral digital angiography showed a giant aneurysm in the le% middle cerebral artery (MCA) that was opted for conservative treatment according to the patient`s desire (Figure 1 D). During the follow-up period (40 months) the patient has reported lower limbs improvement with muscle strength recovered to grade III. "e intracranial giant aneurysm has continued no change on angiography, and the patient has not presented new neurological !ndings. Intradural arteriovenous !stula Campos WK, et al. Arq Bras Neurocir 30(4): 199-202, 2011 201 Discussion According to Spetzler classi!cation, spinal cord arteriovenous lesions are divided into arteriovenous !s- tulas (AVFs) and arteriovenous malformations (AVMs). Arteriovenous !stulas are subdivided into those that are extradural and those that are intradural, with intradural lesions categorized as either dorsal or ventral.4,8 Spinal intradural AVFs are uncommon lesions characterized by a direct arteriovenous shunt between a radiculome- dullary artery or radiculopial and perimedullary veins located on the pial surface of the spinal cord and are usually considered to be congenital in origin.8 However, case report of the acquired spinal intradural AVFs has been published.3 "e anatomical distribution of the !stula along the long axis of the spine is bimodal, predominantly in the tho- racolumbar region (particularly at the conus medullaris) as seen in present case and, to a lesser extent, in the upper cervical region. Males and females are equally a$ected.4,8 Clinically, the patients usually present with progres- sive myelopathy due to venous hypertension-induced.4 Venous hypertension leads to swelling and edema into the spinal cord, the so-called state of venous congestion. It occurs in conjunction with the characteristic symp- toms of a slowly progressive neurological deterioration. Most patients, regardless of which type of lesion they harbor, present with myelopathy (80%) but no hemor- rhage. Paraplegia is gradually progresses within 5 years of symptom onset. More rarely, patients have urinary, bowel, or sexual dysfunction.5 MRI is considered the !rst-line diagnostic modality of choice in progressive myelopathy. Findings on MRI study, such as signal abnormalities and cord enlargement are o%en non-speci!c and may result from a variety of pathologic processes in the spinal cord, including tumor, infection, and vascular diseases. "erefore, edema due to intramedullary venous congestion represents really a pitfall because can be misdiagnosed as an intramedul- lary tumor Figures 1 A and B.9 However, an apparently normal MRI study does not exclude a vascular lesion as the cause of clinical signs of myelopathy. Consequently, it is very important to know the patterns of spinal cord lesions on MRI for the di$erential diagnosis2 (Table 1). "e characteristic MRI !ndings of spinal intradural AVFs are extramedullary intradural alterations such as dilated vessels with multiple signal voids (Figure 1 C) or subarachnoid hemorrhages.5 When a spinal vascular malformation is suspected based on MRI and neurologi- cal symptoms, selective spinal angiography should be conducted in order to determine the type (AVM or AVF) and #ow (high or low) of the vascular malformation, be- sides helping to determine the appropriate treatment.10 Spinal intradural AVFs can be treated with surgery, embolization, or both. Authors agree that surgery is optimum for two reasons. First, the embolization is associated with a high risk of occlusion of the anterior spinal artery or its branches7 and the rates of recurrence and progressive myelopathy associated with emboliza- tion are high. Second, according to surgical series, the reported morbidity rate is extremely low and the suc- cess rate high.6 Table 1 – Common MRI patterns with di$erential diagnosis of the intramedullary lesions Signal Contrast enhancement Hypotesis Pattern 1 Abnormal signal intensity on T2-weighted images Focal solid enhancement Tumor (ependymoma, hemangioblastoma, metastasis, astrocytoma, lymphoma) Myelitis Infarction Pattern 2 Abnormal signal intensity on T2-weighted images Nonsolid enhancement Tumor (astrocytoma, ependymoma, lymphoma) Infarction, spinal AVF* Myelitis Pattern 3 Hyperintensity on T2-weighted images No Myelitis Infarction, spinal AVF* Tumor (astrocytoma) Others Pattern 4 Mixed hypointense and hyperintense signal abnormalities on T1-weighted and T2-weighted images __ Hemorrhagic tumors (astrocytoma, ependymoma, metastasis) Cavernous hemangioma, spinal AVF* Posttraumatic hemorrhagic contusion Pattern 5 Hyperintense and inhomogeneous lesion Leptomeningeal enhancement Tumor (Metastasis, lymphoma, leukemia) Myelitis Pattern 6 Di$use atrophy of the spinal cord with or without abnormal signal intensity No Hereditary (adrenoleukodystrophy, hereditary ataxia with cord degeneration) Others (multiple sclerosis, AIDS vacuolar myelopathy and tract pallor, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, posttraumatic atrophy) *AVF: arteriovenous !stula. Intradural arteriovenous !stula Campos WK, et al. Arq Bras Neurocir 30(4): 199-202, 2011 202 "e common association between arteriovenous malformations in tandem with aneurysms (and vice versa) in the nervous system is well known and suggests that hemodynamic stress is the signi!cant factor in the development of both lesions when found simultane- ously. However in our case we found two neurovascular lesions in uncorrelated site. "us, although increased blood #ow seems to be an important factor in forma- tion of these aneurysms associated with AVMs, the role of a developmental vascular anomaly also must be hypothesized.1 To the authors’ knowledge, the associa- tion of these two concurrent vascular lesions has not been previously reported. Conclusion In conclusion, MRI !ndings of spinal intradural AVF may be misdiagnosed as intramedullary tumor because of edema associated to intramedullary venous congestion. Cases as seen in present study require care- ful di$erential diagnosis from intramedullary lesions. "e present study also emphasizes the role of neurologi- cal exam, and that even an unclear sign can represent an important pathology requiring further investigation. Spinal intradural AVFs in association with giant intra- cranial aneurysm have not been previously reported. Whether this concurrence is purely a coincidence or whether there is a pathogenetic link between them cannot be answered. References 1. Biondi A, Merland JJ, Hodes JE, Pruvo JP, Reizine D. Aneurysms of spinal arteries associated with intramedullary arteriovenous malformations. I. Angiographic and clinical aspects. AJNR Am J Neuroradiol. 1992;13(3):913-22. 2. Bourgouin PM, Lesage J, Fontaine S, Konan A, Roy D, Bard C, et al. A pattern approach to the differential diagnosis of intramedullary spinal cord lesions on MR imaging. AJR Am J Roentgenol. 1998;170(6):1645-9. 3. Cho JH, Ahn JY, Kuh SU, Chin DK, Yoon YS. Acquired spinal extradural arteriovenous �stula after instrumented lumbar surgery. Case illustration. J Neurosurg Spine. 2008;9(1):83. 4. Kim LJ, Spetzler RF. Classi�cation and surgical management of spinal arteriovenous lesions: arteriovenous �stulae and arteriovenous malformations. Neurosurgery. 2006;59(5 Suppl 3):S195-201. 5. Koenig E, Thron A, Schrader V, Dichgans J. Spinal arteriovenous malformations and fistulae: clinical, neuroradiological and neurophysiological �ndings. J Neurol. 1989;236(5):260-6. 6. Lee TT, Gromelski EB, Bowen BC, Green BA. Diagnostic and surgical management of spinal dural arteriovenous �stulas. Neurosurgery. 1998;43(2):242-6. 7. Meisel HJ, Lasjaunias P, Brock M. Modern management of spinal and spinal cord vascular lesions. Minim Invasive Neurosurg. 1995;38(4):138-45. 8. Mourier KL, Gobin YP, George B, Lot G, Merland JJ. Intradural perimedullary arteriovenous �stulae: results of surgical and endovascular treatment in a series of 35 cases. Neurosurgery. 1993;32(6):885-91. 9. Roccatagliata L, Centanaro F, Castellan L. Venous congestive myelopathy in spinal dural arteriovenous �stula mimicking neoplasia. Neurol Sci. 2007;28(4):212-5 10. Touho H, Karasawa J, Ohnishi H, Yamada K, Shibamoto K. Superselective embolization of spinal arteriovenous malformations using the Tracker catheter. Surg Neurol. 1992;38(2):85-94. Correspondence address Wuilker Knoner Campos Instituto de Neurocirurgia NEURON, sala 419 – Baía Sul Medical Center Rua Menino Deus, 63 88020-210 – Florianópolis, SC, Brazil Telefax: (+55 48) 3224-0843 E-mail: wuilker@yahoo.com.br Arq Bras Neurocir 30(4): 199-202, 2011 Intradural arteriovenous !stula Campos WK, et al. 
work_ipwbko745bdlpe32dxxz4optn4	----	Dr Ben Franklin and an unusual modern-day cure for recurrent pleuritis COMPLICATED PROBLEM, ENLIGHTENED ANSWER What should the astute physician do with a young, self-directed lung patient from the US, as preoccupied with diplomacy and the proper function of government as they are with objective scientific inquiry? In the counsel of that great US scientist-diplomat, Dr Benjamin Franklin, kick them outside … literally, and all the better if in the nude! But what sort of man was Franklin to listen to on such matters? Franklin’s advice, although not substantiated at the time and seemingly unorthodox (to say the very least), came from a learned and productive medical researcher and member of the Royal Medical Society of Paris, honorary member of the Medical Society of London, and member of several US medical societies.1 His rationale for such clinical guidance served as the basis for modern indoor ventilation standards and the concept that respiratory diseases, from which he was a frequent sufferer as a youth,1 were often acquired from other people — not from breathing cold air, as was conventionally thought at the time.2 In a letter of 25 September 1773 to Thomas Percival, of London, Dr Franklin wrote in part: ‘From many years’ observations on myself and others, I am persuaded we are on a wrong scent in supposing moist or cold air, the cause of that disorder we call a cold. Some unknown quality in the air may perhaps produce colds, as in the influenza, but generally, I apprehend they are the effect of too full living in proportion to our exercise.’ 2 Franklin is seemingly predicting airborne viruses responsible for influenza and others associated with the common cold, and drawing a connection to becoming clinically ill with poor dietary choices — contributing to obesity, which has deleterious effect on immune function — and lack of physical exercise, depriving oneself of the many universally acknowledged immune benefits of such.2 On 14 June 1773, Franklin had written the following to Dr Benjamin Rush: ‘I hope that after, having discovered the benefit of fresh and cool air applied to the sick, people will begin to suspect that possibly it may do no harm to the well. I have long been satisfied from observation, that besides the general colds now termed influenza (which may possibly spread by contagion, as well as by a particular quality of the air), people often catch cold from one another when shut up together in close rooms, coaches, et cetera, and when sitting near and conversing so as to breathe in each other’s transpiration, the disorder being in a certain state.’ 2 Franklin continued, suggesting that what we now call particulate matter (respirable solid or liquid organic or inorganic matter suspended in the air) — known to cause allergic reactions in many people that could easily appear as a cold — and alternative sources of infection (aside from sick people, per se) are also largely to blame for the appearance of colds.2 As appeared to be his typical, forward- thinking attitude, Franklin continued by asserting that most illness, even the common cold, was precipitated, to at least some degree, by over-indulgence and lack of physical exercise.2 Although not so straightforward as Franklin supposed, the good doctor was correct in his thesis that obesity is poor for health and exercise beneficial. OUR PATIENT’S EXPERIENCE We are keenly indebted for the clinical insight provided through Dr Franklin’s advice, detailed in his vast written legacy to Materia Medica. Our patient is a young woman carrying the diagnosis of classic Freeman– Sheldon syndrome,3–4 described elsewhere,5 and whom we have cared for over much of her life. During the preceding 12 years, she had frequently experienced pleuritic pain and râles, and had incomplete responses to first-line antibiotics. Fluoroquinolones were contraindicated due to her history of malignant hyperthermia.6–7 Unexpectedly, our patient became symptom-free, reporting that this change had occurred after sleeping outside and demonstrated improved pulse oxygenation from 94 to 97%. She has continued to sleep outside and has remained well for over 2 years, except one serious, complicated episode of bronchitis that developed while sleeping inside for approximately 1 month. Although lacking definitive aetiological understanding in this case, we assume there is a higher particulate count inside the home that includes matter to which our patient experiences a hypersensitivity, enabling opportunistic infection from aspiration or aerosol associated with her documented severe dysphagia. Our experience seems to correlate with and substantiate the 19th-century promotion of outdoor air for patients experiencing severe pulmonary disease. Now that our patient has been banished to sub-zero temperatures in winter, she has acquired a feverish academic productivity that seems to increase exponentially as the months pass. Rather than bring us new pulmonary complaints every few weeks, she is inundating us with mountains of unpublished manuscripts to review. Before this Franklin therapy, she had not published in a single peer-reviewed journal. She now has published no less than ten papers and has others under review! Perhaps, the fresh air was both the source of Franklin’s pulmonary health and mental vigour — a sort of Franklin syndrome — as seen in the productivity of others who made sojourns to Saranac Lake in the US, as well as their colleagues in Britain and on the Continent, who all took to the mountains to breathe in the restorative cool, fresh air. So, on the 310th anniversary of his birth, we heartily salute Dr Franklin for the lasting and sometimes humorous impact he made to our profession, some of which we only now seem to be learning. As the doctor said: ‘But we abound in absurdity and inconsistency.’2 Mikaela I Poling, Graduate Research Assistant, Department of Applied Physiology, FSRG deGruyter-McKusick Institute of Health Sciences, Buckhannon, West Virginia, US. 32 British Journal of General Practice, January 2017 Dr Ben Franklin and an unusual modern-day cure for recurrent pleuritis Out of Hours “Our experience seems to correlate with and substantiate the 19th-century promotion of outdoor air for patients experiencing severe pulmonary disease.” British Journal of General Practice, January 2017 33 Craig R Dufresne, Clinical Professor, Department of Surgery, Georgetown University School of Medicine, Fairfax, Virginia, US. Robert L Chamberlain, Professor, Department of Applied Physiology, FSRG deGruyter-McKusick Institute of Health Sciences, Buckhannon, West Virginia, US. Acknowledgements The authors wish to remember their beloved late friend Rigoberto RT Ramirez and the excellent care he provided to patients. The authors also wish to thank Rodger J McCormick for his conscientious patient care and C Mateal Poling for reviewing the manuscript. DOI: 10.3399/bjgp17X688705 REFERENCES 1. Diller T. The writings of Benjamin Franklin pertaining to medicine and the medical profession. Aesculapian 1909; 1(3-4): 156– 197. 2. Diller T. The writings of Benjamin Franklin pertaining to medicine and the medical profession. Aesculapian 1909; 1(2): 65–84. 3. Freeman EA, Sheldon JH. Cranio-carpo- tarsal dystrophy: undescribed congenital malformation. Arch Dis Child 1938; 13: 277–283. 4. Stevenson DA, Carey JC, Palumbos J, et al. Clinical characteristics and natural history of Freeman–Sheldon syndrome. Pediatrics 2006; 117(3): 754–762. 5. Chamberlain RL, Poling MI, Portillo AL, et al. Freeman–Sheldon syndrome in a 29-year-old female presenting with rare and previously undescribed features. BMJ Case Rep 2015; DOI: 10.1136/bcr-2015-212607. 6. Metterlein T, Schuster F, Tadda L, et al. Fluoroquinolones influence the intracellular calcium handling in individuals susceptible to malignant hyperthermia. Muscle Nerve 2011; 44(2): 208–212. 7. Bird ST, Etminan M, Brophy JM, et al. Risk of acute kidney injury associated with the use of fluoroquinolones. CMAJ 2013; 185(10): E475– E482. ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE Mikaela I Poling 6670 Old Elkins Road, Buckhannon, WV, 26201, US. E-mail: poling_mi@fsrgroup.org Books Out of Hours The State of Medicine Margaret McCartney Pinter & Martin, 2016, PB, 272pp, £11.99, 978-1780664002 THE GULF BETWEEN POLICY AND IMPLEMENTATION Nobody who follows the news in Britain, and most especially anyone who has had to use the system recently, can be unaware of the current problems facing the NHS. Those of us who have worked in the NHS over the last 15–20 years are all too familiar with the long history of reorganisations, wasteful initiatives, ill thought out policies, and simple errors. And here they all are, set out in densely referenced detail. Margaret McCartney’s latest book is a truly impressive achievement in the scope and unblinking gaze it fixes on our travails. Even more impressive, it was an easy read, with little that I didn’t know already, and almost nothing to disagree with. She has woven all the different elements into a single narrative by stating what, in a less ideological and politically motivated world, would amount to good policy: careful attention to evidence; regard for the opportunity costs of any change; and, running as a constant thread throughout the book, paying particular attention to the harmful effects. Here the book is an echo in microcosm of a fault that King and Crewe in their book The Blunders of our Governments (2013) identify as a constant in their long list of blunders across many government departments, that the policymakers in Whitehall have no interest in the practical application of their schemes. Policy is for the intellectuals; implementation is for lesser mortals. The policymakers don’t ask, and certainly don’t listen to, the people working on the ground who would be able to tell them the likely consequences of their latest ideas. Above all Margaret McCartney is correct that, if we are to reverse the disastrous effects on stress, morale, and simple efficiency, the starting point has to be the values that are embodied in the NHS’s structure, and the men and women who make the system work and use it as patients. The book focuses exclusively on the woes of the NHS. Although that enables McCartney to examine very closely much of what has gone wrong, it prevents her from considering any alternatives. She has written chillingly of the way that private companies are offering services here and now, and warns that this will undermine NHS primary care. However, there are other countries in the world that manage universal health coverage, with a robust system of primary care and good secondary care, and without placing monopoly powers in the hands of an over-centralised and ideologically driven government. One of my fears is that continuing to cling to the system we have here as the only one that can deliver these benefits weakens the arguments for its retention, rather than strengthening them by testing it in good faith against, for instance, a less monopolistic but still publicly funded system. To criticise McCartney for not doing what she didn’t set out to do is perhaps unfair. Towards the end of the book she asks, ‘How did doctors and patients get so far apart?’ I want to shout back, ‘Why are we all as a society so supine that we have allowed successive governments to act so undemocratically and do so much damage to the healthcare system?’ The book argues not for confrontation but, probably more wisely, for a much better partnership between patients, professionals, and government. If it helps to bring that about then we shall all benefit; if not, then perhaps it will at the very least encourage some righteous anger. David Jewell, Locum GP, Bristol. E-mail: mdjewell99@gmail.com DOI: 10.3399/bjgp17X688717 
work_itfjhokidvgtpknpx7beh56lfy	----	Editorial Andermann F, Beaumanoir A, Roger J, Tassinarri CA, eds. Occipital seizures and epilepsies in children. London: John Libbey (In Press). 30 De Marco P. Benign infantile epilepsy with parietal evoked spikes (also called 'with extreme sensory evoked potentials'). In: Beaumanoir A, Gastaut H, Naquet R, eds. Reflex Seizures and Reflex Epilepsies. Geneva: Editions Medecine and Hygiene, 1989:69-74. 31 Dalla Bernardina B, Colamaria V, Chiamenti C, Cappovilla G, Trevisan E, Tassinari CA. Benign partial epilepsy with affective symptoms. In: Roger J, Bureau M, Dravet C, Dreifuss FE, Perret A, Wolf P, eds. Epileptic syndromes in infancy, childhood and adolescence. London: John Libbey, 1992:219-23. 32 Beaumanoir A, Nahory A. Les epilepsies benignes partielles: 11 cas d'epilepsie partielle frontal a evolution favorable. Rev EEG neurophysiol 1983;13:207-1 1. 33 Fejerman N, Di Blasi AM. Status epilepticus of benign partial epilepsies in children: report of two cases. Epilepsia 1987;28:351-5. 34 Colamaria V, Sgro V, Caraballo R, et al. Status epilepticus in benign rolandic epilepsy manifesting as anterior operculum syndrome. Epilepsia 1991;32:329-34. 35 Grecory DL, Wong PKH. Clinical relevance of a dipole field in Rolandic spikes. Epilepsia 1992;33:36-46. 36 Frost JD, Hrachovy RA, Glaze DG. Spike morphology in childhood focal epilepsy: relationship to syndromic classification. Epilepsia 1992;33:531-6. 37 Petersen J, Nielsen CJ, Gulman NC. Atypical EEG abnormalities in children with benign partial (Rolandic) epilepsy. Acta Neurol Scand 1983;67(suppl 94):57-62. 38 Drury I, Beydoun A. Benign partial epilepsy of childhood with mono- morphic sharp waves in centrotemporal and other locations. Epilepsia 199 1;32:662-7. 39 Ambrosetto G, Tinuper P, Barruzi A. Relapse of benign partial epilepsy of children in adulthood: report of a case. J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatry 1985;48:90. 40 Gibbs FA, Gibbs EL. Atlas of electroencephalography. Cambridge: Mass, Addison-Wesley, 1952:222-4. 41 Gibbs EL, Gillen HW, Gibbs FA. Disappearance and migration of epileptic foci in childhood. Am 7 Dis Child 1954;88:596-603. 42 Kellaway P. The incidence, significance and natural history of spike foci in children. In: Henry CE, ed. Current clinical neurophysiology. Update on EEG and evoked potentials. New York: Elsevier/North Holland, 1980; 151-75. 43 Camfield PR, Metrakos K, Andermann F. Basilar migraine, seizures, and severe epileptiform EEG abnormalities. Neurology 1978;28:584-8. 44 Panayiotopoulos CP. Basilar Migraine? Seizures and severe epileptiform EEG abnormalities. Neurology 1980;30:1122-5. 45 Panayiotopoulos CP. Difficulties in differentiating migraine and epilepsy based on clinical and EEG findings. In: Andermann F, Lugaresi E, eds. Migraine and epilepsy. London: Butterworth 1987:31-46. 46 Panayiotopoulos CP. Fixation-off sensitive epilepsies. In: Beaumanoir A, Gastaut H, Naquet R, eds. Reflex seizures and reflex epilepsies. Geneva: Editions Medecine and Hygiene 1989:203-17. 47 Aicardi J, Newton R. Clinical findings in children with occipital spike-waves suppressed by eye opening. In: Andermann F, Lugaresi E, eds. Migraine and epilepsy. London: Butterworth 1987:111-24. 48 Cooper GW, Lee SI. Reactive occipital epileptiform activity: is it benign? Epilepsia 1991;32(1):663-8. 49 Kajitani T, Ueoka K, Nakamura M, Kumanomidou Y Febrile convulsions and Rolandic discharges. Brain Dev 1981:3:351-9. 50 Bray FP, Wiser WC. Evidence for a genetic etiology of temporal central abnormalities in focal epilepsy. New EnglandJ? Med 1964;271:926-33. 51 Bray FP, Wiser WC. Hereditary characteristics of familial temporal central epliepsy. Pediatrics 1965;30:207-1 1. 52 Heijbel J, Blom S, Rasmuson M. Benign epilepsy of childhood witlycentro- temporal EEG foci: a genetic study. Epilepsia 1975;16:285-93. 53 Degen R, Degen HE. Some genetic aspects of Rolandic epilepsy: Waking and sleep EEGs in siblings. Epilepsia 1990;31:795-801. 54 Kuzniecky R, Rosenblatt B. Benign occipital epilepsy: A family study. Epilepsia 1987;28:346-50. 55 Doose H, Baier WK. Benign partial epilepsies and related syndromes: multifactorial pathogenesis with hereditary impairment of brain matura- tion. EurJfPediat 1989;149:152-8. 56 Wolf P. Reading epilepsy. In: Roger J, Bureau M, Dravet C, Dreifuss FE, Perret A, Wolf P, eds. Epileptic syndromes in infancy, childhood and adolescence. London: John Libbey, 1992:281-98. 57 Beaumanoir A. The Landau-Kleffner syndrome. In: Roger J, Bureau M, Dravet C, Dreifuss FE, Perret A,Wolf P, eds. Epileptic syndromes in infancy, childhood and adolescence. London: John Libbey, 1992:231-43. 58 Tassinari CA, Bureau M, Dravet C, Dalla Bernardina B, Roger J. Epilepsy with continuous spikes and waves during slow sleep-otherwise described as ESES (epilepsy with electrical status epilepticus during slow sleep). In: Roger J, Bureau M, Dravet C, Dreifuss FE, Perret A, Wolf P, eds. Epileptic syndromes in infancy, childhood and adolescence. London: John Ubbey, 1992:245-56. 59 Ambrosetto G, Tassinari CA. Antiepileptic drug treatment of benign childhood epilepsy with Rolandic spikes: is it necessary? Epilepsia 1990;31:802-5. 60 Vining EPG. Chaos, balance, and development: thoughts on selected childhood epilepsy syndromes. Epilepsia 1990;31(Suppl):S30-6. 61 O'Donohoe N. Febrile convulsions. In: Roger J, Bureau M, Dravet C, Dreifuss FE, Perret A, Wolf P, eds. Epileptic syndromes in infancy, childhood and adolescence. London: John Libbey, 1992:45-52. 62 World Health Organisation. Dictionary of epilepsy. Geneva: 1973:22-3. Neurological stamp Benjamin Franklin (1706-90) Denied a formal education beyond the age of 10 because of his family's poverty, Benjamin Franklin nevertheless, had many careers-including those of printer, author, philoso- pher, diplomat, scientist and inventor. He was fortunate not to die prematurely in 1752 when he performed his famous, but hazardous, experiment with a kite during a thunderstorm. Franklin became the first person to identify lightning as an electrical discharge and as a result of his invention of lightning rods, he saved countless buildings from destruc- tion. The simple terms charge, battery, plus, minus, negative, positive, armature and conductor were invented by him. His contributions to medicine included serving on a committee with Lavoisier to investigate mesmerism, and inventing bifocal lenses and the flexible catheter. In his letters he discussed lead poisoning, deafness, and the infective nature of colds, and infections from corpses. He wrote a famous discourse on gout, a disease fi.om which he suffered for 41 years. His medical knowledge and rules on health were first published in Poor Rishard's Almanac, in 1732. He also carried out research on the physiology of circulation and respiration, wrote extensively on the dilatation of the cardiac ventricles, a cure for yaws and the cause of fevers. Among his large number of inventions are the rocking chair and an efficient stove. For a time Franklin was Postmaster General of Phil- adelphia. He was instrumental in forming the academy I Bcentennial 176-1976 I.4.. It-.r~!,I"." . I13LW 4AbL-Ak,Ab~~~~~~~~~~~' that later became the University of Pennsylvania and was the principal founder and first president of the Pennsylva- nia Hospital (1751), the oldest independent hospital ofthe American Colonies. Franklin has been frequently portrayed on postage stamps but in 1976 he was shown with a map of North America on a stamp commemorating the USA's bicenten- nial. (Stanley Gibbons 1667, Scott 1690). L F HAAS 5 - .m-1 Is o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://jn n p .b m j.co m / J N e u ro l N e u ro su rg P sych ia try: first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /jn n p .5 6 .1 .5 o n 1 Ja n u a ry 1 9 9 3 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://jnnp.bmj.com/ 
work_j2e7k4mnj5c6lhgdq4jg6myege	----	DIALOGUE Canadian philosophical review — Revue canadienne de philosophic Mars - March 1965 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:47, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core Dialo< [ue Revue trimestrielle de l'Association canadienne de Philosophic. Published quarterly for the Canadian Philosophical Association. Editors — Redaction Venant Cauchy, Universite de Montreal Martyn Estall, Queen's University Editorial Consultants — Comity consultatif D. J . Allan (Glasgow) —• F. H . Anderson (Toronto) — Max Black (Cornell) — Henri Gouhier (Paris) — Stuart Hampshire (Princeton) — N. R. Hanson (Yale) — Raymond KHbansky (McGill) — Paul Ricoeur (Paris) — Gilbert Ryle (Oxford) — Gregory Vlastos (Princeton) — Hermann Wein (Goettingen) Manuscripts submitted for publication and books for review should be sent if in English to Prof. H. M. Estall, Dept. of Philosophy, Queen's University, Kingston, Ont., Canada Articles, notes, livres pour comptes rendus et comptes rendus rfdiges en francais seront adress^s a Venant Cauchy, Faculte de Philosophic, University de Montreal, Montreal, Canada Subscription Price: $6.00 per annum; Student members: $4.00 Abonnernent annuel : $ 6.00; abonnement d'etudiant : $ 4.00 PRINTED IN BRUGES, BELGIUM, BY THE ST CATHERINE PRESS LTD. IMFRIME A BRUGES EN BELGIQUE PAR LES PRESSES STE-GATHERINE Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:47, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core Dialogue Vol. I l l - 1965 - No. 4 ARTICLES Teilhard et la Philosophie Jean Langlois 341 Reflexions sur la "Physique generalisee" du P. Teilhard de Chardin Michel Ambacher 353 La Place de l'Homme dans la nature Pierre Couillard 363 Essai de bibliographic methodique (Teilhard de Chardin 1955-1964) Roland Houde 368 Teilhard at Fordham : 1963-1964 Robert J. O'Connell 382 Mill's Fallacy Avrum Stroll 385 On Arguing about Entailment John Woods 405 NOTES—DISCUSSIONS Professor Malcolm on "Scientific Materialism and the Identity Theory" Ernest Sosa 422 Rejoinder to Mr. Sosa Norman Malcolm 424 ETUDES C R I T I Q U E S La Philosophie de Gabriel Marcel Louis-B. Geiger 426 Les Mots de Sartre Henri F. Ellenberger 433 BOOK R E V I E W S ^ C O M P T E S RENDUS 438 John M. Rist, Eros and Psyche. Studies in Plato, Plotinus, and Origen; by Philip Merlan—James Adam,Editor,The Republic of Plato; by Margaret E. Reesor—Lon L. Fuller, The Morality of Law; by David Braybrooke— Jacques Maritain, Moral Philosophy; by Peter Glassen—L.B. Geiger, Philo- sophie et Spiritualite; by E. G. Salmon—Lawrence E. Lynch, Christian Phi- losophy; Anton C. Pegis, St. Thomas and Philosophy; by Stanley G. French—Rene Serreau, Hegel et l'hegelianisme; par Louis Valcke— Edmund Husserl, Phanomenologische Psychologie; par Yvon Blanchard— Edith Stein, Welt und Person; par Louis-B. Geiger—Acta Philosophica Fennica X V I , 1963, Modal and Many-Valued Logics; by Storrs McCall —James Griffin, Wittgenstein's Logical Atomism; by J . F. M. Hunter— George Pitcher, The Philosophy of Wittgenstein; by J. F. M. Hunter— Leonard W. Labaree and others, ed., The Autobiography of Benjamin Fran- klin; by Fred Somkin—Philip C. Ritterbush, Overtures to Biology; par Ca- mille Limoges. CHRONIQUE—ANNOUNCEMENTS 468 LIVRES REQUS—BOOKS RECEIVED 470 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:47, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_j5nd4amalbhybnx5xb5pujjk5m	----	untitled Oncol Res Treat 2015;38(suppl 1):24 © 2015 S. Karger GmbH, Freiburg 2296-5270/15/3813-0024$39.50/0 Accessible online at: www.karger.com/ort Fax +49 761 4 52 07 14 Information@Karger.com www.karger.com Referenten Uwe Deh Geschäftsführender Vorstand AOK-Bundesverband GbR Rosenthaler Straße 31 10178 Berlin Irmtraut Gürkan Kaufmännische Direktorin Universitätsklinikum Heidelberg Im Neuenheimer Feld 672 69120 Heidelberg Prof. Dr. med. Stefan W. Krause Medizinische Klink 5 Universitätsklinikum Erlangen Ulmenweg 18 91054 Erlangen Prof. Dr. Helmut Ostermann Abteilung Hämatologie/Onkologie Medizinische Klinik und Poliklinik III Klinikum Großhadern der Ludwig- Maximilians-Universität München Marchioninistraße 15 81377 München Prof. Dr. Stephan Schmitz Onkologie am Sachsenring Gemeinschaftspraxis für Onkologie und Hämatologie Sachsenring 69 50677 Köln Prof. Dr. Dr. Daniel Strech Institut für Geschichte, Ethik und Philosophie der Medizin Medizinische Hochschule Hannover Carl-Neuberg-Straße 1 30625 Hannover Gastherausgeber Prof. Dr. med. Mathias Freund Deutsche Gesellschaft für Hämatologie und Medizinische Onkologie e.V. Alexanderplatz 1 10178 Berlin freund@dgho.de Prof. Dr. med. Diana Lüftner Medizinische Klinik mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie, Onkologie und Tumorimmunologie Charité Campus Benjamin Franklin Hindenburgdamm 30 12200 Berlin diana.lueftner@charite.de Prof. Dr. med. Martin Wilhelm Medizinische Klinik 5 Klinikum Nürnberg Paracelsus Medizinische Privatuniversität Prof.-Ernst-Nathan-Straße 1 90419 Nürnberg Martin.Wilhelm@klinikum-nuernberg.de Gastherausgeber/Referenten << /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles true /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (None) /CalRGBProfile (eciRGB v2) /CalCMYKProfile () /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Warning /CompatibilityLevel 1.4 /CompressObjects /Tags /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Default /DetectBlends false /DetectCurves 0.1000 /ColorConversionStrategy /LeaveColorUnchanged /DoThumbnails false /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedOpenType false /ParseICCProfilesInComments true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 1048576 /LockDistillerParams true /MaxSubsetPct 100 /Optimize false /OPM 1 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work_j7hz3pu6pzawtcl323sccwtmue	----	Science Magazine www.sciencemag.org SCIENCE VOL 311 17 MARCH 2006 1529 NETWATCH E D I T E D B Y M I T C H L E S L I E W E B C A S T << Sun Block Sky watchers keen to see the upcoming total solar eclipse won’t be left out of the dark even if they can’t get to a vantage point in South America, Africa, or western Asia. On 29 March, the Exploratorium in San Francisco will webcast the event live from Side, Turkey. On hand at the city’s Roman amphitheater will be four telescopes to track the moon’s progress and two scientists to explain happenings such as the appearance of the corona (above). This wispy outer layer of the solar atmosphere stands out during totality, when the moon’s disk obscures the sun. The festivities start at 5 a.m. U.S. Eastern Time. Totality will begin around 5:54 a.m. and will last a mere 3 minutes and 41 seconds. >> www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse E X H I B I T Poor Richard’s Web Site Which early American politician could claim significant discoveries in meteorology, physics, and navigation? Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) notched these achievements in his spare time, when he wasn’t earning a fortune in the printing business or helping invent a country. This biographical site from the Benjamin Franklin Tercentenary, a Philadelphia nonprofit organization set up to honor the Founding Father’s 300th birthday this year, offers several pages on Franklin’s scientific work. It goes beyond the famous kite-flying experiment that demonstrated lightning was a form of electricity. For instance, Franklin’s shipboard notes on everything from sea temperatures to whale feeding habits inspired an improved chart of the Gulf Stream. The Frankliniana section includes samples of his scientific gear, such as this early battery made from water-filled jars (above). >> www.benfranklin300.org/exhibition/_html/0_0/index.htm C R E D IT S ( T O P T O B O T T O M ): E X P L O R A T O R IU M ; P E T E R H A R H O L D T /A M E R IC A N P H IL O S O P H IC A L S O C IE T Y ; N G D C I M A G E S Brighter Lights, Bigger Cities This new map of Earth’s nighttime illumination will make light bulb manufacturers glow and astronomers cringe. Released last month, the chart* from the National Geophysical Data Center (NGDC) in Boulder, Colorado, is a composite of satellite images snapped in 2003. Site visitors can download and compare images from as far back as 1992. Although changes in illumination often are hard to detect with the unaided eye, computer analysis shows that the United States and India continue to brighten, says Chris Elvidge of NGDC. However, areas of the former Soviet Union, such as Moldova and Ukraine, have been growing darker. You can peruse processed versions of the maps that highlight brightness differences at this site† from a graduate student in Aachen, Germany. >> www.ngdc.noaa.gov/dmsp/download.html † www.blue-marble.de/night.php Send site suggestions to >> netwatch@aaas.org Archive: www.sciencemag.org/netwatch D A T A B A S E Caught in a Bind How tightly a potential drug attaches to its target determines how well the compound will work and what dose patients will need. Researchers can nab binding affinities for about 14,000 com- pounds at BindingDB from Mike Gilson of the University of Maryland Biotechnology Institute in Rockville and colleagues. Gleaned from the literature, the data indicate the strength of attraction between the compounds and key proteins, such as the caspase proteins that control cellular suicide. You can also upload files of molecules not in the database to compare them to inhibitors of a particular enzyme. >> www.bindingdb.org W E B L O G Bones, Genes, And Brains A study suggesting that social stress leaves “molecular scars” on the brain and research exposing cultural diversity in gorillas are just two of the subjects that have snared the interest of anthropologist John Hawks of the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His wide-ranging blog excavates novel ideas and noteworthy discoveries in evolution, genetics, and human paleontology. Hawks promises to deliver three to five essays per week. Gems he’s come across include a recent New York Times piece about the Soviet Union’s unsuccessful efforts in the 1920s to prove our simian ancestry by crossbreeding chimps with humans. Readers intrigued by the tiny Flores hominid uncovered in Indonesia 2 years ago will find a section devoted to the controversial remains. >> johnhawks.net/weblog Published by AAAS o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ IMAGES: Brighter Lights, Bigger Cities DOI: 10.1126/science.311.5767.1529e (5767), 1529.311Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.5 CONTENT RELATED file:/content/sci/311/5767/netwatch.full PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for the Advancement ofScience © 2006 American Association for the Advancement of Science o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.5 http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
work_jakojabqqvbd7p65gvkkyrmsnm	----	This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the author for internal non-commercial research and education use, including for instruction at the authors institution and sharing with colleagues. Other uses, including reproduction and distribution, or selling or licensing copies, or posting to personal, institutional or third party websites are prohibited. In most cases authors are permitted to post their version of the article (e.g. in Word or Tex form) to their personal website or institutional repository. Authors requiring further information regarding Elsevier’s archiving and manuscript policies are encouraged to visit: http://www.elsevier.com/copyright http://www.elsevier.com/copyright Author's personal copy Creativity polymathy: What Benjamin Franklin can teach your kindergartener James C. Kaufman a,⁎, Ronald A. Beghetto b, John Baer c, Zorana Ivcevic d a Learning Research Institute, California State University at San Bernardino, 5500 University Parkway, San Bernardino, CA 92407-2318, United States b University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, United States c Rider University, 2083 Lawrenceville Road, Lawrenceville, NJ 08648-3099, United States d Tufts University, 490 Boston Ave, Medford, MA 02155, United States a b s t r a c ta r t i c l e i n f o Article history: Received 4 February 2009 Received in revised form 1 October 2009 Accepted 10 October 2009 Keywords: Creativity Polymathy Creativity enhancement Giftedness Creative polymathy at the very highest levels is rare, but this is largely the result of a long period of training usually necessary to become proficient in any field. We explain why creative polymathy is not ruled out by arguments for the domain specificity of creativity and argue that consideration of multiple levels of creativity (Big-C, Pro-c, little-c, and mini-c) leads to the conclusion that creative polymathy may actually be fairly common. We introduce a hierarchical model of creativity (the APT Model) to help understand some constraints on and possibilities for creative polymathy, suggest different ways creative polymathy may be expressed, and offer guidelines for recognizing and nurturing creative polymathy in students. © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Benjamin Franklin may have been the Unites States' first true contribution to creative polymathy. He was an inventor, creating a clean-burning stove, bifocals, and the lightning rod. He was a scientist, charting out the Gulf Stream and discovering new properties of electricity. He was a literary success, writing and editing Poor Richard's Alamanack; his autobiography is still a regularly assigned college reading. He was a civicleader,helpingtocreatetheUniversityofPennsylvania and oneofthe first public lending libraries. And, of course, he was a political genius, being a founding father of America and subsequently ambassador to France. His legacy continues to this day. Whereas many other early founders of the United States (such as John Hancock or John Adams) are remembered in name only by most of the general public, Franklin lives on — as a lead character in two different Broadway musicals (1776 and Ben Franklin in Paris), as a common source of quotations, as namesake to fictional characters (“Hawkeye” Pierce on MASH and Lt. Pinkerton in Madame Butterfly), and immortalized on the hundred dollar bill (Isaacson, 2004). Creative accomplishment in so many different areas is extremely rare. Imagine someone alive today with the satiric literary wit of a Jon Stewart, the political insights of an Orrin Hatch or Ted Kennedy, the civic mindedness of an Erin Gruwell (the teacher who founded the Freedom Writers), and the general magnetism and charisma of a Tom Hanks or Will Smith. Searching for a handful of modern day women and men who can join the ranks of Leonardo da Vinci, Paul Robeson, Clare Booth Luce, Bertrand Russell, and Linus Pauling, however, can be an exercise in frustration. We believe, however, that just because there are so few highly accomplished multi-creative individuals does not mean that creative polymathy (i.e., being creative in more than one domain) is impossible. Rather, as we will discuss, we believe it is possible to both identify and nurture the multi-creative abilities of gifted students. So the question is not so much is multi-creative ability possible (it certainly is), but rather how might educators nurture the multi-creative talent in gifted students? In tackling the question, we first consider the question in light of the Four-C model of creativity (Kaufman & Beghetto, 2009). We will then examine two positions about the nature of creativity itself. Position one argues that creativity is a general construct (i.e., the skills that lead to creative performance are the same, or very similar, across all domains). Position two argues that creativity is a domain-specific construct (i.e., the skills that help one be creative in one domain would be of little use in other, unrelated domains). We then describe a more balanced position by drawing on the Amusement Park Theoretical (APT) Model (Baer & Kaufman, 2005a,b; Kaufman & Baer, 2004, 2006). We conclude by presenting a marionette analogy to help illustrate how a gifted student might be creative in multiple domains, which varies depending on their level of creative development. 1. The Four-C model of creativity: Big-C and little-c “If you would not be forgotten as soon as you are dead, either write something worth reading or do things worth writing.” – Benjamin Franklin Prior to understanding how multi-creative ability might be identified and nurtured in gifted students it is first important to understand what it meanstobecreative. Twostudies of creativitytypicallyfocus onlegendary (Big-C) expressions of creativity and everyday (little-c) expressions of Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 ⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 909 537 3841. E-mail address: jkaufman@csusb.edu (J.C. Kaufman). 1041-6080/$ – see front matter © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.lindif.2009.10.001 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Learning and Individual Differences journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/lindif Author's personal copy creativity (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996; Stein, 1953). Studies of Big-C creativity often have the goal of learning about creative genius and which explore the types of creative works that may last forever (e.g., Simonton, 1994). Big-Ccreators typicallyhave devoted many–usually ten or more–years of intense study developing the requisite domain expertise necessary for making revolutionary contributions (Ericsson, Roring, & Nandagopal, 2007; Simon, 1981; Simonton, 1997). Big-C creators typically are remembered years after their death; their life and works may be studied by subsequent generations — consider Charles Dickens, Albert Einstein, Oscar Wilde, Jane Austen, or Duke Ellington. Creative greatness may be studied by analyzing the lives of well-known creators, or interviewing renowned individuals, or perhaps by studying people who excel at high levels on creativity measures. Big-C creativity has, traditionally, been the focus of much research and theorizing in creativity studies (see Simonton, 2009, for a review of many of these studies). Creativity researchers have also focused on more everyday or little-c experiences of creativity (Richards, 1990). Everyday or little-c creativity highlights the creativity involved in the daily activities and experiences in which just about anyone can participate. Examples of little-c creativity include: making up song lyrics to a favorite song, figuring out new ways to motivate your roommate to finish cleaning up her mess in the kitchen, combing leftovers into a tasty new synthesis of flavors, or your toddler coming up with a new story-line for his or her favorite picture book. Although it may seem that these two common categories of creativity (Big-C and little-c) account for just about any expression of creativity, on closer expression it becomes evident that these two categories do not sufficiently account for subtle, yet meaningful distinctions in levels of creativity. Consider, for instance, a musician who has performed at several major venues, but may never attain the status of an eminent musician (whose work is featured on radio shows or taught in music classes). This musician clearly is not a Big-C performer, but to categorize her as a little-c musician would diminish her professional success (as she would be lumped in with the occasional musician who plays music for family and friends and may not be able to perform in a concert hall). The professional musician, when considered in light of the Big-c/little-c split, is misplaced or obscured. The same can be said for the much more subjective creativity of a student learning how to play music. Although the student may have new and personally meaningful insights about how to combine notes while playing, such insights may not be sufficiently novel to be considered creative even at the little-c level. Given these limitations with traditional Big-C/little-c conceptions of creativity, Kaufman and Beghetto (2009) proposed the Four-C Model of Creativity; which added the two categories of “mini-c” creativity (Beghetto & Kaufman, 2007) and “Pro-c” creativity (Kaufman & Beghetto, 2009). 1.1. What is mini-c? “Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I remember. Involve me and I learn.”– Benjamin Franklin The mini-c category focuses on the novel and personally meaningful insights and interpretations involved in learning and experience (e.g., a new insight into how to solve a math problem, a new connection between what has been learned in science and history class). Mini-c creativity includes the “personal” (Runco, 1996, 2004), “expressive” (Taylor, 1959), and “developmental” (Cohen, 1989) aspects of creativity. Examples of mini-c creativity include a student having a personally meaningful insight that helps her make a connection between an algebraic equation and the calculations needed for her science fair project; a youngster making a new connection between the design of building he saw on summer vacation and the Lego towers he now makes at home, or a teacher watching a historical documentary on television and having a new insight about how to incorporate math into a social studies lesson. The definition of mini-c creativity (Beghetto & Kaufman, 2007) stresses the importance of personal (or subjective) judgment of novelty and meaningfulness. This focus on subjective judgment distinguishes mini-c creativity from more objective expressions of creativity in which the novelty and meaningfulness of the outcome requires external judgment. Consequently, mini-c insights many never go beyond the individual creator. On the other hand, however, just because mini-c creativity does not meet the traditional standards used for judging Big-C or even little-c creativity (the production of a product that is externally judged to be novel and meaningful) mini-c creativity can and should be considered a sign of creative potential. As Vygotsky (2004) has argued, internal creative acts can still be considered creative, even when they only take the form of “some mental or emotional construct that lives within the person who created it and is known only to him” (p. 7). Consider a child learning to finger-paint. His painting may not bring anything “new” to the domain of art; it may not be entirely within the typical confines of painting (perhaps it is a painted pinecone), and he may demonstrate no special talent or aptitude (more paint may end up on his clothing than on the paper). Yet there is nonetheless a core of internal creative expression taking place: for instance, he is discovering new and personally meaningful ways to combine color and how to represent images on paper. Such mini-c insights and interpretations, while valuable in their own right, can also serve as building blocks on which further creative insights and expression might be produced (he may end up creating personalized holiday cards that his family recognizes as creative, or make his own comic book that is judged by peers, teachers, or perhaps even established creators of graphic novels to be creative). In this way, mini-c creativity can (and often does) serve as the genesis for more objective levels of creative expression. The concept of mini-c creativity also underscores the relationship between creativity and personally meaningful learning. This connection was recognized more than fifty years ago by J.P. Guilford (1950), who argued that “a creative act is an instance of learning” and, therefore, “a comprehensive learning theory must take into account bothinsight and creativity activity” (p. 446). As such, any time a student has a unique and personally meaningful insights or interpretation when learning a new discipline it can be said that the student has engaged in a personally creative act and an instance of personally meaningful learning. This is true even if no one else recognizes the insight as unique or particularly meaningful (indeed there is some distance to travel, which often includes focused learning of the conventions of a particular domain, before a mini-c insight can develop into an idea, product or behavior recognized by others as creative). Even though we argue that there is a relationship between personally meaningful learning and mini-c creativity, we also recognize that not all aspects of learning are creative. Someone learning a series of vocabulary words by rote, for example, likely would not be experiencing mini-c (as this may not lead to any new or personally meaningful insights or interpretations). Mini-c creativity may still occur, however, if the student learning the series of vocabulary words used his or her imagination to form mental connections (i.e., “headstrong means being stubborn and willful; in order to do that, you need a strong head”). 1.2. What is Pro-c? “Genius without education is like silver in the mine.” – Benjamin Franklin Pro-c creativity includes professional-level creators who have not yet attained legendary status (Kaufman & Beghetto, 2009). Someone who is a hobbyist and creates point-and-click games using free shareware falls into the little-c category, whereas Sid Meier (the Civilization games) and Will Wright (the Sims games) are likely examples of Big-C. The Pro-c game designer, in contrast, would be someone who has worked as part of a team on a well-reviewed game, or has perhaps created an iPhone game that is popular as a paid download. The distinctions between 381J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 Author's personal copy these levels of creativity are based purely on the amount of revenue generated (although that can play some role). Rather, the distinction pertains more to expertise and level of impact. The game designer creating highly popular iPhone games is clearly beyond any amateur status — but is not necessarily close to leaving a permanent mark on the field. Many professionals in a variety of disciplines (e.g., anthropologists, business management professors, stage lighting designers, chefs, public relations consultants) would also be considered examples of Pro-c creators. The Four-C model's specific categories are described in Table 1. 2. The Four-C model and multi-creative potential As we have discussed, the Four-C model helps broaden conceptions of creativity to include everything from the more subjective, mini-c creative insights and potential to the more objective and clear cut examples of Big- C creative eminence. But how might this model be helpful in identifying and nurturing the multi-creative potential of gifted students? One important way that it is helpful is that it allows researchers to consider the likelihood of expressing multi-creative potential across the various levels of creative magnitude (Beghetto & Kaufman, 2009). If one begins at the Big-C level, for instance, the likelihood of a teacher identifying a legendary creator in his or her classroom is near impossible. As discussed earlier, Big-C creativity requires recognition by critics, historians, or other relevant gatekeepers of a domain — not to mention the many years of intensive study to develop the expertise necessary for eminent creative achievement. This makes it extremely difficult to predict whether a particular youngster will be capable of a Big-C contribution in one domain, let along across multiple domains. Multi-creative ability, spanning more disparate fields, seems more likely when you consider creative achievement at lower levels of creative expression. Indeed, Root- Bernstein (1989) has documented 400 cases of famous scientists who were also highly skilled in the arts. Galileo is best known for his legendary work in science; however, he was also a skilled artist and musician. When it comes to individuals who have multi-creative talent at a professional-level, it isn't difficult to list several examples. Consider, for instance, Byron “Whizzer” White (athlete and Supreme Court justice), Arnold Schwarzenegger (actor and politician), Rachel Ray (cook, writer, talk show host, entrepreneur), Sofia “Sonya” Kovalevskayas (mathema- tician, writer and political activist), and Omar Sharif (actor and bridge player). The list quickly expands when Pro-c and little-c levels are combined. Thinking of anyone at the Pro-c level who also is creative at an everyday level in a different domain is quite easy (e.g., accomplished academics that also have vocations in areas such as cooking, poetry, art, music, theatre, photography). At the little-c and mini-c level, it probably is more likelyto find creative polymathy than not. Many people have multiple everyday creative avocations (cooking, gardening, photography, story-telling), and mini-c polymathy can occur anytime someone combines new and personally meaningful insights and interpretations across different disciplines or domains. For instance, a student might have a mini-c insight about how to incorporate design principles that she is learning in her art class into the poster-presentation of her science experiment for her school science fair. 3. The domain specificity v. domain generality paradox Even though we have just argued that multi-creative ability– particularly at the little-c and mini-c level–is relatively common, research on creativity across multiple domains (at the little-c level) suggests that creativity may be very domain-specific. This seems to present a paradox. The research on domain specificity does seem to rule out polymathy, because if the skills that underlie creativity are completely different in different domains, then the skills a person has that lead to creativity in one area would be of no value at all in other domains. How then could one person be creative in multiple domains? In order to resolve this seemingly paradoxical situation, we must first try to understand what research does in fact say about domain specificity. If creativity is domain general, it would be expected that different creative behaviors would be highly correlated each other and with a common set of psychological descriptors for those behaviors. If creativity is domain specific, it would be expected that different creative behaviors would be poorly correlated or uncorrelated among each other, and that there would be a diverging set of psychological descriptors of those behaviors (Ivcevic, 2007). Baer, for example, has explored this issue in samples of students ranging from second graders to college. He had these students produce creative work through writing poetry, writing short stories, telling stories out loud, creating mathematical equations, creating mathematical word problems, and making collages. Baer consistently found low and usually non-significant correlations between ratings of creative performance in these different areas (Baer, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996). In other words, a student who wrote a creative poem was not more likely to also tell a creative story, make a creative collage, or write a creative mathematical equation (a creative algebraic equation might use numbers in a playful or unusual way). Several other studies (e.g., Han, 2003; Runco, 1989) have found similar results. And if you remove variations due to IQ, the small correlations get even smaller. Other researchers, for example, Conti, Coon, and Amabile (1996) analyzed data from studies in which subjects had both written stories and engaged in art activities. The intercorrelations among the creativity ratings of the stories were high, confirming the prediction that “creativity measures within the same domain are substantially inter- correlated” (p. 387). Intercorrelations of creativity ratings among the art tasks, which were more unlike one another than were the story-writing tasks, were positive but somewhat lower. But within-domain correla- tions tell us nothing about the domain specificity/generality question. Cross-domain correlations, on the other hand, speak directly to the generality-specificity question. None of the 13 cross-domain correla- tions that Conti, Coon, and Amabile reported–the crucial tests for domain generality–was statistically significant, and the mean of these 13 correlations was just 0.109, accounting for just a little more than one percent of the variance. Not everyone, of course, is convinced by the evidence favoring domain specificity (see, e.g., Plucker, 1998, 2005; Plucker & Beghetto, 2004). Research that looks at actual creative products tends to yield results like Table 1 The Four-C model. Brief definition Example Types of measures mini-c Novel and personally meaningful interpretation of experiences, actions and events. Student's new and meaningful insight about how to use a strategy learned in math class to analyze data in her science fair project. Self-assessment, micro genetic methods. little-c Everyday expressions of novel and task appropriate behaviors, ideas or products. Combing left over Italian and Thai food into a new and tasty fusion of flavors that your family enjoys. Ratings (teachers, peers, parents); psychometric tests (e.g., Torrance tests); Consensual assessment. Pro-c Expert expressions of novel and meaningful behaviors, ideas or products (that exceed everyday but have not attained legendary status). A professor's psychological study that receives an award from a professional psychological association. Consensual assessment; peer review; prizes/honors. Big-C Legendary novel and meaningful accomplishments, which often redirect an entire field of study or domain. The scientific theories of Isaac Newton. Major prizes/honors; historiometric measures.The innovative social justice work of Martin Luther King, Jr. 382 J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 Author's personal copy those just cited favoring domain specificity, but whereas personality- based studies or traditional psychometric methods tend to find that creativity is domain-general (Plucker, 1998). One common psychometric method is to use a divergent-thinking test, such as the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking. The Torrance Tests assume domain generality and therefore offer no way to evaluate the possibility of domain specificity. Self-report scales sometimes support a combination of domain-general and domain-specific viewpoints. For example, Hocevar (1976) found “low to moderate” (p. 869) correlations among self-report indexes of creativity in various domains among college students. In a study in which several thousand subjects self-reported their own creativity in 56 domains, Kaufman, Cole, and Baer (2009) found both an over-arching general factor and seven more specific areas of creative performance. The issue of domain specificity/generality remains an open question in creativity research. Because domain specificity would seem to argue against the likelihood of finding polymaths, however, we need to explain why even if the domain specificity theorists are right, this would still not rule out the possibility (or even likelihood) of creative polymathy. With that concern out of the way, we can then present our model, a model that includes features of both the domain-general and domain-specific approaches, and explain how polymathy fits into this wider conception of creativity. 4 . Why domain specificity does not rule out creative polymathy Proponents of domain specificity don't claim that no one has a multi- tude of creative abilities (just as they don't claim that everyone is creative in one domain or another). Their argument simply says that (a) the skills that underlie creativity vary by domain and (b) the presence or absence of any particular skill or set of skills (or the degree to which these skills exist, because they are not dichotomous, either/or kinds of abilities) in any one individual involves a degree of randomness (e.g., chance encounters, experiences, or opportunities that support–or undermine–the develop- ment creativity-relevant skills in a domain). Based on this argument, a small fraction of people would be expected to have severely underdevel- oped creativity-relevant skills in just about any domain; many people will have developed modest amounts of skills in several domains; some will have a developed a great deal of skill in one or more domains; and a few will have developed great quantities of such skills in many domains. Here's an analogy: If there were a thousand each of red, blue, green, and orange flags that were randomly distributed among one hundred people, a few people might end up with no flags at all and a few other people might end up with several dozen flags of every color. Most people would get some mix, whichmight be a modest numberof flags of all colors or lots of flags of some colors and few of other colors. That's how randomness works. Of course, just because the development of creativity-relevant skills involve some degree of randomness does not mean that underdeveloped creativity in a particular domain can never be developed. Rather, understanding the role that chance plays in the development of creativity-relevant skills helps explain the distribution of peoplewho have (or have not) developed the skills requisite for creative expression within or across domains. Benjamin Franklin, from a domain-general interpretation, would be thought to have a great deal of creativity, which he simply applied to all the different fields that interested him. From a domain-specific interpretation, however, Franklin's multi-creative talent would be explained by claiming that he happened to have a great deal of creativity-relevant abilities in many domains. The talents that led to his success as a politician need not be the same as (or even overlap at all with) the skills that helped him be a great inventor, and neither set of skills might have had anything to do with his success as a politician or writer. There may have been overlap, but there need not have been. Someone can be talented in math and also be a good tennis player, and yet these may be entirely distinct domains that are based on completely different underlying abilities. Being creative in two seemingly unrelated areas doesn't show that creativity is domain-general anymore than the existence of a mathematically talented tennis expert would prove that tennis and math are rooted in the same set of skills. Domain specificity, even in its most extreme form, doesn't argue that people can be creative in only a single domain. It simply argues that because the abilities that make creativity possibleindifferent domains aredifferent,creativeperformance in one domain doesn't predict creativity in other areas. If domain-based talents are randomly distributed, then one should find a few people who have a great deal of creativity-relevant skills in many domains, some people who have talents (of varying degrees) in several domains, and some who have little talent in any domain. This is what a normal distri- bution of unrelated skills would predict. So the presence of a few poly- mathic Renaissance people wouldn't contradict domain specificity. In fact, it is precisely what domain specificity predicts. One of the most important aspects to keep in mind when considering the rarity of legendary creative polymaths is that it simply takes a great dealoftimetodeveloptheskillsnecessarytoproducecreativeworkinany one particularly domain (Gruber & Davis, 1988). According to the “ten- year rule” (Hayes, 1989) it takes, on average, at least ten years of prepa- ration in a given domain prior to reaching the highest levels of creative accomplishment in that domain, (Weisberg, 1999). It, therefore, should come as little surprise that few people manage to reach those highest levels in more than one (or perhaps two or three at most) fields in a single lifetime. Importantly, neither the domain general nor domain specific models of creativity rule out the possibility of there being many people who might be Big-C creative in one domain and also Pro-c creative in several others, or simply Pro-c creative in many fields (under the assumption that the ten-year rule limits Big-C creativity far more than Pro-c creativity). And domain specificity certainly does not lead one to expect a scarcity of polymaths at the little-c or mini-c levels (Domaingeneralitywould lead us to expect polymathy to be even more widespread than would domain specificity, but neither theory makes specific predictions.). In the next section we present a model that can provide a framework for the many kinds (and degrees) of creativity that we see in the world, a model that we believe can help us understand both single talents and polymathy. It can also help us in identifying promising approaches for identifying the multi- creative potential of students. 5. The Amusement Park Theoretical model of creativity A theory that can yield (along with the Four-C model) new insights about creative domains is the Amusement Park Theoretical (APT) model of creativity. The details of the model are presented elsewhere (Baer & Kaufman, 2005a, 2005b; Kaufman & Baer, 2004,2005, 2006), so we will simply summarize the key features of this theory to demonstrate how this theory might allow for more “ intelligent” creativity testing by highlight the related constructs that could be considered in such an assessment (such as personality)1. The APT model is based (perhaps somewhat whimsically, as some of our reviewers have noted) on the metaphor of a large amusement park. (The APT model=the Amusement Park Theoretical model.) In an amusement park there are initial requirements that apply to all areas of the park. For example you will not be admitted with a ticket. You must be wearing proper attire (Disney has yet to sponsor a nudist day), and you must be able to ride on public transportation or have a car to take you to the park. Similarly, there are initial requirements that, to varying degrees, are necessary to creative performance in all domains. For example, in order to be creative at something, you must have a certain base amount of intelligence. You also need to be motivated to be creative, regardless of what factors motivate you. Finally, you should be in an environmental that allows (and, ideally, nurtures) creative expression. All three of these initial requirements are needed for any attempt at creativity to succeed. 1 The APT model is not the only one to address domain specificity and generality; see Plucker and Beghetto's (2004) Hybrid model. 383J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 Author's personal copy Amusement parks also have general thematic areas (e.g., at Disney World one might select among EPCOT, the Magic Kingdom, the Animal Kingdom, and Disney–MGM Studios), just as there are several different general areas in which someone could be creative (e.g., the arts, science, business). Once in one type of park, there are sections (e.g., Discovery Island Station, Dinoland, and Rifiki's Planet Watch are all found in the Animal Kingdom), just as there are domains of creativity within larger general thematic areas (e.g., painting and poetry are domains in the general thematic area of the arts). These domains in turn can be subdivided into micro-domains (e.g., the Conservation Station and Wildlife Express Train are both part of Rifiki's Plant Watch; in the domain of poetry, one might specialize in haikus or free verse). Although the initial requirementsareonlyspelledoutforthebeginningofthemodel,thereare clearly requirements for every descending level. Lubinski and Benbow (2006) argue that personal attributes (abilities and interests) and the environment are of equal importance in determining success and satisfaction. The more that one's abilities and interests match the require- ments of the environment, the better. As an example, if one were interested in assessing the creative abilities of a subject in terms of creativityinpsychological research, one might start by assessing such initial requirements as a certain minimal level of intelligence and appropriate motivation and environment, as well as skill in the general thematic areas of language and mathematics. Next one might assess skills in certain domains especially relevant to psychological research (such as statistical acumen, analytic thinking, domain-specific knowledge). Finally, if one was interested only in the ability to (for example) be a neuropsychologist, as opposed to social or clinical psycho- logist, one might evaluate skills in specific micro-domains specifically related to neuropsychology. If, on the other hand, one were interested in a student's creative potential in the area of painting, the hierarchy of skills that one would evaluate would be quite different. The initial requirements might be similar (such as motivation), but skills from very different general thematic areas would be of interest (e.g., verbal skills would be less important, whereas spatial ability and aesthetic style would be of much greater interest). The differences would become even greater as one moved down the hierarchy to domains and micro-domains. Motivation could also be assessed at different levels of such a hierarchy. For example, a student might have strong intrinsic motivation at the level of the general thematic area of science, and this would indicate a tendency toward creative productivity in the sciences in general. Another student may have extremely high intrinsic motivation only in the domain of marine science, however, which predicts a greater likelihood of creativity in that domain but not in other sciences. Or a student's interest at a given point in time might be even more narrowly focused on a micro- domain (for example, a student may have great interest in the reproductive success of certain kinds of mollusks in different environ- ments but show little interest in other areas of marine science). Ability would certainly be a key determinant of creative success (as opposed to creative motivation or interest). Although actual domain- related ability would be less essential for mini-c insights or even little-c enjoyment, a genuine pursuit of Pro-c (or, of course, Big-C) would require the appropriate ability. As Park, Lubinski, and Benbow (2007) found, math and verbal SAT scores given at age 13 predicted people's accomplishments 25 years later. A person's specific strengths (in this case, math vs. verbal) predicted both patents (math) and literary publications (verbal). Similarly, Wai, Lubinski, and Benbow (2005) found in the same population that math and verbal SAT scores predicted success by occupation — math SAT scores predicted success in science- related fields, and verbal SAT scores predicted success in Humanities- related fields. People who attempt to advance to Pro-c in a domain poorly suited to their abilities may be metaphorically kicked off the ride2. 6. Surprising connections Even within the fairly structured confines of the APT model, there will also always be surprising connections that make sense only upon closer examination. Someone may decide to pick their amusement parks based only on how good the popcorn is at the food court. Someone else may only go to cheap amusement parks (Big Alan's Generic Roadside Attraction). In a similar way, micro-domains or domains may be selected for reasons that are less obvious. Maybe Phil does not have a lot of money. He therefore pursues creative domains that do not require funds to pursue, such as poetry, stand-up comedy, and geology (he finds interesting rocks and looks for patterns in their shapes). We believe that many interesting creative polymaths can be uncovered within these strange connections. Certainly, in examining people who are creative in two micro-domains, these areas are typically within the same overall general domain. Examples can be found easily; consider the late Jim Carroll. He was a memoirist (The Basketball Diaries), a poet, and a punk rock singer (“People Who Died”) known for his provocative lyrics. His micro-domains are distinct, but they all center on his possession of a strong narrative voice. Those rare people who are creative in dissimilar areas–like Franklin's accomplishment in politics, science, inventing, journalism, and literature–represent the pinnacle of creative polymathy. It is the same phenomenon behind the strange bedfellows concept in the APT model that brings us to the distinction between being creative across multiple domains vs. creative polymathy. Most studies that have examined the domain-specific vs. domain-general question have picked their domains — so, for example, Baer (1993) has given students such tasks as story-writing, story-telling, poetry-writing, mathematical equation-creating, mathematical word problem-creating, and collage- making. He found consistently low and usually non-significant correla- tions between creative ability in these different areas. In other words, a student who wrote a creative poem was not more likely to also tell a creative story or write a creative mathematical equation. As a result, most of these studies supported the idea that creativity is not a general construct that will manifest itself across all areas. The domain-specific point of view suggests that the underlying components of creativity are probably different from one domain to another. Let's say that Jacob is creative at computer programming and acting. If we believed that creativity was one general thing, we would say that the elements that enable Jacob to be creative in both of the areas are the same. The domain-specific approach would consider such double proficiency the equivalent of being able to both bench press three hundred pounds and recite pi to two hundred places — both neat things to be able to do, but ones that are based on quite different abilities! Imagine, however, a puppeteer manipulating two marionettes. She is making the first marionette play the piano, and the second marionette is juggling. Both marionettes are engaged in activities and they certainly share a commonality — the same person is pulling the strings for both. But the strings themselves are completely different. We believe that this same marionette analogy can hold for creative polymaths. Whatever compo- nents enabled Benjamin Franklin to be a creative writer (such as his sense of humor, his ability to construct pithy quotations, and his facility with language) may have been different than those components that enabled him tobea creativescientist(suchashispersistence,his ingenuity, andhis ability to craft experiments). And yet he (Benjamin Franklin) was himself the puppeteer who was responsible for his creative marionettes in those different domains (Kaufman, Beghetto, & Baer, in press). Like the APT Model, the puppeteer/marionette analogy allows us to consider multiple levels of creative talent or skill. There may be some general abilities (the APT model's initial requirements) that influence creativity in many areas, just as the skill and dexterity of the puppeteer makes it possible for him to manipulate many different kinds of marionettes. But that general puppeteering skill gets one nowhere without specific marionettes, each of which has its own strings to pull and2 Thank you to an anonymous reviewer for suggesting this idea and phrase. 384 J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 Author's personal copy its own possible range of performances. In the same way, an initial requirement like general intelligence may be important for creativity in many areas, but general intelligence alone is not enough. One also needs more specific skills and motivations in particular general thematic areas, and in specific domains, if one is to evidence creativity. And this is true whether one is thinking about genius-level Big-C creativity, high-level Pro-c creativity, or more everyday little-c or even mini-c creativity (although of course the necessary degree of domain-specific talent is far greater at the higher levels of creativity). How do creative polymaths differ from individuals who are creative in a single domain? Some abilities and traits are helpful for creativity expressed in any (or close to any) domain. For instance, Openness to Experience has been proposed as a personality disposition for creativity (McCrae, 1987). People who are open to experiences will be interested in new ideas and approaches in their work and flexible in examining their ideas. They will question and re-examine commonly held assumptions and imagine new possibilities. These personal attributes similarly help an artist explore and employ new techniques and materials and a scientist see and address gaps in existing knowledge. Openness is also related to wide interests, suggesting another way how this personality disposition can be related to creative polymathy. It is plausible that creative polymaths have more pronounced certain facets of Openness, such as Openness to Ideas. Another personal attribute related to creativity in most or all domains is intrinsic motivation or a personal disposition to find enjoyment and challenge in work (Amabile, 1983, 1996). Many people are intrinsically motivated for a narrow range of subject matter. A social psychologist might be intrinsically motivated to study interracial relations and implicit prejudice and an oceanographer might be only interested in studying centimeter-scale turbulence in the open ocean. Other people are intrinsically motivated for a wider range of subjects in one domain (e.g., a physical oceanographer interested in both coastal ocean circulation and biological productivity), across related domains (e.g., a psychologist interested in social policy and educational applications of her work), or across very different domains (e.g., a scientist interested in music performance and evolution of music). Intrinsic motivation for a variety of subject matter and multiple domains become an essential personal attribute in creative polymathy. Other such attributes might include social non-conformity (in order to avoid the traps of domain-specific conven- tions) and a global, broad-ranging thinking style. In addition to the personal attributes, there are social and cultural factors that either support or discourage creative polymathy. Certain historical periods and associated Zeitgeist can encourage attitudes or interests that facilitate polymathy. The European Renaissance is one such period when religious dogmas were starting to be challenged and new ideas developed in philosophy, science, and the arts. Leonardo da Vinci is the world's most famous creative polymath, having made contributions to in the domains of art, science, and engineering. Another time and place facilitating creative polymathy in the Western world was Victorian England. The Victorian era coincided with the major technolog- ical changes of the industrial revolution, an interest in change and innovation, and a mindset of great self-confidence. For instance, Sir Thomas Raffles was the founder of Singapore, a major contributor to the expansion of the British Empire, and the author of a monumental History of Java (which includes detailed accounts of diverse topics such as customs, religion, military, and natural history). How supportive of creative polymathy is our contemporary society? What do parents and educators mean when they attempt to instill in children that they “can be whatever they want to be”? Are they saying (implicitly or even explicitly) that one can become any one thing (e.g., an engineer or a scientist, a lawyer or a doctor, a senator or even president) or that they could pursue their multiple interests in the arts, biology, and computer science? The point of decision about specialization in education and profession varies greatly across cultures, from educational systems where separationinto collegeandnon-collegetracksoccurs as earlyas 5th grade to those that largely postpone this decision until high school or college and allow flexibility for change even after graduation. Postponing these decisions can provide more opportunity for individuals to develop, explore, and pursue interests across multiple domains. Entrance require- ments into certain activities, such as music or art programs, also vary across cultures, from (generally) widely available music programs in public schools (e.g., in the United States) to highly selective specialized music schools available only to students with early talent (e.g., in Eastern Europe). A person who does not gain entrance to these programs loses an opportunitytolearnhowtoplayamusicalinstrument.Similarly,astudent who is stifled by a strict formal approach to music instruction might lose intrinsic motivation for music and abandon it as a meaningful area of expression. Specific organizations can also be more or less enabling or supportive of creative polymathy. The Media Lab at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology presents itself as a place where “the future is lived, not imagined” and “where traditional disciplines get checked at the door”. This philosophy is reflected in the wide range of domains in which the Media Lab's members are engaged, from behavioral economics to nanotechnology, data visualization, and music. Many lab members clearly cross domain boundaries. Some specific examples include Chris Csikszentmihalyi, who developed new technologies aimed at strengthening geographic communities and exhibited his art installations in both North America and Europe; Judith Donath, who created computing interfaces for online commu- nities and exhibited her art at the Institute for Contemporary Art in Boston and several galleries in New York; and Barry Vercoe, who is a renowned composer and a pioneer in computer sound manipulation and audio technology development. Polymathy-supportive environ- ments have sufficiently broad missions to be able to benefit from creativity in multiple domains. Furthermore, they develop a reward structure that provides incentives valued by its members. Note that incentives can be external rewards, such as compensation packages, but they are also flexible supports for continuation of work projects, such as project funding and appreciation for diverse interests. Given favorable macro-level social or cultural and micro-level organizational supports, what form is creative polymathy most likely to take? In the Renaissance era, it was possible for an individual to master the existing (and comparatively sparse) knowledge on the arts, sciences, and engineering. Today, when the knowledge base in each of these domains is vast, specialization happens out of necessity. The demands of obtaining higher education degrees necessary as a basis for creativity in engineering are such that they do not allow a person much time to pursue other interests in the same time, especially if these interests are not similar in theme or method. As a result, creative polymathy in the information and knowledge ages will most likely take a form of artists becoming interested in new technologies that can further their art, musicians interested in developing improved ways to deliver music to listeners, or scientists and engineers using technology as themes in creating art installations. These individuals create new work at the intersection of multiple domains by seeing connections and synergies where none existed. Similar skills and ideas can contribute to creation in multiple domains. Another pathway to creative polymathy is one of successive con- tributions to different domains. In this case, an individual takes several relatively traditional routes to creativity. One can first study computer science and become a creative software developer after multiple years of training and work. At a later time this person can develop a new interest or start pursuing ongoing interests in another domain, again spending long time on training, skill development, and persistent work. In this case, there may be little similarity between the two domains of creation and many employed skills may be domain- specific. Such successive polymathy can have an indirect effect on enhancing creative output in older age. The overall developmental trend indicates that creative output declines in old age (Simonton, 1991). However, for individuals who change their area of work, this trend can be eliminated or reversed (Simonton, 1998). 385J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 Author's personal copy 7. Discovering and supporting talent There are several important things to keep in mind when considering how use these models to help identify the multi-creative talents of students. First, it is essential to reiterate that we should not expect to find legendary or professional levels of creativity in young students. Their mini-c and little-c creativity may someday grow into larger forms of creative expression, but not all professional or even legendary creators display the extraordinary precocity of Mozart, who at five could read, write, and play music proficiently. There is not a one-to-one correspon- dence between precocity and later outstanding achievement. We are not suggesting that educators overlook any young Mozarts in our classes (something almost impossible to do), but rather to emphasize that it is the less extreme (and less obvious) little-c and mini-c talents and interests that we should be working hard to identify. The APT model does not claim that there are no general creativity-relevant skills, just as a good identification program for gifted/talented students should not ignore IQ test scores, but it reminds us that there are many far less general abilities and motivations that are just as important. Young students who show an extraordinary joy in playing with words; children who find delight in making sketches of scenes from the books they love (and who may have what Winner called a “rage to draw” (Winner, 1996, p. 87), in her des- cription of one talented your artist); students who devour books about stars, or architecture, or some other area of special interest: these are all potentiallycreativelytalentedchildren. Anyspecialskillorinterestmaybe evidence of creativity in a given domain or micro-domain. Our search for giftedness and talent should not be limited to those who have high IQs (although those with high IQs should certainly be included as well), and our efforts to nurture talent should, to the extent possible, harmonize with the specific talents that our students exhibit. Can we expect to find students who exhibit multi-creative ability? Yes and no. Like Benjamin Franklin, our students may exhibit their talents at different times rather than all at once. Franklin's talents as a politician were not apparent early in his newspaper career. But many of his achievements in diverse fields did overlap (his sage-like wisdom certainly informed both his politics and his writing), and so they sometimes will in our students. To the extent possible, we are wise to follow our students' creative muses, which may have their own calendars and schedules. If a student's interests include both music and science, we would do well to nurture both, but if only one talent or special interest is apparent at a given time, then that is the area on which we should focus. Once identified, what can we do to nurture budding talents and special interests? There are at least two kinds of things that the psychology of creativity tells us are helpful: (1) show interest, but get out of the way, and (2) help students develop domain-relevant skills and knowledge. Here's what we mean. (1) Show interest but get out of the way: Expressing interest in children's ideas, projects, activities, perfor- mances, and passions is helpful. Talking with them (and especially listening to them talk) about their interests, and providing resources they might need (materials, books, tools, instruments, contacts, etc.) are also important. Providing access to academic acceleration (such as AP classes) is also a wonderful chance to challenge children to push their limits and achieve more. But then we often need to get out of their way. Intrinsic motivation is a wonderful thing. Unfortunately, when extrinsic motivation is added, the net result may be temporarily higher total motivation, but in the long- term it often leads to lower intrinsic motivation. Bribing children (or adults) to do things they already like to do seems to turn fun into work, and extrinsic motivation more generally (e.g., rewards, anticipated evaluation) has this unfortunate long-term effect, while at the same time often decreasing creativity (Amabile, 1996; Baer, 1997b, 1998a,b; Hennessey & Amabile, 1988; Lepper & Greene, 1975, 1978). This effect is not a simple one, and there is dispute in the creativity research community about its generality. There is evidence that rewards that are more clearly targeted or tied to specific behaviors can either have no negative effect or sometimes even enhance creativity (Eisenberger, Pierce, & Cameron, 1999; Eisenberger & Shanock, 2003). But the evidence that extrinsic motivators can decrease both intrinsic motiva- tion and creativity is far too strong to ignore, and the last thing a teacher wants to do, even inadvertently, is to take away a student's joy or passion for being creative. Perhapsthemost commonkindofreward/bribethat teachersusewith talented students is extra credit. The teacher's motivation is often a positive one–e.g., after noticing that a student has a real passion for creative writing, the teacher may offer extra credit for writing an extra short story or poem–but the likely longer-term effect is not to increase the student's interest, but (somewhat counter-intuitively) to reduce it. We all like getting rewards, so what could seem better getting extra credit for doing someone one already likes to do? The problem is that such well- intentioned bribes tend to have very negative long-term consequences. What was originally something the student did because of genuine interest has become something she does to get points from her teacher, who has (entirely inadvertently) taken over part of the source of motivation and the direction of the student's once entirely self-directed pursuit. If the student who loved creative writing had wanted to write a short story, she would have done so anyway without the extra credit. Instead of pursuing her interest in creative writing in her own way, she writes her poem or story for the external benefits. Perhaps the student would have otherwise spent her writing energies on something of even more interest (such as keeping her blog up to date or collaborating with a friend on a comic strip, her teacher has, quite unintentionally, converted fun into work. This is not to say that all extrinsic motivation is bad. Students need to learn skills; in order to learn these skills, they need feedback on their performance. Learning to anticipate evaluation is an essential skill. Teachers need to give their students–including their most creative and talented ones–the kinds of feedback they need to develop their skills. Such feedback should focus on providing information that will support improvement–letting students know what they have done well–pointing out how students might continue to improve their understanding of domain conventions and constraints, and helping students modify, develop new, and even abandon ideas, insights, and interpretations in light of the particular domain and task constraints (Beghetto, 2007). Whenprovidingsuchfeedback,teachersshouldalsotrytominimizesocial comparison and evaluative pressures and, instead, stress the informative aspects of their evaluative feedback and acknowledge intellectual risk taking of their students (Beghetto, 2005). It is worth bearing in mind that it is generally far easier to kill intrinsic motivation than to instill it, and teachers should be careful not to use rewards, or evaluations, as tools to motivate students in areas where they already have significant levels of intrinsic motivation. It is often wiser just to get out of the way of such highly motivated students as they pursue their passions than to try to promote or encourage interests that need no promotion (Baer, 1997a). (2) Help students develop domain-relevant skills and knowledge: Ittakes many years to learneverythingthat one might need to know to become an expert (and possibly a Big-C creator) in any field, as noted above. Students therefore need opportunities to learn about the domains that are of particular interest to them, and they cannot wait until those things happen to appear (or fail to appear) in the regular curriculum. If students have special interests and/or talents, we can nurture those interests by providing opportunities for students to learn more, far more than the curriculum generally expects, in their areas of special interest. Thisassistancemighttaketheform ofarrangingforthem toparticipate in special programs (e.g., summer science camps or spelling bees) or simply providing books and other resources. It might involve special training (e.g., voice lessons), curriculum acceleration (as mentioned earlier), or connecting students with others (both peers with similar interests and abilities and adults who might become mentors) who share 386 J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 Author's personal copy their passions. Opportunities to learn about the lives (both professional and personal) of Big-C creators in a student's field of interest can also be helpful. For students who have many special interests and talents–little-c polymaths–teachers might also provide help with time management. A student with many special interests can never have enough time for all that she wants to do, not to mention those pesky things that the world seems to think she has to do (e.g., those other subjects, the ones that might not–at least yet–excite her). Multi-creative individuals, like Benjamin Franklin, are rare and we are unlikely to encounter many (or any) in our teaching careers. But legen- dary creators often have many professional or everyday creative talents and interests (Root-Bernstein & Root-Bernstein, 2004), and many students exhibit vary degrees of everyday and, certainly, mini-c creativity when learning various academic domains. One can never know which talents willbecomethemost important to apolymath atanypoint inone's life. Joni Mitchell thought music would remain a hobby, playing second fiddle to her serious work as a painter (DiMartino, 1998; Weller, 2008); Alan Greenspan pursued being a saxophone player before “falling back” on economics. Benjamin Franklin surely could not have known which of his many talents would become most important to him later in life. So it is with our students. What we can offer them is the chance to develop any, and all, of their creative talents. References Amabile, T. M. (1983). The social psychology of creativity. New York: Springer-Verlag. Amabile, T. M. (1996). Creativity in context: Update to the social psychology of creativity. Boulder, CO: Westview. Baer, J. (1991). Generality of creativity across performance domains. Creativity Research Journal, 4, 23−39. Baer, J. (1993). Divergent thinking and creativity: A task-specific approach. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Baer, J. (1994). Divergent thinking is not a general trait: A multi-domain training experiment. Creativity Research Journal, 7, 35−46. Baer, J. (1996). The effects of task-specific divergent-thinking training. Journal of Creative Behavior, 30, 183−187. Baer, J. (1997a). Creative teachers, Creative students. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Baer, J. (1997b). Gender differences in the effects of anticipated evaluation on creativity. Creativity Research Journal, 10, 25−31. Baer, J. (1998a). The case for domain specificity in creativity. Creativity Research Journal, 11, 173−177. Baer, J. (1998b). Gender differences in the effects of extrinsic motivation on creativity. Journal of Creative Behavior, 32, 18−37. Baer, J., & Kaufman, J. C. (2005a). Bridging generality and specificity: The Amusement Park Theoretical (APT) Model of creativity. Roeper Review, 27, 158−163. Baer, J., & Kaufman, J. C. (2005b). Whence creativity? Overlapping and dual-aspect skills and traits. In J. C. Kaufman J. Baer (Eds.), Creativity across domains: Faces of the muse (pp. 313−320). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Beghetto, R. A. (2005). Does assessment kill student creativity? The Educational Forum, 69, 254−263. Beghetto, R. A. (2007). Ideational code-switching: Walking the talk about supporting student creativity in the classroom. Roeper Review, 29, 265−270. Beghetto, R. A., & Kaufman, J. C. (2007). Toward a broader conception of creativity: A case for mini-c creativity. Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts, 1, 73−79. Beghetto, R. A., & Kaufman, J. C. (2009). Do we all have multicreative potential? ZDM — The International Journal of Mathematics Education, 41, 39−44. Cohen, L. M. (1989). A continuum of adaptive creative behaviors. Creativity Research Journal, 2, 169−183. Conti, R., Coon, H., & Amabile, T. M. (1996). Evidence to support the componential model of creativity: Secondary analyses of three studies. Creativity Research Journal, 9, 385−389. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1996). Creativity: Flow and the psychology of discovery and invention. New York: HarperCollins. DiMartino, D. (1998). The unfiltered Joni Mitchell. MOJO, August, 1998. Retrieved electronically October 24, 2008 from JMDL at http://jmdl.com/library/view.cfm?id=195. Eisenberger, R., Pierce, W. D., & Cameron, J. (1999). Effects of reward on intrinsic motivation: Negative, neutral, and positive. Psychological Bulletin, 125, 677−691. Eisenberger, R., & Shanock, L. (2003). Rewards, intrinsic motivation, and creativity: A case study of conceptual and methodological isolation. Creativity Research Journal, 15, 121−130. Ericsson, K. A., Roring, R. W., & Nandagopal, K. (2007). Giftedness and evidence for reproducibly superior performance: An account based on the expert performance framework. High Ability Studies, 18, 3−56. Gruber, H. E., & Davis, S. N. (1988). Inching our way up Mt. Olympus: The evolving- systems approach to creative thinking. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), The nature of creativity (pp. 243−270). New York: Cambridge University Press. Guilford, J. P. (1950). Creativity. American Psychologist, 5, 444−454. Han, K. S. (2003). Domain-specificity of creativity in young children: How quantitative and qualitative data support it. Journal of Creative Behavior, 37, 117−142. Hayes, J. R. (1989). Cognitive processes in creativity. In J. A. Glover, R. R. Roning, & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Handbook of creativity (pp. 202–219). New York: Plenum. Hennessey, B. A., & Amabile, T. M. (1988). Conditions of creativity. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), The nature of creativity (pp. 11−38). New York: Cambridge University Press. Hocevar, D. (1976). Dimensionality of creativity. Psychological Reports, 39, 869−870. Isaacson, W. (2004). Benjamin Franklin: An American life. New York: Simon & Schuster. Ivcevic, Z. (2007). Artistic and everyday creativity: An act-frequency approach. Journal of Creative Behavior, 41, 271−290. Kaufman, J. C., & Baer, J. (2004). Hawking's Haiku, Madonna's math. In R. J. Sternberg, E. L. Grigorenko, & J. L. Singer (Eds.), Creativity: From potential to realization (pp. 3−20). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Kaufman, J. C., & Baer, J. (2005). The Amusement Park Theory of Creativity. In J. C. Kaufman & J. Baer (Eds.), Creativity across domains: Faces of the muse (pp. 321−328). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kaufman, J. C., & Baer, J. (2006). Intelligent testing with Torrance. Creativity Research Journal, 18, 99−102. Kaufman, J. C., & Beghetto, R. A. (2009). Beyond big and little: The Four C Model of Creativity. Review of General Psychology, 13, 1−12. Kaufman, J. C., Cole, J. C., & Baer, J. (2009). The construct of creativity: A structural model for self-reported creativity ratings. Journal of Creative Behavior, 43, 119−134. Lepper, M., & Greene, D. (1975). Turning work into play: Effects of adult surveillance and extrinsic rewards on children's intrinsic motivation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31, 479−486. Lepper, M., & Greene, D. (1978). The hidden costs of reward. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Lubinski, D., & Benbow, C. P. (2006). Study of mathematically precocious youth after 35 years: Uncovering antecedents for the development of math–science expertise. Perspectives on Psychological Science. McCrae, R. R. (1987). Creativity, divergent thinking, and openness to experience. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 1258−1265. Park, G., Lubinski, D., & Benbow, C. P. (2007). Contrasting intellectual patterns predict creativity in the arts and sciences: Tracking intellectually precocious youth over 25 years. Psychological Science, 18, 948−952. Plucker, J. A. (1998). Beware of simple conclusions: The case for the content generality of creativity. Creativity Research Journal, 11, 179−182. Plucker, J. A. (2005). The (relatively) generalist view of creativity. In J. C. Kaufman & J. Baer (Eds.), Creativity across domains: Faces of the muse (pp. 307−312). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Plucker, J. A., & Beghetto, R. A. (2004). Why creativity is domain general, why it looks domain specific, and why the distinction doesn't matter. In R. J. Sternberg, E. L. Grigorenko, & J. L. Singer (Eds.), Creativity: From potential to realization (pp. 153−168). Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association. Richards, R. (1990). Everyday creativity, eminent creativity, and health: “Afterview” for CRJ issues on creativity and health. Creativity Research Journal, 3, 300−326. Root-Bernstein, R. (1989). Discovering. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Root-Bernstein, R., & Root-Bernstein, M. (2004). Artistic scientists and scientific artists: The link between polymathy and creativity. In R. J. Sternberg, E. L. Grigorenko, & J. L. Singer (Eds.), Creativity: From potential to realization (pp. 127−152). Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association. Runco, M. A. (1989). The creativity of children’s art. Child Study Journal, 19, 177−190. Runco, M. A. (1996). Personal creativity: Definition and developmental issues. New Directions for Child Development, 72, 3−30. Runco, M. A. (2004). Creativity. Annual Review of Psychology, 55, 657−687. Simon, H. A. (1981). The sciences of the artificial (2nd ed.). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Simonton, D. K. (1991). Creative productivity through the adult years. Generations: Journal of the American Society on Aging, 15, 13−16. Simonton, D. K. (1994). Greatness: Who makes history and why. New York: Guilford Press. Simonton, D. K. (1997). Creative productivity: A predictive and explanatory model of career trajectories and landmarks. Psychological Review, 104, 66−89. Simonton, D. K. (1998). Career paths and creative lives: A theoretical perspective on late- life potential. In C. Adams-Price (Ed.), Creativity and successful aging: Theoretical and empirical approaches (pp. 3−18). New York: Springer. Simonton, D. K. (2009). Genius 101. New York: Springer. Stein, M. I. (1953). Creativity and culture. The Journal of Psychology, 36, 311−322. Taylor, I. A. (1959). The nature of the creative process. In P. Smith (Ed.), Creativity (pp. 521−582). New York: Hastings House. Vygotsky, L. S. (2004). Imagination and creativity in childhood. (M. E. Sharpe, Inc., Trans.) Journal of Russian and East European Psychology, 42, 7–97. (Original work published 1967). Wai, J., Lubinski, D., & Benbow, C. P. (2005). Creativity and occupational accomplishments among intellectually precocious youth: An age 13 to age 33 longitudinal study. Journal of Educational Psychology, 97, 484−492. Weisberg, R. W. (1999). Creativity and knowledge: A challenge to theories. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of creativity (pp. 226−250). New York: Cambridge University Press. Weller, S. (2008). Girls like us: Carole King, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon — And the journey of a generation. New York: Atria Books. Winner, E. (1996). Gifted children: Myths and realities. New York: Basic Books. 387J.C. Kaufman et al. / Learning and Individual Differences 20 (2010) 380–387 
work_jar5aqbcorcbhmotxjgsfxycbe	----	POSTER PRESENTATION Open Access Additional stimulation of sGC on top of standard treatment with ARB`s may offer a new therapeutic approach for the treatment of diabetic nephropathy resistant to ARB treatment alone Markus Alter1,2,3, Ina Ott1, Karoline von Websky1,2, Oleg Tsuprykov1,2, Yuliya Sharkovska2, Katharina Krause-Relle2,3, Jens Raila3, Andrea Henze3, Axel Kretschmer4, Johannes-Peter Stasch4,5, Berthold Hocher2,3* From 5th International Conference on cGMP: Generators, Effectors and Therapeutic Implications Halle, Germany. 24-26 June 2011 Background Riociguat is the first of a new class of drugs, the soluble guanylate cyclase (sGC) stimulators. Riociguat has a dual mode of action: it sensitizes sGC to the body’s own NO and can also increase sGC activity in the absence of NO. The NO-sGC-pathway is impaired in many cardiovascular diseases such as heart failure, pulmonary hypertension and diabetic nephropathy (DN). DN leads to high cardiovascu- lar morbidity and mortality. There is still a high unmet medical need. The urinary albumin excretion rate is a pre- dictive biomarker for these clinical events. Therefore, we investigated the effect of riociguat, alone and in combina- tion with the angiotensin II receptor antagonist (ARB) tel- misartan on the progression of DN in diabetic eNOS knock out mice, a new model closely resembling human pathology. Methods Seventy-six male eNOS knockout C57BL/6J mice were divided into 4 groups after receiving intraperitoneal high-dose streptozotocin: telmisartan (1 mg/kg), rioci- guat (3 mg/kg), riociguat+telmisartan (3 and 1 mg/kg), and vehicle. Fourteen mice were used as non-diabetic controls. After 12 weeks, urine and blood were obtained and blood pressure measured. Glucose con- centrations were highly increased and similar in all diabetic groups. Results Riociguat, alone (105.2 ± 2.5 mmHg; mean±SEM; n = 14) and in combination with telmisartan (105.0 ± 3.2 mmHg; n = 12), significantly reduced blood pressure versus dia- betic controls (117.1 ± 2.2 mmHg; n = 14; p = 0.002 and p = 0.004, respectively), whereas telmisartan alone (111.2 ± 2.6 mmHg) showed a modest blood pressure lowering trend (p = 0.071; n = 14). The effects of single treatment with either riociguat (97.1 ± 15.7 µg/d; n = 13) or telmisartan (97.8 ± 26.4 µg/d; n = 14) did not signifi- cantly lower albumin excretion on its own (p = 0.067 and p = 0.101, respectively). However, the combined treat- ment led to significantly lower urinary albumin excretion (47.3 ± 9.6 µg/d; n = 12) compared to diabetic controls (170.8 ± 34.2 µg/d; n = 13; p = 0.004), and reached levels similar to non-diabetic controls (31.4 ± 10.1 µg/d, n = 12). Conclusion Riociguat significantly reduced urinary albumin excretion in diabetic eNOS knock out mice that were refractory to treatment with ARB’s alone. Patients with diabetic nephropathy refractory to treatment with ARB’s have the worst prognosis among all patients with diabetic nephro- pathy. Our data indicate that additional stimulation of sGC on top of standard treatment with ARB`s may offer a new therapeutic approach for patients with diabetic nephropathy resistant to ARB treatment. Author details 1Department of Nephrology, Charité, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany. 2Center for Cardiovascular Research, Charité, Campus Mitte, Berlin, * Correspondence: berthold.hocher@charite.de 2Center for Cardiovascular Research, Charité, Campus Mitte, Berlin, Germany Full list of author information is available at the end of the article Alter et al. BMC Pharmacology 2011, 11(Suppl 1):P1 http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2210/11/S1/P1 © 2011 Alter et al; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. mailto:berthold.hocher@charite.de http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0 Germany. 3Institute for Nutritional Science, University of Potsdam, Germany. 4Bayer HealthCare AG, Cardiovascular Research, Wuppertal, Germany. 5Institute of Pharmacy, Martin-Luther-University of Halle, Germany. Published: 1 August 2011 doi:10.1186/1471-2210-11-S1-P1 Cite this article as: Alter et al.: Additional stimulation of sGC on top of standard treatment with ARB`s may offer a new therapeutic approach for the treatment of diabetic nephropathy resistant to ARB treatment alone. BMC Pharmacology 2011 11(Suppl 1):P1. Submit your next manuscript to BioMed Central and take full advantage of: • Convenient online submission • Thorough peer review • No space constraints or color figure charges • Immediate publication on acceptance • Inclusion in PubMed, CAS, Scopus and Google Scholar • Research which is freely available for redistribution Submit your manuscript at www.biomedcentral.com/submit Alter et al. BMC Pharmacology 2011, 11(Suppl 1):P1 http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2210/11/S1/P1 Page 2 of 2 Background Methods Results Conclusion Author details 
work_jeahj2t7brhrtpe5uawcoq7bwe	----	Eur J Appl Physiol (2010) 108:213 DOI 10.1007/s00421-009-1196-1 123 L E T T E R T O T H E E D I T O R Glutathione measurements in blood samples are inXuenced by oxygen saturation Dieter Böning Accepted: 31 August 2009 / Published online: 17 September 2009 © Springer-Verlag 2009 Dear Editor Heinicke et al. (2009) describe a temporary increase in erythrocyte reduced glutathione concentration by 12–20% in venous blood samples after ascent to 2,800 m above the sea level. I wonder why the authors do not present also oxi- dized glutathione which yield additional insight since their method (Tietze 1969) allows determination of both forms. Also, they have diYculties to interpret their result as improved antioxidant defense, since the values return to control values within 2 weeks at altitude. The cause is prob- ably that the changes are at least partly measuring artifacts: hemoglobin that binds glutathione much better in oxygen- ated than deoxygenated form (Craescu et al. 1986) is precipitated before analysis; thus, an unknown amount of glutathione disappears from the supernatant. We have shown that after in vitro equilibration with diVerent oxygen pressures measured total glutathione concentrations decrease by 20% between 0 and 100% O2 saturation (Hütler et al. 2000); the decrease in reduced glutathione is even larger (30%), whereas the small fraction of oxidized gluta- thione increases Wvefold. As venous oxygen content falls markedly during ascent and later rises again, this might be the cause of glutathione concentration changes. The possible error is easy to correct if the authors have measured venous O2 saturations. In addition, the change in concentrations of free reduced and oxidized glutathione within the red cell after a decrease in average O2 saturation should inXuence synthesis and trans-membrane transport of this substance. Therefore, all investigations without considering these eVects do not allow clear conclusions about antioxidant defense by glutathione in blood. References Craescu CT, Poyart C, SchaeVer C, Garel MC, Kister J, Beuzard Y (1986) Covalent binding of glutathione to hemoglobin. II. Func- tional consequences and structural changes reXected in NMR spectra. J Biol Chem 261(31):14710–14716 Heinicke I, Boehler A, Rechsteiner T, Bogdanova A, Jelkmann W, Hofer M, Rawlings P, Araneda OF, Behn C, Gassmann M, Heinicke K (2009) Moderate altitude but not additional endurance training increases markers of oxidative stress in exhaled breath condensate. Eur J Appl Physiol 106:599–604 Hütler M, Pollmann C, Beneke R, Leithauser R, Böning D (2000) Mea- surable amount of glutathione in blood is inXuenced by oxygen saturation of hemoglobin. Clin Chim Acta 301:213–217 Tietze F (1969) Enzymic method for quantitative determination of nanogram amounts of total and oxidized glutathione. Anal Biochem 27:502–522 D. Böning (&) Sportmedizin Charité, Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Arnimallee 22, 14195 Berlin, Germany e-mail: dieter.boening@charite.de Glutathione measurements in blood samples are inXuenced by oxygen saturation Dear Editor References << /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles true /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (None) /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CalCMYKProfile (ISO Coated v2 300% \050ECI\051) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Error /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Off /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages true /CreateJDFFile false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Perceptual /DetectBlends true /ColorConversionStrategy /sRGB /DoThumbnails true /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /SyntheticBoldness 1.00 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 524288 /LockDistillerParams true /MaxSubsetPct 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work_jehmooul3bg5rbg24yr6qudqoe	----	untitled What’s your excuse for Foley use? Sarah L Krein,1,2 Sanjay Saint1,2 1VA Ann Arbor Healthcare System, Center for Clinical Management Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA 2Department of Internal Medicine, University of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA Correspondence to Dr Sarah L Krein, VA Ann Arbor Healthcare System, Center for Clinical Management Research, P.O. Box 130170, Ann Arbor, MI 48113, USA; skrein@umich.edu Accepted 8 May 2015 Published Online First 1 June 2015 ▸ http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ bmjqs-2015-004114 To cite: Krein SL, Saint S. BMJ Qual Saf 2015;24: 412–413. He that is good for making excuses is seldom good for anything else. Benjamin Franklin Efforts to prevent catheter-associated urinary tract infection (CAUTI) are underway worldwide.1–4 Reducing indwel- ling urinary catheter (or ‘Foley’) use is a key component of most prevention initiatives, which makes sense given the evidence showing its effectiveness in reducing CAUTI rates.5 Such an approach, however, requires a specific focus on promoting the use of appropriate indications for a Foley at the time of insertion and throughout the duration of catheterisation. Unfortunately, data show substantial variability in both interpreting and applying such indications.6 The article by Murphy and colleagues7 uses robust qualitative methods to provide insights into decision-making about Foley insertion, including indica- tions for use and the clinical context. This focus corresponds with what we and others have characterised as the socio- adaptive aspects of CAUTI prevention, including behaviour change and unit culture, as compared with the technical components, such as urinary catheter reminders or stop orders.8 Murphy et al’s work supports the use of certain strategies to promote more appropriate Foley use, such as better education about and availability of alternatives, including bladder scanning and external catheters (referred to as urinary sheaths in the paper). It also reinforces current wisdom about some of the presumed reasons why clinicians use Foley catheters, including issues related to workload and perceived convenience for clinicians (or patients) and other safety concerns (ie, pressure ulcer prevention). A multicenter study conducted in the USA focusing on CAUTI prevention practices similarly found that nursing convenience was per- ceived as a driving force underlying inappropriate urinary catheter use.9 As one of the nurses in that study stated: “convenience, unfortunately, is a high pri- ority, and that is another factor, and espe- cially with urinary catheters, yes, the workload will be increased if you have to take them to the bathroom or you have to change their bed a little more often….”9 Likewise, Harrod and collea- gues10—also using qualitative methods— reported that hospital staff felt they had to choose between what they viewed as competing safety priorities (eg, effect of urinary catheter use on patients’ risk of falls) when it comes to improvement initiatives to limit urinary catheter use.10 Other results reported by Murphy and colleagues highlight some emerging issues and approaches for addressing inappro- priate or potential ‘overuse’ of Foleys. For example, the knee-jerk reaction illu- strated by the emergency department physician who said “I really don’t think about the decision at all” and the appar- ently unreflective favouring of Foley use to monitor urine output both suggest a need for better cognitive tools and strat- egies. This could include encouraging more mindful practice11 and better cri- teria and guidance for defining appropri- ate use, such as when hourly output monitoring might truly be required.12 On the other hand, concerns about avoiding contingencies and the use of combined weak indications and goals are more insidious and difficult to address, perhaps serving as fallback rationalisations or ‘excuses’ for actions rather than true decisions. Among the several strengths of this paper is the in-depth nature of the find- ings and the focus on the insertion deci- sion, highlighting specific attitudes or potential knowledge gaps that serve as points for intervention. Understanding how attitudes and perceptions related to Foley use differ across clinical settings (eg, emergency department vs medical ward) is also important in developing effective strategies to promote appropri- ate use. However, while generalisability in the statistical sense is not in question, the transferability of these findings to other hospitals and settings is of note. Specifically, at this hospital physicians were primarily responsible for urinary catheter insertion and this appeared to be EDITORIAL 412 Krein SL, et al. BMJ Qual Saf 2015;24:412–413. doi:10.1136/bmjqs-2015-004376 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://q u a litysa fe ty.b m j.co m / B M J Q u a l S a f: first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /b m jq s-2 0 1 5 -0 0 4 3 7 6 o n 1 Ju n e 2 0 1 5 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjqs-2015-004114 http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjqs-2015-004114 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1136/bmjqs-2015-004376&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2015-06-01 http://www.health.org.uk/ http://qualitysafety.bmj.com http://qualitysafety.bmj.com/ a factor in decisions about catheter use for specific types of patients. Thus, how the findings related to patient age and gender might apply in hospitals where nursing staff have primary responsibility for Foley insertion—which is generally the case in most US hos- pitals—is an open question. This limitation notwithstanding, this study rein- forces our belief that it is the socio-adaptive aspects of CAUTI prevention that are often the greatest chal- lenge for hospitals in their efforts to reduce catheter use and decrease CAUTI rates.13 While the work of Murphy and colleagues contributes further insight into clinician attitudes, perceptions, knowledge and behaviours related to Foley use, it also suggests areas for additional investigation, including better under- standing of the patient perspective. While use of a Foley for patient comfort and dignity is often cited by clinicians, the reality is patients find indwelling cathe- ters neither comfortable nor dignified.14 The study also indicates further work may be needed to improve clinician familiarity with existing alternatives or products, such as properly fitting exter- nal catheters and highly absorbent adult diapers, which for certain patients can be used to help ensure proper incontinence care without the use of an inva- sive device that heightens the risk for other complica- tions. Another avenue for further study involves the clinical context and environmental factors that might promote or inhibit catheter use. Although some setting-specific interventions—such as in the emer- gency department or intensive care unit—have been developed,15 16 more work in this domain is needed, including interventions that might target aspects of the built environment (eg, lack of restrooms and space constraints in a busy emergency department) as well as the prevailing culture and attitudes within a given area. In sum, building on the work of Murphy and collea- gues and with a bit more research and evidence the time has come, as the authors note, to ‘challenge’ some commonly held beliefs about Foleys. Indeed, rather than allowing the perpetuation of misguided beliefs and post hoc justification, we must be more proactive about promoting a more thoughtful and rea- soned approach to indwelling urinary catheter use. As the quote that begins this editorial implies, Benjamin Franklin—credited with inventing the flexible catheter in 1752 when his brother suffered from bladder stones—disliked excuses. We feel the same way, espe- cially when they are used to justify harmful practices such as putting in and keeping in unnecessary urinary catheters. So, what’s your excuse for Foley use? Disclaimer The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position or policy of the Department of Veterans Affairs. Competing interests None declared. Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; internally peer reviewed. REFERENCES 1 Fakih MG, George C, Edson BS, et al. Implementing a national program to reduce catheter-associated urinary tract infection: a quality improvement collaboration of state hospital associations, academic medical centers, professional societies, and governmental agencies. Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2013;34:1048–54. 2 Rosenthal VD, Todi SK, Alvarez-Moreno C, et al. Impact of a multidimensional infection control strategy on catheter-associated urinary tract infection rates in the adult intensive care units of 15 developing countries: findings of the International Nosocomial Infection Control Consortium (INICC). Infection 2012;40:517–26. 3 Apisarnthanarak A, Thongphubeth K, Sirinvaravong S, et al. Effectiveness of multifaceted hospitalwide quality improvement programs featuring an intervention to remove unnecessary urinary catheters at a tertiary care center in Thailand. Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2007;28:791–8. 4 Stephan F, Sax H, Wachsmuth M, et al. Reduction of urinary tract infection and antibiotic use after surgery: a controlled, prospective, before-after intervention study. Clin Infect Dis 2006;42:1544–51. 5 Meddings J, Rogers MA, Krein SL, et al. Reducing unnecessary urinary catheter use and other strategies to prevent catheter-associated urinary tract infection: an integrative review. BMJ Qual Saf 2014;23:277–89. 6 Greene MT, Fakih MG, Fowler KE, et al. Regional variation in urinary catheter use and catheter-associated urinary tract infection: results from a national collaborative. Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2014;35(Suppl 3):S99–106. 7 Murphy C, Prieto J, Fader M. “It’s easier to stick a tube in”: a qualitative study to understand clinicians’ individual decisions to place urinary catheters in acute medical care. BMJ Qual Saf 2015;24:444–50. 8 Saint S, Howell JD, Krein SL. Implementation science: how to jump-start infection prevention. Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2010;31(Suppl 1):S14–17. 9 Saint S, Kowalski CP, Forman J, et al. A multicenter qualitative study on preventing hospital-acquired urinary tract infection in US hospitals. Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2008;29:333–41. 10 Harrod M, Kowalski CP, Saint S, et al. Variations in risk perceptions: a qualitative study of why unnecessary urinary catheter use continues to be problematic. BMC Health Serv Res 2013;13:151. 11 Kiyoshi-Teo H, Krein SL, Saint S. Applying mindful evidence-based practice at the bedside: using catheter-associated urinary tract infection as a model. Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2013;34:1099–101. 12 Meddings J, Saint S, Fowler KE, et al. The Ann Arbor criteria for appropriate urinary catheter use in hospitalized medical patients: results using the RAND/UCLA appropriateness method. Ann Intern Med 2015;162(9 Suppl):S1–34. 13 Saint S, Krein SL, Stock RW. Preventing hospital infections: real-world problems, realistic solution. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2015. 14 Saint S, Lipsky BA, Goold SD. Indwelling urinary catheters: a one-point restraint? Ann Intern Med 2002;137:125–7. 15 Fakih MG, Pena ME, Shemes S, et al. Effect of establishing guidelines on appropriate urinary catheter placement. Acad Emerg Med 2010;17:337–40. 16 Gokula RM, Smith MA, Hickner J. Emergency room staff education and use of a urinary catheter indication sheet improves appropriate use of foley catheters. Am J Infect Control 2007;35:589–93. Editorial Krein SL, et al. BMJ Qual Saf 2015;24:412–413. doi:10.1136/bmjqs-2015-004376 413 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://q u a litysa fe ty.b m j.co m / B M J Q u a l S a f: first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /b m jq s-2 0 1 5 -0 0 4 3 7 6 o n 1 Ju n e 2 0 1 5 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/673149 http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s15010-012-0278-x http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/518453 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/518453 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/503837 http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjqs-2012-001774 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677825 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677825 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/655991 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/529589 http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1472-6963-13-151 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/673147 http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/673147 http://dx.doi.org/10.7326/M14-1304 http://dx.doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-137-2-200207160-00012 http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1553-2712.2009.00677.x http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1553-2712.2009.00677.x http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajic.2006.12.004 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajic.2006.12.004 http://qualitysafety.bmj.com/ What's your excuse for Foley use? References 
work_jgpztymfjfazzakvcwmetqig6u	----	Radical Change (Even if Not the End of the World as We Know It) Radical Change (Even if Not the End of the World as We Know It) Michelle Ann Abate Children's Literature, Volume 41, 2013, pp. vii-xii (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: For additional information about this article [ Access provided at 6 Apr 2021 03:04 GMT from Carnegie Mellon University ] https://doi.org/10.1353/chl.2013.0000 https://muse.jhu.edu/article/508926 https://doi.org/10.1353/chl.2013.0000 https://muse.jhu.edu/article/508926 viiChildren’s Literature 41, Hollins University © 2013. From the Editor Radical Change (Even if Not the End of the World as We Know It) There is no other way to say it: 2012 was the year that the world was supposed to end. Or be made anew. Possibly both. In a story that received widespread media attention—and which became a source of anxiety for many individuals—according to some readings of the Mayan calendar, the world was scheduled to come to its finale on 21 December 2012. Failing total annihilation, the Earth would undergo some major cataclysmic change; human civilization as we know it would cease or, in keeping with another viewpoint, cycle back to the begin- ning of recorded time. While the winter solstice passed without apocalyptic incident around the globe, this aura of looming, profound change was apt. Even without 21 December precipitating some form of end times, the year 2012 saw massive social, political, and economic transformations around the world. Public elections were held in Libya for the first time in more than four decades. Likewise, voters in France selected François Hol- lande, the nation’s first Socialist president since François Mitterand. Finally, in the United States, President Barack Obama publicly sup- ported same-sex marriage, the first such acknowledgment by a sitting president in American history. The eight critical articles and one Varia piece contained in this vol- ume reflect the spirit of large-scale transformation which came to typify the year 2012. Taken collectively, these essays provide an illuminating index of the ways in which children’s literature scholarship has been changing and even reinventing itself anew in the twenty-first century. The volume begins with an article that reveals the exciting new insights that can gleaned when the field of children’s literature is broadened to include that of childhood studies. In “Character Educa- tion and the Performance of Citizenship in Glee,” Naomi Lesley situ- ates the popular contemporary television show “within a discussion about the function of education in a democratic society.” Beginning with the premise that “high school is a battleground for the develop- viii From the Editor ment of American values and resilient citizens, and that performance is somehow involved in that mission, whether to support or undercut it,” she places “Glee in the context of conversations about the mission of public schooling, anxieties about the problems that bedevil the nation’s schools, and the uses of arts education.” During this process, Lesley does not ignore the oft-discussed issues of queerness, campiness, and the construction of teen identity that have been the subject of much previous commentary about Glee; rather, she makes a case that “these issues take on even more urgency when placed in the context of cultural contests over the purpose of education and the future of the nation’s youth.” The next essay, Megan A. Norcia’s “The London Shopscape: Educat- ing the Child Consumer in the Stories of Mary Wollstonecraft, Maria Edgeworth, and Mary Martha Sherwood,” focuses on a far different set of texts from another historical era, but with an equally interdisciplin- ary approach. Examining narratives that feature scenes of mothers and daughters shopping in London, the author demonstrates how messages cautioning against vain and frivolous materialism, along with stressing the importance of being a smart and savvy shopper, were pressing cultural concerns “long before Picadilly became such a circus and tabloids began tracking where Kate and Pippa shop.” Norcia specifically spotlights Wollstonecraft’s Original Stories from Real Life (1788), Edgeworth’s “The Purple Jar” (1801–02), and Sherwood’s A Drive in the Coach through the streets of London (1818). As she argues, “In addition to shedding light on the period preceding the mid- to late nineteenth-century interest in growing consumerist subjectivi- ties, Wollstonecraft’s, Edgeworth’s, and Sherwood’s works also enrich ongoing discussions about urban space through the representation of the London “shopscape” as a setting for moral and economic lessons.” Drawing on both theoretical conceptions concerning the uses of urban space and sociocritical constructions of the flâneur, Norcia unpacks the ways in which these authors “used maternal characters to instruct their daughters that the way they consumed, as well as what they consumed, determined the meaning of their lives.” Joe Sutliff Sanders continues this interest in how texts encode literary, artistic, and cultural information in his article “Chaperoning Words: Meaning-Making in Comics and Picture Books.” As he ex- plains, “scholarship on comics and picture books frequently overlaps, often even as that scholarship tries to define what makes each form unique.” Sanders’s essay takes on the ambitious task of attempting to From the Editor ix do exactly that. During this process, he builds on the forum about comics and picture books which appeared in the Winter 2012 issue of our sister publication, the Children’s Literature Association Quarterly, while also breaking from it in key critical and theoretical ways. Sanders proposes “a strategy for understanding comics and picture books that begins with form, specifically the production of meaning in texts that combine images and what Roland Barthes has called ‘linguistic mes- sages.’” But his examination does not end there. Aware that attending only to formal elements “would lead inevitably back to the definitional quagmire” discussed by previous critics on this subject, Sanders seeks to delineate the differences between these two genres by considering “the philosophies of meaning-making from which comics and picture books emerge.” As he asserts: “Central to the solution I am proposing to the tangle of theory is attention to how each form limits the mean- ings possible in images, thereby encoding, enlisting, and distributing power with particular consequences for solitary and cooperative read- ing experiences.” The next essay, “Model Patriots: The First Children’s Biographies of George Washington and Ben Franklin,” spotlights both an oft- overlooked genre of children’s literature—nonfiction—and an un- derstudied historical time period, the early 1800s. As its author, Ivy Linton Stabell, reminds us: “The historical and cultural realities of early nineteenth-century America make children’s biographies significant artifacts in the study of American identity and the expansion of nation- alism in the early republic.” Written and released during a time that not only saw important transformation in attitudes about children and childrearing, but which also witnessed a massive expansion of the chil- dren’s book publishing industry, “biographies—which not only identify key Americans to admire, but also outline how to admire them—were frequently written for the ‘rising generation’ in order to instill values that would in turn ensure the state’s survival.” Accordingly, her essay details how the first juvenile biographies of George Washington and Benjamin Franklin managed the tricky task of describing the lives of these men, who were lauded for being revolutionaries, to an audience whose reading material was routinely envisioned as a means for instilling obedience. As Stabell illuminates: “in these biographies, Washington’s and Franklin’s rebellions must be contained for the texts not only to fortify political stability but also to maintain parental authority. To ensure these hierarchies, children’s biographers liberally edit (and in some cases create or efface) the details of these two lives, imposing narrative control over these supposedly nonfiction works.” x From the Editor A. Robin Hoffman’s “Holiday House, Childhood, and the End(s) of Time” is likewise situated at the intersection of history, culture, and identity. Offering an inventive and insightful new analysis of Catherine Sinclair’s 1839 book, she argues that “Holiday House effectively inverts the image of childhood as a fantasy land of timeless, deathless utopia, and instead shows the grotesque suffering that results from a childhood ruled and distorted by time.” Written and released during a period when “ever-more-precise and standardized timekeeping” was propel- ling both industry and the individual forward at an increasing rate, Holiday House can be seen as engaging with contemporaneous “efforts to bring society as a whole under the watchful eye of the clock.” When placed against the backdrop of specific innovations like “the marriage of the railroad and the steam locomotive,” along with growing societal interest in temporal issues like the problem of “wasting” time or the desire to receive “instant” results, Holiday House makes visible the way in which “these changes in adult society would continue to have corollary effects on children and the perception of childhood as the Industrial Revolution dawned and the British Empire extended ever farther.” Joyce E. Kelley’s article, “‘Mammy, can’t you tell us sump’n’ to play?’: Children’s Play as the Locus for Imaginative Imitation and Cultural Exchange in the Plantation Novels of Louise Clarke Pyrnelle,” also takes up questions of power, memory, and history, but in the context of the antebellum American South. Examining the critically neglected work of Louise Clarke Pyrnelle, Kelley makes a case for the icono- clastic power and even liberatory potential of children’s play in the plantation novels Diddie, Dumps, and Tot and Miss Li’l Tweety. As Kelley points out, “Though Pyrnelle’s works uphold the system of slavery with their romanticized and paternalistic stance, the children in her texts sometimes operate within this system in ways which call into question the plantation’s established cultural hierarchies.” Focusing especially on depictions of girls’ games in these narratives, the essay examines how “Left alone to amuse themselves, the children find subtle ways to mimic, test, rewrite, and even challenge the rigidity of the slave system through their stories, language, and imaginative play.” Not only do these elements embody formerly overlooked sites of resistance to the plantation system in Pyrnelle’s work, but they also signify “remarkable interest in children’s play years before it was deemed significant by child psychologists.” The next article, “Naive Narrators and Double Narratives of Racially Motivated Violence in the Historical Fiction of Christopher Paul Curtis,” From the Editor xi by Jani L. Barker, approaches related issues from a different socioliterary perspective. This essay explores how Curtis negotiates the “conflicting imperatives” that authors of children’s narratives concerning historical violence must negotiate: providing a truthful account of the event that they are presenting, while also satisfying prevailing societal, parental, and often literary “demands to protect young readers.” Examining three of Curtis’s works of historical fiction—Bud, Not Buddy, The Watsons Go to Burmingham—1963, and Elijah of Buxton—Barker details how these texts “use the narrative technique of naive characters to create double narratives, rendering depictions of racism and violence against African Americans real and truthful, yet bearable.” Drawing on critical perspec- tives ranging from narratology and cultural studies to literary realism and race theory, her article elucidates the process by which the naive narrator in these texts both “shapes the stories told and guides their reception.” The critical endpoint for her analysis pushes beyond Curtis’s work, contemplating the ethical implications of historical fiction itself. The final critical essay in the volume, Frances E. Dolan’s “Mastery at Misselthwaite Manor: Taming the Shrews in The Secret Garden,” brings together many of the themes present in the previous essays, including those of narrative doubleness and the anxiety of literary influence. The article makes a case that Frances Hodgson Burnett’s 1911 novel The Secret Garden in general, and her portrayal of the character Mary Lennox in particular, can be placed in dialogue with the shrew tradi- tion, “the disorderly character dating back at least as far as Socrates’s wife Xantippe, Chaucer’s Wife of Bath,” and, of course, Shakespeare’s Katharina. However, as Dolan points out in her essay, the book’s partici- pation in this tradition is anything but simple or straightforward, with many passages that resist, revise, and even reject some of its supposedly signature traits. Thus Dolan makes the following compelling case: “In arguing that The Secret Garden is indebted to the shrew-taming tradition, an influence that Burnett does not seem to control or critique—and which many readers suffer but do not quite understand—I address why so many readers who remember The Secret Garden fondly also forget its conclusion in order to reverse or refuse the operations of its plot.” This volume also includes a Varia piece, “Cultural Authenticity in Susan Fletcher’s Shadow Spinner,” by Taraneh Matloob. The Varia section is designed to offer articles, interviews, or short informative essays that would be of interest to scholars in the field of children’s literature. In the past, this feature has been used to spotlight a little-known author, call attention to an understudied genre, or shed light on a neglected xii From the Editor text, theme, or topic. Matloob’s essay adds to ongoing discussions about identity politics and the potential problems that arise when an author writes about a culture, country, or religious tradition to which she herself does not belong. Specifically, her article examines the book Shadow Spinner, a retelling of The 1,001 Arabian Nights story sequence written by American author Susan Fletcher. As Matloob explains, “Since Shadow Spinner is a historical fiction about Iran authored by an outsider and well received by Iranians, it is a suitable book for testing debated questions about cultural authenticity and representation of others.” Beginning with the large theoretical question of “what makes an authentically Persian text” and then offering close critical analysis of issues ranging from form and theme to imagery and characterization in Shadow Spinner, Matloob details the ways in which Fletcher was able to successfully bridge a cultural divide that was artistically formidable as well as politically fraught. It has been both a privilege and a pleasure to assemble this volume of essays. I would like to thank the contributing authors for sharing their stellar work, and the outside reviewers for providing such consis- tently fabulous feedback. A special note of appreciation goes to Lisa Radcliff at Hollins University for her excellent editorial assistance, as well as to Christine Doyle for her steadfast efforts as book review editor. I am equally indebted to the Children’s Literature Association, Hollins University, and the readership of the journal for their ongoing support. American journalist Gail Sheehy once commented: “If we don’t change, we don’t grow. If we don’t grow, we aren’t really living” (60). The year 2012 certainly affirmed this observation via numerous social, political, and economic events around the globe. The essays in this volume seek to do the same for the field of children’s literature scholar- ship. I hope you find them as intellectually tantalizing and ideologically transformative as I have. Michelle Ann Abate Hollins University Work Cited The Big Book of Business Quotations. Cambridge, MA: Bloomsbury/Basic Books, 2003. Web. 
work_js7zprgxrbcwllzy23jf3iutay	----	Vibration energy harvesting using piezoelectric unimorph cantilevers with unequal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths Xiaotong Gao,1 Wei-Heng Shih,1,a� and Wan Y. Shih2 1Department of Materials Science and Engineering, Drexel University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104, USA 2School of Biomedical Engineering, Science and Health Systems, Drexel University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104, USA �Received 22 March 2010; accepted 16 October 2010; published online 6 December 2010� We have examined a piezoelectric unimorph cantilever �PUC� with unequal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths for vibration energy harvesting theoretically by extending the analysis of a PUC with equal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths. The theoretical approach was validated by experiments. A case study showed that for a fixed vibration frequency, the maximum open-circuit induced voltage which was important for charge storage for later use occurred with a PUC that had a nonpiezoelectric-to-piezoelectric length ratio greater than unity, whereas the maximum power when the PUC was connected to a resistor for immediate power consumption occurred at a unity nonpiezoelectric-to-piezoelectric length ratio. © 2010 American Institute of Physics. �doi:10.1063/1.3521389� Piezoelectric energy harvesting devices which offer the advantages of small size, high electromechanical coupling, and ease of miniaturization have been increasingly investi- gated as an enabling technology for self-powered systems such as wireless sensor networks.1–3 In particular, piezoelec- tric unimorph cantilevers �PUCs� consisting of a piezoelec- tric layer bonded to a nonpiezoelectric layer have been one of the most studied piezoelectric vibration/impact energy harvesting devices.4–6 So far most of PUC energy harvesters consist of a piezoelectric and a nonpiezoelectric layer that are of the same lengths. Gao et al.7 studied PUCs with un- equal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths with a con- centrated force applied at the tip and found that the PUC with a longer nonpiezoelectric layer gave a larger induced voltage. Furthermore, the induced voltage increased mono- tonically with an increasing nonpiezoelectric length. The situation of energy harvesting from a vibration source is of both fundamental and practical importance. However, it is not clear whether the induced voltage simply increases monotonically with an increasing length ratio between the piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric layers or there exists an optimal length ratio under dynamic loading. The purpose of this study is to examine the induced voltage as well as power of PUCs of unequal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths under vibration of a given frequency. A PUC with unequal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths can be treated as a two-section beam: section-1, com- prised of the piezoelectric layer, nonpiezoelectric layer and bonding layer, and section-2, comprised of either the nonpi- ezoelectric layer �Fig. 1�a�� or the piezoelectric layer �Fig. 1�b��. Eurturk et al. proposed a differential equation that governs the deflection of a PUC with equal piezoelectric and nonpiezoelectric lengths.8 This differential equation can be generalized to apply to a two-section PUC as a�Electronic mail: shihwh@drexel.edu FIG. 1. Schematics of PUCs with �a� a longer nonpiezoelectric layer and �b� a longer piezoelectric layer. APPLIED PHYSICS LETTERS 97, 233503 �2010� 0003-6951/2010/97�23�/233503/3/$30.00 © 2010 American Institute of Physics97, 233503-1 Downloaded 06 Dec 2010 to 129.25.36.147. Redistribution subject to AIP license or copyright; see http://apl.aip.org/about/rights_and_permissions http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3521389 http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3521389 http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3521389 Di �4wrel,i�x, t� � x4 + cs,iIi �5wrel,i�x, t� � x4 � t + ca � wrel,i�x, t� � t + mi �2wrel,i�x, t� � t2 + �iv�t�� d��x − x1,i� dx − d��x − x2,i� dx � = − mi �2wb�x, t� � t2 − ca � wb�x, t� � t , �1� where subscripts i = 1 and 2 stand for section-1 and section-2, respectively, wrel,i�x , t� denotes the cantilever deflection rela- tive to the base motion, Di denotes the bending modulus, cs,i denotes the equivalent strain rate damping coefficient, Ii de- notes the area moment of inertia of the cross section, mi denotes the mass per unit length, �i denotes a piezoelectric coupling term,8 ca denotes the viscous air damping coeffi- cient, v�t� denotes the voltage across the piezoelectric layer, ��x� denotes the Dirac delta function, and x1,i and x2,i denote the boundaries of the electrodes on the piezoelectric layer with x1 � x � x2 and wb�x , t� denotes the base motion. The relative deflection of section-i in a freely vibrating two- section PUC can be expressed as9 wrel,i�x, t� = � r=1 � hi,r�x��r�t� , �2� where hi,r�x� and �r�t� are the eigenfunction and the time- dependent function of the rth mode vibration, respectively. The expressions for hi,r�x� and the resonant frequency of the two-section PUC were obtained using the transcendental- equation procedure described by Shen et al.10 Substituting Eq. �2� into Eq. �1� and following the procedure in Ref. 8, the expressions of wrel,i, induced voltage, current, and power were obtained. The details of the procedure will be published subsequently. Experimentally, PUCs comprised of a 127 �m thick lead zirconate titanate �PZT� layer �PSI-5H4E, Piezo Sys- tems, Inc., Woburn, MA� bonded to a 50 �m thick stainless steel �SS� layer were fabricated. The length of the PZT layer in all the PUCs was 39.5 mm while the length of the SS layer was varied from 10 to 70 mm. The widths of all the PUCs were 5.5 mm. The average thickness of the epoxy bonding layer was 40 �m. For power generation, the PZT was con- nected to a resistor as shown in Fig. 1. The PUCs were vibrated at their first-mode resonant frequencies by using a mechanical shaker. The induced voltage across the PZT layer was measured by using an oscilloscope. The tip displacement of the PUCs and the base vibration amplitude, Ab, were mea- sured by using a laser displacement meter. The base accel- eration amplitude, ab, was obtained from ab = Ab�b 2, where �b is the angular frequency of the base vibration. In the calcu- lation, instead of theoretically evaluating the strain rate damping and viscous air damping coefficients, the mechani- cal damping ratios of the PUCs measured by using the loga- rithmic decrement method11 under short-circuit �SC� condi- tion were used.8 The capacitances of the PZT layers were also measured and used in the calculation. Since the PUCs were vibrated at their first-mode resonant frequencies, the contributions from higher modes were neglected. In the fol- lowing, the resonant frequency refers to the first-mode reso- nant frequency unless otherwise indicated. In Fig. 2�a�, the SC resonant frequencies of the PUCs were plotted versus the SS/PZT length ratio, , which shows that the calculated values were consistent with the experi- mental results. It is interesting to note that a maximum reso- nant frequency occurred at 0.75. The induced voltage amplitude and tip displacement amplitude normalized by the base acceleration amplitude at open-circuit �OC� condition were shown in Figs. 2�b� and 2�c�, respectively. As can be seen, the experiments and the calculations were in good agreement and the induced voltage increased with an increas- ing . In Fig. 2�c�, we missed some of the tip displacement data as they were out of the range of the laser displacement meter. The error bars of the calculations were estimated from the tolerances of the material properties provided by the manufacturers. In Fig. 2�d�, the power consumed by an op- timal resistive load, which matched the impedance of the PUC, was plotted versus . Note that the optimal load resis- tances of the PUCs were not necessarily the same as the resonant frequencies and damping ratios of the PUCs were different.12 As can be seen in Fig. 2�d�, the experiments and calculations were in good agreement and the power increased with an increasing . The experimental results validated the above described analytical approach toward a two-section PUC. Using the validated analytical approach, a case study was carried out to compare the induced voltage and power of PUCs of different for a presumed fixed base vibration frequency of 90 Hz. All PUCs had the same PZT and epoxy thicknesses of 127 and 40 �m, respectively, and the same width of 5.5 mm while different SS thicknesses �50, 100, and 200 �m� were examined. For a PUC of a given PZT length, the SS length was chosen such that the OC resonant fre- quency, f OC, of the PUC matched the base vibration fre- quency, 90 Hz. A mechanical damping ratio of 0.9%, based on the average of the measured damping ratios of the PUCs in the above experiments was used. In Fig. 3�a�, the PZT and SS lengths of PUCs with f OC = 90 Hz were plotted versus . As can be seen, for a given SS thickness, there was a finite range of PZT and SS lengths that can result in an f OC of 90 Hz. If the PZT length was greater than a certain value �42, 48, and 57.9 mm for 50, 100, and 200 �m thick SS, respec- tively�, no SS length could be adjusted to give an f OC of 90 Hz. Similarly, if the SS length was greater than a certain FIG. 2. �a� SC resonant frequency, �b� OC induced voltage, �c� OC tip displacement, and �d� power with an optimal resistive load �OL� of PUCs with different SS/PZT length ratios, . The vertical dashed line indicates the unity . 233503-2 Gao, Shih, and Shih Appl. Phys. Lett. 97, 233503 �2010� Downloaded 06 Dec 2010 to 129.25.36.147. Redistribution subject to AIP license or copyright; see http://apl.aip.org/about/rights_and_permissions value �47.1, 50.7, and 56.4 mm for 50, 100, and 200 �m thick SS, respectively�, no PZT length could be adjusted to give an f OC of 90 Hz. In Fig. 3�b�, one can see that the OC induced voltage peaked at 1 for all SS thicknesses. This is because, as shown in Fig. 3�a�, when increases from unity, the SS layer as well as the entire PUC is getting longer. As a result, the PUC becomes more flexible for deflection which tends to generate a larger induced voltage under the same vibration. On the other hand, the smaller PZT length associated with a larger reduces the length of section-1, thus increases the stiffness and decreases the deflection and induced voltage in section-1. These two competing effects, the decrease of the stiffness of the entire PUC and the in- crease of the stiffness of section-1, result in the optimal in Fig. 3�b�. For a PUC with � 1, section-2 is comprised solely of the PZT layer �Fig. 1�b�� which produces no net induced charges as the strain neutral axis in section-2 is lo- cated at the midpoint of the thickness of the PZT layer. Such an “inactive” portion of the PZT layer decreases the overall induced voltage.7 Furthermore, the induced voltage was also affected by the thickness of the SS layer. As shown in Fig. 3�b�, for the same , the OC induced voltage increased with the SS thickness. This was because, with a thicker SS layer, the PZT layer was farther away from the strain neutral axis and therefore a larger average strain can be generated within the PZT layer.8 The optimal also increased with an in- creasing SS thickness: 1.28, 1.45, and 1.71 for 50, 100, and 200 �m thick SS, respectively. In addition, the enhancement in terms of the OC induced voltage at the optimal com- pared to that at = 1 also increased with an increasing SS thickness: 4.6%, 8.4%, and 16.9% for 50, 100, and 200 �m thick SS, respectively. The power dissipated over a resistive load connected to the PUCs was also examined at 90 Hz. The optimal load resistance, Ropt, of the PUCs was plotted as a function of in Fig. 4�a� together with the corresponding induced voltage, Vin. The behavior of Vin was found to be similar to the OC induced voltage in Fig. 3�b�. The Vin peaked not at = 1 but at an optimal which was greater than unity. Both the op- timal and the enhancement of Vin increased with an in- creasing SS thickness. However, the maximum power, which is determined by Vin 2 / 2Ropt, peaked at = 1 as shown in Fig. 4�b�. The different behaviors of the Vin and power are due to the dependence of Ropt on as shown in Fig. 4�a�. Thus, for applications that require a high Vin, the optimal should be chosen whereas a unity should be used when a high power is required. An between unity and the optimal value may be chosen to obtain both appropriate Vin and power. The present work showed that the maximum OC induced voltage which is important for capacitor or battery charging for later use occurred with a PUC that had a nonpiezoelectric-to-piezoelectric length ratio greater than unity. On the other hand, the maximum power, when the PUC is connected to a resistor for immediate power con- sumption, occurred at a unity nonpiezoelectric-to- piezoelectric length ratio. This work is supported in part by the National Institute of Health �NIH� Grant No. 1 R01 EB000720 and the Nano- technology Institute, a University Grant program of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s Ben Franklin Technology Development Authority through Ben Franklin Technology Partners of Southeast Pennsylvania. 1C. B. Williams and R. B. Yates, Sens. Actuators, A 52, 8 �1996�. 2S. Roundy, P. K. Wright, and J. Rabaey, Comput. Commun. 26, 1131 �2003�. 3J. A. Paradiso and T. Starner, IEEE Pervasive Comput. 4, 18 �2005�. 4S. Priya, J. Electroceram. 19, 165 �2007�. 5S. R. Anton and H. A. Sodano, Smart Mater. Struct. 16, R1 �2007�. 6H. Sodano, D. J. Inman, and G. Park, Shock Vib. Dig. 36, 197 �2004�. 7X. Gao, W.-H. Shih, and W. Y. Shih, Smart Mater. Struct. 18, 125018 �2009�. 8A. Erturk and D. J. Inman, Trans. ASME, J. Vib. Acoust. 130, 041002 �2008�. 9L. Meirovitch, Fundamentals of Vibrations �McGraw-Hill, Boston, 2001�. 10Z. Y. Shen, W. Y. Shih, and W.-H. Shih, Rev. Sci. Instrum. 77, 065101 �2006�. 11C. F. Beards, Structural Vibration: Analysis and Damping �Arnold, Lon- don, 1996�. 12Y. B. Liao and H. A. Sodano, Smart Mater. Struct. 18, 045011 �2009�. FIG. 3. Calculated �a� PZT and SS lengths as a function of the SS/PZT length ratio, , for PUCs with an f OC of 90 Hz and �b� the corresponding open-circuit �OC� induced voltage under 90 Hz base vibration. The vertical dashed line indicates the unity . FIG. 4. Calculated �a� induced voltage �dashed curve� and optimal load resistance �solid curve� and �b� power output as a function of SS/PZT length ratio, . The vertical dashed line indicates the unity . 233503-3 Gao, Shih, and Shih Appl. Phys. Lett. 97, 233503 �2010� Downloaded 06 Dec 2010 to 129.25.36.147. Redistribution subject to AIP license or copyright; see http://apl.aip.org/about/rights_and_permissions http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0924-4247(96)80118-X http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-3664(02)00248-7 http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/MPRV.2005.9 http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0964-1726/16/3/R01 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0583102404043275 http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0964-1726/18/12/125018 http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2890402 http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2202913 http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0964-1726/18/4/045011 
work_jux4affq5vbmljmydk53poisj4	----	���� University teaching hospitals baHie for scarce funds in Berlin [MUNICH] The leading hospital in the former East Germany, the Charite in Berlin, is likely to receive priority over the next few years in the redevelopment of the city's teaching hospitals. In a statement last week, the Wissenschaftsrat, Germany's science council, recommended focusing financial support on the Charite, which is the medical faculty of Humboldt University in east Berlin. But that could result in the Free University's Benjamin Franklin Hospital in west Berlin ending up on the scientific scrap heap, as the city- which is almost bankrupt- seems incapable of paying for the urgently needed renovation of the faculty. After German reunification, Berlin was faced with a surplus of university departments and teaching hospitals. Since then, the Charite has completely transformed itself. After an evaluation, only 20 per cent of its professors were reappointed, most of the remaining posts being filled with scientists from the west. In 1995, after bitter disputes (see Nature 369, 431; 1994), the Charitemerged with the nearby Virchow Hospital, previously part of the Free University. Since then, seven departments have been dosed and the number ofbeds cut by 500 to 2,200, in line with a law on the restructuring of university medicine passed by the city government in 1994. "Our radical policy has been a success," says Wolfram Sterry, head of Charite's medical faculty. "As regards research grants and scientific publications, we are already among the top third of German teaching hospitals!' The Wissenschaftsrat has now rewarded these achievements. While.DM400 million (US$245 million) has already been used for building work at the hospital since 1994, the science council's support means that a further DM400 million is likely to be granted by the city and federal governments to renovate the Charite's dilapidated infrastructure. But that leaves the Benjamin Franklin Hospital out in the cold. "I cannot understand why the Charite should still be given priority, when we have already handed over the well-equipped Virchow Hospital to them;' says Peter Gaeth gens, head of the Free University's medical faculty. "In terms of public budgets, this recommendation means that in practice we will get nothing, while Charite takes it all!' Gaethgens says that the two teaching hospitals should be treated even-handedly. Peter Radunski, Berlin's science minister, has promised to support the Benjamin Franklin Hospital. But Gaethgens is pessimistic, saying: "The health ministry seems to be playing the dominant role. They want us to trim back to help cover [the ministry's] financial problems caused by the bankruptcy of Berlin's public health insurance!' Quirin Schlenneler Mello1N mood fosters marijuana research [ SA N FRANCi sco ] A Californian senator plans to introduce legislation to provide $6 million over three years to set up a centre to carry out research into the potential medical uses of marijuana. The research would be overseen by the University of California. The move coincides with signs that offi- cials in Washington have begun to moderate their hostility towards physicians who respond to a decision by voters in California last autumn to legalize medical uses of the drug (see Nature 384, 95; 1996) . Federal officials are also showing increasing interest in research in the field. Proposals for a state-funded research centre were unveiled last week by state senator John Vasconcellos (Democrat, San Jose) , chairman of the criminal procedure committee in the state Senate. He said that the centre would conduct clinical trials on the effectiveness of marijuana, study adverse effects and safety, and develop intervention techniques for marijuana abuse. Rand Martin, chief of staff to Vasconcel- los, says the bill was written in answer to the federal government's "shameful" response to last year's vote. He says the federal response has been "more driven by hyper- bole and politics than compassion and research needs': The California law requires only an oral recommendation from a physician , not a prescription. But federal officials have warned doctors in both California and Arizona, which passed a similar law, that they risk federal prosecution if they recommend NAT URE I VOL385 f6 FEBRUARY 1997 the drug. Janet Reno, the Attorney General, has also said that doctors could lose the right to write prescriptions and collect reimburse- ments for Medicaid and Medicare patients. Some Californian physicians say that individuals they suspect to be federal agents have been coming to their offices asking questions about marijuana, and have expressed concern at the possibility that threats of government action could lead to the monitoring and censoring of their conversations with patients. Last month, a group of San Francisco physicians and their patients filed a suit against four federal officials claiming that the federal threats violate their constitution- al right to free speech. And last week, an editorial in the New England Journal of Medi- cine said federal policy was "misguided, heavy- handed and inhumane': Some see a possible softening of the administration's stance in a decision by the National Institutes ofHealth (NIH) to hold a scientific workshop later this month to survey the literature on the medical use of marijuana, and to consider the potential for research into the drug's possible effective- ness, as well as its risks. Harold Varmus, director of the NIH, says that the Clinton administration is very responsive to the idea of getting more infor- mation on which policy decisions can be made. Explaining the thinking behind the conference, he says that the state referenda have created a responsibility for public health officials to investigate whether mari- juana is efficacious, and if so, to develop stan- dard treatment schedules. Separately, Barry McCaffrey, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy, said the government would provide $1 million to the Institute of Medicine to review existing research on the medical use of smoked marijuana. But the San Francisco Medical Society calls such a study "unnecessarily duplicative and untimely': as the US Drug Enforcement Administration and other bodies have already compiled such data. Until now, a lack of legally available marijuana for research purposes has blocked even studies approved by the Food and Drug Administration. The California bill would not create such a supply. But Vasconcellos hopes that the state administration will help resolve the problem. Varmus says that the NIH is prepared to provide marijuana for an approved protocol. SalyLehrman 475 Mello1N mood fosters marijuana research 
work_jv56oqkvfbcd7ct6ufkmliaat4	----	Mar02_Researchers RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS 174 MRS BULLETIN/MARCH 2002 Canadian Ceramic Society recognizing his contributions to the Society in ways that help it meet its mission of advance- ment of knowledge in ceramic and glass sciences and manufacturing. Cees Dekker (Delft Technical Univer- sity) has received the Julius Springer Prize for Applied Physics 2002 for the discovery of the electronic properties of carbon nano- tubes and for pioneering work on their application in single-molecule electronic devices. The prize has been awarded since 1998 by the editors of the Springer journals Applied Physics A (Materials Science & Processing) and Applied Physics B (Lasers and Optics). J. Murray Gibson (Argonne National Laboratory) has been appointed Associate Laboratory Director for the Advanced Photon Source (APS), effective October 22, 2001. Gibson has been the director of the Materials Science Division at ANL since 1998, where he has strengthened existing programs, and worked to add new areas. In particular, Gibson oversaw ANL’s early efforts in nanosciences and fostered the development of the x-ray nanoprobe. Lene Hau (Harvard University) has received a 2001 MacArthur Fellowship from the MacArthur Foundation in recognition of her insights of the funda- mental interactions of light and matter. Mietek Jaroniec (Kent State Univer- sity) received the 2001 Activated Carbon Hall-of-Fame award for his innovative, patented “New Porous Carbons.” Steffen Kaldor (IBM T.J. Watson Research Center) received the American Vacuum Society (AVS) 2001 Graduate Research Award at the Fall 2001 meeting in San Francisco. The award recognizes his graduate research on the analysis of bending shapes in Si and its application to both strain measurements in thin films and microelectromechanical systems. Kaldor served as president of the MRS University Chapter at Columbia Uni- versity and writes research news for MRS Bulletin. He recently joined IBM as an engineer/scientist in the Advanced Semiconductor Technology Center, where he will work in thin-film-process development for microelectronics. Lisa C. Klein, a professor of ceramic and materials engineering in the School of Engineering at Rutgers University, has been selected as a Fellow in the New York Academy of Sciences for her break- through contributions to engineering, particularly in the area of sol-gel science, a low-temperature process for making ceramic coatings. Rudolph Buchheit, associate professor at the Fontana Corrosion Center at The Ohio State University, has received the H.H. Uhlig Award on April 7 from NACE International in recognition of his enthusiastic teaching of corrosion at all levels, involvement of undergraduate and high school students in research activities, and continued promotion of the highest quality of corrosion research and education. Robert A. Condrate Sr., emeritus pro- fessor of spectroscopy at Alfred Uni- versity, has been made a Fellow of the News of MRS Members/Materials Researchers Linn W. Hobbs Awarded Honorary Officer, Order of the British Empire Materials science professor Linn W. Hobbs of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology has been award- ed an honorary OBE (Officer, Order of the British Empire). The honor was presented by British Ambassador Sir Christopher Meyer in a ceremony at the British Embassy in Washington, DC on November 14. Hobbs was awarded the honor in recognition of his services to British-American relations in education through his work on the Marshall Scholarships. The Marshall Scholarships, established by an Act of the British Parliament in 1953, bring the “best and brightest” of young U.S. graduates to the United Kingdom for degree studies in any subject at the insti- tution of their choice. The scholarship now brings up to 40 students annually for two years of postgraduate study or a second undergraduate degree. Noted past Marshall Scholars include U.S. Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer and Duke University president (for- merly president of Wellesley) Nannerl Keohane. Hobbs, an internationally distinguished scientist, has taught at MIT since 1981. He is a past associate chair of the MIT faculty. He is a past councillor of the Materials Research Society; past president of the Microscopy Society of America, and is a Fellow of the American Ceramics Society. He has been a Research Fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford; a visiting professor at Balliol College, Oxford; and has worked at the UK Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell. Hobbs joined the Boston selection committee for the Marshall Scholarships in 1985 and has served as its chair since 1989. He was a 1966 Marshall Scholar. Hobbs holds a BSc in materials science from Northwestern University (and was the university’s first Marshall Scholar) and a DPhil in Materials from Oxford. He is a past president of the Oxford and Cambridge Society of New England. Linn W. Hobbs Awarded Honorary Officer, Order of the British Empire Materials science professor Linn W. Hobbs of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology has been awarded an honorary OBE (Officer, Order of the British Empire). The honor was presented by British Ambassador Sir Christopher Meyer in a ceremony at the British Embassy in Washington, DC on November 14. Hobbs was awarded the honor in recognition of his services to British-American relations in education through his work on the Marshall Scholarships. The Marshall Scholarships, established by an Act of the British Parliament in 1953, bring the “best and brightest” of young U.S. graduates to the United Kingdom for degree studies in any subject at the institution of their choice. The scholarship now brings up to 40 students annually for two years of postgraduate study or a second undergraduate degree. Noted past Marshall Scholars include U.S. Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer and Duke University president (formerly president of Wellesley) Nannerl Keohane. Hobbs, an internationally distinguished scientist, has taught at MIT since 1981. He is a past associate chair of the MIT faculty. He is a past councillor of the Materials Research Society; past president of the Microscopy Society of America, and is a Fellow of the American Ceramics Society. He has been a Research Fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford; a visiting professor at Balliol College, Oxford; and has worked at the UK Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell. Hobbs joined the Boston selection committee for the Marshall Scholarships in 1985 and has served as its chair since 1989. He was a 1966 Marshall Scholar. Hobbs holds a BSc degree in materials science from Northwestern University (and was the university’s first Marshall Scholar) and a DPhil degree in Materials from Oxford. He is a past president of the Oxford and Cambridge Society of New England. Linn W. Hobbs (left) of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology receives his honorary OBE from British Ambassador Sir Christopher Meyer. mapped the electronic wave function at a given energy. They accounted for their measurement with a detailed model of the electronic states of the nanotube peapods, which was constructed by con- sidering how arrays of C60 molecules interacted with the one-dimensional elec- tronic states of the nanotube. “These calculations showed us how the electronic states of this composite system derive its character from both electronic states of the nanotube and the C60 mole- cules,” said Yazdani. The researchers speculate that the lessons learned in unraveling the proper- ties of this complex nanostructure also may apply elsewhere. Luzzi said, “When we first created peapods, it provided the first glimpse of a toolbox of nanomaterials that could pro- vide the same excellent mechanical strength and thermal conductivity of nano- tubes but would have other tunable prop- erties—optical, electrical, or catalytic—to provide the diverse functionality needed for integrated and complex nanodevices. This work confirms that these materials are not peas in a pod but actually peapods, a completely new material.” FOR MORE RESEARCH NEWS ON MATERIALS SCIENCE . . . . . . access the Materials Research Society Web site: w w w . m r s . o r g / g a t e w a y / m a t l _ n e w s . h t m l FOR MORE RESEARCH NEWS ON MATERIALS SCIENCE . . . https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2002.66 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:49, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2002.66 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms John W. Cahn to Receive 2002 Bower Award and Prize for Achievement in Science Materials scientist John W. Cahn of the National Institute of Standards and Technology has been selected to receive the 2002 Bower Award and Prize for Achievement in Science from the Franklin Institute for his revolutionary accomplishments in the understand- ing of the thermodynamics and kinetics of phase trans- formations. Cahn’s lifelong dedication to understanding materials has inspired generations of scientists and engi- neers and led directly to the creation of new, multifunc- tional materials based on his ground-breaking theories. Initially motivated by a desire to place the millenniums-old craft of metal-making on solid scientific footing, Cahn’s theories have sprouted productive lines of research not only in metallurgy but also in physics, mathematics, chemistry, engineering, eco- nomics, and demography. Early in his career, Cahn was vexed by the failure of pre- vailing theory to account for the clumping and segregating of atoms during metals processing. With John Hilliard, a colleague at General Electric, he developed a “sim- ple generic equation” to explain the phenomenon known as phase separation. Since it was first published in 1961, the Cahn-Hilliard equation has become a pillar of materials science and engineering. It has been used to explain occurrences ranging from the simple (such as the curdling of cream in coffee and the formation of frost patterns on windshields) to the complex (such as the clumping of galaxies in the early universe and the evolution of settlement patterns in urban areas). The equation also underpins methods used to improve the sharpness of vague images. Cahn was a key member of the team contributing to the discovery of “qua- sicrystals” in 1984 by NIST guest researcher Dan Shechtman. The peculiar sym- metrical arrangement, found in a rapidly cooled alloy, was not allowed by long- established laws of crystallography. Skeptics at the time argued that the observed “five-fold symmetry” of quasicrystals was not even allowed by nature. The discovery launched several new fields of investigation. Practical payoffs to date include inexpensive nonscratch, nonstick coatings for cookware and harden- ing agents for medical instruments. Over his 50-year career, Cahn has made many significant contributions to the progress of materials and mathematics research. He has published about 250 scien- tific papers; delivered 400 invited lectures on his work; and received numerous national and international honors and awards, including the National Medal of Science and the MRS Von Hippel Award. Cahn received his PhD degree in physical chemistry in 1953 from the University of California—Berkeley, and two honorary degrees: ScD (hon.) from Northwestern University in 1990 and D. Hon. Causes, from the University Decry, France, 1996. The award ceremonies are to be held on Thursday, April 25, 2002, at the Benjamin Franklin National Memorial, Philadelphia. The Franklin Institute Awards have recognized preeminent accomplishment in science and technology since 1824, in the spirit of discovery embodied by Benjamin Franklin. RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS MRS BULLETIN/MARCH 2002 175 Gretchen Kalonji, Kyocera Chair in the Department of Materials and Engi- neering at the University of Washington, has been honored with an NSF Director’s Award for Distinguished Teaching Scholars, which recognizes educators for integrating research into education. David J. Lockwood (National Research Council of Canada) was inducted as Fellow of the Electrochemical Society (ECS) at the 200th Meeting of the Society held in San Francisco, September 2–7, 2001. He was elected “for seminal contri- butions to the understanding of the optical properties of solids and, in particular, the definitive observations of light emission due to quantum confinement in silicon nanostructures.” Arashmid Nahal, assistant professor at the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Basic Sciences, Zanjan, Iran, has received the 2001 ICO/ICTP award (International Commission for Optics/Commission Internationale d’Optique) which recog- nizes researchers under 40 years of age originating from developing countries and conducting research in developing countries. Brooks Pate (University of Virginia) has received a 2001 MacArthur Fellowship from the MacArthur Foundation in recog- nition of his insights into chemical reac- tions of excited molecules. Fernando Perez Quintián, assistant pro- fessor at the Universidad de Buenos Aires, has received the 2001 ICO/ICTP award (International Commission for Optics/ Commission Internationale d’Optique) which recognizes researchers under 40 years of age originating from developing countries and conducting research in developing countries. R. Byron Pipes, former Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute president, has been selected as the University of Akron’s Goodyear Professor of Polymer Engi- neering. Among other responsibilities, he will lead new initiatives in nanocomposite research and he will direct the Akron Global Polymer Academy, a newly creat- ed distance learning initiative that will be able to link to area corporations and school districts. Bhakta B. Rath (Naval Research La- boratory) has received the Federation of Materials Societies (FMS) National Materials Advancement Award in recog- nition of his outstanding capabilities in advancing the effective and economic use of materials and multidisciplinary field of materials science and engineering gener- ally, and for his contribution to the appli- cation of the materials profession to national problems and policy. H.-E. Schaefer of the University of Stuttgart, Germany, Institute of Theoreti- cal and Applied Physics, has been award- ed the Tammann Medal 2001 of the Ger- man Materials Science Society (DGM) for outstanding scientific contributions on the application of solid-state measuring techniques to problems in the field of materials science. Jack H. Westbrook of Brookline Tech- nologies received the ASM International Albert Sauveur Achievement Award for 2001 for contributions calling attention to intermetallic compounds as a new class of engineered materials and advancing scientific understanding of their behav- ior, particularly their mechanical proper- ties, constitution, and defect structures. John W. Cahn to Receive 2002 Bower Award and Prize for Achievement in Science Materials scientist John W. Cahn of the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) has been selected to receive the 2002 Bower Award and Prize for Achievement in Science from the Franklin Institute for his revolutionary accomplishments in the understanding of the thermodynamics and kinetics of phase transforma- tions. Cahn’s lifelong dedication to understanding mate- rials has inspired generations of scientists and engineers and led directly to the creation of new, multifunctional materials based on his ground-breaking theories. Initially motivated by a desire to place the millenniums-old craft of metal-making on solid scientific footing, Cahn’s theories have sprouted productive lines of research not only in metallurgy but also in physics, mathematics, chemistry, engineering, eco- nomics, and demography. Early in his career, Cahn was vexed by the failure of pre- vailing theory to account for the clumping and segregating of atoms during metals processing. With John Hilliard, a colleague at General Electric, he developed a “sim- ple generic equation” to explain the phenomenon known as phase separation. Since it was first published in 1961, the Cahn-Hilliard equation has become a pillar of materials science and engineering. It has been used to explain occurrences ranging from the simple (such as the curdling of cream in coffee and the formation of frost patterns on windshields) to the complex (such as the clumping of galaxies in the early universe and the evolution of settlement patterns in urban areas). The equation also underpins methods used to improve the sharpness of vague images. Cahn was a key member of the team contributing to the discovery of “quasi- crystals” in 1984 by NIST guest researcher Dan Shechtman. The peculiar symmet- rical arrangement, found in a rapidly cooled alloy, was not allowed by long-estab- lished laws of crystallography. Skeptics at the time argued that the observed “five- fold symmetry” of quasicrystals was not even allowed by nature. The discovery launched several new fields of investigation. Practical payoffs to date include inexpensive nonscratch, nonstick coatings for cookware and harden- ing agents for medical instruments. Over his 50-year career, Cahn has made many significant contributions to the progress of materials and mathematics research. He has published about 250 scien- tific papers; delivered 400 invited lectures on his work; and received numerous national and international honors and awards, including the National Medal of Science and the MRS Von Hippel Award. He recently served on the MRS Council. Cahn received his PhD degree in physical chemistry in 1953 from the University of California—Berkeley, and two honorary degrees: ScD (hon.) from Northwestern University in 1990 and D. Hon. Causes, from the University Decry, France, 1996. The award ceremonies are to be held on Thursday, April 25, 2002, at the Benjamin Franklin National Memorial, Philadelphia. The Franklin Institute Awards have recognized preeminent accomplishment in science and technology since 1824, in the spirit of discovery embodied by Benjamin Franklin. FOR WASHINGTON NEWS POLICY AFFECTING MATERIALS RESEARCH… …access the Materials Research Society Web site: w w w . m r s . o r g / p a / FOR WASHINGTON NEWS POLICY AFFECTING MATERIALS RESEARCH… https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2002.66 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:49, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2002.66 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS 176 MRS BULLETIN/MARCH 2002 The American Association of Pharma- ceutical Scientists (AAPS) has announced 2001 Awards and Fellows, including: Kinam Park (Purdue University) who received the AAPS Research Achieve- ment Award in Pharmaceutics and Drug Delivery for work on the use of various polymers and hydrogels for controlled drug delivery; Michael J. Pikal (University of Con- necticut) who received the AAPS Re- search Achievement Award in Pharma- ceutical Technologies for contributions to pharmaceutical technology in the field of lyophilization in topics ranging from engineering considerations to protein materials science; and Ijeoma F. Uchegbu (University of Strathclyde, UK), who first demonstrat- ed the formation and use of polymeric glycol chitosan, poly-L-lysine and poly- ethylenimine vesicles for drug and gene delivery, has received the AAPS New Investigator Grant in Lipids-Based Drug Delivery Systems. Carla M. Caramella (University of Pavia, Italy), Susan M. Lunte (University of Kansas), and Charles Russell Middaugh (University of Kansas) are among 13 new Fellows. The Franklin Institute Committee on Science and the Arts has announced 2002 Benjamin Franklin Medal and Bower Award Laureates. Sumio Iijima (NEC Corp.) received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Physics for his discovery and clarifica- tion of the atomic structure and character of multiwall and single-wall carbon nano- tubes, which have critically shaped the rapidly growing condensed matter and materials science field of nanoscale sci- ence and electronics. Shuji Nakamura (University of Cali- fornia—Santa Barbara) received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Engi- neering for his fundamental influence in the technology of gallium-nitride; his development of violet/blue laser diodes and high-brightness blue and green light- emitting diodes have improved the cur- rent technology and are revolutionizing the lighting industry. Alexandra Navrotsky (University of California—Davis) received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Earth Science for her spectrum of accomplish- ments in crystal chemistry that have established the identity of materials at hundreds of kilometers of depth in the Earth that otherwise are inaccessible to direct observation. Gordon E. Moore (Intel Corp.) received the Bower Award for Business Leadership for his pioneering role and ongoing contributions to the semicon- ductor industry, and his passionate com- mitment to community service. Intel co- founder, Moore’s technical and entrepre- neurial leadership has been character- ized by continuous innovation that has transformed the modern world, with enhanced microprocessor speed, minia- turization, and reduced cost. See separate announcement of John W. Cahn’s (National Institute of Standards and Technology) Bower Award and Prize for Achievement in Science on page 175. The award ceremonies are to be held on Thursday, April 25, 2002, at the Benjamin Franklin National Memorial, Philadelphia. The Franklin Institute Awards have recognized preeminent accomplishment in science and technol- ogy since 1824, in the spirit of discovery embodied by Benjamin Franklin. Circle No. 14 on Inside Back Cover or two, or five, or whatever small quantity you need to bring your big idea to life. Choose from more than 40,000 different items, in stock and ready for immediate shipment. metals � alloys � polymers ceramics � composites We understand that little things mean a lot when you’re on to something big. Contact us today to find out what we can offer you. Web: www.goodfellow.com Real live person: 1-800-821-2870 E-mail: info@goodfellow.com Fax: 1-800-283-2020 800 Lancaster Ave., Berwyn, PA 19312-1780 TAKETAKE oneone special d liverye Let MRS bring materials information to you: Sign up for any of these FREE services today! www.mrs.org...the Materials Gateway Women in MS&E Join a mailing list for discussion and information exchange on issues affecting women in the materials profession. Women and men welcome to participate. MRS Public Affairs Alert Receive concise summaries of current public policy issues affecting materials science and engineering and learn what actions you can take to make a difference. mrs-publicaffairs-subscribe@mrs.org mrs-women-subscribe@mrs.org NEW! www.mrs.org/publications/bulletin https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2002.66 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 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work_kiy6wfkikzho3augxipxoroo5u	----	ROP volume 72 issue 1 Cover and Front matter Politics Review of W I N T E R 2 0 1 0 T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F N O T R E D A M E V O L U M E 7 2 N U M B E R 1 A R T I C L E S Robert S. Taylor, “Kant’s Political Religion: The Transparency of Perpetual Peace and the Highest Good” Brandon P. Turner, “John Stuart Mill and the Antagonistic Foundation of Liberal Politics” Paul E. Kirkland, “Nietzsche’s Tragic Realism” Dean C. Hammer and Michael Kicey, “Simone Weil’s Iliad: The Power of Words” James Gordon Finlayson, “‘Bare Life’ and Politics in Agamben’s Reading of Aristotle” Review Essay: Ralph Lerner, “Northern Lights Over Tocqueville” The h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms THE REVIEW OF POLITICS Editor CATHERINE H. ZUCKERT Executive Associate Editor DENNIS WM MORAN Book Review Editor PETER R. MOODY, JR. Assistant Editor LES HARRIS Editorial Interns: Joshua M. Bandoch Andrew W. Bramsen Associate Editors Fred Dallmayr Ruth M. Abbey E.A. Goerner Daniel Philpott A. James McAdams James Turner Former Editors Waldemar Gurian Frederick J. Crosson M.A. Fitzsimons Donald P. Kommers Thomas Stritch Walter Nicgorski Editorial Advisory Board Shlomo Avineri Hebrew University of Jerusalem Barry Cooper University of Calgary John Dunn Cambridge University Jean Bethke Elshtain University of Chicago Michael A. Gillespie Duke University Leslie Goldstein University of Delaware Russel Hittinger University of Tulsa Axel Honneth Institute for Social Research, Frankfurt Shozo Iijima Waseda University, Tokyo Ramin Jahanbegloo University of Toronto Pierre Manent L'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en sciences sociales Harvey C. Mansfield Harvard University Mary Nichols Baylor University Bruce M. Russett Yale University Arlene Saxonhouse University of Michigan Steven B. Smith Yale University Peter Steinberger Reed College John Witte, Jr. Emory University Jean M. Yarbrough Bowdoin College Administrative Assistant: Kelli Brown The Review of Politics publishes primarily philosophical and historical studies of politics, especially those concentrating on political theory and American political thought. The journal also includes thoughtful scholarly reflections on all aspects of politics–including analysis of institutions and techniques, international relations, comparative politics, literary reflections on politics or political interpretations of literary works, constitutional theory and practices. h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms TABLE OF CONTENTS WINTER 2010 Vol. 72 WINTER 2010 No. 1 Robert S. Taylor Kant’s Political Religion: The Transparency of Perpetual Peace and the Highest Good . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Brandon P. Turner John Stuart Mill and the Antagonistic Foundation of Liberal Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Paul E. Kirkland Nietzsche’s Tragic Realism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Dean C. Hammer and Michael Kicey Simone Weil’s Iliad: The Power of Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 James Gordon Finlayson “Bare Life” and Politics in Agamben’s Reading of Aristotle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Review Essay: Ralph Lerner Northern Lights Over Tocqueville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Reviews: George Thomas: COMMERCE OF IDEAS IN THE EXTENDED REPUBLIC Review of Colleen A. Sheehan’s James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Paul O. Carrese: WASHINGTON AS THINKER, AND HARMONIZER OF TRADITIONS Review of Jeffry H. Morrison’s The Political Philosophy of George Washington . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Eric MacGilvray: RORTY’S SELF-CONCEPTS Review of Neil Gross’s Richard Rorty: The Making of an American Philosopher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Aurelian Craiutu: THE RETURN OF CONSTANT Review of Helena Rosenblatt’s Liberal Values: Benjamin Constant and the Politics of Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Jason Peters: THE NATURAL IN THE LIGHT OF THE SUPERNATURAL Review of Matthew Dickerson and David O’Hara’s Narnia and the Fields of Arbol: The Environmental Vision of C .S. Lewis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Mark D. Brewer: RELIGIOUS ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL CIVILITY Review of Jon A. Shields’s The Democratic Virtues of the Christian Right . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Andrey Kordochkin: FILLING THE GAP Review of John and Carol Garrard’s Russian Orthodoxy Resurgent: Faith and Power in the New Russia . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Annika Marlen Hinze: MULTIVALENT SIGNIFICANCES Review of Bronwyn Winter’s Hijab and the Republic: Uncovering the French Headscarf Debate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Theresa Earenfight: THE EMERGENCE OF THE STATE Review of Thomas N. Bisson’s The Crisis of the Twelfth Century: Power, Lordship, and the Origins of European Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Alexander Green: BETWEEN HISTORY, PHILOSOPHY, AND THE JEWISH TRADITION Review of Joel Kraemer’s Maimonides: The Life and World of One of Civilization’s Greatest Minds . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Matthew D. Mendham: SYMPATHY FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE Review of Sharon R. Krause’s Civil Passions: Moral Sentiment and Democratic Deliberation . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Kenneth C. Blanchard Jr.: IMPOSSIBLE KNOWLEDGE, TRUE OPINION Review of Roslyn Weiss’s Virtue in the Cave: Moral Inquiry in Plato’s Meno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 Ryan K. Balot: DEMOCRACY’S SELF-QUESTIONING Review of Gerald M. Mara’s The Civic Conversations of Thucydides and Plato: Classical Political Philosophy and the Limits of Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 Kent Worcester: LESS REVOLUTIONARY THAN IT SEEMS Review of Richard Davis’s Typing Politics: The Role of Blogs in American Politics and Matthew Hindman’s The Myth of Digital Democracy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Sunila S. Kale: INDIA’S POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Review of Harsh V. Pant’s Contemporary Debates in Indian Foreign and Security Policy: India Negotiates Its Rise in the International System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 Emily M. Hill: A FULL PORTRAIT Review of Jay Taylor’s The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE ROBERT S. TAYLOR is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Davis. BRANDON P. TURNER is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Clemson University. PAUL E. KIRKLAND is Assistant Professor of Great Ideas and Political Science at Carthage College. DEAN C. HAMMER is The John W. Wetzel Professor of Classics and Professor of Government at Franklin and Marshall College. MICHAEL KICEY is a postdoctoral candidate in the Department of Comparative Literature at the University of Michigan. JAMES GORDON FINLAYSON is Senior Lecturer in Philosophy at the University of Sussex. RALPH LERNER is Benjamin Franklin Professor Emeritus in the College of Social Thought at the University of Chicago. GEORGE THOMAS is Associate Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna College. PAUL O. CARRESE is Professor of Political Science at the United States Air Force Academy. ERIC MACGILVRAY is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the Ohio State University. AURELIAN CRAIUTU is Associate Professor of Political Science at Indiana University. JASON PETERS is Professor of English at Augustana College. MARK D. BREWER is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Maine. ANDREY KORDOCHKIN is the Dean of the Nativity of Christ Parish in Madrid, Spain. ANNIKA MARLEN HINZE is a doctoral candidate at the University of Illinois at Chicago in the Department of Political Science. THERESA EARENFIGHT is Associate Professor of History at Seattle University. ALEXANDER GREEN is a doc- toral candidate at the University of Toronto in the Department of Religion and the Centre for Jewish Studies. MATTHEW D. MENDHAM is a doctoral candidate at the University of Notre Dame in the Department of Political Science. KENNETH C. BLANCHARD JR. is Professor of Political Science and Philosophy at Northern State University. RYAN K. BALOT is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto. KENT WORCESTER is Associate Professor of h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Political Science and International Studies at Marymount Manhattan College. SUNILA S. KALE is Assistant Professor at Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington. EMILY M. HILL is Associate Professor in the Department of History at Queen’s University, Ontario, Canada. h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Subscription Information: The Review of Politics (ISSN 0034-6705) is pub- lished quarterly in February, May, August and November by Cambridge University Press, 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10013-2473 USA/The Edinburgh Building, Shaftesbury Road, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK for the University of Notre Dame. Annual subscription rates for Volume 72 (2010): Institutional subscription rates, print and online: US $120.00 in the USA, Canada, and Mexico; UK £68.00 þ VAT elsewhere. Institutional subscription rates, online only: US $109.00 in the USA, Canada, and Mexico; UK £58.00 þ VAT elsewhere. 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Website: www.nd.edu/�rop Abstracting and Indexing Information: Articles in The Review of Politics are indexed in the International Index to Periodicals and the Catholic Periodicals and Literature Index; abstracted in the International Political Science Abstracts; and abstracted and indexed in ABC POL. SCI., Historical Abstracts, Social Science Index (also available in the electronic versions), Book Review Index, and International Bibliography of the Social Sciences. Copyright # 2010 University of Notre Dame. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopy, or otherwise, without permission in writing from Cambridge University Press, Rights and Permissions Manager, 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10013-2473 USA. For further information see http://us.cambridge/org/information/rights/. Periodicals postage paid in New York, NY and additional mailing offices. Postmaster: Send address changes to The Review of Politics, Cambridge University Press, 100 Brook Hill Drive, West Nyack, NY 10994-2133 USA. Photocopying information for users in the U.S.A.: the Item-Fee Code for the publication (0034-6705/10 $9.00 þ .10) indicates that copying for internal or personal use beyond that permitted by Sec. 107 or 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law is authorized for users duly registered with the Copyright Clearance Center (CCC) provided that the appropriate remittance of $9.00 per article is paid directly to CCC, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. Specific written permission must be obtained for all other copying. h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 10 00 02 52 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 49 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670510000252 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 
work_kjq2xrf5tzhoneckbw4yx6vkga	----	f09005.indd Announcement Fax +41 61 306 12 34 E-Mail karger@karger.ch www.karger.com © 2009 S. Karger AG, Basel Accessible online at: www.karger.com/jvr The GESELLSCHAFT FÜR MIKROZIRKULATION UND VASKULÄRE BIOLOGIE e.V. (German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology) invites applications and nominations for the Hermann-Rein-Award for outstanding achievements in the area of clinical or experimental research in microcirculation and vascular biology sponsored by Deutschland GmbH The prize amounting to EUR 2,000 is awarded on occasion of the next annual meeting of the German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology, October 8-10, 2009, in Berne. The awardee will present the Hermann-Rein-Lecture during the meeting. Personal applications as well as other suggestions are invited. Applications should preferably be made by e-mail. For personal applications, please provide: - AA PDF-file of a peer-reviewed paper (published or accepted for publication) with the applicant being the only or first author (agreement of co-authors is needed) - Should an extraordinary study have been performed by two authors equally responsible, a joint application is possible - Published articles should nnot be older than 2 years upon application - Curriculum vitae, research fields, reference list ((PDF-file) In case of suggestions which should include author and publication, the according appli- cation material will be solicited from the candidate by the prize committee. The awardee will be announced, if possible, in the following: - Homepage and sendings of the German Society for Microcirculation and Vascular Biology - Homepage and sendings of the European Society for Microcirculation and other scientific societies - Deutsches Ärzteblatt as well as other suited journals (e.g. Journal of Vascular Research, etc.) Applications to / Further information: Prof. Dr. A.R. Pries, Charité - Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Dept. of Physiology, Arnimallee 22, 14195 Berlin, Tel.: (+49-30) 84 45-16 32 or -16 31 (secr.), FAX: +(49-30) 84 45-16 34; e-mail: gfmmail@charite.de Deadline for applications: June 26, 2009 F09 0 0 5 
work_knhzypkqgrcnpn6wwminf6tfoi	----	XVIII. A letter from Thomas Ronayne, Esq; to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. inclosing an account of some observations on atmospherical electricity; in regard of fogs, mists &c. with some remarks; communicated by Mr. William Henley. 1 w 3 XVIIT. A Letter from Thomas Ronayne, Efq\ to Benjamin Franklin, D . F. & $- inclofng an Account of fome Qbfervations on A tm ofpherical ; in regard of Fogs, Mifts, with fome Remarks i communicated by Mr*: William Henley* S I R , Kiad April w ^conform ity. to the delire o f fome 1 J l friends, I have drawn up the folJow- ihg obfervations on atmofpherical ele&ricity, w hich I beg leave to lay before you y and fhall think the trouble-I have had, in profecuting the neceffary ex­ periments^ fufficiently compenfated, if it fhall appear to you that they contain any thing new or curious;; in which cafe, you are at liberty to difpofe o f them in whatever m anner you fliall think proper, . I am, s i r ;; W ith very refpe&ful confideratidn, Your moft obedient fervahL Cecif-Street,.. Sf Thos Ronayne. T q l. L X I t . 1 S O M E . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C * 3 8 ] ' * S O M E years ago I difcovered, by M r. Canton’s tled ro m eter, defcribed in the. Philof. Tran&dionsf m X L y n i : p-V 783. that the' air o f Ireland is ̂ during the winter ietifcn, m almoft a , c6fift/nt'r ftate o f pofitive eledricity y which, however, is* fo weak, that, in order to obferve itfatisfad o rily , I have al­ ways found it ncceflary to have the cork-balls fuf- :pended from threads o f a middling finenefs, fix or feven inches in length, quite fre ig h t, and to avoid, as m uch as poffible, any interruption from the wind. I have like wife had frequent recourfe to the fol­ low ing contrivance, by which I was enabled, within doors, to puffue my inquiries with greater accuracy and advantage: having procured a flender tapering piece of wood, about five feet long, to the fmaller *end o f which an eledrom eter was affixed, by means ~9f a finall hook j I placed it out from an open garret w indow , and fattened the other end with a fmall hafp to one of the ja m b s : I had alfo at hand another piece of wood, in the ends o f which, a fmall glafs tube and a ttick o f fealing-wax had been inferted. "Either o f thefe was occafionally excited, and applied near the cork-balls, in order to determine more pre- <cifely the kind o f eledricity with which they m ight happen to be a ffe d e d ; and I was always careful in I commenced my experiments on the air in the year n 6 r . and thofe^on the clouds in the year 1762. I continued them' un­ rem ittingly, as opportunity offered, till the year 1 m o , when my occafions brought me to England. I have repeated my ex­ periments, with regard to the common air, in different places here, and find it the Tame as that in Ireland* 4 m aking D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ *39 ] making my experiments on that fide o f the houfe where the wind had leaft power. I have found the air, in winter, at a proper diftance. iro m buildings, trees, mafis of ftiips, &c. very fen- jib ly eledrified, during a frofiy or foggy ftate o f the w eather; and in mills too, but in a Iefs degree r 1 have alfo difcovered fmall figns o f it in calm and cloudy weather* T h e air, in fummer, never ffiewed any fign o f eledricity, except when a fog happened in the cool o f the evening, or at n ig h t; in w hich cafe, I always difcovered manifeft m arks o f eledricity, fenfibly weaker than thofe obferved in winter fogs, but pre* cifely o f th e . fa me kind, that is, pojkive* . I have often examined the ftate of the air, at the time o f an Aurora borealis, and could not difcover any indication of: eledricity, except when a fog h a d : appeared at the fame tim e ; in which cafe, the elec­ tricity has been, in. every refped, the fame as that o f a, fog a f t any^other time* Once, indeed^..during an Aurora borealis on a remarkable ferene night - 1 dif­ covered: .feme figns of a very wzzkpcfitive e le d m * etty4» \'!! As the eledricity of the air is generally ( I ! never knew an exception b u t one, which prefented itfelf during, a fog on a w in ter day, that-; proved u n ­ commonly w arm )*is it nol: reafonabletobelieve, that cold eledrifies the*atmofphere pfomely^t and, if fo, may not one be led to imagine, that h ea t eledrifies it -negativelyh But this I ,only offer as a conjedure, not being able to advance, any* thing decifive on the fubjed, gnd,know ingfthat one fort of eledricity m ay .sniv&H T Zt oftena D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ T4° ] •often be productive o f the other, as is plain from Df. Tranklin’s experiments. I f cold electrifies the air in this climate (which feems extremely probable), may it not elec­ trify it negatively, at and about the place of our anti­ podes? Does not a confideration of the effects dif- •covered in the Tourm alin favour this furmife ? T h e eleCtricity of the air, in frofty, foggy or mifty weather, is not ftrong enough to yield any fpark, even by infulating a fharp pointed wire in it, which, however, attracts very light bodies at a fmall diftance j whilft, on the contrary, that o f the clouds generally affords confiderably flrong fparks. W hen a fog becomes very thick, the cork-balls approach ; but when it returns to its former ftate, they open again at their firft diftance; and I have obferved that, when it rained in foggy weather, the balls clofed, and opened again on the fog’s appear­ ance anew, after the rain had ceafed : there is, how ­ ever, a certain degree o f denfity necefTary in a fog, 4n order that the balls might exert their greatefl di­ vergency. M od, if not all, fogs partake o f a fmell m uch like that of an excited glafs tube, and, indeed, fo does the common air very frequently. As fogs fometimes appear in a very moift date o f the air, I was for fb m etim e at a lofs *to account on what principle they could retain their eleClricity; b u t having at length rem arked, that electrified bodies, infulated with fealing-wax, preferved their electricity for a time in very damp air, I concluded that moif- ture is but a very flow conductor. ^ Having, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ > 4 > ] Having, on the contrary, obferved that bodies, ‘infulated with dried filk, had loft their electricity in a very fhort time, I attempted to render it a non­ conductor, by having varnifhed it over w ith oil o f turpentine, balfam o f fulphur, and fuch like, but did not fucceed j for filks fo treated foon became a condu&or, and increafed confiderably in weight, if th e air happened not to be very * dry f fo m uch indeed, that I think ordinary filk, from its power o f abforbing moifture from the air, may well ferve an occafional hygrometer, either by being put*'mtp a balance, or by having an ele&rified body infulated w ith it. W hen the denlity o f fogs, floating near the earth, increafes confiderably, the balls always approach $ but when they are fituated high in air, the reverfe generally happens. I had an opportunity o f rem ark­ ing a ftruggle between breezes from the north-well and fouth-eall at the fame time, in which the one feemed fometimes to prevail, and afterwards the other. T his contention was fucceeded by a frnoaky. hazinefs, which, like a fog, occafioned the balls to open : as the hazinefs •f* thickened, they opened * Even glafs attracts moilture to its furface, which makes it a conductor of eleCtricity, and, confequently, not fo convenient as fealing-wax. f An eleCtrical body, when contracted in its dimenfion, will have its eleCtricity increafed, as appears by D r. Franklin’s cu­ rious experiment with the chain and filver can. I alfo have dif- covered, from repeated trials, that a piece of flannel, filk, &c. excited, and fuddenly twifted, not only (truck at a greater di- ftance than before, but fometimes emitted pencils of fire into the air. May we not hence infer why the eleCtricity of vapour, &c. (when not in contaCt with the earth) increases by condenfa- * tion? wider, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 f 142 ] wider, and frill wider when it diffolved into rain • but- V S j X S S t - * , Tt^ e k a ro m e te r placed out from a garret window- (p* 130.), has been frequently ufeful to m e, in de- e S r W t ! the|fnKtUrei,0 f a“ aPPfoaching c lo u d , whole eleftricity, although generally ftrong, was for the m o ftp art uncertain, having been fometimes poBtive and at other times negative.But, as the Z d ov ram were frequent impediments to the accuracy of m v e x p e r i m e n t s , t h e f o ll o w i n g m e th o d s o f m a k i n g .o b f e r - va 10ns,.with fuccefs,. under fhelter, occurred to me. I have fometimes flood, in an upper, room, on a cake_of w ax,, holding in my right hand, out at th e Window, a long (lender piece o f wood, round w hich a wire projedting a few inches had been tw illed and ” 7lf r h a n d -an elearo m e ter:. an affiftant had ex - cited glafs or wax in readinefs. A t other times, I have-, made ufe o f a tapering •• tube of tin, twenty feet long,,ending-in-a p o in t^ the S e? n d a f ° f l t K? i d ° Ut h i S f e i n t h e a ir> a n d t h e h i c k e n d , f r o m w h i c h a n e l e d r o m e t e r h u n ? w a s* fupported. infide the window,: fometimes wifh frlk1 cords, _and_at other times w ith ftrong flicks, o f Bv 5£ S " I 6!-*6' Cnd % hooks of. iron,w ire? 7 K f ? ° f ' means 1 have often dilcovered, 3 ^ h a t feemed to m e a Angle cloud, produced, in ’ ts paffmg over, feveral fucceflive changes, from ! ' u i 6 t v ° t h T b T *^a h d f t 0 m n̂ /ivei<0 P J ith e J tc mainms, r ^̂ Ĉ min| fogethet each Ume, and re- . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t m ); T h e permanence of either kind o f d ed ricity iti "the clouds, or the length o f time in which neither can be difcovered, is uncertain ; fomdimes the fame eledricity has returned, and at other times has been fucceeded by the contrary *; whilft either generally came on, and went off gradually. Rut changes were often made, very fuddeniy, by a flafh of lightning, efpecially if the thunder-ftorm happened to be in th e zenith. A branch o f it, over-head, has fre­ quently occafioned Wronger electricity than I could difcover, when the greateft part of the fky had been overcaft; which, perhaps, m ight be accounted for, from this consideration, that one kind of electricity idling alone, mufl: exert more powerful effects than when counteraded by the other. I once obferved in a thunder-ftorm , during which I faw no lightning, that the halts, which hung from the tin tube, repelled and attraded each other, very rapidly, for the ipace of ten or twelve feconds ; at the fame time, M r. Canton’s eledrom eter, w hich I held at fuch a diftance from the tube, as to have its balls opened to the diftance o f an inch, continued quiet in that ftate, and were not affeded convulfively like, the others. Hence I imagined, that the fame kind o f eledricity went off, and came on, without being changed incontrarium; for when that circumftance happened, they were very evidently affeded in the fame manner. And here I muff obferve, that I have found it more eafy to difcover the kind of eledricity prefent in the tube, by approaching ex­ cited wax to the balls of an eledrom eter, which I held at a proper diftance from the tube, than by ap­ plying it near the balls which hung from the tu b e ; for D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ r 4 4 J % t h e y ,, in tlie^general, diverged To much, that I found it very difficult' to have in readinefs a final! them ° f g afs’ ° r wax 1'uffieienHy excited to affedt I t has fometimes happened th a t the balls o f the o f a f e * n : r M l y at reft> have> in confequence o fa flaih .o flig h tn in g j fuddenly repelled each other an d imm ediately after clofed. As this circumftance d l o l T % i aP P r d ’ t he- ai r , was in a p ltate, I have fometimes imagined that th e b S »»d clouds t S the h.V W 7 d ° ri ’ 0n ^ e i v i n g the eleftricity o f the higher ones. a n d . at other times, have fuppofed 5 p lo fio n .,gb be ° Wing the lateral effe<a Sf the. r J l tw ° orL m °re perfons, at a fufficient diftance fi m each other, would correfpond, • by fignals viz* a red flag for pofitive, and a blue one f 0f negative eledtricity, we fliould probably obtain in d u e ^ m T more fatisfadtory certainty with regard to the eledtricitv • o be Clouds, Ihuude,. See. d & h . h i e h S S S given, or is, perhaps, poffible for any one man to S ’" ' d Z r • * ■ “ * * « o , c h L , p J « S ; horn different apparatuffes, placed at different diftances from each other. m e re at-% D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C H5 1 M r. Ronayne having received the following Letter from M r. H en ly , which corroborates and con­ firms the obfervations mentioned in his paper, it was thought proper to print them together in this volume. October 16, 17719 i paft 5, P. M . T Find a fog (not very thick), foon after its ap- 1 pearance, ftrongly electrical. T h e balls open | or | inch A, [See T a b . V III.], and clofe at the approach o f excited wax, when brought w ithin 10 inches of them B : if the wax is brought w ithin 3 or 4 inches, they diverge again, in confequence thereof C : as the wax is withdrawn, they converge again, D , till it, gets beyond the diftance o f its in­ fluence, when they begin to diverge again 5 and, as the wax is withdrawn ftili farther, they continue to open, in confequence o f the ele&ricity in the fog, till they reach their original diftance from each other E . T here is very little difturbance by the w ind, and the little there is, only wafts them in a fmali degree, but they keep feparate. If they are held near the tiling, or b rick w o rk , o f a neighbouring houfe, they clofe, F ; but begin to diverge again, at the diftance of 3 or 4 feet from it, G £ and their di­ vergence increaies, as they recede from the building, till they feparate \ or f inch, as at firft, H . Vo*,. LXII. U M e mo- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 M e m o r a n d u m , O dober 3 i 7 7 r, I tried the eledficity o f a thick *“ <}(ui at leafl twenty different trials) found the balls feparated from J to * inch diftance. Whenever, I brought them near the building-, or approached them with a flick o f excited wax, they dofed ; and opened again, on removing 1 146 ] W. Henly. v j * i■-*. WJlii £’311, osoiarik |§jf oo XIX. Ob- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 I'lu7o,P.Tran.r. VuL..LXIL. Ta.h.VUl .;z/:16. A. E. B. F. G. H. = D D D • D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_koeflk3zyzevvhhxlvp7cyincu	----	PII: S0961-1290(00)90593-3 Southampton Photonics start-up attracts USli55m in fundina Pictured: (from L-R) Professor David Payne (Chairman), Don Spalinger (Acting President) and Dr Peter Ballantyne (Senior VP, Operations and Engineering) of Southampton Photonics. A new start-up - Southampton Photonics (spun out of the Opto- electronics Research Centre at the University of Southampton) - has at- tracted first-round fund- ing of &37m (US$55m, a record for the UK) to de- sign and make fibre-optic telecoms components. The company intends to create 200 jobs over the next 18 months at a new 2250 m2 facility in the Chilworth Science Park in the UK and estab- lish design, production and sales facilities in California employing 250 staff by end-2002. Initial products will be based on technology licensed from the University of Southampton, much of it developed and patented by the founders and em- ployees while working at the ORC, with which the company will have an on-going alliance. Founder and Chairman is Professor David Payne FRS, head of the ORC, leader of the team that invented the optical amplifier (en- abling DWDM) in 1986, and jointly awarded the Benjamin Franklin Medal for developing the er- bium-doped fibre amplti- er in 1998. Products will include: ?? DFB fibre laser arrays for closely packed chan- nels for DWDM; ?? optical filters with en- hanced performance al- lowing more channels per fibre; and . broadband optical amplifiers. Southampton Photonics Tel: +44 (0) 238059- 2116 Corning to invest US$270m Corning Inc is investing US$270m to increase ca- pacity of Corning Lasertron products six- fold over the next two years, involving construc- tion of a new factory and creation of about 1150 jobs: * US$225m in expanding Corning Lasertron to in- crease capacity for am- plification and transmission products, including pump lasers, transmission lasers and receivers, enabling the broadening of manu- facturing from wafer fabrication through packaging; * Corning also invested US$45m to double ca- pacity at Corning Lasertron’s Oak Park fa- cility in Bedford, MA, USA. News Update JDSU and SDL in US$4lbn merger The largest fibre-optics component manufactur- er JDS Uniphase Corp (Nepean, Toronto, Canada and San Jose, CA, USA) has acquired num- ber 2 supplier and MOCVD-based high- power laser manufactur- er SDL Inc for about US$4lbn in stock. SDL has about 1,700 staff and JDSU over 17,000. SDL makes 980 nm chips but - unlike JDSrJ - also packages them into mod- ules. SDL will operate as a wholly-owned subsidiary. In the past year, a toi:al of 14 acquisitions have been undertaken eil:her by JDSU or by companies it later pur- chased. Including Epitaxx Inc, Sifam Ltd, O_ptical Coating Laboratory Inc, Cronos Integrated Microsystems InI:, and Fujian Casix Laser Inc (acquired be- tween November ‘99 and May ZOOO), JDSU’s year-2000 sales were US$1.43bn (up 143% on ‘99 for JDS FITEL Inc and Uniphase Corp com- bined). Including merg- er-related charges etc, ne;: loss was US$419m (US$905m for fiscal 2000). The combined com- pany - JDSU, SDL and E- TEK Dynamics (acquired for US$lSbn in June) - has annual sales of about USS2.7bn. JDSi uniphase carp Tel: +1-408-4341800 Ill-k Review ??Vol.13 No. 5 2000 27 
work_kwnhggbwwvd3tnljbpyc2omcky	----	994-95 Variability Sources in Quantitative Coronary Arteriography 320A ABSTRACTS JACC Febreary 1995 Methods: The effect on visual assessment of stenosis severity of digi- tal coronary angiograms was evaluated on a set of 100 image sequences using lossy (15: 1) Joint Photographic Experts Group (JPEG) compression software. A panel of 3 angiographers reviewed 6200 frames from 10 clini- cal exams both with and without standard JPEG compression. Original and compressed versions of each sequence were viewed in random order by all panel members blinded to compression status. Images were viewed on the same display used for digital acquisition with the Philips Digital Cardiac Imag- ing (DCI) System. Panelists identified and graded severity of 99 stenoses in quartiles with >50% considered to be significant. Results: There was no significant difference in the number of lesions iden- tified with each modality. Overall agreement for severity of all lesions be- tween compressed and non-compressed modalities was 0.60 and Kappa = 0.52. If lesions were dichotomized into "significant" (>50%) or "insignifi- cant" (::::50%). agreement was 0.94 and Kappa = 0.88, suggesting that when disagreement occurred, it tended to be within one severity grade. These agreement statistics are consistent with previously reported intra-observer variability in the review of cine-coronary angiograms. Conclusions: The significant reduction in digital storage and exchange re- quirements provided by lossy JPEG does not result in a decrease in diag- nostic quality of digital coronary angiograms. Variability in visual assessment from original and compressed data formats is comparable to intra-observer variability from identical data formats. Therefore, JPEG compression does not result in loss of diagnostic information and is a valid means of reducing storage and exchange requirements of coronary angiograms. Angiographic projection: tions of the vessel and catheter. The error in converting the vessel's size is dependent on the fractional positions of the catheter and vessel along their illuminating x-ray beams. We studied in 207 daily biplane angiograms the general magnitude of the measuring error, as well as its fractional parts with regard to the artery being studied (LAD n = =5, RCA n = 53, LCX n = 59) and the selected angiographic projection (RAO 30°, LAO 60°). Results: The position difference between the vessel and catheter causes a measuring error of more than 5% in one third of the analyses. The resulting error in the vessel measurements (mean ± std) is: The measuring error for the LAD coronary artery is in LAO 60° projection 45%, for the RCA in RAO 30° projection 65% and for the LCX coronary artery in LAO 30° projection 22% lower, than in the opposite projections. Conclusions: Since the position caused errors might be superimposed by detection errors, the total measuring error, using the coronary catheter for conversion to absolute vessel sizes, might increase markedly. Improve- ment of the measuring accuracy might be achieved by: (i) Selection of an angiographic projection with minimum displacement of the artery from the catheter, (ii) error balancing by emptylfilled catheters. Catheterization labora- tories equipped for biplane angiography should apply biplane angiographic correction procedures for position errors or use analytic calibration, which calculates the angiographic magnification of a vessel directly. 0.12±004 0.21 ± 0.06 LAO 60° 012±0.05 021 ± 0.07 RAO 30° lesion diameter error Imml: normal diameter error [mml: Variability Sources in Quantitative Coronary Arteriography 1994-95 1 Quantitating Pulmonary Capillary Volume Using Digital Parametric Angiographic Analysis Paul A. Robiolio, Vera H. Rigolin, John S. Wilson, Jack 1. Cusma, Thomas M. Bashore, J. Kevin Harrison. Duke University Medical Center, Durham, NC Assessment of the distal pulmonary vasculature in patients with pulmonary hypertension has been limited to qualitative description of pulmonary arteri- ograms. Digital parametric imaging, using contrast density and transit time, has been used to quantitate blood volume and flow in the coronary and re- nal vascular beds. This study was performed to determine whether digital parametric imaging can quantitate vascular volume in the distal pulmonary capillary bed with pulmonary flow intact. Two digital angiograms of the pulmonary vasculature were acquired in 11 patients with varying degrees of pulmonary hypertension. A balloon flotation catheter was advanced distally into the pulmonary artery. The first angiogram (static image) was performed with blood flow occluded by inflation of the catheter balloon. Non-ionic contrast was then hand injected to completely fill the vasculature beyond the balloon occlusion. The second angiogram (flow image) was performed with the balloon deflated and blood flow preserved. A hand injection of a rapid bolus of contrast, 1-2 cc, was given. Digital subtrac- tion image data were obtained at 15 frames/sec at end expiration for both angiograms. Contrast density measurements of the distal pulmonary vascu- lature were determined from the static images in various 2 x 2 mm areas using digital parametric imaging. The maximum density in these same areas was similarly determined from the flow images. The correlation of the density measurements between the static and the flow images in 64 regions of interest was excellent (R = 0.92, regression slope = 0.98). This correlation was similar to that observed for repeated in- jections using the same technique (flow image) (R = 0.97, regression slope = 0.97). Conclusion: Digital parametric measurements of pulmonary capillary vol- ume obtained with blood flow preserved are the same as those obtained with flow occluded and the entire bed replaced by contrast. This method allows quantitation of pulmonary vascular volume and flow using a simple, single contrast injection in the distal pulmonary artery. Uncertainties in radiation risk estimates at low doses «0.1 Gy) include the shape of the dose-response curve, use of a relative or absolute risk model, and the length of the latent cancer induction period. Coronary procedures are often repeated within short in many patients, but neither absorbed doses nor imparted energies are routinely measured. We used LiF thermolumines- cence dosimeters in 15 consecutive diagnostic (D) and 15 PTCA (I) proce- dures, with stent implantation in 1 case, multivessel PTCA in 2, and PTCA of chronic occlusion in 2. A Philips Optimus 2000 DCI was used, with a standard 1994-971 Patients' Radiation Risk During Diagnostic and Interventional Coronary Procedures Flavio Ribichini, Giuseppe Steffenino, Antonio Dellavalle, Veronica Rossetti, Riccardo Cerati, Mario Garbarino 1. Division of CardiOlogy Ospedale S. Croce, Cuneo, Italy: 1 Fiat Sepin. Torino, Italy 1994-981 5.70 590 MEASRATE 4.38 340 923 1520 FRAME Independent variable 23.67 100 STEN Coefficient of variation % contribution to total variance Thomas Linderer, Karl Wegscheider, Werner Wunderlich, Frank Fischer. Div. of Cardiology, KJinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University Berlin, FRG In a trial of progression/regression of coronary artery disease the results of quantitative coronary arteriography are affected by the following main fac- tors: (i) the frame selected for analysis (FRAME). according to the general agree- ment, that the lesion should be measured at enddiastole. (ii)the frame rate (RATE). To obtain a truelyenddiastolic image of a coronary lesion, a cine frame rate of 25 frames/sec is mandatory up to date. Newer digital equipped systems allow to use a frame rate of 12.5/sec, but there is concern, that one miss a truely representative enddiastolic image. (iii) the measurement variance (MEAS) obtained from repeated measure- ments. We analyzed the impact of these variability sources on the measurements in a study of 29 coronary lesions. The lesions were filmed at 25 and 12.5 frames/sec. The truely enddiastolic frame as well as the frame preceed- ing and following it was analyzed. Each frame was measured twice, using computer-assisted analysis of vessels. A nested multivariate analysis of vari- ance was developed to quantify the effects of the independent variables RATE (12.5 instead of 25/sec). FRAME (enddiastole or a frame deviating from it) and MEAS (measuring the same frame twice) on the "outcome" in the sample the mean % diameter stenosis. The total variance in the sample by considering different stenosis (STEN; 15-75% diameter stenosis) was set to 100%. Results: Multivariate analysis of variance shows the following influence of the various components on the size of % diameter stenosis: The Impact of the Vessel Position on the Accuracy of Vessel Measurement in Routine Quantitative Coronary Arteriography Werner Wunderlich, Beate Rohrig, Frank Fischer, Thomas Linderer. Div. of Cardiology, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University Berlin, FRG Conclusions: Frame selection is the major source of variability quantifying coronary lesions. Compared to the total variance the variance attributable to frame selection is nearly 3 times higher than the measurement variance and nearly 5 times higherthanthe rate attributable variance. Thus, one hasto take great care of selecting appropriate frames and may use the lower frame rate (12.5/sec) to reduce radiation exposure and facilitate digital image archiving. To convert computer-detected vessel dimensions in digitized angiograms from pixels into millimeters, the coronary catheter is commonly used as a calibration object. The absolute size of the vessel is then inferred from the ratio of the known to detected size of the catheter. However, the reliability of this inference is significantly affected by different angiographic magnifica- 1994-961 
work_l3fclqlnxzc6vbkvh72jsq36cm	----	The dedication of the Franklin Institute of the State of Pennsylvania in honour of Benjamin Franklin 55 PROFESSOR SIGMUND FREUD Professor Freud, who was elected a Foreign Member in 1936, received permission in June o f the present year to leave Austria for England. A short time after he had taken up temporary residence at his son’s house in Hampstead, an invitation was sent to him on behalf of the Society to attend one o f the meetings and sign the Charter Book. Alternatively, Professor Freud was told that if he felt unable to come to a meeting, the book would be brought to him. A uthority to take the Charter Book to the Professor’s house had been given by the C ouncil at their meeting on 16 June. The state of his health compelled him to choose the latter alternative. O n 23 June two officers o f the Society, the Foreign Secretary and the Biological Secretary, with Mr Griffith Davies, who was in charge o f the Charter Book, were heartily welcomed by Professor Freud. Madame Marie Bonaparte (H .R .H . Princess George of Greece) who, it will be remembered, took Professor Freud from Vienna to her house in Paris where he rested before resuming his journey to L ondon, and D r A n n a Freud also received the deputation. After the Charter Book had been signed an inscribed facsimile copy o f it was presented to the Foreign Member. The simple, homely ceremony derived dignity and pathos from the heartfelt gratitude o f the exiled psychologist to the Society which had done him honour. A lbert C . Seward THE DEDICATION OF THE FRANKLIN INSTITUTE OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA IN HONOUR OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN In response to an invitation from the President and Board o f Managers o f the Franklin Institute, Philadelphia, the Royal Society appointed the Foreign Secretary as their delegate to attend the Dedication Ceremonies on 19, 20 and 21 May. T he delegate presented a congratulatory address, a facsimile o f the Charter Book, and a copy o f the certificate signed by the Earl o f Macclesfield and eight Fellows in favour o f the election, without the usual payments, of Benjamin Franklin, which took place on 29 A pril 1756. W hen the addresses were presented to the President o f the Institute the names of the institutions and delegates were called by the Secretary in the supposed or actual order of foundation of the universities, learned societies and other bodies, beginning with the University o f B ologna: an unusual compliment was paid to the University of Cambridge which, according to the compiler o f the list, was founded in 1257, nine years before O xford ! Delegates were not expected either to read their addresses or to make any verbal communication, but the representative o f the Royal Society at his request was allowed to make brief reference to the three offerings entrusted to him. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Benjamin Franklin was awarded the Copley Medal in 1753* in recognition of his < curious experiments and his observations in electricity,’ three years before he became a Fellow. In a letter to the President and Council of the Society, dated 29 May 1754* Franklin w rote: ‘ I do not know whether any of the Fellows have attained the boasted art of multiplying g o ld ; they have certainly discovered how to make gold infinitely more valuable.’ Franklin has been described as ‘ the real founder of American higher education. W hen he was well established in his adopted town of Philadelphia he became increase ingly disturbed by its lack of provision both for adequate defence and for the education of youth. He was moved in 1743 to circulate among leaders in the colony of Pennsylvania a proposal for the establishment of an academy, and this was effected in 1749: the academy in process of time became the University of Pennsylvania. O n his return from France in 1785, where he had spent eight years as plenipotentiary, the Provost and professors presented him with an address containing these w ords: ‘ W e feel a particular pleasure in paying our acknowledgments to the gentleman who first projected the liberal plan of the institution over which we have the honour to preside.’ A t an earlier date, when he was twenty^one years old, Franklin founded a sort of mutual improvement society, which he called the Junto. In 1743 he founded the American Philosophical Society and was its first secretary: this society soon ceased to function, but when in 1766 the Junto became the American Society for Promoting and Propa/ gating Useful Knowledge, the Philosophical Society was revived and, after a short time, the two rival societies were united as the American Philosophical Society for Promoting Useful Knowledge. This society is the oldest o f its kind in A m eric a: it is exceptionally rich in Franklin relics and possesses a very large collection of his letters and MSS. The Franklin Institute is of later d ate: in 1823, when James Monroe was President of the United States, the new conditions imposed by the industrial revolution inspired Samuel V . Merrick, a young man of twenty^two, with a determination to provide a centre where mechanical training could be obtained. His first step was to invite a number of fellow-'citizens to attend a meeting; but no one responded to the sum m ons: a second attempt was equally unsuccessful. He then secured the active support of W illiam H . Keating, a young professor of chemistry in the University, and a meeting was held at which a society was founded. O n 3 March 1824 the Franklin Institute of the State of Pennsylvania for the promotion of the mechanic arts received its charter. It was natural to associate Franklin’s name with an institution established for educational purposes and general usefulness. Day and evening classes were organized: a beginning was made with a library and a collection of models: a magazine was published, and in 1828 its title was changed to the Journal of the Franklin Institute; this is the oldest technical journal in the United States. A n important activity of the Institute was the publication o f abstracts of specifications o f patents, and for several years this was the only available source of information on new inventions. Examiners were appointed to report on all new and useful discoveries. O ne of the duties of the Committee on Science and the Arts during the last eighty years has been the selection of Franklin Institute medallists. The Institute inaugurated 56 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 many lines o f research which were subsequently taken over by the Government. It is said that in 1874 a contribution to the exhibits at the Institute was ice cream soda, * to the joy o f American life.’ In 1884 Lord Kelvin, Sir Oliver Lodge, Sir James Dewar, and Graham Bell attended the first International Electrical Exhibition organized by the Institute. In 1918 Henry W . Bartol bequeathed his residual estate to the Institute for the foundation o f a research laboratory in Physical Science. Ten years later the Bartol Research Foundation was transferred to the Cam pus of Swarthmore College, a few miles from Philadelphia: the present Director is D r W . F. G . Swann. In 1935 the Biochemical Research Foundation, formerly the Cancer Research Laboratory, was affiliated to the Franklin Institute: it is under the direction of D r Ellice M cDonald with a scientific staff o f about sixty. In 1927, at a dinner o f the Poor Richard C lu b —a club called after the famous Poor Richard’s A lm anack, which was one of Franklin’s most successful ventures a proposal was made to erect a national monument in honour o f Benjamin Franklin, and as the Institute was in need of increased accommodation a joint appeal for funds was issued. A sum o f 5,000,000 dollars was promised in twelve days by more than 11,000 subscribers, and on 18 January 1930, Mr Cyrus A . K . Curtis celebrated his eightieth birthday by digging the first sod on the site of the present Institute. The well-proportioned building, in a restrained and dignified classical style, stands on the Parkway, a large open space on the edge o f the c ity : it includes the Fels Planetarium, a library and lecture rooms, a large and lofty rotunda containing Mr Fraser’s heroic statue o f Franklin, also a series of halls with exhibits, including about 4,000 ‘ action exhibits.’ Special prominence is appropriately given to the graphic arts and electrical appliances. For more than a hundred years the Franklin Institute has been devoted to the increase o f useful knowledge, to the encouragement of inventions and discovery, and to the educa­ tion o f the public in the achievements o f Science and Industry. The President is Mr Philip C . Staples, President o f the Bell Telephone C o m p a n y ; the Administrative Head is D r Henry B. Allen, formerly chief metallurgist with Messrs. Henry Disston & S o n s; Mr Benjamin Franklin is Treasurer; D r James Barnes is Technical Adviser and has charge of the Physics Section. They have several colleagues concerned with other educational activities. The Institute serves many purposes: its ‘W onderland of Science ’ and mechanical exhibits are on the lines o f the Science Museum, L o n d o n : it directs research and co­ operates with similar institutions in the organization o f astronomical and other expedi­ tions. A s a centre where lectures are given to large audiences, including Christmas lectures for young people, the Institute is comparable with the Royal Institution. A special feature is the extension of its appeal by means o f travelling shows, particularly in chemistry and aviation, which visit schools, department stores, clubs, etc., in many other towns. There is also a musical section under the direction of Mr Guy Marriner of New Zealand, whose Sunday afternoon lectures attract large audiences. The Franklin Institute receives no financial assistance from tax atio n ; its income is derived from small admission fees, members’ subscriptions, endowments, and gifts. 57 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 58 T H E D E D I C A T I O N A t dawn on 19 May the firing of guns on men-of-war in the Delaware river in- augurated the celebrations: this statement is made on the authority of the official programme. A t 10 a.m. a new issue of orange-coloured half-cent stamps was on sale bearing a reproduction o f the head of Franklin from the large statue in the Memorial Hall. In the afternoon the French Ambassador, C ount Rene Doynel de Saint/Quentin, who was accorded a salute of nineteen guns on his arrival at the railway station and escorted by a troop of the Philadelphia City Cavalry, was the chief guest at the unveiling of Franklin’s statue by the fifth great-granddaughter of Benjamin Franklin, Miss Louisa Johnston Castle. The statue in white marble, at least twice life-size, represents Franklin seated in an armchair, similar in design to the Lincoln statue at Washington. The sculptor, James Earle Fraser of New York, conceived Franklin as a man with an innate, burning curiosity; there is an alertness in the eyes and an inquisi­ tive expression aided by the poise of the massive head. The sculptor has also successfully suggested a keen sense of h u m o u r: looking at the face one recalls Franklin’s quotation of a French lady’s rem ark: * II n’y a que moi qui a toujours raison.’ The ambassador made a plea for French-Anglo-American friendship and co-operation, and a former United States senator, Mr George W harton Pepper, officially welcomed Franklin, ‘ long a homeless genius in the city he adopted,’ to his permanent home. A message from the President of the United States was read by the H on.W . D . C . Roper, Secretary of Commerce. In the evening the Poor Richard C lub gave a dinner in the Franklin Memorial Hall at which Mr Roper was the chief speaker : he availed himself of the opportunity of giving advice to capital and labour. The dinner was not inconsistent with Franklin’s dictum ‘ eat not to dullness, drink not to elevation.’ 20 May was given up to a series of half-hour lectures, the first o f which was an admirable treatment of ‘ Benjamin Franklin in St Andrews, 1759’ by Sir James C . Irvine, Principal and Vice-Chancellor of the University which conferred an Honorary Degree upon Franklin. Readers of the Autobiography—‘ America’s first best-seller ’— will remember that Franklin spoke of his visit to Scotland as six weeks o f the * densest happiness ’ in his life. A m ong other lectures was one by D r Louis Martin on ‘ L ’hospitalisation des maladies contagieuses.’ The Royal Society delegate had the privilege of being present, a solitary male, with his wife who was the guest of honour, at a luncheon given by the members of the Ladies’ A corn C lub, and enjoyed the addi­ tional privilege o f being requested by Miss Agnes Repplier, the well-known essayist, to say a few words. In the afternoon of 20 May a reception was given to the French Ambassador by the French-American Association at the Barclay Hotel. In the evening delegates in academic over full evening dress assembled in the Franklin H all where honorary degrees were conferred by D r Thomas S. Gates, President o f the University o f Penn­ sylvania, and medals awarded by the President of the Franklin Institute: the recipient o f the highest award, the Franklin medal, was D r W illiam F. D urand, Emeritus Professor of Stanford University. A n impressive ceremony was the presentation by Colonel C . P. Franklin on behalf o f the Sons of the Revolution to the President o f D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 59 the Institute o f a copy of the first flag used by independent America and designed, it is believed, by Franklin. O n 21 May more half-hour lectures were given on applied science. A banquet at the Bellevue Hotel concluded the three days’ programme. The chief speakers were the H on. Herbert C . Hoover, a former President of the U nited States, and the H on. Roland S. Morris, President of the American Philosophical Society. It was pleasant to find that the menu was printed from Caslon type bought by Franklin in England. Mr Hoover’s speech, with many humorous and thinly-veiled allusions to the New Deal, delighted the company o f several hundred diners: he quoted many wise sayings o f Benjamin Franklin, most of which he found unsuitable as texts for an after-dinner speech in the present political circumstances. He reminded his hearers that Franklin’s name had been given to thousands o f counties, cities, towns and streets; ‘ there have been twenty million orations delivered over him . . . Like most schoolboys o f my day I delivered a speech on him once myself. T hat was the same year I delivered an oration on “ Rome was not built in a day ” ; that was my last real oration.’ Franklin, Mr Hoover said, seemed to be opposed to spending, but, he added, ‘ this is not a political meeting and I do not want to give even a hint of partisanship ’ : Franklin ‘ knew none of the joys of planned economy.’ The former President referred to Franklin’s strong views on borrowing and debts as a theme ‘ that it was better not to pursue.’ Franklin had much to do with creating the U nited States S enate: * their investigation activities would be both surprising and disappointing to him .’ After thoroughly enjoying him ­ self in this happy vein Mr Hoover gave a delightful survey of Franklin’s many-sided activities, his passion for education, his vision, and his wisdom. ‘ Benjamin Franklin, he added, ‘ should be the patron saint o f that altogether characteristic American, the self-made man.’ By far the greater number o f the institutions enumerated in the official list were from the U nited States; only a very few of the European Universities and Societies were represented by non-resident Delegates. D r Louis Martin represented the Institut de France, the Pasteur Institut and the Academie de M edecine; Sir James Irvine repre­ sented St Andrews University, the Royal Society o f Edinburgh and the Chemical Society of L on d o n ; D r C . C . Paterson represented the Royal Institution and the Royal Society o f A rts. In addition to the Royal Society, Sir A lbert Seward represented the University of Glasgow, the British Association and the Geological Society of London. The Dedication celebrations included naval and military displays, a parade o f ‘ Young Philadelphia ’ and the presentation o f awards for essays on ‘ W h at Franklin did for America and for us who live to-day.’ A representative o f a Philadelphia newspaper began an interview with the Royal Society’s delegate with the question— ‘ W ould Benjamin Franklin, if he were alive to-day, disapprove the use to which science has been put in the manufacture of engines of war 5 ’ It is good to find that the views o f the great British-American printer and diplomat, described by a French admirer as ‘ Socrates born again,’ are still in demand. Mr Frederick W atson, the British Consul-General in Philadelphia, contributed in no small degree to the comfort and enjoyment of the Society’s Delegate: at his suggestion the Consul-General in New York, Sir Gerald Campbell, sent one of his staff to meet the Normandie and expedite thfe inspection o f luggage by the Customs Officers: Mr Frederick D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Watson was also most helpful during the celebrations. The Delegate and his wife were the guests of Mr and Mrs Charles Griffith, whose home in one of the older tree' planted streets of Philadelphia fully maintained the high standard of American hospitality and friendliness. A t the conclusion of the Dedication Celebrations the Society’s delegate paid a visit to the National Academy of Sciences at Washington where he was welcomed by Mr Paul Brockett, the Secretary. The National Academy, with which the Royal Society has recently become more intimately associated through the foundation of the Pilgrim Trust lectureship, combines the functions of the Royal Society with the educational aims of the Royal Institution and the Science Museum. The Director of the Geological Survey, the Secretary of the Academy and other friends entertained the Delegate and his wife at luncheon at the Kosmos Club. The programme of the Franklin Institute Celebrations, books, pamphlets, and newspaper cuttings have been deposited in the Library o f the Royal Society. A lbert C . Seward SOCIETAS SCIENTIARUM FEN N ICA A n important event of the present year has been the attainment of its centenary by the Societas Scientiarum Fennica, the Finnish equivalent of the Royal Society or the Academie des Sciences—though indeed of wider scope than these, including as it does a Humanistic section in addition to those concerned with Mathematics and Physical Sciences on the one hand and Natural History on the other. The Society, during the century of its existence, has been responsible for a large output of scientific literature, its main publications being subdivided, on very much the same plan as those of the Royal Society, into ( i) Transactions (A cta), which of recent years (1930-38) have been arranged in separate volumes for the physiavm athe' matical and biological subjects; (2) Proceedings (Ofversigt), which from 1923 o n ' wards are arranged in three parallel series of ‘ Commentationes ’ corresponding to the main sections of the Society’s activities, and (3) an annual ‘ A rsbok ’ containing general information, reports of lectures, and obituary notices. The pages of these several publica' tions provide impressive testimony to the importance of the Societas Scientiarum Fennica in the march of modern science. The centenary has been marked by the publication, in Volume X o f the * C o m ' mentationes Hum anorum Litterarum,’ of a valuable history of the Society by the veteran Finnish botanist, Fredrik Elfving, whom some of the older Fellows o f the Royal Society may remember as an honoured guest at the British Association meeting in Edinburgh in 1892. Elfving succeeded Tigerstedt as Secretary of the Society in 1923, to be sue' ceeded in turn by the present Secretary, Professor Ernst Lindelof, to whom is due so much of the admirable organization which characterized the actual centenary celebrations throughout. The volume contains an interesting and detailed history o f the Society during the century of its existence, preceded by an account o f the scientific activities in Finland which led up to its foundation in 1838. The interest and value of the historical narrative D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_l6sxfxmmobgnhkt2lpvxh6he3e	----	PII: 0042-6989(95)90022-5 RETINAL, DETACHMENT SURGERY 1121 1123 ll22 ANATOMICAL AND FUNCTIONAL OUTCOME IN RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATED BY ADVANCED PROLIFERATIVE VITREORETINOPATHY IN CHILDHOOD A. KARILA, B. MASHHOUR, D. CHAUVAUD, Y. POULIQUEN Department of Ophthalmology, H&pita1 H&l-Dieu de Paris, France. eurpaSe To analyse anatomical and functional results of retinal detachment swery in cases complicated by proliferative vitreoretinopatby in childhood. M&Q& Thirty six consecutive cases of retinal detachment complicated by PVR stages Cl and more in childhood were analysed retrospectively. All the cases associated scleral buckling, pars plana vitrectomy, complete membrane peeling, injection of liquid perflomcarbon (LPFC), endophotocoagulation, and internal tamponade. In selected cases lensectomy and/or relaxing retinotomy were requiered. &J&S Predominant etitogies were blunt trauma and high myopia. Anatomical swxs was obtained with one operation in 7 cases, and 2 OI more operations in 14 cases. Final visual acuity was <O.l, O.l-0.4 and 0.4 or more in 23, 10 and 3 cases respectively. Conelusion Complicated retinal detachment in childhood represents a high proportion of overall RD in childhood and could be treated wing agressive vitreoretinal procedures with comparative visual outcome to RD’s in adult. REOPERATIONS FOLLOWING VITRECTOMY FOR DIABETIC RETINOPATHY Helbig H. Kellner U. Bornfeld N. and Foerster M. H. Department of Ophthalmology, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin, Free University of Berlin (Germany) Purpose: The assess risk factors and visual outcome of reoperations after vitrectomy for diabetic retinopathy. Methods: The charts of 327 consecutive patients (412 eyes) operated by the authors in the last 4 years for complications of diabetic retinopathy were retrospectively reviewed. Preoperatively the retina was flat in 171 eyes, in 239 eyes it was detached. Mean follow up was 16 months. Basulls; 114 eyes required vitreoretinal reoperations. 46 for recurrent vitreous hemorrhaae. 46 for retinal detachment and 20 for removal of silicone. In 34 eyed a third operation, in 11 eyes a 4th, in 5 eyes a 5th, and in 2 eyes 6 operations were necessary. Visual prognosis after reoperation for vitreous hemorrhage was good, while after reoperation for retinal detachment funtional results were guarded. Risk factors for detachment were iatrogenic retinal breaks and lack of endoohotocoaaulation. With increasina number of reooerations visual progbosis bec”ame worse. but even-after 5 operations ambulatory vision was preserved in some cases. Cataract surgery was performed in 54 out of 306 phacic eyes. No severe complications were seen after cataract surgery. Conclusions: With current indications for vitreoretinal surgery in diabetic retinopathy reoperations are necessary in a considerable proportion of cases. Although visual prognosis is guarded after reoperations for retinal detachment, ambulatory vision can be preserved in many cases even after repeated reoperations. Cataract surgery can be safely performed after vitrectomy in diabetic patients. 1X24 RETINAL DETACHMENT COMPLICATING RECURRENT OCULAR TOXOPLASMOSIS FERON EJ". MRRTENS DAE'. VAN MEURS JC'. SAARSMA GS'. SUTTORP MSA’. ROTHOVA A=. ’ The Rotterdam Eye Hospital, Rotterdam $Netherlands) . The Netherlands Ophthalmic Research Institute, Amsterdam (Netherlands). ’ The University Hospital of Utrecht, Utrecht (Netherlands) . Purpose Recurrent ocular toxoplasmosis is an important cause of blindness throughout the world. Permanent loss of vision can either be the result of direct involvement of the macula or optic nerve in the inflammation, or can he related to well-recosnized conmlications such es macular oedema, scbretinal neovascularisation, retinal or choroidal vascular occlusion. Relativelv little is known about the incidence and prognosis-of retinal detachment es a complication of the disease. Methods We have performed a retrospective study of 15 immmocompetent patients with ocular toxo- plasmosis, complicated by retinal detachment either at an active or inactive stage of the disease. Results The retinal detachments associated with ocular toxoplasmosis were either rhegmatogenous (8 patients), tractional (2 patients) or combined rhegmatogenous/tracticnal (5 patients). A high frequency of complications was observed: proliferative vitreoretinopathy (5 patients), macular oucker I2 oatients~. aiant retinal tear (1 patie‘nt). * " - Conclusipne The complexity and the high complication rate of the retinal detachments described in our series of ocular toxoplasmosis patients contrasts with previous reports in the ;iterature. s53 
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work_ljzk43ipavherkrrazudtraoc4	----	VI. Extract of a letter from Mr. Ebenezer Kinnersley to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. on some electrical experiments made with charcoal V I. E x tr a # o f a Letter fro m M r. Ebe- nezer Kinnerfley to Benjamin Franklin, L L . D . F. R. S. on fame eleElrical E x - remarkable. I have found oak, beech, and maple, to conduct very w ell; but tried feveral pieces of pine coal, without finding one that would conduct at all; perhaps they were made in a fire not hot enough, or not continued in it long enough. A ftrong line drawn on paper with a black lead pencil, will conduct an electrical {hock pretty readily; but this, perhaps, may not be new to you. On the 12th of laft July, three houfes in this city, and a (loop at one of the wharfs, were, in lefs than an hour’s time, all ftruck with lightning. T he floop, with two of the houfes, were confiderably damaged; the other was the dwelling-houfe of Mr. joieph Moulde, in Lombard-fireet, which was provided ferm ents made with CharcoaL Received Auguft 16, 1772. ■Read Dec. 10, 1772. P h ila d e lp h ia , Oaober 1 3 , i j p . H E conducing quality of fome forts of charcoal is indeed very with D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 with a round iron conductor, h alf an inch thick, its feveral lengths fcrewed together, fo as to make very good joints, and the lower end five or fix feet under ground; the lightning, leaving every thing elfe, pur­ sued its way through that, melted off fix inches and a half o f the flendereft part of a brafs wire fixed on the top, and did no further damage within doors, or without. Captain Falconer, w ho brings you this, was in the houfe at the time of the ftroke, and fays i t was- an aftonifhing loud, one.. [ 39 ] VII.- Account D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_lkde5636incfpchqseq456uqpq	----	LXIX. Observations of the transit of Venus over the Sun, June 3, 1769; made by Mr. Owen Biddle and Mr. Joel Bayley, at Lewestown, in Pennsylvania. Communicated by Benjamin Franklin, LL.D. F. R. S f 4 *4 ] LXIX. Obfervations of fie of Venus over the Sun*, June 3, J 769 ; made by Mr. Owen Biddle and Mr. Joel Bayley, at Leweftown, -in Pennfylvania. Communicated by Benjamin Franklin, L L . D . F . R I S . Read Dec. 21, N the 26th o f M ay, 1769, Joel Bayly and myfelf arrived at Lewef­ town (on Cape H inlopen at th e m outh o f D elaw are Bay), being ordered there, by the American Philofo- phicai Society, held at Philadelphia, for prom oting ufeful knowledge, to take an obfervation o f the en- 1 filing tranfit o f Venus over the Sun’s d ifc ; and im ­ mediately fet about fixing our tim e-piece, in a houfe (w hich we h ired ) on the fouth ftreet of the tow n, where w e were m od likely to be free from interrup­ tion, and had an open view of the Sun and ftars for our obfervations. W e let a ftrong oak poft in the ground, to w hich w e fcrewed our clock cafe, refting the Dale o f it on the ground, the face of it fronting a door w hich opens to th e fouthward, fo as to be con­ venient for us to hear the beat of the clock, where we intended to fix our telefcopes and inftrum ent for taking equal altitudes. W 6then let a port in the g.’ouad for the equal altitude inftrum ent, which was n o t D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 4 1 5 ] not fo good as I wifhedj b u t m uch better than a H a d - ley’s quadrant, as we found by experience, and the beft we could procure in time for our purpofe. It was a theodolite, w ith telefcopic fights, in w hich there were crofs hairs j it had a fpirit level to adjuft the plain o f the inftrum ent horizontally; and alfo one applied to the te l^ q g e p a ra U e l with its axis, and at right angles to th e other fpirit level. By means o f thefe tw o levels and adjufting fcrews, we found we could adjuft it very nearly, the inftrum ent being a very good one o f the kind. W ith this we let our clock, by taking equal altitudes o f the Sun, which we corre&ed by the tables publifhed in a pam phlet, in- titled, Inftrudtions relative to the enfuing Tranfit. o f Venus, &c. by the Rev. M r. Nevil M alkelyne. T h e 27th, we got fome good correfponding altitudes o f the Sun, by which we fet ou r c l o c k a n d • took, equal altitudes o f fome o f the fixed ftars, to prove the rate o f our c lo c k A fter this it continued cloudy, w ith rain at times, and a high wind at north-eaft, till the 31 ft, when the clouds broke a little. D uring this time, we employed ourfelves in meafuring the diftance of our place of obfervation from the ftone fixed at the beginning, or eaft end, o f the eart and. weft line, which is the boundary between the three, lower counties and M aryland, and is fituate on F en ­ wick’s Ifla n d ; the latitude and longitude o f this place being accurately determined by Meflieurs Dixon, and Mafon. T h e meridional difference o f the latitude of the place of our obfervation, north from Fenw ick’s Iftand, at the beginning of the eaft and weft line, as before defcribed, being the eafternmoft end o f the fouthern. boundary D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 | 416 I ̂ | ’boundary between the lower counties and M a ry la n d the meridional, difference o f longitude o f the place o f our obfervation, w eft from! th e : point aforefaid, in Fenw ick’s Ifland, 5 ' 45 7 o f a, degree. Thefe data, with the latitude and longitude* o f Station Point, w ill determ ine exactly the place, o f obfervation. n b vltnj June 2, the weather being clear,, had good, coc- relponding obfervations o f the -Sum y; Ju n e 3., the h a d good.obfervations to ftt our clock*, A bout i z ^ c lo c f c begati to d ire d our glaffes, to. >the Sun, keeping if continually in the field frorn then to the tim e,the ob­ fervation was paft. VVe. a g ^ d j p w atdh^our te- lefcope one minute in tu rn , till about (even o r eig h t minutes before the contact w a s e x ^ f t e d , left, by, too fteady an attention to th e glaffes, our fight, thou Id be im paired, '?lh& co n tad clearly. I had left i m y telgfcope the m inute preceding: the contact, intending to apply m yfelf fteadily to it, from the next minutej until the obferva*-. tion was paft -9and w hen the-48th ftcondl wascalled* I applied m yfelf to the glafs, and by the time three ftconds were elapfed, J pgceived, op th a t p a r t o f the Sun's lim b where I expeded th e contad* a fmaifitn-* prefijon, w h ich proved to be th,e-lim bo f ..Venus ii* co n fa ^ w ith th e Sun. A ll th e lim b ojf the Sun* w hich appeared at th at tirne i n t h e f t d a of the te - lefcope, had a fmall undulatory motion, which, I ap p r^ien d , was pwing to, m p fe vapours, which arofe at iea. ,fA t| V enues 4firft a p t^ a ra p re . to tn% it. was only likeftone o f thofe waves pm t h e ^ o f b ^ d f r o f the Sun, incieaftd in D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t *4 *7. } fo fmall a proportion, that I remained doubtful fo r feverai feconds, w hether i t was any thing e lie ; " thus it continued) m aking a deeper impreflion, w ith that tremulous motion, for about ten feconds, when th e trem or where Venus was in contact ceafed, and the indenture was truly circular, w ith an even term i­ nation. M y abfence from the telefcope, ju f t before the contact occurred, deprived m e o f an opportunity of judging w hether there was any appearance o f an at- mofphere preceding the weftern limb o f Venus in co n tact; but w hen Venus had entered nearly one h alf o f its diameter into the Sun’s difc, m y compa­ nion and myfelf faw a lum inous crefceht, w hich enlightened that part of Venus’s circumference Which was off* the Sun, fo that the whole, o f her d r c u m - ference was vifible, but did not continue fo until the internal contact $ and at the tim e o f the firft internal contact, the eaftern or external limb o f Venus feerned to be united to the Sun’s lim b by a black protu­ berance or ligament, w hich was not broke by the entrance o f the thread of light, till fo u r feconds after that the regular circumference o f Venus feemed to coincide w ith the Sun’s* T h e telefcope I made ufe o f for viewing the tran* fit, was a reflecting one, belonging to the Philadel­ phia L ibrary Com pany, the fpeculums o f w hich are z \ feet apart, and the lenfes in the eye tube four inches apart j it was the leaft magnifying pow er that I ufed, as I found th e tremulous motion too much magnified by the other power. T h e fmall one wa^ in good order, and defined the Sun’s limb, and fpots on its difc, very clearly. I had applied a polar axis V o l , L IX . H h h to D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 f [ 4>8 } to it> and made fome rack-w ork, by which I could keep the fame part o f th e Sun?sdimb in the field w ith eafe y my companion was not fo well provided w ith a telefcope, the-one h e u fe d b e in g o f D ollond’s refracting glafifes o f 4 I feet. T h is we fixed, with a ball and locket, to a poll:, by w hich it was eafily di­ rected to the Sun. T h u s furniihed, we found th e contacts to take place as follows, reduced to m ean time* h / / / O w en Biddle*s E xternal contaCt at Internal one at Joel Bayley*s E x tern al c o n ta d was" loll by an accident, b u t f^en by h im , after it had taken place, at Internal ditto 2 11 53 2 29 53 >2 12 15 2 2 9 53 I t m uft be noted, the internal eoritad, given by O w en Biddle, is at four feconds before the thread e f light had broken the dark ligament or protu­ berance, by w hich Venus s limb was united* to the Kmb o f the Sun, that being the tihie he eftimated the IWo limbs to be in contad. T h e internal contads, we think, m ay be relied on j the external happening fooner than ex p ed ed , occa- fioned’ a doubt at its appearance, w hich made th e e X r a d fecond o f its appearance a little uncertain. Philadelphia,, June g, 1769. Signed,; ©wen Biddle. Copy, taken in hafte, b u t the times examined bv Owen, Biddle. T h e D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 419 ] T h e times o f the conta&s o f Venus w ith the limb o f the Sun, as feen by O w e n Biddle and Joel Bayley o n Gape H inlopen ; w ith the true difference o f latitude < and departure of the place o f their obfervation^ from / the M iddle Point be­ tween F enw ick’s 11fland arid Chefopeak Bay, are as follows, viz. ; i h r E xternal contact at 2 u 53) m e a n tim e Internal c o n ta a a t 2 29 53 J 0T00 T h e difference o f latitude o f the" place o f obfervation, north o f i Middle Point. T h e meridian diftance o f th e ! place o f obfcrvationf s eaft o f > M iddle P o in ts ; 4 v;1, 1 21 ,9 3 m iles 30,6 3 5 6 miles * T h e latitude and longitude o f M iddle Point were taken by Meffieurs Dixon and M afon, and, as w e fuppofe, communicated to the Royal Society, b u t we are not yet acquainted w ith it. N . B. As we are n o t acquainted with the exadfc meafure o f a degree o f latitude, agreeable to th e above gentlem en’s m eafurement, we have fent the difference o f latitude and longitude in miles and decimal parts, as it may be reduced to greater tfcf- tainty thereby. H h h 2 Remarks D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 I m l a rirv/i n wf 4 * 4a jipri ̂fxi [J io ' j oi 15'niiwl inioc: A c R R O V A L . ?yl -^ V 2 ,CL J H V J 4J o V j$Blci£lT .lollff^l S!3.l] F rom the data given abftve, and the length o f a degree of latitude, .foupd 4* IVJeffieurs. M afon and D ixon, in A efe part^ = 6 8 ,^ 9 6 Engliffi miles, th e difference o f latitude q f.L ew efto w n and the M iddle Point above mentiqpe^f: ̂ h i c l ) | da the fame w ith the point A ; fee Meffieurs M afon’s and D ixon’s meal'ure o f a degree, Philof. T ra n fa d . vol. L V I I I . p .2 7 6 ) is 1 9 '5 3 " ; but the latitude o f th e point A was found,. by M effieurs M afon and D ixon 38° 2 7 ' 3 4 " ; therefore that .p f Lew eftow n Is 38° 4 7 ' 2 7 " n o r th ; and th e difference o f its meridian, and th at of the point A , or their difference o f longitude> is 3 4 ' d ,\W° f tim e, Lew eftow n being to th e eaft.’ ‘ B ut if the difference o f longitude o f L ew ef- tQwn eaft o f the Stones on F enw ick’s Ifle be fup- pofed truly given, in th e former account, j* 4 5 " o f ' a degree, then the difference o f longitude o f Lew ef­ tow n an d the point A will come out about o f a degree, or 4 " o f tim e lefs 5 for M r. Dixon acquaints m e, that the diftance o f the Stone on F en wick’s Ifle, caft o f the point A, is 3,5 Englifh miles w a n tin g 100 yards. N o w this is equal to 3 0 ' 2 6 " o f a great circle = 3 8 ' 5 1 " o f longitude 5 from w hich fobtradting 5 ' 4 5 " , there rem ain 33'* 6 " for differ­ ence o f longitude o f Lew eftow n and Point A = 2 ' I 2 /a| o f tim e, or 3 " ! lefs than found b efo re; and this latter I take to be neareft the tru th . I f this be fb, Lew eftow n is very nearly under thq fame meridian w ith the fouthernm oft part o f th e city o f Philadelphia,, or m o re accurately 1 3 " o f longitude, anfwering; D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 2 1 ] anfwering to i / ' o f time, eaft of it. F p r, t y Mpftieurs Mafon’s and Dixon V m eafure o f a degree, the point N (fee Philof. Tranfadt, V ol. L V l i l . p. 2 ? 6 i is 2'. 1 c > f longitude weft of the point A j and N» by m eafarement, is 31 E nglifh miles due weft o f the fouthernmoft part o f the city q f Philadelphia^ an­ fwering r2 / / -of 'lo h g itu d e| from w h !lh |iu l> tra&ing 2 ■ 19 A there'f^nriaih an fw erih g to 2a o f 1tim e f ‘for the1 difference o f longitude of the foutfaernmoft part o f Philadelphia, baft o f the point A. h But Lew eftcwn is found above to be 3 3 ' 6"o f 1'ongittrdb ±± ^ f j f y eaft 6 f the'point A, and confequently of Ibngitqdbf o f aboqt \ tr of time eaft of th e W th ern m o ft part of the city o f Philadelphia;. u 11 ̂ N 13.3" ;; Nevil Mafkelyne, ns Mtwoi 1 i S S l t i s h r 'iiw aftew sJ io3t.irjiigac>J 10 ihii'oi hi"ill I1h! tow ocnrt l o f f i '9 is' II3'1 fi 90 ed Ot 1 13llBI if i l l ID 113 "iSif'M'i 5 5 V |tf III 1"31-s VlliB' 21 i.I W C.i'J 1,3Will,.k f0 i 9 h ■ 3 t f » ill 3|fs ffomoisdfub) sell iitiw 4 f o . - m t f i s i i t i j t K j i 9 i o c o 3 0 : cE i n q * 3 4 s n n 9 L X . Ob'fcr- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_lrhuvenhhbbrzmn66rnbnbhvpa	----	Complete High-Quality Genome Sequence of Clostridium limosum (Hathewaya limosa) Isolate 14S0207, Recovered from a Cow with Suspected Blackleg in Germany Prasad Thomas,a* Mostafa Y. Abdel-Glil,a Anne Busch,a Lothar H. Wieler,b,c Inga Eichhorn,b Anne Bodenthin-Drauschke,d Heinrich Neubauer,a Christian Seyboldta aInstitute of Bacterial Infections and Zoonoses, Friedrich-Loeffler-Institut, Federal Research Institute for Animal Health, Jena, Germany bInstitute of Microbiology and Epizootics, Department of Veterinary Medicine, Freie Universität, Berlin, Germany cRobert Koch-Institut, Berlin, Germany dLandeslabor Schleswig-Holstein, Neumünster, Germany ABSTRACT Clostridium limosum can be found in soil and the intestinal tract of ani- mals. In 2014, C. limosum was isolated from a suspected blackleg outbreak in cattle in Schleswig-Holstein, Germany. We present a complete genome sequence of a C. li- mosum strain represented by a circular chromosome and three plasmids. Clostridium is a genus of Gram-positive anaerobic bacteria within the phylumFirmicutes. The genus includes around 30 species that can cause clinical diseases in humans and animals, including birds. Clostridium limosum is a species that has received little attention in terms of its disease occurrence, prevalence, and virulence factors. The bacterium was found in various environments, including different animal and bird species (1). Recently, it was reported that the pathogen was the principal cause of metritis in farmed minks in Finland (2). In the current study, we isolated C. limosum from a suspected blackleg outbreak in cattle from Schleswig-Holstein, Germany. The organ- ism was recovered from liver, spleen, and kidney tissues following anaerobic culture isolation methods. While the morphology on blood agar plates resembled Clostridium chauvoei, PCR results for the detection of C. chauvoei and Clostridium septicum (3) remained negative. An initial categorization of the bacterial species using partial 16S rRNA gene sequencing (4) followed by a BLAST search (https://blast.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/Blast.cgi; blastn suite; 16S rRNA sequences for Bacteria and Archaea database) revealed homol- ogy to C. limosum (Hathewaya limosa Lawson and Rainey 2016 [5]) strain CECT 4329 (NCBI reference sequence number NR_104825). The C. limosum isolate (14S0207) was cultured in 3 ml Selzer broth (6) under anaerobic conditions followed by genomic DNA extraction using a Genomic-tip 100/Q kit (Qiagen, Germany). GATC Biotech (Germany) carried out genome sequencing using a PacBio RS II sequencer (7), including the preceding library preparation to create a 10- to 20-kb insert size library. The total number of reads was 43,854 with an average length of 15,204 bp. Additional sequencing using paired-end (2 � 300-bp) sequencing technology (MiSeq system) together with the Nextera XT library preparation protocol (Illumina, USA) was performed at the Institute of Bacterial Infections and Zoonoses in Jena, Germany. A total of 1,067,720 reads were received. The raw reads were checked for quality before and after read trimming using FastQC version 0.11.7 (https://www.bioinformatics.babraham.ac.uk/ projects/fastqc/). Briefly, reads were trimmed using BBDuk (8) for adaptor removal (with the parameters ktrim�r, k�23, mink�11, hdist�1, tpe, and tbo) and Sickle version 1.33 (9) (with the parameter -q 20) for base quality. Citation Thomas P, Abdel-Glil MY, Busch A, Wieler LH, Eichhorn I, Bodenthin-Drauschke A, Neubauer H, Seyboldt C. 2020. Complete high- quality genome sequence of Clostridium limosum (Hathewaya limosa) isolate 14S0207, recovered from a cow with suspected blackleg in Germany. Microbiol Resour Announc 9:e01487-19. https://doi.org/10.1128/ MRA.01487-19. Editor Steven R. Gill, University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry Copyright © 2020 Thomas et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. Address correspondence to Christian Seyboldt, Christian.Seyboldt@fli.de. * Present address: Prasad Thomas, Division of Bacteriology and Mycology, ICAR-Indian Veterinary Research Institute, Izatnagar, India. Received 3 December 2019 Accepted 4 December 2019 Published 9 January 2020 GENOME SEQUENCES crossm Volume 9 Issue 2 e01487-19 mra.asm.org 1 o n Ja n u a ry 2 7 , 2 0 2 0 a t F U B e rlin , U n iv.-K lin iku m B e n ja m in F ra n klin h ttp ://m ra .a sm .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9560-0057 https://blast.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/Blast.cgi https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/NR_104825 https://www.bioinformatics.babraham.ac.uk/projects/fastqc/ https://www.bioinformatics.babraham.ac.uk/projects/fastqc/ https://doi.org/10.1128/MRA.01487-19 https://doi.org/10.1128/MRA.01487-19 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ mailto:Christian.Seyboldt@fli.de https://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1128/MRA.01487-19&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2020-1-9 https://mra.asm.org http://mra.asm.org/ Genome assembly was done using the Hierarchical Genome Assembly Process algo- rithm version 3 (HGAP3) with default parameters (10) implemented in PacBio SMRT portal version 2.3.0. The seed length obtained during HGAP3 assembly was 10,613 bp (preas- sembled read length). HGAP3 assembly generated one contig representing the chro- mosome and three contigs representing the plasmids for the C. limosum isolate. The circularization of the received contig to a bacterial chromosome was carried out using a protocol recommended by PacBio for merging and circularization (https://github .com/PacificBiosciences/Bioinformatics-Training/wiki/Circularizing-and-trimming). The overlapping regions of circular sequences were determined using Gepard software version 1.40 with default parameters (11). For the circularization of contigs, Circlator version 1.5.0 was used with default parameters, as described before (12). The circular contigs representing the chromosome and plasmids were initially polished using PacBio long reads with the RS_Resequencing.1 protocol in SMRT portal version 2.3.0 followed by short Illumina reads using Pilon version 1.22 with default parameters (13). As a result, a complete genome is now available that meets high-quality standards. For the PacBio sequence data, we submitted the bax.h5 files and the methylation profiles to NCBI under BioProject number PRJNA432648 and SRA number SRP216188. The final assembly contained one circular chromosome and three plasmids (Table 1). The annotation was performed with the NCBI Prokaryotic Genome Annotation Pipeline (see Table 1). The chromosome carries a streptolysin-associated gene cluster encoding a streptolysin S (SLS) homolog (locus tag C3495_10690, encoding 52 amino acids), a bacteriocin, and a virulence factor of group A Streptococcus known to possess hemo- lytic/cytolytic activity (14). Studies based on genomic analysis have identified a similar SLS-type gene cluster in Clostridium species, including C. botulinum and C. sporogenes, reported as the clostridiolysin S gene cluster (15). Data availability. This whole-genome sequencing project has been deposited at DDBJ/EMBL/GenBank under the accession numbers CP026600 (chromosome), CP026601 (plasmid 1), CP026602 (plasmid 2), and CP026603 (plasmid 3). The raw sequence data are available under SRA accession numbers SRR9822081 (PacBio RS II) and SRR9822082 (Illumina MiSeq). The associated BioProject and BioSample accession numbers are PRJNA432648 and SAMN08456352, respectively. The versions described in this paper are the first versions. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The ICAR-International Fellowship from the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), New Delhi, India, for Prasad Thomas is gratefully acknowledged. Anne Busch was supported by a grant from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research within the framework of the project Ess-B.A.R. (FKZ 13N13983). Mostafa Y. Abdel-Glil received a DAAD (GERLS) Ph.D. scholarship. REFERENCES 1. Cato EP, Cummins CS, Smith LD. 1970. Clostridium limosum André in Prévot 1948, 165 amended description and pathogenic characteristics. Int J Syst Evol Microbiol 20:305–316. https://doi.org/10.1099/00207713 -20-3-305. 2. Bistrom M, Moisander-Jylha AM, Heinikainen S, Pelkola K, Raunio- Saarnisto M. 2016. Isolation of Clostridium limosum from an outbreak of metritis in farmed mink. Acta Vet Scand 58:49. https://doi.org/10.1186/ s13028-016-0230-7. 3. Sasaki Y, Yamamoto K, Amimoto K, Kojima A, Ogikubo Y, Norimatsu M, Ogata H, Tamura Y. 2001. Amplification of the 16S-23S rDNA spacer TABLE 1 Annotation features of Clostridium limosum 14S0207 Typea NCBI RefSeq no.b GenBank accession no. Genome size (Mb) GC content (%) No. of proteins No. of rRNAs No. of tRNAs No. of other RNAs No. of genes No. of pseudogenes Chr NZ_CP026600 CP026600 2.95 28.0 2,527 33 92 4 2,718 62 Plsm NZ_CP026601 CP026601 0.14 25.5 125 132 7 Plsm NZ_CP026602 CP026602 0.04 27.5 54 58 4 Plsm NZ_CP026603 CP026603 0.03 26.4 30 31 1 a Chr, chromosome; Plsm, plasmid. b RefSeq, reference sequence. Thomas et al. Volume 9 Issue 2 e01487-19 mra.asm.org 2 o n Ja n u a ry 2 7 , 2 0 2 0 a t F U B e rlin , U n iv.-K lin iku m B e n ja m in F ra n klin h ttp ://m ra .a sm .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m https://github.com/PacificBiosciences/Bioinformatics-Training/wiki/Circularizing-and-trimming https://github.com/PacificBiosciences/Bioinformatics-Training/wiki/Circularizing-and-trimming https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/bioproject/PRJNA432648 https://trace.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/Traces/sra/?study=SRP216188 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/protein/AWZ49251.1 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026600 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026601 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026602 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026603 https://trace.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/Traces/sra/?run=SRR9822081 https://trace.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/Traces/sra/?run=SRR9822082 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/bioproject/PRJNA432648 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/biosample/?term=SAMN08456352 https://doi.org/10.1099/00207713-20-3-305 https://doi.org/10.1099/00207713-20-3-305 https://doi.org/10.1186/s13028-016-0230-7 https://doi.org/10.1186/s13028-016-0230-7 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/NZ_CP026600 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026600 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/NZ_CP026601 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026601 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/NZ_CP026602 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026602 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/NZ_CP026603 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/nuccore/CP026603 https://mra.asm.org http://mra.asm.org/ region for rapid detection of Clostridium chauvoei and Clostridium sep- ticum. 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Chin CS, Alexander DH, Marks P, Klammer AA, Drake J, Heiner C, Clum A, Copeland A, Huddleston J, Eichler EE, Turner SW, Korlach J. 2013. Non- hybrid, finished microbial genome assemblies from long-read SMRT sequencing data. Nat Methods 10:563–569. https://doi.org/10.1038/ nmeth.2474. 11. Krumsiek J, Arnold R, Rattei T. 2007. Gepard: a rapid and sensitive tool for creating dotplots on genome scale. Bioinformatics 23:1026 –1028. https://doi.org/10.1093/bioinformatics/btm039. 12. Hunt M, Silva ND, Otto TD, Parkhill J, Keane JA, Harris SR. 2015. Circlator: automated circularization of genome assemblies using long sequencing reads. Genome Biol 16:1–10. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13059-015-0849-0. 13. Walker BJ, Abeel T, Shea T, Priest M, Abouelliel A, Sakthikumar S, Cuomo CA, Zeng Q, Wortman J, Young SK, Earl AM. 2014. Pilon: an integrated tool for comprehensive microbial variant detection and genome assem- bly improvement. 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Microbiology Resource Announcement Volume 9 Issue 2 e01487-19 mra.asm.org 3 o n Ja n u a ry 2 7 , 2 0 2 0 a t F U B e rlin , U n iv.-K lin iku m B e n ja m in F ra n klin h ttp ://m ra .a sm .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m https://doi.org/10.1053/rvsc.2001.0495 https://doi.org/10.1099/00207713-46-4-1174 https://doi.org/10.1099/00207713-46-4-1174 https://doi.org/10.1099/ijsem.0.000824 https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.271.41.25173 https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.271.41.25173 https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1162986 https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1162986 http://sourceforge.net/projects/bbmap/ http://sourceforge.net/projects/bbmap/ https://github.com/najoshi/sickle https://github.com/najoshi/sickle https://doi.org/10.1038/nmeth.2474 https://doi.org/10.1038/nmeth.2474 https://doi.org/10.1093/bioinformatics/btm039 https://doi.org/10.1186/s13059-015-0849-0 https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0112963 https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0112963 https://doi.org/10.1128/iai.68.7.4245-4254.2000 https://doi.org/10.1128/iai.68.7.4245-4254.2000 https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.M110.118554 https://mra.asm.org http://mra.asm.org/ Data availability. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS REFERENCES 
work_luomcp2lgfamhdm5pq7zlyixgy	----	00218758_50-1.indd jo u r n a l o f a m e r i c a n s t u d i e s V O LU M E 5 0 IS S U E 1 F E B R U A R Y 2 0 1 6 Cambridge Journals Online For further information about this journal please go to the journal web site at: journals.cambridge.org/ams ja s journal of american studies journal of american studies V O L U M E 5 0 I S S U E 1 F E B R U A R Y 2 0 1 6 v Editors’ Note ARTICLES 1 Girl Zine Networks, Underground Itineraries, and Riot Grrrl History: Making Sense of the Struggle for New Social Forms in the 1990s and Beyond Janice Radway 33 The Antillean Jewel and the European Imaginary: The Language of the Unspeakable in Denis Diderot’s Les bijoux indiscrets Esther Lezra 61 Achieving Human Perfection: Benjamin Franklin contra George Whitefi eld Nicholas Higgins 81 Muybridge in the Parlor Alexander I. Olson 105 “Can’t Repeat the Past?” Gatsby and the American Dream at Mid-Century Laura Goldblatt 125 Music Physicianers: Blues Lyric Form and the Patent Medicine Show Matt Sandler 143 American Alphabet: Photo-textual Politics in Paul Strand and Nancy Newhall’s Time in New England (1950) Caroline Blinder 167 Television from the Superlab: The Postmodern Serial Drama and the New Petty Bourgeoisie in Breaking Bad Morgan Fritz 185 The Exceptionalist Optics of 9/11 Photography Joseph Darda INTERVIEW AND RESPONSES 205 When Cars Become Churches: Jesmyn Ward’s Disenchanted America. An Interview Anna Hartnell 219 We Are Here: Jesmyn Ward’s Survival Narratives. Response to Anna Hartnell, “When Cars Become Churches” Molly Travis 225 Agency and Environment in the Work of Jesmyn Ward. Response to Anna Hartnell, “When Cars Become Churches” Richard Crownshaw ROUNDTABLE 231 No Backward Step David Sim, Joanna Cohen, Patrick J. Doyle and Lydia Plath 249 REVIEWS ELECTRONIC CONTENT REVIEW ESSAY EXCLUSIVE ONLINE REVIEWS www.journals.cambridge.org/ams V O L U M E 5 0 I S S U E 1 F E B R U A R Y 2 0 1 6 I S S N 0 0 2 1 - 8 7 5 8 celebrating 50 years MIX Paper from responsible sources ® ® 00218758_50-1.indd 1-300218758_50-1.indd 1-3 27-01-2016 16:27:0727-01-2016 16:27:07 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 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Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:51, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 https://www.cambridge.org/core Contents Editors’ Note v Articles Girl Zine Networks, Underground Itineraries, and Riot Grrrl History: Making Sense of the Struggle for New Social Forms in the s and Beyond  JANICE RADWAY The Antillean Jewel and the European Imaginary: The Language of the Unspeakable in Denis Diderot’s Les bijoux indiscrets  ESTHER LEZRA Achieving Human Perfection: Benjamin Franklin contra George Whitefield  NICHOLAS HIGGINS Muybridge in the Parlor  ALEXANDER I. OLSON “Can’t Repeat the Past?” Gatsby and the American Dream at Mid-Century  LAURA GOLDBLATT Music Physicianers: Blues Lyric Form and the Patent Medicine Show  MATT SANDLER American Alphabet: Photo-textual Politics in Paul Strand and Nancy Newhall’s Time in New England ()  CAROLINE BLINDER Television from the Superlab: The Postmodern Serial Drama and the New Petty Bourgeoisie in Breaking Bad  MORGAN FRITZ The Exceptionalist Optics of / Photography  JOSEPH DARDA Interview and responses When Cars Become Churches: Jesmyn Ward’s Disenchanted America. An Interview  ANNA HARTNELL terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:51, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 https://www.cambridge.org/core We Are Here: Jesmyn Ward’s Survival Narratives. Response to Anna Hartnell, “When Cars Become Churches”  MOLLY TRAVIS Agency and Environment in the Work of Jesmyn Ward. Response to Anna Hartnell, “When Cars Become Churches”  RICHARD CROWNSHAW Roundtable No Backward Step  DAVID SIM, JOANNA COHEN, PATRICK J. DOYLE AND LYDIA PLATH Reviews George Colpitts, Pemmican Empire: Food, Trade, and the Last Bison Hunts in the North American Plains, –  Dane A. Morrison, True Yankees: The South Seas and the Discovery of American Identity  David Smith, William Howe and the American War of Independence  Malcom Gaskill, Between Two Worlds: How the English Became Americans  Sandra Rebok, Humboldt and Jefferson: A Transatlantic Friendship of the Enlightenment  Anna Brickhouse, The Unsettlement of America: Translation, Interpretation, and the Story of Don Luis de Velasco, –   Richard M. Reid, African Canadians in Union Blue: Volunteering for the Cause in the Civil War  David Roediger, Seizing Freedom: Slave Emancipation and Liberty for All  Gary Schmidgall, Containing Multitudes: Walt Whitman and the British Literary Tradition  Clare Sears, Arresting Dress: Cross-dressing, Law, and Fascination in Nineteenth- Century San Francisco  Christoph Lindner, Imagining New York City: Literature, Urbanism, and the Visual Arts, –  Elizabeth R. Escobedo, From Coveralls to Zoot Suits  Brian D. McKnight, We Fight for Peace: Twenty-Three American Soldiers, Prisoners of War, and “Turncoats” in the Korean War  Jason Arthur, Violet America: Regional Cosmopolitanism in U.S. Fiction since the Great Depresssion  Sharon Monteith (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the American South  Cyrus R. K. Patell, Emergent U.S. Literatures: From Multiculturalism to Cosmopolitanism in the Late Twentieth Century  Wendy Kozol, Distant Wars Visible: The Ambivalence of Witnessing  terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:51, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 https://www.cambridge.org/core Electronic Content Review Essay Rewriting the Modern: New Perspectives on Romare Bearden and Archibald Motley ANNA ARABINDAN-KESSON Exclusive Online Reviews The following reviews are freely available in the online version of this issue at www.journals. cambridge.org/ams Marshall Boswell (ed.), David Foster Wallace and “The Long Thing”: New Essays on the Novels Robert K. Bolger and Scott Korb (eds.), Gesturing toward Realty: David Foster Wallace and Philosophy Christopher K. Coffman and Daniel Lukes (eds.), William T. Vollmann: A Critical Companion Azar Nafisi, The Republic of Imagination: The Case for Fiction Ian K. Steele, Setting All the Captives Free: Capture, Adjustment, and Recollection in Allegheny Country Rien Fertel, Imagining the Creole City: The Rise of Literary Culture in Nineteenth-Century New Orleans Michael Newton, White Robes and Burning Crosses: A History of the Ku Klux Klan from  Lindsay J. Twa, Visualizing Haiti in U.S. Culture, – Graham Cassano, A New Kind of Public: Community, Solidarity, and Political Economy in New Deal Cinema, – David Herd (ed.), Contemporary Olson Matthew S. Hedstrom, The Rise of Liberal Religion: Book Culture and American Spirituality in the Twentieth Century Una M. Cadegan, All Good Books are Catholic Books: Print Culture, Censorship, and Modernity in Twentieth-Century America Julie Passanante Elman, Chronic Youth: Disability, Sexuality, and U.S. Media Cultures of Rehabilitation Aimee Pozorski, Falling after /: Crisis in American Art and Literature Rachel C. Lee, The Exquisite Corpse of Asian America: Biopolitics, Biosociality, and Posthuman Ecologies Mary R. Desjardins, Recycled Stars: Female Film Stardom in the Age of Television and Video David E. Campbell, John C. Green, and J. Quin Monson, Seeking the Promised Land: Mormons and American Politics Nina M. Moore, The Political Roots of Racial Tracking in American Criminal Justice terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:51, subject to the Cambridge Core http://www.journals.cambridge.org/ams http://www.journals.cambridge.org/ams https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875815001917 https://www.cambridge.org/core OFC.pdf IFC.pdf AMS_50_1_Contents.pdf Contents Articles Reviews Electronic Content Review Essay Exclusive Online Reviews << /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles false /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (Dot Gain 20%) /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CalCMYKProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Error /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Tags /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages true /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Default /DetectBlends true /DetectCurves 0.1000 /ColorConversionStrategy /LeaveColorUnchanged /DoThumbnails false /EmbedAllFonts true 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De gemaakte PDF-documenten kunnen worden geopend met Acrobat en Adobe Reader 5.0 en hoger.) /NOR <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> /PTB <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> /SUO <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> /SVE <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> /ENU (Use these settings to create Adobe PDF documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. 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work_m33i2b2t2zhjbkonk3a5n5vflm	----	Galactoglycerolipid Lipase PGD1 Is Involved in Thylakoid Membrane Remodeling in Response to Adverse Environmental Conditions in Chlamydomonas Galactoglycerolipid Lipase PGD1 Is Involved in Thylakoid Membrane Remodeling in Response to Adverse Environmental Conditions in Chlamydomonas Zhi-Yan Du,a,b Ben F. Lucker,a Krzysztof Zienkiewicz,b,c Tarryn E. Miller,a,b Agnieszka Zienkiewicz,c,d Barbara B. Sears,a,e David M. Kramer,a,b and Christoph Benninga,b,d,e,1 a U.S. Department of Energy-Plant Research Laboratory, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48824 b Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48824 c Department of Plant Biochemistry, Albrecht-von-Haller-Institute for Plant Sciences, Georg-August-University, 37073 Goettingen, Germany d Great Lakes Bioenergy Research Center, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48824 e Department of Plant Biology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48824 ORCID IDs: 0000-0001-7646-2429 (Z.-Y.D.); 0000-0002-8525-9569 (K.Z.); 0000-0002-6991-9176 (B.B.S.); 0000-0001-8585-3667 (C.B.) Photosynthesis occurs in the thylakoid membrane, where the predominant lipid is monogalactosyldiacylglycerol (MGDG). As environmental conditions change, photosynthetic membranes have to adjust. In this study, we used a loss-of-function Chlamydomonas reinhardtii mutant deficient in the MGDG-specific lipase PGD1 (PLASTID GALACTOGLYCEROLIPID DEGRADATION1) to investigate the link between MGDG turnover, chloroplast ultrastructure, and the production of reactive oxygen species (ROS) in response to different adverse environmental conditions. The pgd1 mutant showed altered MGDG abundance and acyl composition and altered abundance of photosynthesis complexes, with an increased PSII/PSI ratio. Transmission electron microscopy showed hyperstacking of the thylakoid grana in the pgd1 mutant. The mutant also exhibited increased ROS production during N deprivation and high light exposure. Supplementation with bicarbonate or treatment with the photosynthetic electron transport blocker DCMU protected the cells against oxidative stress in the light and reverted chlorosis of pgd1 cells during N deprivation. Furthermore, exposure to stress conditions such as cold and high osmolarity induced the expression of PGD1, and loss of PGD1 in the mutant led to increased ROS production and inhibited cell growth. These findings suggest that PGD1 plays essential roles in maintaining appropriate thylakoid membrane composition and structure, thereby affecting growth and stress tolerance when cells are challenged under adverse conditions. INTRODUCTION Monogalactosyldiacylglycerol (MGDG) is the major lipid in the thylakoid membrane of photosynthetic organisms such as plants, algae, and cyanobacteria and is arguably the most abundant polar lipid on earth (Shimojima and Ohta, 2011; Boudière et al., 2014; Kalisch et al., 2016; Kobayashi and Wada, 2016). It constitutes the bilayer of thylakoids along with other glycerolipids into which the photosynthetic complexes are embedded (Garab et al., 2016; Kobayashi et al., 2016). MGDG is the precursor for the biosynthesis of other galactoglycerolipids such as di- (DGDG) and trigalactosyldiacylglycerol (TGDG) (Dörmann et al., 1999; Moellering et al., 2010). DGDG can replace membrane phos- pholipids following phosphate (P) deprivation (Härtel et al., 2000), while TGDG and other oligogalactolipids protect chloroplasts against freezing and dehydration (Moellering et al., 2010; Wang et al., 2016). MGDG biosynthesis has been well studied and has been shown to occur in the chloroplast envelope where MGDG synthase is located, which catalyzes the transfer of a galactosyl residue from thedonoruridine59-diphosphate-galactose tothesn-3positionof sn-1,2-diacylglycerol (DAG) (Shimojima et al., 1997; Shimojima and Ohta, 2011). Two types of MGDG synthase (type A and B) exist in plants (Miège et al., 1999; Jarvis et al., 2000; Awai et al., 2001). In Arabidopsis thaliana, the type-A synthase, AtMGD1, is responsible for the bulk of MGDG biosynthesis and is widely distributed in all green tissues (Jarvis et al., 2000; Awai et al., 2001; Kobayashi et al., 2004, 2007). In contrast, the type-B synthases, AtMGD2 and AtMGD3, are highly abundant in nonphotosynthetic tissues such as pollen tubes and roots, and they contribute to MGDGandDGDGbiogenesisduringPlimitation(Awaietal.,2001; Kobayashi et al., 2004, 2009). There is abundant evidence that a deficiency in MGDG bio- synthesis has deleterious effects on thylakoid assembly. In Ara- bidopsis, thylakoid development was severely inhibited in two AtMGD1 mutants, mgd1-1 and mgd1-2. The mgd1-1 mutant had a;75%reductioninAtMGD1expression,whichresultedina42% reduction in MGDG levels compared with the wild type (Jarvis et al., 2000). More severe suppression in thylakoid development was observed in the AtMGD1 loss-of-function mutant, mgd1-2, with no detectable AtMGD1 expression, a ;98% reduction in 1 Address correspondence to benning@msu.edu. The author responsible for distribution of materials integral to the findings presented in this article in accordance with the policy described in the Instructions for Authors (www.plantcell.org) is: Christoph Benning (benning@msu.edu). www.plantcell.org/cgi/doi/10.1105/tpc.17.00446 The Plant Cell, Vol. 30: 447–465, February 2018, www.plantcell.org ã 2018 ASPB. http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7646-2429 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7646-2429 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7646-2429 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7646-2429 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7646-2429 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7646-2429 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8525-9569 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6991-9176 http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8585-3667 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1105/tpc.17.00446&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2018-03-09 mailto:benning@msu.edu http://www.plantcell.org mailto:benning@msu.edu http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/doi/10.1105/tpc.17.00446 http://www.plantcell.org MGDG, and a strong decrease in DGDG content (Kobayashi et al., 2007). In addition, inhibition of MGDG biosynthesis by treatment with galvestine-1, a competitive inhibitor of MGDG synthases, led to a reduction in MGDG and impaired thylakoid development in Arabidopsis (Botté et al., 2011). The tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum) M18 mutation causes posttranscriptional repression of NtMGD1, leading to a ;53% reduction in MGDG, reduced numbers of thylakoid grana stacks, inhibited vegetative growth, and a chlo- rotic phenotype (Wu et al., 2013). In contrast, heterologous overexpression of a rice (Oryza sativa) MGDG synthase-encoding cDNA in tobacco plants resulted in increased MGDG content under high salt conditions, and the OsMGD overexpressors had increased numbers of grana per stack (Wang et al., 2014). In rice plants, OsMGD1 expression is suppressed by inhibition of the target of rapamycin (TOR) pathway in mutants affected in ribo- somal protein S6 kinase (S6K1) or Raptor2, two key members of the TOR pathway, or in wild-type plants treated with TOR in- hibitors, which led to significant reductions in MGDG content (Sun et al., 2016). The s6k1 and raptor2 mutants showed defects in their grana (Sun et al., 2016). In addition, a rice UDP-glucose epimerase mutant phd1 had a reduction in MGDG content and a disrupted thylakoid membrane ultrastructure (Li et al., 2011). Aside from impairing the development of thylakoid membranes, loss in MGDG content causes the arrest of vegetative growth and the appearance of pale tissues due to the loss of chlorophyll in Arabidopsis (Jarvis et al., 2000; Kobayashi et al., 2007; Botté et al., 2011; Fujii et al., 2014), tobacco (Wu et al., 2013), and rice (Li et al., 2011; Sun et al., 2016). Furthermore, a reduction in MGDG causes impairment of the photosynthetic apparatus and photosynthetic electron transport in Arabidopsis (Kobayashi et al., 2013; Fujii et al., 2014), tobacco (Wu et al., 2013), and cyanobacteria (Awai et al., 2014). This reduction also reduces the tolerance of tobacco toadverseenvironmentalconditionssuchashighsalt(Wangetal., 2014) and the resistance of cyanobacteria to low temperature conditions (Yuzawa et al., 2014). The photosynthetic membrane requires lipid turnover to adjust to changing conditions in a dynamic environment. Concomitant with remodeling, where a reduction in the number of photosystem components occurs, is a decrease in membrane lipid content, especially MGDG, which is paralleled by the accumulation of triacylglycerol (TAG) in lipid droplets. This phenomenon has been observed in Arabidopsis in response to freezing (Du et al., 2010; Moellering et al., 2010) or elevated temperature (Higashi et al., 2015), drought (Gasulla et al., 2013), wounding (Vu et al., 2014), dark/leaf senescence (Kaup et al., 2002; Slocombe et al., 2009; Lippold et al., 2012), and N deprivation (Lippold et al., 2012). Similar remodeling has been observed in spinach (Spinacia oleracea) after fumigation with ozone (Sakaki et al., 1990), Atri- chum androgynum (moss) under drought stress or following abscisic acid treatment (Guschina et al., 2002), and following dehydration in desiccation-tolerant plants such as Craterostigma plantagineum and Lindernia brevidens (Gasulla et al., 2013). Under adverse conditions, many microalgae also mobilize membrane lipids including MGDG. The released fatty acids are then used to synthesize TAG. Breakdown of membrane lipids can be stimulated by macro or micronutrient limitation, extreme temperature, high light, and high salinity (Hu et al., 2008; Sharma et al., 2012; Du and Benning, 2016). These observations support the hypothesis that remodeling of the membrane lipids and the membrane-embedded photosynthetic apparatus is crucial for photosynthetic organisms to survive changing environmental conditions. However, our current mechanistic understanding of the turnover of photosynthetic membrane lipids during environ- mentaladaptationisverylimited.InArabidopsis,anenzymecalled SENSITIVE TO FREEZING2 (SFR2) is a galactolipid:galactolipid galactosyltransferase(GGGT)thattransfersthegalactosylresidue from MGDG to different galactoglycerolipids to generate oligo- galactolipids (e.g., DGDG and TGDG) and DAG, which are further used for TAG biosynthesis (Moellering et al., 2010). SFR2 activity contributes to lipid remodeling during freezing stress to enhance freezing tolerance.WhilethereisnoArabidopsis SFR2homolog or GGGT activity in Chlamydomonas reinhardtii (Fan et al., 2011; Warakanont et al., 2015), Chlamydomonas has a polar lipid:DAG acyltransferase (PDAT), which was shown in vitro to have acyl- transferase activity using MGDG as the acyl donor and DAG as the acceptor, producing TAG (Yoon et al., 2012). In vitro, the re- combinant CrPDAT also showed strong lipase activity on phos- pholipids but a weak lipase activity on MGDG. In this study, we followed up on the discovery of a mutant in Chlamydomonas, designated pgd1 (plastid galactoglycerolipid degradation1), that is defective in an MGDG-specific lipase and produces only;60%ofnormalTAGlevelsfollowing Ndeprivation (Li et al., 2012). We found that reactive oxygen species (ROS) accumulation in chloroplasts of the pgd1 mutant likely led to chlorosis following extended N deprivation. We also explored the physiological function of Chlamydomonas PGD1, i.e., its contri- bution to MGDG turnover and lipid remodeling, the maintenance of functional thylakoid membranes, and tolerance to abiotic stresses. RESULTS Loss of PGD1 Leads to Changes in the Abundance and Composition of MGDG It was previously demonstrated that Chlamydomonas PGD1 is an MGDG lipase (Li et al., 2012). However, when total cell extracts wereanalyzed,nostatisticallysignificantdifferenceswereobserved betweentheparentalline(PL)dw15-1andpgd1 intheabundanceor the acyl composition of MGDG (Li et al., 2012). Here, we increased the sensitivity of the analysis by focusing on isolated chloroplasts from the pgd1 mutant and the PL dw15-1, which are cell wall-less (cw2), enabling the isolation of chloroplasts. We isolated chloro- plasts from pgd1 and PL dw15-1 lines that were cultured under mixotrophic conditions in Tris-acetate-phosphate (TAP) medium and synchronized under a 12:12-h light/dark cycle. The purity of isolated chloroplasts was examined by immunoblotting (Supplemental Figure 1). Consistent with previous work (Terashima et al., 2011), only small amounts of endoplasmic reticulum and mitochondria were found in the chloroplast fraction. Subsequent lipidanalysesshowedtheexpectedplastidlipidsinthepgd1mutant and the PL dw15-1, with MGDG and DGDG making up 70% of the lipids under N-replete conditions (Figure 1A), as well as phospha- tidylglycerol (PtdGro) and sulfoquinovosyldiacylglycerol (SQDG). In addition, diacylglycerol-N, N, N-trimethylhomoserine (DGTS), 448 The Plant Cell http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 phosphatidylethanolamine (PtdEn), and phosphatidylinositol (PtdIns) were observed in the chloroplast fraction. Of these, DGTS may substitute for phosphatidylcholine that is normally present in plant outer chloroplast envelopes, but absent from Chlamy- domonas (Giroud et al., 1988). Small amounts of PtdEn and PtdIns may be the result of extraplastidic membrane contamination, as also indicated by the immunoblot marker analysis (Supplemental Figure 1). Overall, the chloroplast lipid composition observed here is consistent with previous assays on a related Chlamydomonas strain, cw-15-2 (Mendiola-Morgenthaler et al., 1985). Figure 1. Lipid Analyses of the Parental Line dw15-1 and pgd1 Mutant under N-Replete and N-Deficient Conditions. (A) Relative abundance of major polar lipids in chloroplasts of the PL dw15-1 and the pgd1 mutant under N-replete and N-deficient conditions. Results are the averageoffivebiologicalreplicates(independentcultures)witherrorbarsindicatingstandarddeviations(n=5).Asterisksindicatesignificantdifferencesbetweenthe pgd1 mutant and the PL dw15-1 by paired-sample Student’s t test (*P # 0.05 and **P # 0.01). CP, chloroplast; +N, N replete; N48, N deprivation for 48 h. (B) Fatty acid composition of MGDG in the PL dw15-1 and pgd1 chloroplast before and after N deprivation. Fatty acids are shown as the number of carbons: number of double bonds. Positions of double bonds are indicated from the carboxyl end (D). *P # 0.05 and **P # 0.01; n = 5. (C) TLC to separate digestion product of MGDG by RaLIP, a lipase that acts specifically on the sn-1 position of glycerolipids from R. arrhizus. MGDG was isolated from total chloroplast lipids by TLC and then treated with RaLIP at room temperature for 2 h. The hydrolysates free fatty acid and lysoMGDG were purified by TLC for GC-FID analysis. Con, uncut MGDG control; FFA, free fatty acid. (D) and (E) Combination analyses of the acyl chains of MGDG at the sn-1 (D) and sn-2 positions (E). *P # 0.05 and **P # 0.01; n = 3. Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 449 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 A relative increase in MGDG and a decrease in PtdGro levels were observed in the pgd1 mutant under N-replete conditions compared with the PL dw15-1. Following N deprivation, the rel- ative abundance of MGDG and DGDG increased, while that of DGTS and SQDG decreased in the pgd1 mutant compared with the PL dw15-1 (Figure 1A). The DGDG-to-MGDG ratio (bilayer to nonbilayer forming lipids, respectively) is crucial for membrane stability and normal functioning of the photosynthetic apparatus, especially under stress conditions, e.g., freezing temperatures (Dörmann et al., 1995; Moellering and Benning, 2011). The ratio of DGDG to MGDG was significantly lower in the pgd1 mutant than the PL dw15-1 under N-replete and N-depleted conditions (Figure 1A). Statistically significant differences between the PL dw15-1 and the pgd1 mutant were also observed for the acyl composition of MGDG. The pgd1 mutant had lower levels of C16:0 (carbons: double bonds, with position indicated counting from the carboxyl end), C16:2D7,10, C16:3D7,10,13, andC18:2D9,12, but higher levels of C16:1D7, C16:4D4,7,10,13, and C18:3D9,12,15 under both N-replete and N-deprived conditions (Figure 1B). Because PGD1 preferentially releases the sn-1 acyl groups of MGDG (Li et al., 2012), we conducted a positional analysis by digesting MGDG purified from isolated Chlamydomonas chloro- plasts at the sn-1 position using Rhizopus arrhizus lipase (RaLIP). The products were separated by thin-layer chromatography (TLC) (Figure 1C) and analyzed for the acyl chain composition at sn-1 (free fatty acid) and sn-2 (lysoMGDG) positions by gas chromatography-flame ionization detection (GC-FID) of fatty acid methyl esters (Figures 1D and 1E). The sn-1 position was primarily occupiedbyC18(Figure1D),whereasthesn-2positionwasoccupied by C16 acyl chains (Figure 1E), as is typical for Chlamydomonas (Giroud et al., 1988), and this did not change in the pgd1 mutant. In general, the changes in the composition of acyl chains at the sn-1 and sn-2 positions of the pgd1-derived MGDG (Figures 1D and 1E) wereconsistentwiththoseobservedforthetotalacylcompositionof MGDG(Figure1B).However,theyweredifficulttointerpretinlightof the sn-1 preference ofPGD1 observed in vitro becausethe absence ofPGD1hadsubtle effects on both positions in vivo, possiblydue to compensatory mechanisms occurring in the pgd1 cells. Membrane structure and properties are often affected by lipid class composition, as determined by different head groups as well astheacylcompositionofthedifferentlipids.Forexample,it iswell known that polyunsaturated acyl chains contribute to membrane fluidity and stability, especially under stress conditions such as low temperature (Nishida and Murata, 1996). Overall, the pgd1 mutant showed higher levels of polyunsaturated C16:4D4,7,10,13 and C18:3D9,12,15, two abundant acyl chains in MGDG, which could affect the structure of the thylakoid membrane in the pgd1 mutant. The likely reason is that PGD1 competes with the desaturation pathway for unsaturated species of MGDG (Li et al., 2012) and in its absence, desaturation of MGDG-bound acyl groups can progress further to completion. The relative abun- dance of C16:4D4,7,10,13 and C18:3D9,12,15 was also increased in a total cell lipid extract including polar and neutral lipids (Supplemental Figure 2A). It was previously suggested that a fraction of de novo- synthesized fatty acids used for TAG biosynthesis is first incorpo- rated into MGDG, which is then hydrolyzed by PGD1 to provide acyl precursors for TAG biosynthesis (Li et al., 2012). Fatty acid analysis of TAG following 48 h N deprivation showed that the content of C16:4D4,7,10,13, predominantly present in MGDG, was significantly lower in TAG of the pgd1 mutant compared with the PL dw15-1 and the two complemented lines, G3 and G4 (Supplemental Figure 2B). However, the relative abundance of C16:4D4,7,10,13 in TAGwasfairlylow(dw15-1,6.2%; pgd1,4.9%), and it is primarily present in the sn-2 position of MGDG, while PGD1 prefers acyl chains at the sn-1 position (Figures 1D and 1E). Thus,the effects onchangesinC16:4D4,7,10,13 abundancein TAG in the pgd1 mutant are likely indirect. Positional analysis showed that Chlamydomonas MGDG has mostly C16:0 and different C18 acyl chains at the sn-1 position (Figure 1D), which are also the most abundant acyl chains in TAG (Supplemental Figure 2B), consistent with its precursor-product relationship. Comparing absolute lipid amounts in the PL dw15-1 and pgd1 complementation lines, MGDG decreased by nearly 70% fol- lowing N deprivation (Supplemental Table 1, N48), whereas MGDG decreased by only 30% in the pgd1 mutant. Given the precursor-product relationship of MGDG and TAG for PGD1 activity, this change in MGDG content was inversely correlated with the increase in TAG content in the PL and complementation lines(SupplementalTable1,N48).However,thisincreasewasless pronounced in the pgd1 mutant. Overall, these findings suggest that the pgd1 mutant has a reduced ability to adjust its thylakoid membrane lipid composition, especially its MGDG content, in response to N deprivation. The Relative Abundance of Photosystems Is Altered in the pgd1 Mutant In plants and algae, photosynthetic complexes embedded into a polar lipid matrix form the basic structure of the thylakoid membranes necessary for photosynthesis (Garab et al., 2016; Kobayashi et al., 2016). Based on the observed changes in lipid composition even under N-replete growth in the pgd1 mutant described above, we reasoned that the relative abundance of photosynthetic complexes could be altered as well. To test this possibility, we performed quantitative capillary electrophoresis coupled with immunodetection on the PL dw15-1, pgd1 mutant, and complemented line G3. The results are summarized in gel- resembling projections (Figure 2A) and electropherograms (Figure 2B). In the pgd1 mutant compared with the PL dw15-1, we ob- servedrelativeincreasesinPSIIcomponentlevels(PSIID1subunit PsbA and oxygen evolving complex PsbO) of ;20%, while PSI (PSI subunits PsaC and PsaD) and the levels of cytochrome b6f complex (a-Cyt f and a-Rieske iron-sulfur protein) showed an ;12% and 15% decrease in the pgd1 mutant, respectively (Figures 2C and 2D). There was no statistically significant difference in the abundance of representative proteins in light- harvesting complex II (LHCII type II chlorophyll a/b binding protein and CP24) or chloroplast ATP synthase (a and b subunits) (Figure 2C). The abundances of complexes were similar in complemented line G3 and the PL dw15-1 (Figure 2C). In preparation for the subsequent ultrastructural analysis necessitating the use of cell-walled (cw+) strains, we also analyzed the abundance of photosynthetic complexes in the pgd1 cw+ mutant strain and its PL CC-198, which showed a similar lipid phenotype compared with the original cell 450 The Plant Cell http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 wall-less (cw2 ) pgd1 cw2 mutant and its PL dw15-1 (Li et al., 2012). Capillary immunoblotting assays showed that compared with its PL CC-198, the pgd1 cw+ mutant had a ;40% increase in PSII and a ;14% decrease in cytochrome b6f complex abundance, whereas no significant difference was observed in the abundance of PSI or ATP synthase (Supplemental Figure 3). In general, both the pgd1 cw2 and pgd1 cw+ mutants showed similar variations in the abundance of PSII and cytochrome b6f complex compared with their re- spective PLs. Figure 2. Photosynthetic Protein Complex Abundance in the Parental Strain dw15-1 and pgd1 Mutant. (A) and (B) Protein complexes were detected with a capillary protein gel blot system using Agrisera antibodies. Results are shown as conventional gel-like images (A) and chemiluminescence of electropherograms (B). P, the PL dw15-1; p, pgd1; G, PGD1-complemented line G3; S, protein standards. Blue arrowheads indicate the target bands. (C) Relative abundance of photosynthetic complexes in pgd1 and G3 compared with the PL dw15-1 (1.0). Error bars indicate standard deviations from three replicates. *P # 0.05 and **P # 0.01. (D) Equal loading of total proteins indicated by a Coomassie blue-stained SDS-PAGE gel. Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 451 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 Hyperstacking of Grana Thylakoids in the pgd1 Mutant The changes in the abundance of membrane lipids and photo- synthetic complexes in the pgd1 mutant suggested that the ul- trastructure of chloroplasts might be affected, which we studied withtransmissionelectronmicroscopy(TEM).Samplepreparation for TEM was not effective on cw2 lines, forcing us to switch this analysis to the cw+ lines mentioned above. Aside from showing that lipids and photosynthetic complexes varied similarly between the pgd1 mutant and PL in the two pgd1 mutant strains, we probed the genetic background of the pgd1 cw+ mutant because it was generated by crossing the origi- nal pgd1 cw2 mutant in the dw15-1 background with PL CC-198. Whole-genome sequencing of the original pgd1 mutant identified only one location of the pHyg3 marker (on the plasmid used for insertional mutagenesis) in the original pgd1 genome (Supplemental Figure 4). This observation was consistent with the previous SiteFinding PCR and DNA gel blot results (Li et al., 2012). Allele-specific PCR was performed to compare the haplotypes of the cw2 and cw+ lines. Indeed, dw15-1 and CC-198 had different haplotypes(17outof41regions),andthepgd1cw+ mutantalsohad a different haplotype (13 out of 41 regions) compared with PL CC-198 (Supplemental Figure 5). To address this difference in genetic backgrounds during interpretation of the results obtained for the pgd1 cw+ mutant,we generatedcw+ complemented linesby crossing the cw2 complemented lines with CC-198. Genotyping PCR and N deprivation assays were performed to confirm the complementation of the pgd1 cw+ mutant (Supplemental Figure 6). Complemented line G4 cw+ 1-1-3 was selected for further analysis. Cultures incubated under a 12:12 light/dark cycle were used for TEM.Synchronizedcellswerecollectedat6hinthelightorat6hin the dark periods. Compared with the PL CC-198, the pgd1 cw+ mutant had more thylakoids per grana stack, a hyperstacking phenotype that wasabsent from the complemented G4 cw+1-1-3 line (Figure 3) and therefore can be traced to the mutation at the pgd1 locus. Quantitative analysis of ;1000 chloroplasts showed thatthereweremoregranastacksperchloroplastsinthepgd1cw+ mutant, and the mutant stacks were “thicker” with a larger number Figure 3. Ultrastructure of the Parental Line CC-198, pgd1 cw+ Mutant, and PGD1-Complemented Line G4 cw+. (A) to (C) Micrographs showing intact cells of the PL CC-198 (A), pgd1 cw+ (B), and G4 cw+ (C). Cells were grown under 12:12-h light/dark cycles (80 mmol m22 s21) at 22°C and were collected after 6 h of light incubation for TEM. C, chloroplast; G, Golgi apparatus; M, mitochondrion; N, nucleus; No, nucleolus; P, pyrenoid; V, vacuole. (D) to (F) Ultrastructure of thylakoid membranes of the PL CC-198 (D), pgd1 cw+ (E), and G4 cw+ (F). Black arrowheads indicate a lamella (D) or a group of hyperstacking thylakoids with six discs (E). S, starch granule. 452 The Plant Cell http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 ofstackscontainingmorethanfivediscs(Table1).Wealsoimaged cells grown under continuous light (Supplemental Figure 7). Functional PSII is nearly exclusively localized in the thylakoid grana stacks as opposed to the stroma lamellae, which prefer- entially contain PSI (Anderson and Melis, 1983; Vallon et al., 1986). Thus, the hyperstacking phenotype observed in the pgd1 cw+ mutant was consistent with the increased ratio of PSII/PSI in the pgd1 cw+ and pgd1 mutant. Despite the changes observed here, the pgd1 mutant did not show any differences in photosynthetic growth under standard conditions (Li et al., 2012), and we subsequently investigated the mutant phenotype under different abiotic stress conditions to determine the physiological function of PGD1. Bicarbonate Prevents Chlorosis of pgd1 Cells during N Deprivation Itwaspreviouslyreportedthatthepgd1mutantbecomeschlorotic following N deprivation inTAP-N medium.This mightbe duetothe reduction of a carbon sink, TAG, leading to the accumulation of electrons on highly reducing components of the photosynthetic electron transport chain, thereby causing the generation of del- eterious ROS (Li et al., 2012). The same study also showed that this chlorosis is prevented by the addition of the photosynthetic electron transport blocker DCMU. Here, we discovered that this phenotype of the pgd1 mutant is alleviated during growth in N-depleted Tris-bicarbonate-phosphate (TBP-N) medium con- taining 2 mM sodium bicarbonate (Figures 4A and 4B). Chlorosis and accompanying chlorophyll loss after 96 h of N deprivation were minor in the PL, pgd1 mutant, and complemented mutant lines in the presence of bicarbonate. Normally, mixotrophic growth of Chlamydomonas dw-15 on TAP is beneficial, as it increases ash free dry weight production by ;25% over photoautotrophic growth (Gorman and Levine, 1965; Juergens et al., 2016). Furthermore, acetate has been shown to protect Chlamydomonas cells against photoinhibition when subjected to high light (Roach et al., 2013). However, supple- mentation with bicarbonate instead of acetate appears to mitigate chlorophyll degradation during N deprivation when the cells are grown in shaker flasks, which limits atmospheric CO2 (Figure 4B). A recent study suggested that Chlamydomonas cw-15 cells shunt much of their photosynthetic carbon fixation to starch, whereas acetate is either directly incorporated into fatty acids and subsequently TAG or converted to starch by gluconeogenesis, depending on the conditions (Miller et al., 2010; Juergens et al., 2016). For example, dark-grown cw-15 cells in TAP-N produced as much starch as cells grown under photoautotrophic conditions in high light following N deprivation and more than cells grown photoautotrophically under low light (Juergens et al., 2016). Furthermore, Chlamydomonas produces starch when grown in TAP medium in the dark, with increases in the supply of acetate increasing starch accumulation (Fan et al., 2012). Thus, we postulated that the reduction of one carbon sink, TAG, in the pgd1 mutant might be compensated for by enhanced starch bio- synthesis following bicarbonate supplementation during N dep- rivation. To test this hypothesis, we measured starch in cells grown in different media following N deprivation. The pgd1 mutant accumulatedsignificantlymorestarchthanthePLdw15-1andthe complemented line G4 under most growth conditions except 48 h of growth in TBP-N (Figure 4C), and the three lines accumulated more starch in the TAP-N medium than the respective TBP-N medium (Figure 4C). TAG is widely considered an important reservoir for excess photosynthetic energy and carbon, especially during environ- mental stresses that lead to reduced growth (Hu et al., 2008; Klok et al., 2014; Goncalves et al., 2016). A previous study showed an ;40% decrease in TAG levels in the pgd1 mutant compared with the PL dw15-1 following N deprivation (Li et al., 2012). Here, we examined carbon partitioning in the mutant between TAG and starch to determine its effect on viability of the pgd1 mutant fol- lowingNdeprivation.Thepgd1mutantproducedlessTAGinTAP- N0 (0 h) and TAP-N48 (48 h) media than the PL dw15-1 and complemented lines G3 and G4 (Figure 4D). Absolute amounts were 0.02 mg TAG per million cells (0.03 mg for dw15-1) in TAP-N0 and 1.4 mg TAG per million cells (2.0 mg for dw15-1) in TAP-N48, consistent with previous results (Li et al., 2012). In contrast, the starch content was 3.2 mg per million cells in the pgd1 mutant and 2.6 mg in the PL dw15-1 in TAP-N0 and went up to 18.7 mg in pgd1 and 15.3 mg in PL dw15-1 (Figure 4C). Thus, in Chlamydomonas, starch represents a much larger carbon pool than TAG under both N-replete and N-depleted conditions. Considering only mass, the higher carbon amount incorporated into starch in the pgd1 mutant was able to more than compensate for the reduced amount of carbonincorporated into TAG. This resultsuggests that the primary cause of the observed pgd1 chlorosis phenotype in TAP-N cannot be the reduced ability to produce TAG and likely Table 1. Thylakoid Stacking of the Parental Line CC-198 and the pgd1 cw+ Mutant Sample No. of Discs No. of Stacks Average Stack Size Thick Stacks per 100 Discsa CC-198, 6 h of lightb 929 379 2.45 6 0.35 2.33 6 1.15 pgd1 cw+, 6 h of light 1096 365 3.00 6 0.61c 6.32 6 1.65c G4 cw+, 6 h of light 769 317 2.47 6 0.25 2.97 6 0.85 CC-198, 6 h of dark 1099 247 4.64 6 1.04 6.82 6 1.77 pgd1 cw+, 6 h of dark 1348 170 8.36 6 1.92c 9.57 6 1.50c G4 cw+, 6 h of dark 954 187 5.24 6 0.94 6.44 6 2.13 aThick stack, stack of $5 discs. One disc means one lamella. bSamples were grown in TAP medium under 12:12-h light/dark cycles. cSignificant increases in the pgd1 mutant compared to the parental line CC-198. Standard deviations of three to four biological replicates (independent cultures) are shown. G4 cw+, PGD1-complemented line. Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 453 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 Figure 4. Addition of DCMU or Bicarbonate Reverses Chlorosis in pgd1 Cells Following N Deprivation. (A) Cultures of the cell wall-less pgd1 mutant, its parental line dw15-1, and two complementation strains (G3 and G4) under N deprivation in nitrogen- depleted TAP (TAP-N; 18 mM acetate) or TBP-N (2 mM bicarbonate) medium. One representative culture of five biological replicates is shown for each growth condition. (B) Chlorophyll levels in cells grown in TAP-N or TBP-N medium. Asterisks indicate significant differences compared with dw15-1 (**P # 0.01). Error bars indicate standard deviations from five replicates (independent cultures). (C) Starchlevelsincellsgrown indifferentmediafollowingNdeprivation.N0, N48,andN96 indicate 0,48,and96hNdeprivation, respectively. *P#0.05 and *P # 0.01. Error bars indicate standard deviations from four replicates (independent cultures). (D) TAG accumulation in cells following N deprivation (*P # 0.05 and *P # 0.01). Error bars indicate standard deviations from five replicates (independent cultures). (E) Confocal microscopy images showing ROS in cells following N deprivation. Cellular ROS were detected with H2DCFDA, a nonfluorescent probe that is converted into fluorescent dichlorofluorescein (DCF) by ROS. Green fluorescence of DCF indicates ROS, while red fluorescence represents the auto- fluorescence of chloroplasts. BF, bright field; Chl, chlorophyll. Bars = 5 mm. (F) Relative ROS levels measured with the H2DCFDA probe on a QuantaMaster 400 spectrofluorometer. Two million cells of each line were collected by centrifugationandusedforROSquantification.Readingswerecomparedwiththeresultsfordw15-1(1.0).**P#0.01.Errorbarsindicatestandarddeviations from four replicates (independent cultures). (G) TBARS levels following 96 h N deprivation. **P # 0.01. Error bars indicate standard deviations from four replicates (independent cultures). 454 The Plant Cell has other causes than the originally proposed reduction in electron flow into carbon assimilation and partitioning in pgd1. A previous study (Li et al., 2012) showed that during N depri- vation, pgd1 cells accumulated more compounds derived from oxidative damage than the PL dw15-1. Thus, increased ROS production in the pgd1 mutant may be the cause of chlorosis of pgd1 under these conditions. To test this hypothesis, we used the fluorescent probe H2DCFDA to estimate the subcellular distri- bution of ROS-sensitive fluorescence using confocal microscopy. Indeed, based on ROS-sensitive fluorescence, ROS appeared to accumulate in the mutant cells in TAP-N96, and ROS-sensitive fluorescence was especially prominent in the chloroplast (Figure 4E), in parallel to the observed chlorosis, i.e., the degradation of chloroplasts (Figures 4A and 4B). In contrast, the PL dw15-1 showed ROS-sensitive fluorescence mostly in the cytosol sur- rounding the chloroplasts (Figure 4E). For TBP-N96 cells, both the pgd1 mutant and PL dw15-1 showed ROS-sensitive fluorescence in the cytosol or directly outside the chloroplast. Spectrometric quantification of the fluorescence as a measure of ROS agreed with the more qualitative microscopy observations, suggesting that the pgd1 mutant had more ROS in TAP-N96 medium than the PL dw15-1 and complemented line G4. All three lines had less ROS-sensitive fluorescence in the TBP-N96 medium compared with the TAP-N96 medium (Figure 4F), consistent with the ob- served cellgrowth andchlorophyll content (Figures 4A and4B). To testiftheapparentincreasedROSproductionresultedinoxidative damage, we analyzed lipid peroxidation by measuring thio- barbituric acid reactive substances (TBARS), a product of ROS (Baroli et al., 2003). As expected from increased ROS-sensitive fluorescence in the chloroplast, the pgd1 cells accumulated more TBARS than PL dw15-1 and complemented line G4 in TAP-N96 medium, but not in TBP-N96 medium (Figure 4G). DCMU Eliminates ROS Accumulation in the pgd1 Mutant The rescue of the N deprivation-induced chlorosis phenotype of pdg1 in bicarbonate medium (TBP-N) indicated that photosyn- thetic carbon fixation might be limited under these conditions, leading to ROS production and oxidative damage. To test this hypothesis, we recapitulated the approach previously used by (Li et al., 2012) and applied DCMU (2 mM) to block photosynthetic electron transport in PSII (Draber et al., 1970; Davies et al., 1996). Following N deprivation, ROS-sensitive fluorescence increased in the pgd1 mutant and the PL dw15-1 cells in TAP-N medium, but not in TAP-N with DCMU (Figures 5A and 5B). Overall, the pgd1 mutant showed more ROS-sensitive fluorescence (Figure 5B), which was largely restricted to the chloroplast (Figure 5A), whereas ROS-sensitive fluorescence in the PL dw15-1 cells was predominant in the cytosol and vacuoles (Figure 5A). In addition, after prolonged N deprivation (e.g., 72 and 96 h), more severe chloroplast degradation was observed in the pgd1 mutant than the PL dw-15, consistent with the chlorosis phenotype of N-deprived pgd1 cells grown in TAP-N (Figure 4A). TEM and confocal microscopy also revealed extensive degradation of the chloroplast in the pgd1 cw+ mutant following TAP-N deprivation (Supplemental Figures 8 and 9). The addition of DCMU inhibited both photosynthesis and growth of the cells and eliminated ROS-sensitive fluorescence in the chloroplast of the pgd1 cells in TAP-N, which agrees with the TBP-N results (Figures 4E and 4F)andsupportstheprevioussuggestionthatROSinthepgd1mutant largely originate in the photosynthetic membrane (Li et al., 2012). ROS Accumulate in Chloroplasts of the pgd1 Mutant under High Light If the increased ROS-sensitive fluorescence observed in pgd1 was due to ROS produced by the photosynthetic apparatus, high light should increase ROS-sensitive fluorescence, particularly in the pgd1 mutant. Indeed, compared with the PLs dw15-1 and G4, the pgd1 mutant generated more ROS-sensitive fluorescence in TAP-N medium following 2 h high light (2500 mmol protons m22 s21), which was predominantly emanating from the chloroplast (Figures 6A and 6B). The PL dw15-1 and complemented line G4 cells showed lower levels of ROS-sensitive fluorescence that appeared to be distributed among the cytosol and pyrenoid (Figures 6A and 6B). PGD1 Expression Is Induced by Adverse Environmental Conditions Chloroplast membrane stability is a key factor for the survival of plants and algae under adverse environmental conditions (Iba, 2002; Moellering and Benning, 2011). In particular, the abundance of the non-bilayer-forming lipid of thylakoids, MGDG, relative to the most abundant, bilayer-forming lipid, DGDG, is critical for membrane stability (Moellering and Benning, 2011; Shimojima and Ohta, 2011). As PGD1 affects MGDG abundance, we used qRT-PCR to analyze PGD1 expression in the PL dw15-1 during exposure to abiotic stresses including N deprivation, cold (4–6°C), high salinity (100 mM NaCl), and osmotic (400 mM sorbitol) stresses (Figure 7A). PGD1 expression was gradually induced by 6 to 72 h of cold treatment and N deprivation (Figure 7B). In contrast, in the presence of high salt or high osmoticum con- centration, the expression of PGD1 was rapidly induced following 3 and 6 h of treatment but fluctuated during prolonged treatment (Figure 7B). These correlations suggest that PGD1 is activated to remodel the photosynthetic membrane in response to adverse environmental conditions. Phenotypes of the pgd1 Mutant under Various Environmental Conditions The increased expression of PGD1 in Chlamydomonas as a re- sponse to multiple abiotic stress conditions suggested that PGD1 participates in stress responses and environmental acclimation. To test this hypothesis, we assayed the growth phenotype of the pgd1 mutant under the same abiotic stress conditions described above. We measured cell growth, chlorophyll content, and ROS- sensitive fluorescence using batch grown flask cultures (Figures 8A and 8B; Supplemental Figure 10). No statistically significant difference in growth was observed between the pgd1 mutant and the PL dw15-1 in TAP with N (+N) medium (Figure 8). However, consistent with the inability to adequately reorganize thylakoid membranes and increase PGD1 expression in response to dif- ferent environmental conditions, the mutant cells displayed re- duced growth compared with the PL dw15-1 during N deprivation (72 and 96 h), cold (48 to 96 h), high salt (24 and 48 h), and high Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 455 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 osmoticum treatment (24–96 h) (Figure 8B). Interestingly, pgd1 cells had lower chlorophyll content per cell only during N depri- vation (96 h) and at high osmoticum concentrations (24 h), but not during cold or high salt treatment (Supplemental Figure 10A). When assaying the stressed cells for 48 h, pgd1 cells showed more ROS-sensitive fluorescence than the PL dw15-1 following cold (24–96 h), high salt (24–72 h) and high osmoticum (24 and 48 h) exposure (Supplemental Figure 10B). Besides N deprivation, high osmotic concentrations led to significant phenotypes regarding PGD1 expression, cell growth, Figure 5. ROS Accumulate in Chloroplasts of the pgd1 Mutant but Not the Parental Line dw15-1 during N Deprivation. (A) Detection of ROS in the parental line dw15-1 and in pgd1 cells incubated under N-replete (TAP+N) and N-deficient (TAP-N, 24–96 h) conditions using the green fluorescence probe DCF. The overlap of DCF signals with the red autofluorescence of chloroplasts (Chl) and gray-scale bright-field (BF) images are shown. The algicide and herbicide DCMU (2 mM) was used to inhibit photosynthesis by blocking electron transport in PSII. Bar = 5 mm. (B) Subcellular ROS levels, as measured based on DCF fluorescence with a QuantaMaster 400 spectrofluorometer. Two million cells of each line were used for ROS measurements. Asterisks indicate significant differences between the pgd1 mutant and dw15-1 (*P # 0.05). Error bars indicate standard deviations from three replicates (independent cultures). 456 The Plant Cell http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 chlorophyll content, and ROS-sensitive fluorescence. Thus, we further analyzed the abundance of membrane lipids in the pgd1 mutant, PL dw15-1, and complemented line G4 following 48 h of high osmoticum stress. Significant increases in MGDG and decreases in DGTS, DGDG, SQDG, and PtdIns were observed for the pgd1 mutant (Supplemental Figure 10C). Compared with N deprivation (TAP-N48; Figure 1A), the major difference in high osmoticum treatment was that DGDG abundance was signifi- cantly reduced. However, the ratio of DGDG/MGDG in the pgd1 mutant was significantly reduced under both conditions because of the large increases in MGDG levels. Due to the difference in bilayer-forming ability, the ratio of DGDG/MGDG is believed to affect tolerance to high salinity/osmotic stresses in plants (Hirayama and Mihara, 1987). Thus, it is very likely that the re- duction in DGDG/MGDG ratio contributed to the increased sen- sitivity of the pgd1 mutant to high osmoticum concentrations. DISCUSSION MGDG is the predominant chloroplast lipid in plants and algae and is considered a crucial component of the photosynthetic apparatus (Shimojima and Ohta, 2011; Boudière et al., 2014; Petroutsos et al., 2014; Kobayashi and Wada, 2016). Our current understanding of MGDG function is based primarily on reports on MGDG biosynthesis by MGDG synthases, their respective mu- tants(KobayashiandWada,2016),andtheir inhibitors (Bottéetal., 2011; Chapman, 2011). However, photosynthetic membranes are dynamic structures that require both lipid biosynthesis and turnover during diurnal and life cycles, and in response to changing environmental conditions, a process referred to as lipid remodeling (Moellering and Benning, 2011; Shimojima and Ohta, 2011). The Chlamydomonas PGD1 gene product is an MGDG- specific lipase, which hydrolyzes MGDG to produce free fatty acids (e.g., C18s) that are subsequently sequestered into lipid droplets in the form of TAG during N deprivation (Li et al., 2012). A recent study on a mutant of the FERREDOXIN-5 gene in Chla- mydomonas (fdx5) suggested that PGD1 mediates fatty acid transfer from membrane lipids such as MGDG to TAG (Yang et al., 2015). The original hypothesis for PGD1 function (Li et al., 2012) was that it provides fatty acids from MGDG as a substrate for the formation of TAG, which serves to safely store excess energy fromphotosynthesisfollowingNdeprivationwhengrowthceases. This mechanism was thought to protect the cells against over- reduction of the photosynthetic electron transport chain and sub- sequent ROS formation at PSI through the Mehler reaction (Mehler, 1951). However, findings in this study and data presented by Juergens et al. (2016) challenge the original hypothesis. While TAG formation is certainly part of the PGD1 catalyzed membrane reorganization and is reduced in the pgd1 mutant, we show that Figure 6. ROS Accumulate during High Light Exposure in pgd1. (A) Confocal microscopy images showing ROS detected with the DCF probe. Cells grown under regular light conditions (80 mmol photons m22 s21) were used as a control, which show ROS mainly in the pyrenoid (left panel). After 2-h exposure to high light (2500 mmol photons m22 s21), ROS accumulated in the cytosol of the parental line dw15-1 and complemen- tation line G4, whereas the pgd1 mutant showed ROS not only in the cytosol but also in the chloroplast (right panel). ROS, indicated by the green fluorescence of DCF; Chl, red fluorescence of chlorophyll; BF, bright field. Bars = 5 mm. (B) Cellular ROS contents of dw15-1, pgd1, and G4 detected with DCF probe and measured with a QuantaMaster 400 spectrofluorometer. Two million cells of each line were used for ROS quantification. Asterisks indicate significantdifferencescomparedwithdw15-1(**P#0.01).Errorbarsindicate standard deviations from four replicates (independent cultures). Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 457 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 the pgd1 mutant has increased starch accumulation that more than compensates for the decreased TAG electron sink. Instead, based on the analysis provided above, we suggest that under certain conditions, the reduced ability of the pgd1 mutant to correctly adjust the thylakoid lipid composition in response to environmental challenges likelyresultsinROSaccumulationinthe chloroplast and increased photodamage. PGD1 Is Required for Normal Structure of Thylakoid Membranes Detailed lipid analysis of isolated chloroplasts showed that the abundanceofMGDGwasincreasedanditscomposition altered in the pgd1 mutant (Figure 1), which is consistent with the previous findings that PGD1 is an MGDG lipase (Li et al., 2012). These changes in MGDG abundance and composition most likely play a role in the hyperstacking phenotype observed in the pgd1 thylakoids (Figure 3), which is consistent with previous ob- servations linking MGDG and grana stack abundance in tobacco (Wu et al., 2013; Wang et al., 2014). Duetotheiroverallcone-shapedspaceoccupation, withasmall polar galactose head group and a bulky nonpolar diacylglycerol moiety, especially when the acyl groups are highly unsaturated, MGDGs tend to form nonlamellar phases such as the hexagonal II (HII) phase instead of bilayers in aqueous solutions. In contrast, lipids with cylindrical space occupation of head groups and di- acylglycerol moiety (i.e., DGDG) can form bilayers under the same conditions (Garab et al., 2016). In general, the DGDG/MGDDG ratio in the pgd1 mutant is reduced, which most likely affects the stability of the photosynthetic membrane and insertion of protein complexes. While MGDG is the dominant lipid species in thyla- koids (;50% in plants and algae) and forms an HII phase in water (Shipley et al., 1973), it gives rise to large organized lamellar phases in solution when combined with membrane proteins such as LHCII at lipid/protein ratios similar to those in thylakoids (Simidjiev et al., 2000). This demonstrates the importance of lipid- proteininteractionintheformationofnativethylakoidmembranes. In addition, x-ray crystallography and lipid analysis of photo- synthetic complexes (i.e., PSII, PSI, LHCII, and Cyt b6f) have shownthestableassociationofMGDGwiththecomplexes(Garab et al., 2016; Kobayashi et al., 2016). Figure 7. PGD1 Expression Is Induced by Various Environmental Stresses. (A) Images of cell cultures incubated under different growth conditions: 4°C, cells in TAP medium cultured under low temperature (4–6°C); +N, N-replete TAP; 2N, N-deficient TAP; NaCl, TAP medium supplemented with 100 mM NaCl; sorbitol, TAP with 400 mM sorbitol. (B)qRT-PCRanalysisoftheexpressionofPGD1 intheparental linedw15-1 grown under environmental stress conditions. Relative gene expression was analyzed by the 22DDCT method using CBLP/RACK1 as the refer- ence gene. Error bars indicate standard deviations from three replicates (independent cultures). Asterisks indicate significant differences in the treated cells compared with the untreated control (0 h). *P # 0.05 and **P # 0.01. Figure 8. Phenotypes of the pgd1 Mutant under Various Environmental Stresses. (A) Images of the PL dw15-1 and pgd1 cultures incubated under various environmental stresses for the indicated time periods. One representative culture of three replicates is shown for each growth condition. 4°C, cells in TAP medium cultured under low temperature (4–6°C); +N, N-replete TAP; 2N, N-deficient TAP; NaCl, TAP supplemented with 100 mM NaCl; sor- bitol, TAP with 400 mM sorbitol. P, PL dw15-1; p, pgd1 mutant. (B) Growth curves of the PL dw15-1 and pgd1 incubated under normal and stress conditions. Cell densities were determined with a Z2 Coulter Counter. Results are the average of three biological replicates (independent cultures) with error bars indicating standard deviations (n = 3). The characters (C, N, O, andS)inthegraphindicatedatapointswithsignificantdifferencesbetweenthe PLdw15-1andpgd1cellsbypaired-sampleStudent’sttest(P#0.05)andrefer to C, 4 to 6°C; N, N deprivation; O, 400 mM sorbitol; and S, 100 mM NaCl. 458 The Plant Cell In this study, cw2 and cw+ pgd1 cells were shown to have an increase in PSII abundance compared with the respective PLs, while PSI abundance was similar or even slightly reduced, and the mutant cells had less Cyt b6f (Figure 2; Supplemental Figure 3). Previous studies on spinach (Anderson and Melis, 1983; Vallon et al., 1986) and Chlamydomonas (Vallon et al., 1986) have shown that PSII is nearly exclusively (;90%) located in the grana. In contrast, PSI is present mostly in the stroma lamellae in Chla- mydomonas and spinach (Vallon et al., 1986; Danielsson et al., 2004), while Cyt b6f is present in both the grana and stroma la- mellae, but with a higher abundance in the stroma lamellae (Vallon et al., 1986; Romanowska, 2011). Thus, the increase in PSII/PSI ratio and decrease in Cyt b6f of the pgd1 mutant are most likely relatedto thehyperstacking phenotype manifestedasanincreasein grana membranes in the pgd1 mutant (Table 1). Therefore, we hy- pothesize that by affecting the abundance and acyl composition of chloroplast lipids, Chlamydomonas PGD1 contributes to an ap- propriate thylakoid organization and adjustment of relative photo- system abundance under normal growth conditions in the wild type. Why Is pgd1 Chlorotic Following N Deprivation? To answer this question, one needs to consider the altered carbon partitioning inthe pgd1mutantunder mixotrophic and autotrophic conditions and expand the prevalent hypothesis that excess photosynthetic energy and carbon leads to oil accumulation as a carbon store in microalgae to prevent oxidative damage (Hu et al., 2008; Breuer et al., 2014; Klok et al., 2014; Goncalves et al., 2016; Zienkiewicz et al., 2016). In Chlamydomonas, mutants deficient in starch formation accumulate more TAG during N-deprivation than the wild type (Work et al., 2010; Blaby et al., 2013), and here we show that a mutant with reduced TAG for- mationaccumulatesmorestarch.InChlamydomonascells,starch is the predominant storage compound regardless of mixo- trophic (TAP medium) or photoautotrophic (TBP medium) growth (Siaut et al., 2011; Fan et al., 2012; Juergens et al., 2016). Reduced TAG production itself, as in the pgd1 mutant, is not necessarily linked to chlorosis in TAP-N medium. For example, the Chlamy- domonas mutant tar1-1 (TRIACYLGLYCEROL ACCUMULATION REGULATOR1), which produces only ;10% of normal TAG levels after 2 d incubation in TAP-N medium, does not show chlorosis (Kajikawa et al., 2015), although we do not know to which extent the lack of chlorosis can be attributed to compensatory effects specific to this mutant. Chlamydomonas cells can directly utilize acetate for de novo fatty acid biosynthesis and subsequent TAG assembly (Figure 9) in TAP-N medium (Fan et al., 2011). Based on 13C-labeling, over 75% of de novo-synthesized fatty acids in Chlamydomonas grown in TAP-N medium are derived directly from acetate, as is ;70% of TAG (Juergens et al., 2016), which is also reflected in changes in the transcriptome following Figure 9. Hypothetical Model of the Function of PGD1 under Environmental Stress. Twocarbonsources(CO2/bicarbonateoracetate)areused.Thethicknessofthearrowsinnavyblue(CO2),darkgreen(MGDG),andbrown(acetate)indicates the relative fluxes in response to N deprivation according to the results of lipid analyses performed in this study and previous 13C-labeling assays (Juergens etal.,2016).Threeimportantwaystoeliminate photodamage byROSare indicatedbynumbers.Photosynthetic electronand protontransportare indicatedby orange and blue arrows, respectively. Black arrows indicate lipid synthesis. e2, electron; H+, proton; LHCII, light-harvesting complex II; PSII, photosystem II; PQ, plastoquinone; b6f, cytochrome b6f; PC, plastocyanin; PSI, photosystem I; FD, ferredoxin; FNR, ferredoxin:NADP+ reductase; ATPs, ATP synthase; SS, starch synthesis; FAS, fatty acid synthesis; G3P, glycerol 3-phosphate; L-PtdOH, lysophosphatidic acid; PtdOH, phosphatidic acid; PLs, phospholipids. Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 459 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 N deprivation in TAP medium indicating a redirection of acetate from gluconeogenesis to fatty acid biosynthesis (Miller et al., 2010). In contrast, photosynthetic carbon fixation by Chlamydomonas cells in TAP-N medium leads mostly to the production of starch, over80%ofwhichisderivedfromfixedCO2 and<20%fromacetate when CO2 is available (Juergens et al., 2016). We discovered that replacing acetate with 2 mM bicarbonate in TBP-N medium prevented chlorosis of the pgd1 mutant following N deprivation and reduced the decrease in chlorophyll, as well as that of the PL dw15-1 and complementation lines G3 and G4 (Figures 4A and4B).ROS-sensitivefluorescence andaccumulation of TBARS in the pgd1 mutant was also no longer observed when cells were supplied with bicarbonate (Figures 4F and 4G). Chla- mydomonas cells produced more starch with acetate than bi- carbonate in the respective media in our flask cultures when atmospheric CO2 was limited (Figure 4C). However, relieving the CO2 limitation by adding bicarbonate was effective in preventing chlorosis, likely because of the difference in demands for reductant and ATP provided by the photosynthetic electron transport chain during growth in bicarbonate versus acetate (Figure 9). To explain why pgd1 cells are more chlorotic in N-deficient TAP medium, one needs to consider the primary lipid phenotype. Compared with the PL dw15-1 and two complementation lines G3 andG4,whoseMGDGlevels werereducedby;70%following N deprivation, the pgd1 mutant had a more subtle decrease in MGDG of ;30% (Supplemental Table 1). In general, under adverse conditions leading to reduced growth, membrane re- modeling and reduction of the photosynthetic membrane are necessary to adjust photosynthesis, which includes the degra- dation of chloroplast membrane lipids such as MGDG with concomitant conversion of fatty acids to TAG (Hu et al., 2008; Shimojima and Ohta, 2011; Du and Benning, 2016). One conse- quence of the absorption of excess light is the generation of ROS such as H2O2, singlet oxygen (O2), hydroxyl radicals (OH 2), and superoxide (O2 2), which cause oxidative damage, impairment of growth, andevenloss ofviability. Thus, photosynthetic organisms have developed strategies and photoprotective mechanisms against harmful excess light as needed, including the reduction of the photosynthetic membrane discussed here, which is likely a much slower process than other mechanisms such as photo- taxis, nonphotochemical quenching, or the generation of anti- oxidants (Allahverdiyeva et al., 2015; Erickson et al., 2015). Unlike the PL dw15-1, pgd1 cells fail to adjust their chloroplast mem- branes to the same extent following N deprivation, which results in ROS accumulation in the chloroplast and oxidative damage such as lipid peroxidation (Figure 4G) and eventually chlorosis under N deprivation in TAP-N medium. In the presence of bicarbonate instead of acetate, the increased photosynthetic fixation of CO2 to starch in the pgd1 mutant, which requires reducing equivalents and ATP provided by the photosynthetic electron transport chain, seems to be sufficient to avoid the production of harmful ROS. PGD1 Is Important during Acclimation to Various Adverse Conditions Changes in lipid composition have been observed in response to stresses other than N deprivation. For example, the DGDG/MGDG ratio increases in the snow alga Chlamydomonas nivalis in response to high salt treatment (Lu et al., 2012). A comparison of membrane lipid composition of six species of salt-tolerant (i.e., samphire [Salicornia europaea]) and -sensitive (i.e., cucumber [Cucumis sativus]) plants revealed that the DGDG/MGDG ratio is correlatedwiththeresistancetosaltstressintheseplantsandmay play a role in protecting plants against high-salt stress (Hirayama and Mihara, 1987). Here, we observed that beyond N deprivation, PGD1 plays acrucial role during acclimation to otherabiotic stress conditions including cold temperature (4–6°C), high salt (NaCl), and osmotic (sorbitol) stresses, likely through its effect on the DGDG/MGDG ratio and hence membrane reorganization. The expression of PGD1 is induced by the above-mentioned stresses (Figure 7B). Similar to the phenotype observed during N deprivation, cell growth of the pgd1 mutant was reduced compared with the PL dw15-1 following cold, high salt, and high osmoticum treatments (Figure 8). In addition, the results of spectrofluorometry using H2DCFDA suggested that pgd1 cells accumulate more ROS than the PL during these stress conditions (Supplemental Figure 10B), to a similar extent observed following N deprivation (Figure 5) and high light irradiance (Figure 6). These observations suggest that Chlamydomonas PGD1 participates in the response and tolerance to various environmental stresses including cold,mostlikely byadjusting thylakoidmembrane lipids, in particular the ratio of DGDG/MGDG. Because no Arabidopsis SFR2 homologs have been identified in Chlamydomonas (Fan et al., 2011; Warakanont et al., 2015), PGD1-mediated membrane lipid turnover may be an alternate pathway in Chlamydomonas to the Arabidopsis SFR2 pathway for the conversion of membrane lipids to storage lipids in addition to the previously reported PDAT- requiring pathway (Yoon et al., 2012). In summary, photosynthetic organisms such as plants and microalgae adjust their photosynthetic membranes in response to a changing environment to balance cellular energy metabolism and prevent photochemical damage (Moellering and Benning, 2011; Kalpesh et al., 2012; Du and Benning, 2016). When a re- duction in photosynthetic capacity and hence a reduction in the extent of photosynthetic membranes is required, thylakoid membrane lipids are degraded and the released fatty acids are sequestered for later use in TAG, speeding up resynthesis of membranes when the conditions improve (Cohen et al., 2000; Lippold et al., 2012). In Chlamydomonas, PGD1 is involved in this process (Figure 9). The loss of PGD1 leads to a reduced ability to regulate the ultrastructure and components of the photosynthetic membrane/apparatus, likely causing harmful ROS production. METHODS Strains and Growth Conditions The pgd1 mutant and PGD1-complemented strains of Chlamydomonas reinhardtii were generated and described previously (Li et al., 2012). Cell wall-less pgd1, its PL dw15-1 (cw15, nit1, mt+, provided by Arthur Grossman) and complementation strains G3 and G4, as well as cell-walled pgd1 (pgd1 cw+), its PL CC-198 (er-u-37, str-u-2-60, mt2; obtained from the Chlamydomonas Resource Center, http://www.chlamycollection.org), and complementation strain G4 cw+ were used in this study. The pgd1 mutations in both backgrounds were generated as described (Li et al., 2012). The cell-walled PGD1-complemented strain G4 cw+ was generated by crossing the cell wall-less G4 with CC-198 following the same protocol 460 The Plant Cell http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.chlamycollection.org for the generation of pgd1 cw+ (Li et al., 2012). Chlamydomonas cells were grown in Erlenmeyer flasks containing TAP medium (20 mM Tris, 0.4 mM MgSO4, 0.34 mM CaCl2, 18 mM acetate, 10 mM NH4Cl, 1 mM phosphate, and trace elements, pH 7.0) (Gorman and Levine, 1965) or TBP medium (20 mM Tris, 0.4 mM MgSO4, 0.34 mM CaCl2, 2 mM NaHCO3, 10 mM NH4Cl, 1 mM phosphate, and trace elements, pH 7.0) to log phase (1–5 3 106 cells mL21) under continuous light (80 mmol m22 s21) from linear fluorescent tubes (Sylvania cool white F24T12/CW/HO, 35 W, 1650 lu- mens, and bulb temperature ;26°C) at 22°C in a growth chamber (Percival Scientific). Cells for chloroplast preparation and TEM were grown under 12:12-h light/dark cycles for synchronization. Cell concentrations were determinedwitheitheraZ2CoulterCounter(BeckmanCoulter)forcellwall- less strains or hemocytometers for cell-walled strains. For N deprivation, mid-log phase cells were collected by centrifugation (1200g for 3 min) and washed twice with N-deficient (2N) medium before resuspension in –N medium. For high light growth, mid-log phase cultures were treated with 2500 mmol protons m22 s21 from a white high-power LED (Seoul P7 LED, partnumberW724C0CSV)for 2h.For highsalinity andosmotictreatments, mid-log phase cultures were incubated in TAP+N with the addition of 400 mM sorbitol or 100 mM NaCl. Cold treatments were performed in a 4°C cold room under continuous light. Whole-Genome Sequencing Thegenomeofthepgd1mutantwassequencedbyIlluminaHi-Seqwiththe paired-end method at the Research Technology Support Facility, MSU. In brief, reads were quality checked and trimmed with Trimmomatic (version 0.36; seed mismatches, 2; palindrome clip threshold, 30; simple clip threshold, 10; leading, 3; trailing, 3; sliding window, 4:15; minlen, 5). Read assembly was performed with the CLC Genomics Workbench (version 10.0.1) and Map Reads to Reference tool (version 10.0.1; match score, 1; mismatch cost, 2; insertion cost, 3; deletion cost, 3; length fraction, 0.95; similarity fraction, 0.95). Reads were analyzed for flanking genomic se- quences against the reference genome Chlamydomonas reinhardtii V5.0. Haplotype Variation Haplotype variations between the cell wall-less and cell-walled strains were examined by allele-specific PCR according to a previous study (Gallaher et al., 2015). A total of 41 genome regions with alternative haplotypes were analyzed using 82 pairs of allele-specific PCR primers (Supplemental Table 2). Fatty Acid and Lipid Analyses Lipid extraction, TLC of polar lipids, fatty acid methyl ester (FAME) preparation, and GC-FID were performed following (Li et al., 2012) with some modifications. In brief, total lipids were extracted from the intact chloroplast isolated according to Warakanont et al. (2015) using methanol- chloroform-88% formic acid (2:1:0.1, v/v/v). The extract was combined with 0.5 volume of 1 M KCl and 0.2 M H3PO4 and mixed by vortexing. After low-speed centrifugation, the organic phase was collected for polar lipid isolation by TLC, which was performed using Silica G60 plates (EMD Millipore) and separation solvent chloroform-methanol-acetic acid-water (75:13:9:3, v/v/v/v). Polar lipids on TLC plates were visualized by brief exposure to iodine vapor and collected for FAME preparation as previously described (Benning and Somerville, 1992). The resulting FAMEs were quantified by GC-FID using an Agilent 7890A with a DB-23 column (Agilent Technologies) and running settings according to Liu et al. (2013). Isolation and purification of intact chloroplasts were performed as previously de- scribed (Warakanont et al., 2015). Briefly, mid-log phase Chlamydomonas cells synchronized under 12:12-h light/dark cycles were collected by centrifugation (1200g for 3 min). The pellet was washed once with Buffer A (5 mM potassium phosphate buffer, pH 6.5, 6% PEG [w/w], and 4 mg/mL BSA) and resuspended in 10 mL Buffer A. Forty microliters of 1% digitonin was added to the samples, followed by incubation at 31°C for ;30 s. The samples were quickly chilled on ice and cell lysates were collected by centrifugation (800g for 10 min) at 4°C. Pellets were washed twice with Buffer B (20 mM Tricine-NaOH, pH 7.7, 0.15 M mannitol, 1 mM MgC12, and 2 mM EDTA) and resuspended in 1 mL Buffer B. Chloroplasts were further purified with 20-40-65% Percoll step gradients prepared with Percoll and Buffer C (100 mM Tricine-NaOH, pH 7.7, 0.75 M mannitol, 5 mM MgC12, 5 mM MnC12, and 10 mM EDTA). After centrifugation (4000g for 15 min) at 4°C, intact chloroplasts were obtained at the transition between the 40 and 65% Percoll layers. The chloroplasts were washed once with Buffer C, examined by light microscopy, instantly frozen in liquid nitrogen, and stored at 280°C for further analysis. The purity of the chloroplast prepa- rations was examined by immunoblot assays as previously described (Warakanont et al., 2015). For fatty acid position analyses, MGDG from cell the wall-less pgd1 mutant and its PL dw15-1 was isolated by TLC and recovered from the silica gel with 2 mL chloroform-methanol (1:1, v/v). The solvent was evaporatedundernitrogen,andlipids(MGDG)wereresuspendedin400mL buffer (0.1 M PBS and 4.28 mM Triton X-100, pH 7.4) and dispersed by sonication for 6 3 10 s at 10 W on ice (Virsonic 600 microprobe sonicator; Virtis). Subsequently, 20 mg Rhizopus lipase RaLIP was added, followed by 5 s sonication and 2 h incubation at 22°C. The reaction was stopped by the addition of 2 mL chloroform-methanol (1:1, v/v), and extracted lipids were analyzed by TLC coupled with GC. Lipids/free fatty acids on TLC plates were briefly stained with iodine vapor for GC or permanently stained with a-naphthol to show MGDG and lysoMGDG bands. To quantify MGDG turnover and TAG accumulation following N dep- rivation, cells of 50 mL mid-log phase cultures (250 mL flasks) were col- lected by centrifugation after 48 h incubation in TAP-N medium. Cell numbers were determined with a Beckman Z2 Coulter Counter. Total lipids fromwholecellswereextractedusingthemethoddescribedabove.MGDG was extracted using the TLC method (Silica G60; EMD Millipore). TAG was separated using the TLC plate SIL G-25 (Macherey-Nagel) and separation solvent petroleum ether-diethyl ether-acetic acid (80:20:1, v/v/v). The absolute amount of MGDG and TAGwas determined by GC-FID using5 mg pentadecanoic acid (C15:0) as an internal standard and was subsequently normalized to the cell numbers. Fatty acid composition of TAG and total lipids following N derivation was also analyzed using the samples. Polar lipid abundance of cells under high salinity treatment was analyzed as described above. Immunoblotting Total proteins were extracted with 23 Laemmli buffer supplemented with 5% b-mercaptoethanol at 95°C for 5 min. Protein concentrations were determined withanRC DCProteinAssaykit (Bio-Rad), andequalloading of proteinsampleswasverifiedbySDS-PAGEbeforecapillaryimmunoblotting. Following the manufacturer’s instructions, Wes (simple Western system; ProteinSimple) and the 12-230 kD Master Kit (ProteinSimple) were used to measure protein abundance with Agrisera antibodies. These included PsbA (D1 protein of PSII, C-terminal, catalog number AS01 016, dilution 1:300), PsbO (oxygen evolving complex of PSII, catalog number AS06 142-33, dilution 1:150), Lhcb2 (LHCII type II chlorophyll a/b binding protein, catalog number AS01 003, dilution 1:300), Lhcb6 (LHCII chlorophyll a/b binding protein CP24, catalog number AS01 010, dilution 1:200), PsaC (PSI-C, subunit of PSI, catalog number AS10 939, dilution 1:650), PsaD (PSI-D, subunit of PSI, catalog number AS09 461, dilution 1:150), Cyt f (cytochrome f subunit of cytochrome b6f complex, catalog number AS06 119, dilution 1:6,500), Rieske (Rieske iron-sulfur protein of cytochrome b6f complex, catalog number AS08 330, dilution 1:650), and ATPase (ATP synthase, whole enzyme, catalog number AS08 370, dilution 1:500). Chemiluminescences of the samples were converted into gel-like images with Compass software (ProteinSimple) or electropherograms using Origin for high-quality graphs. Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 461 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 TEM Cell-walled strains were used for TEM. Briefly, cells were fixed overnight at 4°C in sterile-filtered TAP medium supplemented with 2.5% (v/v) glutar- aldehyde. They werethenwashed withTAP medium, postfixed in1%OsO4 for 2 h at room temperature, and washed again in TAP medium. After dehydration in a graded ethanol series, the samples were embedded in Spurr’s epoxy resin (Electron Microscopy Sciences). Ultrathin sections (70 nm thick), cut on an ultramicrotome (RMC Boeckeler), and mounted on 150 mesh Formvar-coated copper grids. Just before analysis, the sections were stained with uranyl acetate for 30 min at room temperature, washed with ultrapure water, and stained for 10 min with lead citrate. Images were takenwithaJEOL100CXII instrument(JapanElectron OpticsLaboratories) and processed with ImageJ software. Stacking analyses of chloroplasts in the PL CC-198, pgd1 cw+, and G4 cw+ lines were performed according to Goodenough and Levine (1969) with some modifications. Briefly, micrographs of 10 to 15 cells with ;1000 discs were used for the calculation of total thylakoids and stacks. The average stack size (number of discs per grana) and the number of thick stacks (grana with more than five discs) were determined. Chlorophyll and Starch Assays Chlorophyll extraction was performed in a 90% acetone:DMSO solution at a ratio of 3:2, and equations from Porra for 80% acetone were used (Porra, 2002). To ensure accurate measurements, chlorophyll values were directly comparedusingbothsolutionswithnosignificantvariationbetweenprotocols other than more rapid, efficient extraction with the acetone:DMSO mixture. For starch determination, cells grown in different media were collected by centrifugation (1200g for 3 min), while cell numbers were determined with a Beckman Z2 Coulter Counter. Samples were prepared by incubation with 150 mL 2 M KOH on ice with intermittent shaking for 20 min. Afterwards, they were incubated at 90°C for 1 h. After cooling on ice,600 mL 1.2 M NaOAc buffer (pH 3.8) was added to neutralize the solution. For starch hydrolysis, 60mLofhydrolysissolutioncontaining5mL3000UmL21a-amylase(K-TSTA; Megazyme), 5 mL 3260 U mL21 amyloglucosidase (K-TSTA; Megazyme), and 0.01% sodium azide were added. The samples were then incubated at 50°C for 20 h with rotation, followed by centrifugation at 2000g for 3 min. Supernatants were transferred into 96-well plates and subse- quently transferred in quadruplicate into 384-well plates for glucose measurement. The glucose content was analyzed using the glucose oxidase/peroxidase method (K-GLUC; Megazyme) following the man- ufacturer’s instruction. Confocal Microscopy, ROS, and TBARS Assays Chlamydomonas cells were collected by centrifugation and resuspended in 13 DPBS buffer (Dulbecco’s PBS, pH 7.0–7.2; Thermo Fisher Scientific) supplemented with 10 mM H2DCFDA (Sigma-Aldrich). After 30-min in- cubation at room temperature in the dark, the samples were washed three times with 13 DPBS buffer and examined either with a confocal laser scanning microscope (FluoView 1000; Olympus) using a combination of 488-nm argon and 633-nm solid-state lasers for the detection of DCF fluorescence (excitation at 488 nm and emission from 510 to 530 nm) and chloroplast autofluorescence (excitation at 633 nm and emission at 670 nm) or with a spectrofluorometer (QuantaMaster 400; Photon Tech- nology International) using excitation at 504 nm and emission at 524 nm. Confocal micrographs were processed with Olympus FluoView Viewer and ImageJ (National Institutes of Health), while spectrofluorometric data were collected with PTI FelixGX and analyzed with Origin (OriginLab). DCMU (2 mM; Sigma-Aldrich) was used as an inhibitor to suppress photosynthetic electron transfer at PSII. Lipid peroxidation was estimated with the TBARS assay following a published protocol (Hodges et al., 1999). Cells (from 5 mL of culture) were collected by centrifugation. The cell pellets from two aliquots were resuspended in either 1 mL of 20% trichloroacetic acid or 1 mL of 20% trichloroacetic acid supplemented with 0.5% thiobarbituric acid (TBA). After incubation at 95°C for 15 min, absorbance was measured at 440, 532, and 600nm.Malondialdehyde (MDA)concentration wasdetermined bythe equations: [(Abs5321TBA) 2 (Abs6001TBA) 2 (Abs5322TBA 2 Abs6002TBA)] 5 A; [(Abs4401TBA 2 Abs6001TBA) 0.0571] 5 B; MDA equivalents (nmol mL21) 5 [(A2B)/157000] 106. qRT-PCR RNA of three biological replicates (independent cultures) was isolated with an RNeasy plant mini kit (Qiagen) and was used for reverse transcription with Superscript II reverse transcriptase (Invitrogen) to obtain cDNA for qRT-PCR, which was performed using SYBR Green Master Mix (Life Technologies) and a Mastercycler ep realplex (Eppendorf). Relative gene expression was obtained by the 22DDCT method (Livak and Schmittgen, 2001) using CBLP/RACK1 (CHLAMYDOMONAS BETA SUBUNIT-LIKE POLYPEPTIDE/RECEPTOR OF ACTIVATED PROTEIN KINASE C1) as the reference gene. Primer sequences are listed in Supplemental Table 3. Accession Numbers Sequence data from this article can be found in the genome of Chlamy- domonas reinhardtii v5.5 in the Phytozome database (https://phytozome. jgi.doe.gov/pz/portal.html) under the following accession numbers: PGD1 (Cre03.g193500) and CBLP/RACK1 (Cre06.g278222.t1.1). Genome se- quencing data for the pgd1 mutant have been submitted to the NCBI (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/) under project ID PRJNA432571. Supplemental Data Supplemental Figure 1. Purity of Extracted Chloroplast. Supplemental Figure 2. Fatty Acid Analyses of Total Lipid and Triacylglycerol of the Parental Line dw15-1 and pgd1 Mutant under N-Replete and N-Deficient Conditions. Supplemental Figure 3. Photosynthetic Protein Complex Abundance in the Parental Line CC-198 and pgd1 cw+ Mutant. Supplemental Figure 4. Whole-Genome Sequencing of the pgd1 Mutant. Supplemental Figure 5. Allele-Specific PCR to Compare the Hap- lotypes of Cell-Walled and Cell Wall-Less Strains. Supplemental Figure 6. Generation of Cell-Walled PGD1-Complemented Strains. Supplemental Figure 7. Ultrastructure of the Dividing Parental Line CC-198 and pgd1 cw+ Cells Incubated under Continuous Light. Supplemental Figure 8. Ultrastructure of the Parental Line CC-198 and pgd1 cw+ Cells during N Deprivation. Supplemental Figure 9. Confocal Micrographs of the Parental Line CC-198 and pgd1 cw+ Cells under N Deprivation. Supplemental Figure 10. Phenotypes of the pgd1 Mutant under Various Abiotic Stresses. Supplemental Table 1. Quantification of MGDG and TAG Content Following N Deprivation. Supplemental Table 2. Allele-Specific Primers Used for Haplotype PCR Designed by Gallaher et al. (2015). Supplemental Table 3. Gene-Specific Primers Used for qRT-PCR of PGD1 and CBLP/RACK1. 462 The Plant Cell http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 https://phytozome.jgi.doe.gov/pz/portal.html https://phytozome.jgi.doe.gov/pz/portal.html https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/ http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/content/full/tpc.17.00446/DC1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We thankBrendan Johnson andJohn Froehlich (Michigan State University) for assistance with ProteinSimple experiments. We thank Xiaobo Li, Jaruswan Warakanont, and Matthew Larson (Michigan State University) for the work on the whole-genome sequencing of the pgd1 mutant. We thank Shane Cantu (Michigan State University) for analyzing the starch samples. This work was supported by a grant from the Chemical Sciences, Geosciences, and Biosciences Division, Office of Basic Energy Sciences, Office of Science, U.S. Department of Energy (DE-FG02-91ER20021) and by MSU AgBioResearch. K.Z. was supported by the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework Pro- gramme FP7/2007-2013/ under REA grant agreement number 627266. This publication reflects only the author’s view and the European Union is notliableforanyusethatmaybemadeoftheinformationcontainedtherein. AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS Z.-Y.D., B.F.L., D.M.K., and C.B. designed the study. Z.-Y.D. performed lipid analyses and abiotic stress experiments. T.E.M., B.F.L., and Z.-Y.D. carried out photosynthesis analyses. 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Biochim. Biophys. Acta 1861: 1269–1281. Thylakoid Lipid Remodeling by Chlamydomonas PGD1 465 DOI 10.1105/tpc.17.00446 ; originally published online February 5, 2018; 2018;30;447-465Plant Cell B. Sears, David M. Kramer and Christoph Benning Zhi-Yan Du, Ben F. Lucker, Krzysztof Zienkiewicz, Tarryn E. Miller, Agnieszka Zienkiewicz, Barbara Adverse Environmental Conditions in Chlamydomonas Galactoglycerolipid Lipase PGD1 Is Involved in Thylakoid Membrane Remodeling in Response to This information is current as of April 5, 2021 Supplemental Data /content/suppl/2018/02/05/tpc.17.00446.DC2.html /content/suppl/2018/02/05/tpc.17.00446.DC1.html References /content/30/2/447.full.html#ref-list-1 This article cites 88 articles, 33 of which can be accessed free at: Permissions https://www.copyright.com/ccc/openurl.do?sid=pd_hw1532298X&issn=1532298X&WT.mc_id=pd_hw1532298X eTOCs http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/alerts/ctmain Sign up for eTOCs at: CiteTrack Alerts http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/alerts/ctmain Sign up for CiteTrack Alerts at: Subscription Information http://www.aspb.org/publications/subscriptions.cfm is available at:Plant Physiology and The Plant CellSubscription Information for ADVANCING THE SCIENCE OF PLANT BIOLOGY © American Society of Plant Biologists https://www.copyright.com/ccc/openurl.do?sid=pd_hw1532298X&issn=1532298X&WT.mc_id=pd_hw1532298X http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/alerts/ctmain http://www.plantcell.org/cgi/alerts/ctmain http://www.aspb.org/publications/subscriptions.cfm 
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Sixteen leaden bullets, of an ounce each, weigh as much in water, as one of a pound, whofe fuper- ncies is lefs. it ? j j a d in g the preceding paper in the Society, it was re­ collected that this paper, fimilar in fome particulars, had been communicated to the Society about nine years before, though not till now printed.- & Therefore D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t **3 ] Therefore the fupporting of fait in water is not owing to its fuperficies being encreafed. * ; 1 fc a A lump of fait# though laid at red! at the bottom of a veflel of water,, will diffolve therein, and its parts move every way till equally diffufed in the watery therefore there is a mutual attraction between water and fa it Every particle of water aflumes as many o f fait as can adhere to It 5 when more is added, it precipitates, and will not remain fufpended. W ater,, in the fame manner, will diffolve in air, every particle of air affuming one or more particles of water 5 when too much is added, it precipitates • in-.rain.: ■ v 3|* W m m t - ' . - . W thferg contiguity between \ the particles of air as of water, the folution of wa­ ter m air k not carried on without a motion of the ^ r , fb as to caufe a firefly acceflion of dry particles. ’7, of a fluid, having more of what It diffolves, will communicate to other parts that have lefs. Thus very ifalt Water Coming fin contadl with frefh, communicates its faltnM till all is equal, and the fooner if there is a little motion of the water. f ^ ven rear^ Ŵ 1 difiblve, or mix with. air* A itroke of a horfe’s hoof on the ground in a hot oufty TOad, will raife a Cloud o f duft,,that ihall, if there be alight breeze, expand every way till perhaps, near as big as a common h o u fe.t Tis mot m me- i chamcal motion communicated to the particles of duff by the hoof; that they % fb far, nor;v b y ! the wind t at t n y fpiead fb wide;* f But the air near th b n ro b n d ,, jieated by the hot duflrffruck into it, is rariflecf ! ami rifev and in riling mixes with thecoolcr and communicates of its buff to k, and it is at length fo diffufed * D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ . 8 4 ] diffufed as to become invifible. Quantities of duft are thus carried up in dry feafons. Showers wafh it from the air and bring it down again. For water attra&ing it ftronger, it quits the air and adheres to .the water. Air fuffering continual changes in the degrees o f its heat, from various caufes and circumftances, and confequently changes in its fpecific gravity, raufl therefore be in continual motion* A fmall quantity of fire mixed with water (or de­ gree o f heat therein) fo weakens the cohefion of its particles, that thofe on the furface eafily quit it, and adhere to the particles of air. .A greater degree of heat is required to break the cohefion-between water and air. Air moderately heated will fupport a greater quan­ tity of water invifibly than cold air j for its particles being by heat repelled to a greater diftance from each other, thereby more eafily keep the particles o f water, that are annexed to them, from running into cohefions that would obftruft, refract, or reflect the light. Hence, when we breathe in warm air, though the lame quantity o f moifture may be taken up from the lungs as when we breathe in cold air, yet that moifture is not fo vifible. snifii Water being extremely heated, to the degree of boiling, its' particles, in quitting it, fo repel each other, as to take up vaftly more fpace than before, and by that repellency fupport themfelves, expelling the air from the fpace they occupy. T hat degree o f heat being leflened, they again mutually attract, and having no air-particles mixed, to adhere to, by 2 which D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 3 which they m ightbe fupported and. kept at a dih fta®ee, they instantly All; coalesce, and become w%. ter again. c i T he water commonly diffufed in our atmofpher.e never receives fuch a degree o f heat from the Ain, pr othei’ caufe, as water, has when boiling } jt is not, therefore, fupported by fuch heat, but by adhering to air. ® Water being diflolved in, and adhering to air, that air will not readily take up oil, because of the natural repeliency between water and oil. Hence cold oils evaporate but flowly, the air having generally a quantity of diffolved water. ; Oil being heated extreamly, the air that approaches its furface will be alfo heated extremely} the water then, quitting it, it will attract and carry off oil, which can now adhere to it. Hence the auick eva­ poration of oil heated to a great degree., fc Qil being diffoived in air, the particles to which it adheres will not take up water. .Hence the fuffocating nature o f air impregnated with burnt greafe, as from fnuffs of candles, and the like. A certain quantity of moifture (hould be every moment difeharged and taken away from the lungs. Air that has overloaded, and for that reafon, can take no more, fo will not anfwer the end. Greafy air refufes to tpuch it. In both cafes fuffocation for want of the di (charge.; " , / ' r . “ ?! Air will attract, and fupport many other fub- ftances. l->-t ' ,r * * ip A particle of air. loaded whh adhering water Hor apy other matter, % ' t j ^ q e r ^ bqfqre, defend. ' . . c/i.-.,ir V ol. LV. B b T he D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ i « 6 ] The atmofphefe fuppofed at reft, a loaded de- fcending particle muft adt with a force on the par­ ticles it pafifes between, or meets with, fufficient to overcome in fome degree their mutual repellency, and pufh them nearer to each other. a Thus, fuppofing the particles o o o A B C D, and the others near f o bo co go them, to be at the diftance o do o caufed by their mutual repel- o o o o lency (confined by their com- E mon gravity) if A would de- fcend to E, it muff pafs between B and C. When it conies between B and C, it will be nearer to them than before, and muft either have pufiled them nearer to F and G, contrary to their mutual repellency, or pafs through by a force exceeding its repellency with them. It then approaches D, and, to move it out of the way, muft adt on it with a force fufficient to overcome its repellency with the two next lower par­ ticles, by which it is kept in its prefent fituation. Every particle o f air, therefore, will bear any load inferior to the forcQjjf- thefe repulfions. Hence the fupport of fogs, mifts, clouds. Very warm air, clear, though Supporting a very great quantity of moifture, will grow turbid and cloudy on the mixture of a colder a i r : as foggy tur­ bid air will grow clear by warming. Thus the fun ffiining on a morning fog, diffipates it. Clouds are feen to wafte in a funfiiiny day. But cold condenfes and renders vifible the vapour. A tankard, or decanter, filled with cold water, will condenfe the moifture o f warm clear air, on its outfide, where it becomes vifible as dew, coalefces into drops, defcends in little ftreams. 4 T he D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ lS 7 ] T he fun heats the air o f our atmofphere moil near the furface of the earth -} for there, beiides the diredl rays, there are many refle&ions. Moreover, the earth itfelf being heated, communicates of its heat to the neighbouring air; The higher regions having only the direct rays o f the fun palling through them, are comparatively very cold. Hence the cold air on the tops of mountains, and fnow on fome of them all the year, even in the torrid zone. Hence hail in fummer. If the atmofphere were, all of it (both above and below) always of the fame temper as to cold or heat, then the upper air would always be rarer than the lower, becaufe the prelfure on it is lefs j , confequently lighter, and therefore would keep its place. But the upper air may be more condenfed by cold, than the lower air by preifure. T h e lower more expanded by heat, than the upper for want of pref- fure. In fiich cafe, the upper air will become the heavier, the lower the lighter. The lower region of air being heated and expand­ ed, heaves up and fupports, for fome time, the colder heavier air above, and will continue to fupport it while the equilibrium is kept. Thus water is Sup­ ported in an inverted open glafs, while the equili­ brium is maintained by the equal preflure upwards o f the air below j but the equilibrium by any means breaking, the water defcends on the heavier fide, and the air rifes into its place. The lifted cold heavy arr over a heated country, becoming by any means unequally fupported, or un­ equal in its weights, the heavieft part defcends firft, and the reft follows impetuoufly. Hence gufts after heats, and hurricanes in hot climates. Hence the B b 2 air D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 air of gpfts, and hurricanes cold, though in hot climes and feafons; it coming from above. T he cold air defending from above, as it pene­ trates our warm region full o f watry particles, con- denfes them, renders them vifible, forms a cloud thick and dark, overcafting fometimes at once, large and extenfive; fometimes, when feen at a diftance, fmall at firft, gradually increafingj the cold edge, or furface, of the cloud, condenfing the vapours next it, which form fmaller clouds, that join it, encreafe its bulk, it defcends with the wind and its acquired weight, draws nearer the earth, grows denfer with continual additions of water, and difcharges heavy (bowers. Small black clouds thus appearing in a clear fky, in hot climates, portend florins, and warn feamen to hand their fails. T he earth turning on its axis in about 24 hours, the equatorial parts mufl move about 15 miles in each minute. In northern and fouthern latitudes this motion is gradually lefs to the poles, and there no­ thing. If there was a general calm over the face of the globe, it muft be by the air’s, moving in every part, as faft as the earth, or fea, it covers. He that fails, or rides, has infenfibly the fame degree of motion, as the fhip, or coach, with which he is connected*' If the fhip firikes the fhore, or the coach flops fuddenly, the motion continuing in the man, he is thrown forward. If a man were to jum p from ’the land into a fwift failing fhip, he would be thrown backward (or towards the flern) not having at firft the motion of the fhip. [ 188 ] He D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ i89 ] He that travels, by fea or land, towards the equi­ noctial, gradually acquires motion j from it, lofes. But if a man were taken up from latitude 40 (where fuppofe the earth’s furface to move 12 miles p e r minute) and immediately fet down at the equi­ noctial, without changing the motion he had, his heels would be ftruck up, he would fall weftward. I f taken up from the equinoctial, and fee down in latitude 40, he would fall eaftward. T he air under the equator, and between the tro­ pics, being conftantly heated and rarified by the fun, rifes. Its place is fupplied by air from northern and fouthern latitudes, which coming from parts where the earth and air had lefs motion, and not fud- denly acquiring the quicker motion of the equatorial earth, appears an eaft wind blo wing wed ward, the earth moving from weft to eaft, and flipping under theair. Thus, when we ride in a calm, it feems a wind againft us. If we ride with the wind* and fafter, even that will feem a {mall wind againft us. T he air ratified between the tropics, and rifing, m u d flow in the higher region north and fouth. Be­ fore it fofe, it had acquired the greateft motion the earth’s rotation could give it. It retains fome de­ gree of this motion, and defending in higher lati­ tudes, where the earth’s motion is lefs, will appear a wefterly wind, yet tending towards the equatorial parts, to fupply the vacancy occafioned by the air of the lower regions flowing thitherwards. Hence our general cold winds are about northweft, our fummer cold gufts the fame. The D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ r 9° ] The air in fultry weather, though not cloudy, has a kind of hazinefs in it, which makes obje&s at a diftance appear dull and indiftind. This hazinefs is occalioned by the great quantity of moifture equally difFufed in that air. When, by the cold wind blow­ ing down among it, it is condenfed into clouds, and falls in rain, the air becomes purer and clearer. Hence, after gufts, diftant objeds appear diftind, their figures fharply terminated. Extreme cold winds congeal the furface o f the earth, by carrying off its fire. W arm winds after­ wards blowing over thkt frozen furface will be chilled by it. Could that frozen furface be turned under, and a warmer turned up from beneath it, thofe warm winds would not be chilled fom ucb. T he furface of the earth is alfo fometimes much heated by the fun j and fuch heated furface not being changed, heats the air that moves over it. Seas, lakes, and great bodies of water, agitated by the winds, continually change furfacesj the cold furface in winter is turned under, by the rolling of the waves, and a warmer turned up j in fummer, the warm is turned under, and colder turned up. Hence the more equal temper of fea-water, and the air over it. Hence in winter, winds from the fea feem warm, winds from the land cold. In fum­ mer the contrary.?', Therefore the lakes north-weft of us *, as they are not fo much frozen, nor fo apt to freeze as the earth, rather moderate than increafe the coldnefs of our winter winds. The air over the fea being warmer, and therefore lighter in winter than the air over the frozen land, * In Penfilvania. may D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ J 9 * ] may be another caufe of our general north-weft winds, which blow off to fea at right angles from our North American coaft? the warm light fea air riling, the heavy cold land air prefling into it* place. Heavy fluids defcending frequently form eddies, or whirlpools, as is feen in a funnel, where the water acquires a circular motion receding every way from a centre, and leaving a vacancy in the middle, greateft above, and leffening downwards, like a fpeaking trumpet, its big end upwards. Air defcending, or afcending, may form the fame kind of eddies, or whirlings, the parts of air ac­ quiring a circular motion, and receding from the middle o f the circle by a centrifugal force, and leav­ ing there a vacancy, if defeending, greateft above, and •leffening downwards; if afcending, greateft be­ low, and leffening upwards, like a fpeaking trumpet, ftanding its big end on the ground. When the air defcends with violence in fome places, it may rife with equal violence in others, and form both kinds of whirlwinds. T he air in its whirling motion receding every way from the centre, or axis, of the trumpet, leaves there a vacuum, which cannot be filled through the tides, the whirling air as an arch preventing; it muft then prefs in at the open ends. The greateft prefiure inwards muft be at the lower end, the greateft weight of the furrounding atmo- fphere being there. The air entering rifes within, and carries up duft, leaves, and even heavier bodies that happen in its way, as the eddy or whirlpool paffes over land. I f D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ *92 0 I f it paffes over water, the weight of the furround- ing atmofphere forces up the water into the vacuity, part of which, by degrees jo in s with the whirling air, and adding weight, and receiving accelerated motion, recedes ftill farther from the centre, or axis, o f the trump, as the preflure leflens, and at laft, as the trump widens, is broken into fmali particles, and fo united with air, as to be fupported by it, and be­ come black clouds at the top of the trump. Thus thefe eddies may be whirlwinds at land, waterfpouts at fea. A body of water To raifed may be fuddenfy let fall, when the motion, &c. has not ftrength to fupport it, or the whirling arch is broken fo as to let in the air 5 falling in the fea, it is harmlefs, unlefs {hips happen under it. But if in the pro- grefhve motion of the whirl it has moved from the fea over the land, and there breaks,, fudden, violent, and mifchievous torrentB are the conference* D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_mamaa7p345gk7pwxkql5enco24	----	PTS volume 24 Cover and Front matter PROSPECTS An Annual of American Cultural Studies Volume 24 Edited by Jack Salzman .Cambridge University Press] available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core PROSPECTS An Annual of American Cultural Studies available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core PROSPECTS An Annual of American Cultural Studies Volume 24 Edited by Jack Salzman CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core Cover Illustration "Wall Street, 1850" by A. Kollner Courtesy of the New York Library Eno Collection; Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. Editorial Office: Jack Salzman, Editor, Prospects, 20 Carey Road, Great Neck, NY 11021, U.S.A. Publishing and Subscription Offices: Cambridge University Press, 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011, U.S.A.; or Cambridge University Press, The Edinburgh Building, Shaftesbury Road, Cam- bridge CB2 2RU, England. Subscription Information: Prospects (ISSN 0361-2333) is published annually in softcover. Insti- tutional subscription rates for Volume 25, 2000: US $99.00 in the U.S.A., Canada, and Mexico; UK £60.00 elsewhere; for individuals: US $51.00 in the U.S.A., Canada, and Mexico; UK £33.00 else- where. Prices include postage and insurance. Back Volumes: All back volumes available. Contact the Cambridge subscription office. Copyright © 1999 Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . All rights reserved. No p a r t of this publication may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopying or otherwise, without permission in writing from Cambridge University Press. Photocopying information for users in the U.S.A.: The Item-Fee Code for this publication (0361-2333/99 $9.50 + . 10) indicates t h a t copying for internal or personal use beyond that permitted by Sec. 107 or 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law is authorized for users duly registered with the Copyright Clearance Center (CCC) Transaction Report- ing Service, provided that the appropriate remittance of $9.50 per article is paid directly to CCC, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. Specific written permission must be obtained for all other copying. Printed in the United States of America. available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core Contents Spenser's Lexicon Blanche H. Gelfant 1 Consuming Identities: Pancapitalism and Postmodern Formations Katharine Kia Tehranian 33 Benjamin Franklin, Native Americans, and European Cultures of Civility Carla Mulford 49 Inventing Iconography on the Accessible Frontier: Harriet Martineau, Anna Jameson, and Margaret Fuller on the Great Lakes Victoria Brehm 67 The Pocahontas Story in Early America Philip Gould 99 "As the Discharge of My Conscience to God": Narrative, Personhood, and the Construction of Legal Order in 17th-Century Quaker Culture John Smolenski 117 Rewriting the Barbary Captivity Narrative: The Perdicaris Affair and the Last Barbary Pirate Paul Baepler 177 Spirituals, Freedom Songs, and Lieux de Memoire: African- American Music and the Routes of Memory Peter J. Ling 213 available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core ii CONTENTS Advertising, Utopia, and Commercial Idealism: The Case of King Gillette Gib Prettyman 231 Americo Paredes's Development of a Border Outlaw John Trombold 249 The Sacred Harp Singing Tradition of Calhoun County, Mississippi Ted Olson 261 Art Theory and Psychological Thought in Mid-19th-Century America: The Case of The Crayon Dennis Raverty 285 Harriet Wilson and the White Reader: Authority and Audience in Our Nig Eileen Razzari Elrod 297 Gender Training: Male Ambitions, Domestic Duties, and Failure in the Magazine Fiction of T. S. Arthur Tim Ruppel 311 Vaudeville in American Art: Two Case Studies Laural Weintraub 339 How to Seduce a Working Girl: Vaudevillian Entertainment in American Working-Class Fiction 1890-1925 Lisa DuRose 377 Inscribing Boundaries in John Sloan's Hairdresser's Window: Privacy and the Politics of Vision Janice M. Coco 393 The Chestnuts of Edwin Austin Abbey: History Painting and the Transference of Culture in Turn-of-the-Century America Elisa Tamarkin 417 Clover Adams's Dark Room: Photography and Writing, Exposure and Erasure Laura Saltz 449 Utopia and Reality: An Image of the United States in Russian Liberal and Radical Publications (End of the 19th to the Beginning of the 20th Century) Dmitry Shlapentokh 491 available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core Contents iii Jump for Joy: The Jump Trope in African America, 1937-1941 Gena Caponi-Tabery 521 Leane Zugsmith's A Time to Remember: The Recovery of a Proletarian Text Sandra Adickes and James M. Boehnlein 575 Mass Cultural Populism and the Hollywood Novel: The Case of Nathaniel West's The Day of the Locust Chip Rhodes 589 The Ex-Communist Memoirs of Howard Fast and His Contemporaries David Seed 605 Reading Saint Flannery: Modernism, Sexuality, and the Culture of Psychoanalysis James M. Mellard 625 Making Generations and Bearing Witness: Violence and Orality in Gayl Jones's Corregidora Richard Hardack 645 Notes on Contributors 663 available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300000259 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_mj6k7leuozharl7y3u5zmn7zma	----	bassy noted, "which has strug- gled through difficult times dur- ing the past 15 years, responded to the American delegation's vis- it with a new sense of direction and confidence." The panel will meet in Wash- ington, D.C., in July and a ses- sion on science in Chile will be presented at the AAAS Annual Meeting in Boston. Update on AAAS Cooperative Efforts with Soviet Scientific and Engineering Community A number of events have tak- en place recently involving U.S. and Soviet experts. In Septem- ber 1986 a "spacebridge" tele- conference was held on "Cher- nobyl and Three Mile Island: Implications for Intemational Cooperation in an Interdepen- dent World." With AAAS and the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sci- ences as scientific sponsors, the teleconference featured U.S. and Soviet panels focused on lessons to be learned from the two acci- dents, future energy technolo- gies, and prospects of intema- tional collaboration in energy matters. During the "spacebridge" sev- eral suggestions were put forth for cooperative projects includ- ing joint seminars with the Sovi- et Academy on energy-related issues. Copies of an edited vid- eotape of the "spacebridge," narrated by Hedrick Smith, can be purchased for $40 or rented for $20 from Search for Com- mon Ground, 2005 Massachu- setts Avenue, NW, Washington, D.C. 20036. Both 1/2- and 3/4- inch formats are available. At the February 1987 AAAS Annual Meeting in Chicago sev- eral Soviet experts participated in a number of symposia organ- ized by the AAAS Committee on Science, Arms Control, and National Security. Roald Sag- deev and Albert Galeev, Insti- tute for Space Research; Aleksey Arbatov, Institute of World Economy and International Re- lations; and Yuri Shiyan, Com- mittee on International Security and Arms Control, spoke at ses- sions on Alternative Approaches to Arms Control; Soviet and American Perspectives on the Geneva Arms Control Negotia- tions; Soviet Perspectives on the Strategic and INF Negotiations; Arms Control and Verification Technology; and Prospects for the Space Program: One Year After Challenger. Audiotapes of these symposia are available from Mobil Tapes Company (818-244-8122). AAAS is cosponsoring with the Soviet Academy, the Global Foundation, and the University of Miami's Center for Theoreti- cal Studies an International Sci- entific Forum on Fueling the 21st Century: Solving Tomor- row's Problems, to be held in Moscow 29 September to 6 Oc- tober 1987. Experts from around the world will address energy pros- pects for the next century, dis- cussing chemical fuels, nuclear sources, including fusion and fission, and other alternatives, as well as social and economic as- pects of energy for the future. This will be the 11th in the Forum series which is intended to consider within an indepen- dent, international, and interdis- ciplinary framework energy is- sues facing academia, industry, and government in both devel- oped and developing countries. Two hundred scientists and en- gineers are expected to take part, including participants from the "spacebridge." For further in- formation on any ofthese activi- ties, please contact the Office of International Science at the AAAS address. SANDRA M. BuRNs Office ofInternational Science Resource Directory Available The AAAS Office of Oppor- tunities in Science announces the publication of the second edition of the Resource Directoty of Scientists and Engineers with Disabilities. The Directory lists names and other data about sci- entists and engineers with dis- abilities. It is a valuable resource for educators and students seeking information on better access to educational programs, as well as agencies in the federal govern- ment, nonprofit sector members of advisory committees, and peer-review panels. The Directo- ty is especially useful to scientists and engineers who become dis- abled in midcareer and wish to learn coping strategies that oth- ers have developed. Funding for the Directory was made possible by a grant from the National Science Founda- tion. Order copies from the Office of Opportunities in Science at the AAAS address; $10 plus $3 postage and handling, prepaid. Inquire about discounts for or- ders of ten or more copies. A braille edition is available. "The Hole in the Sky" Transcripts Available The fourth annual Benjamin Franklin Lecture featured Susan Solomon, a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administra- tion chemist and leader of the National Ozone Expedition 1986, Antarctica. Copies of the transcript of Solomon's lecture entitled, "The Hole in the Sky," are available upon request from Patricia S. Curlin, Committee on Public Understanding of Sci- ence and Technology, at the AAAS address. The Benjamin Franklin Lec- ture series is a featured activity of National Science and Tech- nology Week. Each year, the National Academy of Sciences, the National Science Founda- tion, and the AAAS cosponsor this event, intended for a general audience. Chairmen and Secretaries of AAAS Sections MATHEMATICS (A) Hyman Bass Lynn Arthur Steen PHYSICS (B) Herman Feshbach Rolf M. Sinclair CHEMISTRY (C) Norman Hackerman Jean'ne M. Shreeve ASTRONOMY (D) Jay M. Pasachoff John E. Gaustad GEOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY (E) George Rapp, Jr. Helen M. McCammon BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES (G) Judith H. Willis Judith P. Grassle ANTHROPOLOGY (H) John E. Yellen Priscilla Reining PSYCHOLOGY (J) Michael I. Posner William N. Dember SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL SCIENCES (K) Peter H. Rossi William R. Freudenburg HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE (L) Joseph W. Dauben Arthur L. Norberg ENGINEERING (M) Robert F. Cotellessa W. Edward Lear MEDICAL SCIENCES (N) Helen M. Ranney Henry Blackburn AGRICULTURE (0) Charles 0. Gardner Ralph J. McCracken INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE (P) Daniel Berg Robert L. Stem EDUCATION (0) Rita W. Peterson Joseph D. Novak DENTISTRY (R) Clifton 0. Dummett Marie U. Nylen PHARMACEUTICAL SCIENCES (S) Klaus G. Florey Betty-ann Hoener INFORMATION, COMPUTING, AND COMMUNICATION (T) Joyce Friedman Elliot R. Siegel STATISTICS (U) Ramanathan Gnanadesikan Joan R. Rosenblatt ATMOSPHERIC AND HYDROSPHERIC SCI- ENCES (W) Robert A. Duce William H. Beasley SOCIETAL IMPACTS OF SCIENCE AND ENGINEERING (X) Janice G. Hamrin Rosemary A. 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AAAS NEWS 853 JULY I987 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ Resource Directory Available DOI: 10.1126/science.237.4810.85-a (4810), 85.237Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/237/4810/85.2.citation PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. 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work_mliiwjj35ff2jkrxobbdx6idq4	----	Transatlantica, 1 | 2003 Transatlantica Revue d’études américaines. American Studies Journal  1 | 2003 State of the Union Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amitié franco-américaine 1776-1808. Paris : Michel Houdiard, 2000. 102 p. Nathalie Caron Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/transatlantica/660 DOI : 10.4000/transatlantica.660 ISSN : 1765-2766 Éditeur AFEA Référence électronique Nathalie Caron, « Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amitié franco- américaine 1776-1808. », Transatlantica [En ligne], 1 | 2003, mis en ligne le 05 avril 2006, consulté le 24 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/transatlantica/660 ; DOI : https://doi.org/ 10.4000/transatlantica.660 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 24 septembre 2020. Transatlantica – Revue d'études américaines est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org/transatlantica/660 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amitié franco-américaine 1776-1808. Paris : Michel Houdiard, 2000. 102 p. Nathalie Caron 1 Spécialiste des relations franco-américaines, Nicole Fouché propose une comparaison presque terme à terme entre deux Pères fondateurs de renom, Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson. Ce choix, comme la brièveté de l’ouvrage, le nombre limité de notes, la présence d’une courte bibliographie et l’absence d’index, répond aux exigences de la collection « Biographies américaines », dirigée par Annick Foucrier, dont l’objectif est de « présenter l’histoire des Etats-Unis à travers les vies de deux personnages emblématiques, montrés en miroir, dans la comparaison, la coopération ou l’affrontement ». Ici, le moment de l’histoire américaine que ce choix éditorial permet d’appréhender est la naissance des relations franco-américaines, de 1776 — lorsque la Déclaration d’indépendance des colonies américaines impose la nécessité de trouver une aide extérieure et donc de lancer une politique étrangère — à 1808, date à laquelle se termine le deuxième mandat présidentiel de Jefferson et se confirme la volonté américaine d’adopter une position de neutralité vis-à-vis de la France. Si le choix s’est porté sur Franklin et Jefferson, c’est qu’ils furent les deux premiers ministres plénipotentiaires américains à la cour de Versailles et sont, pour l’auteur qui ne cache pas son admiration pour tous deux, les « initiateurs de l’amitié, si riche d’avenir », entre la France et les États-Unis. Leurs séjours respectifs à Paris — de 1776 à 1785 pour Franklin, de 1784 à 1789 pour Jefferson — recouvrent d’ailleurs la période de formation des États-Unis, de la Déclaration d’indépendance à l’élection du premier président, George Washington. 2 Après une préface de Claude Folhen, l’étude s’ouvre par un chapitre intitulé « Le cadre et les personnages », où est décrit, de façon très didactique, le contexte historique, depuis la guerre de Sept Ans, qui opposa la France et l’Angleterre sur le sol américain entre 1756 et 1763, jusqu’à la recherche d’une aide extérieure indispensable à la Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amiti... Transatlantica, 1 | 2003 1 poursuite de la rébellion américaine contre la couronne britannique, c’est-à-dire jusqu’à la tentative faite par les nouveaux États-Unis d’obtenir un traité d’alliance avec la France, rivale de l’Angleterre. Sont ensuite présentés Franklin et Jefferson avant leur départ pour la France, leurs origines sociales et familiales, leur jeunesse et leur personnalité respectives. L’accent est mis sur les différences entre les deux personnages, sans que soit toujours évitée la schématisation. Non seulement Franklin est de dix-sept ans l’aîné de Jefferson, mais il est également de naissance plus modeste ; l’un est né en Amérique, l’autre en Angleterre ; l’un est citadin, l’autre planteur ; l’un est joueur et extroverti, l’autre sérieux et introverti ; tous deux sont mariés, mais si l’épouse de Franklin n’occupe pas une grande place dans sa vie, celle de Jefferson, vouée à un destin tragique, fut passionnément aimée, etc. De façon plus pertinente au regard du propos général, l’ouvrage met finalement l’accent sur l’anglophilie de Franklin, qui évolua de telle façon qu’il se rangea finalement, en 1776, du côté des insurgés, à la francophilie de Jefferson, qui, lorsqu’il fut président, le fit pencher en faveur d’une neutralité raisonnée. De même — aux deux chapitres suivants qui traitent tour à tour de Franklin puis de Jefferson — l’auteur remarque que les missions des deux ministres intervinrent dans des contextes bien différents, puisque Franklin dut se rendre en France pour demander une aide militaire à la cour de Versailles et négocier un traité d’amitié en temps de guerre, alors que Jefferson eut à confirmer et développer l’alliance française en temps de paix. Toutefois, Franklin réussit dans sa mission d’une façon plus éclatante que Jefferson, puisqu’il obtint, grâce à ses négociations mais aussi parce que la France voyait là un moyen de contrer sa rivale, la signature des deux traités franco-américains de février 1778, à savoir d’une part le traité d’Amitié et de Commerce et, de l’autre, le traité d’Alliance militaire qui en 1780 permit l’envoi de troupes françaises sur le territoire américain et assura ainsi la victoire aux colonies rebelles. Jefferson, lui, dut œuvrer dans un contexte de crise financière, la France affrontant alors une Angleterre en pleine croissance économique, et faire face à la mauvaise volonté des Français qui en 1786 signèrent un traité commercial, dit traité d’Eden, avec l’Angleterre. 3 Si les succès diplomatiques de Jefferson furent limités, ses efforts vinrent consolider les acquis de Franklin, dans la mesure où ils favorisèrent les transferts culturels entre France et Etats-Unis. C’est ce qui ressort des trois chapitres suivants où sont décrits les réseaux de connaissances — officiels et privés — de Franklin et de Jefferson. N. Fouché insiste sur la continuité entre les deux ministres sur le plan social et sur leur complémentarité, même si Jefferson ne bénéficia pas du même accueil à la cour que son prédécesseur. Jefferson, comme Franklin, entretint des liens amicaux étroits avec les philosophes et plus généralement les membres de l’élite française, confirmant ainsi l’amitié franco-américaine amorcée d’une façon tout à fait remarquable par son prédécesseur. À l’initiative des deux hommes, de nombreux échanges culturels et intellectuels eurent lieu, qui permirent à la France et aux États-Unis de mieux se connaître et comprendre. À l’instar de Franklin, dont les expériences sur l’électricité lui valurent d’être félicité par Louis XV et admis à l’Académie des sciences de Paris, Jefferson s’intéressait à la science — il proposa Lavoisier comme membre de l’American Philosophical Society de Philadelphie. Il se passionnait tout particulièrement pour l’horticulture, importa des plants américains et chercha à faire partager son goût pour le vin français. C’est par l’intermédiaire de Franklin que le duc de la Rochefoucauld d’Enville traduisit en français les Constitutions de colonies américaines. De son côté, Jefferson fit paraître en France ses Notes on the State of Virginia et collabora à la Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amiti... Transatlantica, 1 | 2003 2 rédaction de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen. Curieux, alerte, plus jeune que Franklin lors de son séjour en France, Jefferson est défini par N. Fouché comme un moderne, issu de l’encyclopédisme des Lumières, qui non seulement transmit à ses compatriotes une certaine image de la France — à travers l’architecture par exemple qu’il chercha à reproduire en Virginie — mais aussi proposa aux Français une incarnation de la spécificité américaine. Jefferson toutefois ne vit pas tout de la France ; et en particulier ne vit rien de la misère du peuple. Il ne semble pas avoir été conscient des fractures de la société française qui furent à l’origine des événements de 1789, date à laquelle il est rappelé aux États-Unis. Les relations franco-américaines furent ensuite ternies par la venue du ministre plénipotentiaire français, Genêt, qui en 1793 déclencha une vague de francophobie chez les partisans de Washington, par le traité de Jay en 1794, qui remit en cause les traités de 1778, et surtout par l’affaire XYZ et la quasi- guerre avec la France en 1798. Président à partir de 1800, Jefferson acheta la Louisiane à Bonaparte tout en adoptant une position de neutralité vis-à-vis de la France. 4 En somme, voilà un petit livre clair, de lecture facile et agréable, plus descriptif qu’argumentatif, qui intéressera tous ceux qui souhaitent faire le point sur le rôle des deux ministres en France, ou qui cherchent à en savoir plus sur le contexte des Lumières et sur la place de Franklin et de Jefferson dans les cercles français de sociabilité entre 1776 et 1789. Toutefois, outre la tendance à la schématisation notée plus haut, soulignons le flou de certains passages, qui contraste avec le parti pris pédagogique du chapitre d’introduction. Ainsi un lecteur non averti regrettera probablement l’absence de détails sur le contenu du traité de Paris de 1783. De même, la présentation de la venue de Genêt est incomplète puisque l’accent est mis sur la francophobie déclenchée par les actions du ministre, sans que soit souligné le fait que cette francophobie ne s’étendait pas aux membres des sociétés démocratiques- républicaines, qui continuèrent à soutenir Genêt même après son renvoi. INDEX Thèmes : Recensions AUTEUR NATHALIE CARON Université Paris 10 — Nanterre Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amiti... Transatlantica, 1 | 2003 3 Nicole Fouché. Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson : Aux sources de l’amitié franco-américaine 1776-1808. 
work_mr4rglviy5havdjyw6pwzv4mia	----	COVER ART Rembrandt Peale (1778-1860) Rubens Peale with a Geranium (1801) P ARENTS COMMUNICATE THEIR ASPIRATIONS for their children in various ways. Charles Willson Peale was not subtle; he named 6 of his 17 children Raphaelle, Rembrandt, Ru- bens, Titian, Angelica Kauffmann, and Sophonisba Angusciola. The strategy worked. Three of them grew up to be professional artists, including Rem- brandt Peale, who painted this affectionate portrait of his 17-year-old brother Rubens when the artist was 23. Rubens Peale, however, was cursed with bad eye- sight and frail health as a young boy. Barely able to see the letters in books, he struggled in school and at draw- ing. Encouragement to persist in his efforts came from no less a source than Benjamin Franklin, a visitor to the Peale household, but Rubens came to realize that his natu- ral gifts lay elsewhere. As early as age 10, he showed un- usual talent at growing plants and raising birds. The por- trait shows him gently probing the soil around a rare variety of geranium with 2 fingers of his right hand, a keen sense of touch helping to compensate for his poor vision. How did a boy so young develop such an interest in rare plants and birds? It helped that he grew up in a museum. His father Charles founded the Philadelphia Museum in 1784 as a business and his family lived right in the build- ing. In the spirit of the Age of Enlightenment, the mu- seum sought to be “a world in miniature,” its collection including exotic plants and stuffed animals, historical ar- tifacts from the Lewis and Clark Expedition, scientific in- struments, works of art, and more. For 25 cents admis- sion, parents in postcolonial Philadelphia could bring their children for both instruction and entertainment. Although they pursued different careers, the 2 broth- ers Rembrandt and Rubens remained close and shared adventures. Later in 1801, both got involved in another of their father’s projects excavating 2 mastodon skel- etons in upstate New York—truly a mammoth under- taking. They sailed with the ancient bones to England, where Rembrandt studied old European masters while Rubens ran a mastodon exhibit and learned about Brit- ish museum management. Later, they directed a new mu- seum in Baltimore, Md, and Rubens set up and ran an- other in New York. Economic hard times hurt museum patronage badly. Eventually the family had to close the museums and sell most of their holdings to showman P. T. Barnum. Many of the artifacts subsequently perished in a warehouse fire. Fortunately, much of the Peale art collection was pur- chased by the city of Philadelphia and can still be seen in art museums and in Independence National Histori- cal Park. In retirement, Rubens could no longer resist the fate conferred on him by the name his father had chosen for him and he took up painting. In the last decade of his life, he painted over 130 canvases—still lifes, flower paint- ings, and landscapes showing gardens that he himself had planted as a boy. Correspondence: Dr Koepsell, Department of Epidemi- ology, University of Washington, F-261F Health Sci- ences, Box 357236, Seattle, WA 98195 (koepsell@u .washington.edu). Thomas D. Koepsell, MD, MPH Star Wars raised our boys, taught them how to read and do math, and put them on the fast track to an interest in computer sci- ence. —Letter to the editor in Time magazine, May 30, 2005 (REPRINTED) ARCH PEDIATR ADOLESC MED/ VOL 159, DEC 2005 WWW.ARCHPEDIATRICS.COM 1100 ©2005 American Medical Association. All rights reserved. at University of Washington, on December 5, 2005 www.archpediatrics.comDownloaded from 
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work_nk32gexfefb2rakw4hw3iaguqy	----	NEWS & NOTES 1967 ANNUAL MEETING AND SLATE OF OFFICERS FOR 1967-68 The 1967 Annual Meeting of the Association will be held September 5-9 at the Pick- Congress Hotel, Chicago. Professor Harry Eckstein, Princeton University, is Chairman of the Program Committee. At the Annual Business Meeting of the Association, to be held at 4:30 P.M. Wednesday, September 6, in the Great Hall, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, the Nominating Committee (comprised of Gwendolen M. Carter, Northwestern University, Chairman; Richard F. Fenno, Jr., University of Rochester; Samuel P. Huntington, Harvard University; Donald R. Matthews, University of North Carolina; Robert E. Ward, University of Michigan; and Aaron B. Wildavsky, University of California at Berkeley) will propose the following officers for 1967-68: President Elect: David Easton, University of Chicago Vice Presidents: Stephen K. Bailey, Syracuse University Harvey C. Mansfield, Columbia University Jack W. Peltason, University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana Secretary: Harvey Glickman, Haverford College Treasurer: Max M. Kampelman, Washington, D.C. Members of the Council for two years: Holbert N. Carroll, University of Pittsburgh Charles O. Jones, University of Arizona Merle Kling, Washington University, St. Louis Roy C. Macridis, Brandeis University Paul L. Puryear, Fisk University Robert A. Scalapino, University of California, Berkeley Glendon Schubert, University of North Carolina Daniel Wit, Northern Illinois University PROGRAM COMMITTEE: 1968 ANNUAL MEETING The 1968 Annual Meeting of the Association will be held in Washington, D.C. at the Washington-Hilton Hotel, September 3-7. Early appointment of the Program Committee for the meeting makes it timely now to invite members of the Association to submit proposals for consideration as soon as convenient, and prior to September 1, 1967, to the Chairman or an appropriate member of the Committee. Members of the Committee are: Chairman, Joseph La Palombara, Yale University Public Administration, U. S.—Stephen K. Bailey, Syracuse University Comparative Administration—Ralph Braibanti, Duke University International Politics & Organization—Inis L. Claude, Jr., University of Michigan Political Science & Public Policy—Frederic N. Cleaveland, University of North Carolina American Government & Politics—Richard F. Fenno, Jr., University of Rochester Ideology and Political Science—Andrew Hacker, Cornell University Historical Dimensions of Political Development—Robert T. Holt, University of Minnesota Public Opinion and Representation—Duncan MacRae, Jr., University of Chicago Urban Problems—Daniel P. Moynihan, Joint Center for Urban Studies of M.I.T. and Harvard University Mathematics & Political Science—William H. Riker, University of Rochester Comparative Politics—Dankwart A. Rustow, Columbia University American Foreign Policy—Kenneth W. Thompson, The Rockefeller Foundation Public Law and Judicial Processes—S. Sidney Ulmer, University of Kentucky Political Theory—Rend Williamson, Louisiana State University 569 h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 03 05 54 00 13 63 29 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 48 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055400136329 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 570 THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW NOTICE RESOLUTIONS AT ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING In accordance with Article VIII of the Constitution of the American Political Science Association, the attention of members of the Association is hereby directed to the provision of the Constitution that: "All resolutions shall be referred to the Council for its recommenda- tions before submission to the vote of the Association at its Annual Business Meeting." The Council of the Association will meet all day Tuesday, September 5, 1967, in the Belmont Room, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois. The Handbook of Latin American Studies invites members of the American Political Science As- sociation to submit reprints of their current arti- cles dealing with Latin America for possible re- view purposes in forthcoming volumes of this annual selected bibliography on the social sci- ences and humanities. Correspondence should be addressed to: The Editor, Handbook of Latin American Studies, Hispanic Foundation, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540. A five-day special program, "Operations Re- search for Public Systems," will be presented at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology from September 5 through September 9, 1967. General discussions of the methodology will be illustrated by area surveys and case studies from areas such as urban planning and municipal operation, public health, the judicial court system, public transportation, and educational systems. For further information, write to: Director of the Summer Session, Room E19-356, M.I.T., Cam- bridge, Mass. 02139. The International Studies Association will again sponsor a luncheon meeting at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science As- sociation. It will be held at 12:30 P.M. on Friday, September 8, and the room will be announced in the Final Program of the convention. At least one nationally prominent speaker will appear at the luncheon. It is requested that those planning to attend notify the ISA office (University of Den- ver, Denver, Colo. 80210) beforehand. The sixty-third Annual Meeting of the Association will be held Septem- ber 5-9, 1967 at the Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago. PROFESSIONAL CONFERENCES The National Institute of Social and Behavioral Science will hold its regular sessions for con- tributed papers at the 134th annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, December 26-31, 1967, in New York. Sessions are held with the collaboration of the Section on Social and Economic Sciences of the A.A.A.S. Political scientists interested in presenting a paper at these sessions are invited to forward titles and abstracts of 300 words to Donald P. Ray, National Institute of Social and Behavioral Science, 863 Benjamin Franklin Station, Wash- ington, D.C. 20044, not later than September 1st. Papers should concern recently completed or well-advanced ongoing research in any of the fields of political science. Of perhaps especial interest would be studies on, for example, na- tional politics in India, the "alliance gap" in American foreign relations, constitutional govern- ment in South Vietnam, political development in the U.S.S.R., and international relations in the Middle East. Selected materials of the sessions will be pub- lished, and papers are eligible, upon nomination, for the $1000 Newcomb Cleveland Prize with bronze medal of the A.A.A.S. The annual meet- ing invariably receives extensive coverage by science writers from all media. The Duke University Commonwealth-Studies Center, sponsored in collaboration with the com- parative administration group of the American h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 03 05 54 00 13 63 29 D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 48 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055400136329 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 
work_nlxb3jj5w5efnlwuviaupnmip4	----	Bibliography of recent books and articles dealing with the history of the Royal Society or its fellows | Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London Login to your account Email Password Forgot password? Keep me logged in New User Institutional Login Change Password Old Password New Password Too Short Weak Medium Strong Very Strong Too Long Congrats! Your password has been changed Create a new account Email Returning user Can't sign in? Forgot your password? Enter your email address below and we will send you the reset instructions Email Cancel If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to reset your password. Close Request Username Can't sign in? Forgot your username? Enter your email address below and we will send you your username Email Close If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username Cookies Notification This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Find out more. × brought to you byCarnegie Mellon University Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome All Journals Biographical Memoirs Biology Letters Interface Interface Focus Notes and Records Open Biology Philosophical Transactions A Philosophical Transactions B Proceedings A Proceedings B Royal Society Open Science Brought to you by Carnegie Mellon University Sign in 0 Cart Search Anywhere This Journal Quick Search anywhereEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Quick Search in JournalsEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Advanced Search Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome Home Content Published ahead of print Latest issue All content Subject collections Blog posts Information for Authors Guest organizers Reviewers Readers Institutions About us About the journal Editorial board Author benefits Policies Journal metrics Open access Sign up Purchase eTOC alerts RSS feeds Newsletters Request a free trial Submit Restricted access MoreSections Get Access Get Access Tools Add to favorites Download Citations Track Citations Share Share on Facebook Twitter Linked In Reddit Email Cite this article 1958Bibliography of recent books and articles dealing with the history of the Royal Society or its fellowsNotes Rec. R. Soc. Lond.1369–72http://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1958.0009 Section Restricted accessBibliography Bibliography of recent books and articles dealing with the history of the Royal Society or its fellows Published:01 June 1958https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1958.0009 Abstract EACH number of Notes and Records contains a short bibliography of books and articles dealing with the history of the Royal Society or its Fellows which have appeared since the publication of the last number. If Fellows would be good enough to draw the Editor’s attention to omissions these would be added to the next issue. Footnotes This text was harvested from a scanned image of the original document using optical character recognition (OCR) software. As such, it may contain errors. Please contact the Royal Society if you find an error you would like to see corrected. Mathematical notations produced through Infty OCR. 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Keep me logged in Institutional login Purchase Save for later Item saved, go to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old $22.00 Add to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old Checkout Restore content access Figures Related References Details 30 June 1958 Volume 13Issue 1 Article Information DOI:https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1958.0009 Published by:Royal Society History: Published online01/01/1997 Published in print01/06/1958 Copyright and usage: Scanned images copyright © 2017, Royal Society Statistics from Altmetric Close Figure Viewer Browse All FiguresReturn to FigureChange zoom levelZoom inZoom out Previous FigureNext Figure Caption NOTES AND RECORDS About this journal Contact information Purchasing information Submit Author benefits Open access membership Recommend to your library Help Author benefits Purchasing information Submit Open access membership Recommend to your library Contact information Help ROYAL SOCIETY PUBLISHING Our journals Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies Our journals Historical context Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies THE ROYAL SOCIETY About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire Back to top Copyright © 2021 The Royal Society 
work_npjakqqcvjfefisuvpnblxgi7m	----	0000_V53.08_AUGUST.indb A U g U S T 2 0 1 0 | V O l . 5 3 | N O . 8 | c o m m u n i c aT i o n S o f T h e a c m 21 news P H o t o G r a P H b y ( r I G H t ) t o n y s C a r l a t o s , (l e F t ) F r o M I t C s , t s I n G H u a u n I V e r s I t y Milestones | DOI:10.1145/1787234.1787267 Jack Rosenberger Gödel Prize and other cS awards Sanjeev Arora, Joseph S.B. Mitchell, and other researchers are recognized for their contributions to computer science. ter for Field Robotics at the University of Sydney, was honored for his major contributions to robotics, in particu- lar to the fields of sensor data fusion and of autonomous vehicle navigation. Georg Gottlob, a professor of comput- ing science at the University of Oxford, was honored for his fundamental con- tributions to both artificial intelligence and database systems. Gerhard herzberg medal The Natural Sciences and Engineer- ing Research Council of Canada be- stowed the Gerhard Herzberg Canada Gold Medal, the nation’s top medal for science and engineering, to Gilles Brassard, Canada Research Chair in Quantum Information Processing at the Université de Montréal. Brassard is one of the inventors of quantum cryp- tography and a pioneer in the field of quantum information science. alan T. Waterman award The U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) selected of Subhash Khot, an associate professor at New York Uni- versity’s Courant Institute of Math- T h e e u R o p e A n A s s o c I A t I o n for Theoretical Computer Science (EATCS) and the ACM Special Interest Group on Algorithms and Compu- tation Theory (SIGACT), the British Computer Society, and other organi- zations recently honored select scien- tists for their contributions to com- puter science. Gödel Prize In recognition of their outstanding pa- pers in theoretical computer science, EATCS and ACM SIGACT awarded the 2010 Gödel Prize to Sanjeev Arora, a professor of computer science at Princ- eton University, and Joseph S.B. Mitch- ell, a professor in the Department of Applied Mathematics and Statistics at the State University of New York at Stony Brook, for their concurrent dis- covery of a polynomial-time approxi- mation scheme for the Euclidean Trav- eling Salesman Problem. Roger needham award and Lovelace medal The British Computer Society (BCS) presented the Roger Needham Award to Joël Ouaknine of the Oxford Univer- sity Computing Laboratory in recogni- tion of his seminal and mathematical contributions to the field of timed systems modeling and analysis. BCS’s Lovelace Medal was presented to John Reynolds, a professor at the School of Computer Science, Carnegie Mellon University in recognition of his work of the last four decades and his contri- bution to the theory of programming languages. Royal Society fellows The 44 newly elected 2010 Fellows of the Royal Society include two comput- er scientists. Hugh Francis Durrant- Whyte, director of the Australian Cen- ematical Sciences, to receive the 2010 Alan T. Waterman Award. Considered the NSF’s most prestigious honorary award since its establishment in 1975, it is given annually to an outstanding researcher under the age of 36 in any field of science and engineering sup- ported by NSF. A theoretical computer scientist, Khot works in the area of computational complexity and seeks to understand the power and limits of efficient computation. Benjamin franklin medal The Franklin Institute presented the 2010 Benjamin Franklin Medal in Computer and Cognitive Science to Shafrira Goldwasser, RSA Professor of Computer Science and Engineering at Massachusetts Institute of Technology and professor of computer science and mathematics at Weizmann Institute of Science, for her fundamental contribu- tions to the theoretical foundation of modern cryptography. Jack Rosenberger is senior editor, news, of Communications. © 2010 aCM 0001-0782/10/0800 $10.00 Gödel Prize winners Sanjeev arora, left, and Joseph S.B. mitchell. 
work_o56wctkflbb5zivt7pfw64rj5u	----	Impressive response to temsirolimus in a patient with chemotherapy refractory diffuse large B-cell non-Hodgkin's lymphoma HAL Id: hal-00554984 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00554984 Submitted on 12 Jan 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- entific research documents, whether they are pub- lished or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. Impressive response to temsirolimus in a patient with chemotherapy refractory diffuse large B-cell non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma Philipp Kiewe, Eckhard Thiel To cite this version: Philipp Kiewe, Eckhard Thiel. Impressive response to temsirolimus in a patient with chemotherapy refractory diffuse large B-cell non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. Annals of Hematology, Springer Verlag, 2010, 90 (1), pp.109-110. �10.1007/s00277-010-0951-z�. �hal-00554984� https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00554984 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr Editorial Manager(tm) for Annals of Hematology Manuscript Draft Manuscript Number: AOHE-D-10-00147 Title: Impressive response to temsirolimus in a patient with chemotherapy refractory diffuse large B- cell non-Hodgkin's lymphoma Article Type: Letter to the Editor Keywords: Temsirolimus; DLCBL; aggressive lymphoma Corresponding Author: Dr. Philipp Kiewe, M.D. Corresponding Author's Institution: Charité Campus Benjamin Franklin First Author: Philipp Kiewe, M.D. Order of Authors: Philipp Kiewe, M.D.; Eckhard Thiel, M.D. Abstract: No Abstract - letter to the editor 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 - 1 - Impressive response to temsirolimus in a patient with chemotherapy refractory diffuse large B-cell non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma Philipp Kiewe * and Eckhard Thiel Dept. of Hematology, Oncology and Transfusion Medicine, Charité University Medicine, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Hindenburgdamm 30/31, 12200 Berlin, Germany *Charité University Medicine, Campus Benjamin Franklin Dept. of Hematology, Oncology and Transfusion Medicine Hindenburgdamm 30 D-12200 Berlin, Germany Tel.: +49-30-8445-2337 Fax: +49-30-8445-4468 Email: philipp.kiewe@charite.de Keywords: Temsirolimus; DLCBL; aggressive lymphoma Manuscript Click here to download Manuscript: DLCBL Temsirolimus Annals.doc Click here to view linked References http://www.editorialmanager.com/aohe/download.aspx?id=19814&guid=41c3c5e0-a2e3-4c8c-9616-1097009a0a74&scheme=1 http://www.editorialmanager.com/aohe/viewRCResults.aspx?pdf=1&docID=2119&rev=0&fileID=19814&msid={2A3CCBE1-D598-4901-A331-8079D5927B4C} 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 - 2 - Dear Editor, Temsirolimus is a selective inhibitor of the cell proliferation promoting intracellular protein mTOR (mammalian target of rapamycin). Its activity in lymphatic malignancies has first been demonstrated in relapsed mantle-cell lymphoma [1]. Further studies confirmed activity in this lymphoma entity and established a weekly dosage of 75mg as approved treatment regimen [2], although a weekly dose of 25mg remains an effective treatment option [3]. Experience with temsirolimus in other entities of NHL is limited to a phase II study in recurrent DLCBL, follicular lymphoma and chronic lymphocytic leukemia/small lymphocytic lymphoma [4]. In 19 evaluable patients with DLCBL and a median of ≥ 2 prior treatment lines, a remarkable overall response rate of 42% was observed with a weekly temsirolimus dosage of only 25mg. A 44-year old woman was diagnosed with diffuse-large B-cell Non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma (NHL) limited to the tongue base (stage IBE) in June 2003. After initial treatment with 6 cycles of dose-intensified cyclophosphamide, adriamycin, vincristine, etoposide and prednisolone (Hi-CHOEP), a complete response was achieved. The patient relapsed in October 2006 with intrathoracic and abdominal manifestations. Salvage therapy included 3 cycles of rituximab, ifosfamide, carboplatin and etoposide (R-ICE) followed by high-dose carmustine, etoposide, cytarabine, melphalan (HD- BEAM) and autologous stem-cell transplantation resulting in complete response. In July 2008, second relapse occurred with cervical and abdominal lymph node enlargements. Treatment was initiated with 5 cycles of rituximab and bendamustine yielding another complete response. Remission, however, was short-lived, and in January 2009 disease recurred. Sequential treatment included one cycle of rituximab, dexamethasone, high-dose cytarabine, cisplatin (R-DHAP) and one cycle of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 - 3 - rituximab, high-dose cytarabine, mitoxantrone (dose-modified R-HAM) in reconfirmed CD20-positive disease followed by a second high-dose protocol with 90 Y-ibritumomab tiuxetan, cyclophosphamide, etoposide, carmustine (Z-CVB) and autologous stem- cell support. This time, only partial remission was achieved with disease progression shortly thereafter in August 2009. Further treatment lines including lenalidomide, two cycles each of gemcitabine/mitoxantrone and carboplatin/ifosfamide were ineffective. In November 2009 the patient presented with a large intraabdominal tumor-bulk resulting in a massively distended abdomen. Lactate dehydrogenase (LDH) had risen to 480 U/L (< 247) and bone marrow function was poor with severe tricytopenia, predominantly thrombocytopenia of 50 x 10 9 /l (150-400). At this time, weekly monotherapy with 25mg temsirolimus was started. A dramatic clinical response was seen after only 5 infusions with normalization of the abdominal exam and LDH. No relevant toxicity was noted. The sixth temsirolimus infusion was combined with bendamustine after platelet counts had risen to 136 x 10 9 /l. One week thereafter, restaging computed tomography (CT) scans confirmed clinical response with only minimal residual abdominal lymphoma manifestations compared with pre- treatment imaging (Fig 1a+b). Temsirolimus infusions were continued but unfortunately, tumor progression was observed four weeks later. The very favourable response in our patient with highly pretreated refractory DLCBL, though short-lived, supports the evidence of a high activity of temisirolimus in NHL including DLCBL. Further investigations are clearly warranted, preferably in less advanced disease and in combination with chemotherapy. Moreover, the optimal dosage needs to be defined. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 - 4 - Figure 1 Abdominal CT scan without intravenous contrast-enhancement before temsirolimus treatment (a) and after six weekly infusions (b) showing only minimal residual lymphoma manifestations (arrow). References: 1. Witzig TE, Geyer SM, Ghobrial I, et al (2005) Phase II trial of single-agent temsirolimus (CCI-779) for relapsed mantle cell lymphoma. J Clin Oncol 23:5347- 5356. 2. Hess G, Herbrecht R, Romaguera J, et al (2009) Phase III study to evaluate temsirolimus compared with investigator’s choice therapy for the treatment of relapsed or refractory mantle cell lymphoma. J Clin Oncol 27:3822-3829. 3. Ansell SM, Inwards DJ, Rowland KM Jr, et al (2008) Low-dose, single-agent temsirolimus for relapsed mantle cell lymphoma: a phase 2 trial in the North Central Cancer Treatment Group. Cancer 113:508-514. 4. Smith SM, Pro B, Cisneros A, et al (2008) Activity of single agent temsirolimus (CCI-779) in non-mantle cell non-Hodgkin lymphoma subtypes. J Clin Oncol 26:15s (suppl; abstr 8514). http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18543327?ordinalpos=2&itool=EntrezSystem2.PEntrez.Pubmed.Pubmed_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_DefaultReportPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18543327?ordinalpos=2&itool=EntrezSystem2.PEntrez.Pubmed.Pubmed_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_DefaultReportPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18543327?ordinalpos=2&itool=EntrezSystem2.PEntrez.Pubmed.Pubmed_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_DefaultReportPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum Figure 1 a+b Click here to download high resolution image http://www.editorialmanager.com/aohe/download.aspx?id=19817&guid=e94e4ea5-a817-4024-bb5d-2893580eb102&scheme=1 To be submitted offline Click here to download Conflict of interest: conflictofinterestdisclosureform.pdf http://www.editorialmanager.com/aohe/download.aspx?id=19816&guid=4dcedd06-805d-46e4-a0d3-41250cce4e92&scheme=1 
work_o5nnpfgopvdzhbrufb3yw4bio4	----	UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title IN MEMORIAM: Emily Carota Orne, 1938-2016. Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5vc0v1hw Journal The International journal of clinical and experimental hypnosis, 65(1) ISSN 0020-7144 Authors Dinges, David F Kihlstrom, John F McConkey, Kevin M Publication Date 2017 DOI 10.1080/00207144.2016.1248121 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5vc0v1hw https://escholarship.org http://www.cdlib.org/ IN MEMORIAM: Emily Carota Orne, 1938–2016 Emily Carota Orne, wife of the late Martin T. Orne and his compa- nion in research for almost 40 years, passed away on August 1, 2016, from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. Emily Orne was born in Boston on September 7, 1938, to Ruth Farrell Carota and Emil Carota. As an undergraduate at Bennington College, she did a fieldwork term at the Massachusetts Mental Health Center, which brought her into contact with Martin, who was Senior Research Psychiatrist there, and Director of the Studies in Hypnosis Project. After graduation in 1959, she did graduate work in psychology at Brandeis University, where she was taught by Abraham Maslow, Ulric Neisser, and Walter Toman. Emily and Martin were married in 1962 and worked together for the next 38 years. In 1964, the Orne laboratory, known as the Unit for Experimental Psychiatry, moved to the Institute of Pennsylvania Hospital and the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine, in Philadelphia, where she was a Research Associate of Psychology in Psychiatry. Martin died in 2000, and Emily retired in 2014. Emily’s most salient contribution to hypnosis research was to develop, with Ronald E. Shor, the Harvard Group Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility, Form A, an adaptation for group administration of Weitzenhoffer and Hilgard’s Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale, Form A. The Harvard Scale introduced substantial economies into the assessment of hypnotiz- ability and made it possible for investigators of even limited resources to become involved in hypnosis research. By any standard, it has been the most frequently employed measure of hypnotizability by researchers worldwide, having been cited almost 1500 times (according to Google Scholar) and been translated into many languages. Emily was particularly concerned with the forensic use of hypnosis and was a leading figure in the debate over the hypnotic recovery of memories of child sexual abuse and other traumas. She coauthored influential studies that warned of the dangers that the suggestive nature of hypnosis posed for the accuracy of memory and cautioned that any memory “recovered” through hypnosis should be indepen- dently confirmed. She was also interested in the medical applications of hypnosis and published a number of studies on the use of hypnosis in pain relief and stress management in children with sickle-cell disease. Through all of her research, Emily insisted—as Martin did—that the effects of hypnosis were “real” in the sense that they were subjectively Intl. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 65(1): 1–3, 2017 Copyright © International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis ISSN: 0020-7144 print / 1744-5183 online DOI: 10.1080/00207144.2016.1248121 1 compelling, even as the subject’s interpretation of contextual demand characteristics shaped his or her response to the hypnotist’s suggestions. The research program at the unit was very broad, and Emily was also involved in a wide variety of studies outside of hypnosis, including the effects of sleep and naps on attention and human performance and the psychophysiological detection of deception. Whatever the topic, she devoted herself to the research completely. She had an excellent eye for viewing experimental situations “from the subject’s point of view.” When new studies were being dis- cussed, planned and piloted, Emily, as Martin did, ensured that the investigators could articulate the conceptual and methodological alignment of those studies, would anticipate the possible empirical outcomes (not just the desired one) and consider alternative expla- nations for those outcomes and would bring the investigators back to understanding the perspectives of the subjects in the study. And after the study was completed and being written up, regardless of whether Emily was an author, she was a tireless editor of the unit’s publications. Draft after draft would pass through her hands, returned to its author(s) liberally splashed with red ink, until the final version was as good—clear, concise, and convincing—as it could possibly be before submission. And when the paper came back from editorial review, she would repeat the process all over again. She lavished the same talent on articles submitted to the International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis during Martin’s term as Editor-in-Chief (1961–1992), a period in which the journal rose to preeminence not only as a venue for hypnosis research but also as an exemplar of strong contemporary thinking in psychology and psychiatry. In recognition of her contributions to the field of hypnosis, she was awarded the Benjamin Franklin Gold Medal from the International Society of Hypnosis. Many people worked with Emily, and with Martin, at the Unit for Experimental Psychiatry over their years there, some for short peri- ods of time and some had a long association; that association was highly influential for many. Indeed, whatever the period of time together, whatever career followed, and wherever in the world they went, Emily’s direct and indirect influence continued in various ways. In addition to an ongoing interest in the careers of many of those people, as evident in letters and e-mails from Emily about a publication by them she read or a career move she heard about, Emily also expressed keen interest in the personal activities, family members and loved ones, and happiness of those whose careers she had helped to shape at the Unit for Experimental Psychiatry. 2 DAVID F. DINGES ET AL. Emily Carota Orne is survived by her son Frank T. Orne, her daughter Tracy M. Orne, her brother Noel Farrell Carota, her sisters- in-law Lindsay Stradley Carota and Susie Orne, and their families, and by her caregiver Michael McCullough. DAVID F. DINGES Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA JOHN F. KIHLSTROM University of California, Berkeley, USA KEVIN M. MCCONKEY University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia IN MEMORIAM: EMILY CAROTA ORNE 3 
work_o6uptvcnjrctvhzvc4rfexyaei	----	XLVII. A letter from Richard Price, D. D. F. R. S. to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. on the effect of the aberration of light on the time of a transit of Venus over the Sun . C s j « ] X L V II. A Letter from Richard Price, D .D . F. R. S. to Benjamin Franklin, L L. D. F. RyS.on the EffeSi of the Aberration of Light on the Lime of a Lr anft of Venus over the Sun. D e a r S i r, Read Dec. 20. IT Cannot doubt but that the obferyation 1770 JL made by your ingenious friend in the paper ^ you fent me is right. T h e aberration of Venus muft, I think, a t e d the phafes of a tranfit, by re­ tarding them, and not by accelerating them. This retardation is 554."; for that is the time nearly which Venus, during a tranfit, takes to move over 3 " . ^ This, however, is by no means the whole retardation of a tranfit occafioned by aberration. T here is a retar­ dation arifing from the aberration of the Sun, as well as from that of Venus, T h e aberration of the Sun, it is well known, leffens its longitude about 2 0 ". and the aberration of Venus, agreeably to your friends demonftration, increafes its longitude at the time of a tranfit 3//*7* Venus, therefore, and the Sun, at the inftant of the true beginning of a tranfit, muft be feparated from one another by aberration 2 ^* 7 5 and, hnce Venus then moves nearly at the rate o f 4 in an Ht The paper which occafioned this letter, and which is here preferred to, may be found in p» 35 ̂ *kis volume. hour, 7 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 * hour, it will move over 2 5 ^.7 in A nd confequently, from the inftant of the beginning o f a tranfit, 5 ': 5 5 '' muft elapfe before it can begin apparently. It may, I know, be objected here, that the aber­ ration of the Sun ought not to be taken into confi- deration, becaufe the calculations from the folar tables give the apparent places of the Sun, or its longitude with the effect of aberration included, and therefore always about 2 0 ^ too little. But from this obfervation a conclufion will follow very different from that which the objection fuppofes. T h e retardation I have mentioned is properly the tim e that the calculated phafes of a tranfit of Venus will precede the apparent phafes, fuppofing the tables from which the calculation is made to give the true places of the Sun. I f they give the apparent plkces of the Sun, this retardation, inftead o f being leffened, will be con- fiderably increafed. In order to prove this, I m uft defire it may be remembered, that in deducing by trigonometrical operations the geocentric places of a planet from the heliocentric, the E aith is fuppofed to be in that point of the ecliptic which is^exadlly oppofite to, or 180° from the plaice o f the fun, and that this fuppofition is juft only when the fttn’s true place is taken. In reality, the Earth is always about 2 0 ^ more forward in its orbit than th e , point obpofite to the Sun’s apparent place 5 and in cOnfdquehce of this it will happen, that in calculating a tranfit of Venus from tables which give the Sun’s apparent places, a greater difference will arife between the (Calculated and the obferved times than if the tables had given the Sun’s true places. Vol„LX. Z zz For [ 537 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 53» ] For, let S be the Sun, T the Earth, V Venus. Were there no aberration of light, the Sun would be always feen in its true place, or in the dire&ion TS. But, in reality, in confequenee of aberration, it will be feen ao /; lefs advanced in the ecliptic, or in the direction Tx, fuppofing STj to be an angle of 2o//. Now a calculation from tables giving the true places of the Sun, would fix the moment of a conjunction, to th e time that Venus gets to TS j but this, though the time of the true conjunction, would not be the time of th e obferved conjunction $ for the Sun being then really feen in the direction T s , Venus, after getting to TS, muff move 2 0 " , or from a to c, before the apparent conjunction can take place. But if the calculations are made from the appa­ rent places of the Sun, the conjunction will be fixt to the time Venus gets to t S, or a line drawn through S parallel to x T , for in this cafe t will be the point of the ecliptic oppofite to the apparent place of the Sun, and the longitude of the fun feen from t will be 2 0 ^ lefs than its true longitude, and therefore the fame with “its apparent longitude. But the Earth being then really at T , Venus will, at the calculated time of a con­ junction, he obferved at a. diftance from the Sun equal to the angle L T s. T his angle, fuppofing V T 277, and V S 7 2 3 , may be eafily found D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 539 1 found to be 72/7.2. Add to this $",7, the proper aberration of Venus at the time o f a tranfit, removing it more towards E , and the whole vifible diftance o f Venus from the Sun’s center at the calculated moment o f a conjun&ion, will be $£over which it will move in 19 minutes of time. A nd this, consequently, will be the retardation of the phafes o f a tranfit of Venus occafioned by aberration, on the fuppofition, th at in calculating, the Sun’s apparent, and not his true place is taken. I believe thefe obfervations have not been attended to by aftronomers j and therefore I am the more defirous o f communicating them to you. I am, Dear Sir, with much refpeft, your obliged humble fervant, Richard Price. Z z z 2 P.-S. In D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 54° ] P. S. In a former letter which I fent you, I gave,, by miftake, the error occafioned by aberration lefs. than I have now given it. T he difcovery of this miftake I owe to the kind afliftance and correction with which Mr. Mafkelyne, the aftronomer royal, has been pleafed to favorme; I have, for the fake of more diftin&nefs and clearnefs, fuppofed Venus to move in the plane of the ecliptic. Some differences will arife from the inclination of the path of Venus to the ecliptic, and alfo from taking the aberration of the Sun, and the proportion of Venus's diftance from the Earth to her diftance from the Sun,, exaCtly as they really are at the time o f a tranfit. T hus, at the time of the laft tranfit of Venus, fiippofing light to come from the Sun to the Earth in 8^2, the aber­ ration of the Sun was 1 9//.8. T h e diftance of Venus from the Earth was to its diftance from the Sun as 290* to 726, and therefore the retardation 18A: 16ff. M r. Canton has obferved, that in the . desHempy MV. De la Lande makes the efteCt of aberration at the inferior conjunction of Venus and Mercury to be an augmentation o f their longitudes. Indeed, M r.. Blifs himfelf obferves this 5 and yet, through an over­ fight, makes the effeCt as to time to be an accelera­ tion, Vid. Phil. Tranfi vol. L II. p. 249. s . X L V III. * D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_o7w73vnd4jabvb2cq7xzehayam	----	PRE38_2 2..2 Meetings and Notices PLEASE NOTE: Information regarding Meetings, Conferences, etc. for publication in the Journal should be notified to the Editorial Secretary at Wessex Nuffield Hospital at least three months prior to the event. Scientific Meeting of the American Spinal Injury Association (ASIA) 14±16 April 2000, Chicago, Illinois, USA. For further details please contact: Lesley M Hudson MA, Clinical Meeting Coordinator, American Spinal Injury Associa- tion, 2020 Peachtree Road, NW Atlanta, GA30309, USA. Tel: +1 404 355 9772; Fax: +1 404 355 1826; Website: www.asia-spinalinjury.org The First Interdisciplinary Congress on Spinal Surgery (World Spine 1) 27 August ± 1 September 2000, Berlin. All major topics related to Spinal Surgery will be covered: Neurosurgery, Orthopaedic Surgery, Minimally Invasive Surgery, Radiology, Rehabilitation Medicine, Spine Research, Pain Therapy and related fields. Further information from: Mario Brock, MD, Congress President, Universi- taÈ tsklinikum Benjamin Franklin, Neurochirurgische Klinik, Hindenburgdamm 30, D-12200 Berlin, Ger- many. Tel: +49 30 8445 2531; Fax: +49 30 8445 3569. 39th Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Medical Society of Paraplegia 3±5 November 2000, Sydney, Australia. Topics: 1. Respiratory insufficiency including ventilator depen- dency and sleep apnoea; 2. Spinal cord injury in the elderly: Acute and Ageing; 3. Clinical trials and applied technology; 4. Pain; 5. Exercise physiology. Further information from: International Society of Paraplegia, Conference Action Pty Ltd, PO Box 1231, North Sydney, NSW 2059, Australia. Tel: +61 2 9956 8333; Fax: +61 2 9956 5154; e-mail: confact@conference action.com.au Scientific Meeting of the American Spinal Injury Association (ASIA) 18±20 May 2001, Long Beach, California, USA. For further details please contact: Lesley M Hudson MA, Clinical Meeting Coordinator, American Spinal Injury Association, 2020 Peachtree Road, NW Atlanta, GA30309, USA. Tel: +1 404 355 9772; Fax: +1 404 355 1826; Website: www.asia-spinalinjury.org 1st World Congress of the International Society of Physical and Rehabilitation Medicine 7 ± 13 July 2001, Amsterdam RAI Congress Center, The Netherlands. Further information from: Congress Se- cretariat: Eurocongres Conference Management, Jan van Goyenkade 11, 1075 HP Amsterdam, The Nether- lands. Tel: +31 (0)20-679 34 11; Fax: +31 (0)20-673 73 06; e-mail: eurocongres@rai.nl Scientific Meeting of the American Spinal Injury Association (ASIA) 3 ± 7 May 2002, Vancouver British Columbia, Canada (in conjunction with IMSOP). For further details please contact: Lesley M Hudson MA, Clinical Meeting Coordinator, American Spinal Injury Association, 2020 Peachtree Road, NW Atlanta, GA30309, USA. Tel: +1 404 355 9772; Fax: +1 404 355 1826; Website: www.asia-spinalinjury.org Spinal Cord (2000) 38, 130 ± 131 ã 2000 International Medical Society of Paraplegia All rights reserved 1362 ± 4393/00 $15.00 www.nature.com/sc Meetings and Notices Scientific Meeting of the American Spinal Injury Association (ASIA) The First Interdisciplinary Congress on Spinal Surgery (World Spine 1) 39th Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Medical Society of Paraplegia Scientific Meeting of the American Spinal Injury Association (ASIA) 1st World Congress of the International Society of Physical and Rehabilitation Medicine Scientific Meeting of the American Spinal Injury Association (ASIA) 
work_ogzdehud6rbblokobi3ngkzibe	----	XLIV. Description of an electrometer invented by Mr. Lane; with an account of some experiments made by him with it: In a letter to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. [ M* ] Received Auguft,, i f 07* XLIV. Defcription o f EleBrometer in­ vented by Mr. Lane; w ith an A ccount o f fam e Experim ents made by him w ith it >' In a Letter to Benjamin Franklin, F .R .S . Alderfgate-Street, Oftober 15* s i r , Read Nov. j 6,T O E I N G employed in fome eleftri- * 767* | j cal enquiries about the beginning of the year 1762, it occurred to me, that many experi­ ments on this fubjeft might be made with a much greater degree of ptecifion, i f we could determine, with any tolerable accuracy, the comparative quan­ tity of elettric fluid, with which, for any given ex­ periment, the coated phial is impregnated. An inftrument, which I have contrived for this purpofe, may not improperly be called an Electro­ meter. 1 have herewith fent you a drawing thereof [ T a b . X X .] with the machine * to which 1 have fixed it. * This portable machine is the contrivance o f Mr. Read, mathematical indrument maker at K^nightlbfidgc ̂ ncar^ on. M m m 2 Figure D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 45a J F igure i . A . T h e cylindrical glafs o f the m achine, ufed inftead o f a globe. T h e cylindrical part o f the glafs is fix inches in length, and fixteen in circumference. r : % f i * • HfI Z’i n fli118p V ̂ *?$ * k * dwk B. T h e wheel, at every turn o f w hich the cylindri­ cal glafs revolves four times! * C . T h e conductor. D . T h e coated phial, E . A brafs wire loop, pafling through the wood w ork to a tin plate, on w hich the coated phial Hands. F . T h e pillar o f the Electrom eter m ade o f w ood, bored cylindrically about 4 o f its length, and rendered eleCtrical, by being long* baked in an oven, and then boiled in. p n % d oiL and again kaked;^ A t firft the pillar was m ld e o f brafs, which, though it ferved very well to determine the eleCtric ftroke for medical purpofes, yet was defective in m any experiments] as the ta­ ble thereby became a ready co n d u cto r.' - G . Bra$ work, having its lower part inclpled within the bofe o f th e pillar. H . A fCteW, * which pafles through the brafs w ork near the bottom, * and fixes ft in the pillar. * ^ groove for the ferew H to move in, yvhen th e Electrometer is moved higher or lower, as the diffbreht heights o f different condenfing phials may require. ! ̂ ’ v • § ; ; , A well poliflied hemifpherical piece o f brafs, fixed to the conductor* L, A D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t M3 J , , L. A fteel fcrew,; pafling through the top of the brafs work, whofe threads are diftant nearly u(\) of an, inch from each other. M . : A well polifhed fphericaj, piece of brafs, fixed to the fcrew L, apd oppofite to K. T he poliih of K and IVf. will often tbe: deftroyed by large eledrical explofioi^s, and it ftiould'iagain be reftored, particularly, wh^re the experiments require accuracy. N . A fcale, ?with divifions equal to each turn of the 3f{i fcrew. - \ . . :r ] . ;; \H . : • ; O . ; A circular plate fixed to, and moving with the fcrew, pointing at each turn to the divifion upon th e fcale. This plate is alfo divided into tw elve,; to denote the parts of each turn. T he principle, on which the Elqdrometer ads. is very: Ample, being; merely th is; the coated phjaf is hereby crender#ed incapable of accumulating and re- taining 'any more than a certain quantity of the £le$ric fluid, for any intended experirpent, w hen a metallic;,pr non-eledric communication ? is*, made from the fcrew H to the, wire, lpop E of |h p , may chine, and that quantity w ill be proportionate to, ; the diftance of, K and . M * from each other,, «and ppnfe- queptly the exploflon and ftroke thereby he * re­ gulated^; v/ ; j ? v+hSivr ( Thus if a perfon holds a «wire faftened to the fcrew H in one hand, and another wire fixed to the loop E in the other, he will perceive no ftroke, if. K and M are in contad, notwithft^nding thp cylin­ drical glafs A ads ftrongly. But if„ by turning the fcrew L, the ball M is diftant from K part of 3. anV D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 454 J an inch, a very fmall ftroke will b6 perceived, w ith ah explofton from K to M J; &nd if K and M are diftant one inch frotlveach other, the quantity o f the etedtric fluid, at the tim e o f the explofion^W tllbe ihcreafed loO 'titnes r for example, i t appfeaVs by experiment, that; if the expiofioh happens after 4 ttirns o f-th e wheel B / w h e n : ;M is diftant frdm K o f an inch; or 1 turn o f th e fdfew ; the fame will happen at 8 turns o f the w heel; w hen M and K ’are diftant 2 turns 0 f; f h e ^ r d w y m r VT- o f an inch 5 and if K and M are diftant 3 turns o f the fcrew, the turns of the Wheel WiH be 12 at the tiihe o f the explofion * the fame proportion will conti­ nue fo far as the diftance o f K and M is equal to the condenfing power o f the coated phial w ithout wafting. By wafting, I m ean when the phial is fo fully charged; that part o f the efleQ$c fluid efckpes frotn the m o u th o f die boftl&f far fto ftfth e ‘condu ft^ f into th e air, or to fodi e adjacent non-eledtric,v T h e dum ber Of ttirns Of th e wheet;^W henr K and M are at any of th e abo^e distances,'' Will be m dre or left id proportion to:th e ftate: o f die aif^ th e dyflridtical glafs; the^cuftiion agaihft which' t h e l!glafsr<is: rubbed,v or thO cOdted1 phialfj Which Taft will n o t1 give fo great art cxplotion when the ait is1 dam p' a#Wfee# dry. T h e fewer the num ber o f turris^Of the wheel, at any given diftance, the better the machine w orketh. T H us - a com pa rative difference betw een any tw o machines may be determ ined^11 ?n ^ wa 1 " A wife in general is better" than a chain;1 uhlels th e chain is held very tig h t V *pafti(!ularly in Mery fihall ftrokes; the ele&rie fluid wilt be fdft in pafling from link to link o f thOffchain, n 1 3tneniii3<ps | 8 P By D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 ,f. - C 455 J nsi> 4 ifhfU nt By. experiment it alia appears, that the quantity o f eleCtric fluid, at every explofion, will be propor­ tionate to the quantity of coated glafs, either as to the fize of the coated phial, or to the number of phials added, t o r example, if the phial D has half of the coating on each fide of the glais taken off, the explofion will happen after half the number of turns of the wheel, at any o f the above diftances * and if a phial, with twice the quantity of coated glafs, is employed inftead of D, the number of turns of the wheel will be double; the feme will happen if two coated phials, each equal to D, are ufed 5 and if three phials, the number o f turns will be triple, ccc, T?he phial D, ufed, in the following expei'imentF, contains about-80 fquare inches of coating on the infide, and tilfo on the outfide of the gla&; , the mouth being flopped with wood, prepared like the pillar, and the coating not too near the mouth of the phial,* to prevent the eleCtric fluid’s wafting, and thereby the phiafm ay be more fully charged.. As K is part of the conductor, and of M the elec­ trometer, the diftance; between them is the diftance of the electrometer from the conductor ^ whence it will be readily underftood, when I relate the diflance of the electrometer, in any experiments, For ex­ ample, the electrometer at 20, that is, M, is 20 turns of the ferew diftant from K, or of an inch. T hat lightning and electricity are qf very near affinity, it not the fame, evidently appears from the many difeoveries you have m ade; and as the follow­ ing experiments tend to confirm the fame, as well as 7 to D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 f 4 5 6 1 to iiluftrath the tlfe'Of^he eleflrom cfcrj11 hope they will not b h unacceptable,: r j n f l 1 0 . ' : n u n t'd EXPERIM ENT 1\ i 1; q£II (T ilJ“i£iC|" 3n[« II €*>lcra^V> 1U1 , ,)-iv 1 •?'; %ii$l£JCf A piece o f moift tobacco-pipe clay, rolled cylin* drically, a>fig. 2. about an inch in length, and about 2 or y3o- o f an inch in diameter, having a piece o f wire thruft into each end, b b, diftant about ilL. o f an inch from each other, w ith the folid clay between, and the end o f one o f the wires, fixed to the loop of the machine E , and the other fixed to the fmall fcre'w of the eledtrometer H , will, w ith an explofion at 20 of the eledtrometer, be inflated as in fig, 3. or i f the clay is too dry, of the quantity erf* eledtricity too great, it will b u r f t‘in pieces,: leav­ ing only the clay concave hear the erids of* th e w ires; and though the experim ent will in appearance differ, yet it vfili always leave evident figns o f an ex- plofive power, or fudden rardfadtion/ eXceptihg when the wires in the d a y are at too great a d iftan ce' from each other y then the eledtric fluid will'only run over its rnorft furface. If, inftead o f clay, a mucilaginous vegetable pafte is ufed, as wheat-flowef a M water,' &c, th e e x p e rim e n t will appear the fahie. ExPR RIM feN T'IL [Take a piece o f com m on tobacco-pipe^ hard- baked, as ufed for fmoaking, about ah infch in length ; filh the bore w ith clay, and put wires* into daeh end, as in fig, z , which applied fn the 1 fame m anner to the machine, will burft into many pieces, at D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C 4:57 3 at 2Q of the qledrom eter; fometimes the pieces will be driven near ten feet from the machine. , **v 1 . •• vi 4 V I 1 I « ' - 'J* ' * Experiment III. A fmall fquare piece of Portland ftone, with holes drilled each end fo as to admit the wires, was in like manner burft in pieces, when a fecond coated phial was added to increafe the ftroke* T h e iron cramps in ftone buildings are fitttilar to the wires, and when a building is ftruck by light*' ning produces a fimjlar effect. I obferved, that when the tobacco pipe, of ftone* was damp, the experi­ ment fucceeded better than when d r y ; and I fre- qpendy found, that fither, of .them,, afte r̂ ^eing fifft dipped ip water,' would be broken with a le fsp p lo - fion than before. Tjiis |pb^eryatipn is different from the received ppinicjn p P many, not well acquainted with ^bc- tricityi thgt lightning k ie fs likely to k o m tichief af^ t^r a t flipper of rain |h a n before, f ' fo Far ma^ be truej that the rain, will bring down feme of the li^htningt and aifo render thatched bouies, .&<?* Ibfs nkely to take fire,. huf will not affi ft buildings 4ft$at h ^ e me­ tallic ornaments near their tops, as tHd k la th ^ r- (■ocks of churches, j As a metallic condudor from the tops of build-* ings ,to the earth will prevent the ef^e l̂s of |ight- n ip g p n jhem , fo will the fmalleft wire prevent the effed? qf; eie^ftricjty oil t h e . ftone, . or ? topactjk when in with ̂ he $wb i i V o t . L V I i ; ' " ' ' I n n “ If D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 : . [ 45* ] I f the tobacco-pipe, iriftead o f clay, is filled as above, w ith an eleftric fubftance, as wax, pow­ dered glafs, or with any non-eleftric fubftance, in­ ferior to metals as a condudor, it will be burft in pieces w ith nearly the fame quantity o f the eledric fluid. , As the above experiments fucceeded better when the ft one or clay were previoufly dipped in water than before, I was induced to try water only. Experi ment I W H aving made a hole, w ithout any cracks on the fide, through the bottom o f the phial, fig.' 4 . which may eafily be done if the phial is conical at the bottom, as in the figure, by holding the phial inverted in one hand, and w ith the other ftriking a pointed fteel wire againft the apex o f the cone. 1 T h ro u g h this hole I paflfed a w ire, and filled the bottom ,' f, with melted fealing wax, leaving the other Ond o f th e wire o u t, at when the wax was cold, the phial was about filled with water, and flopped With a c6rk, through w hich a wire, was pafled downwards, till the points o f the two wires were diftant from each other about Ip-' o f an inch, as r̂rear aŝ my eye could determine a w ire from th e eledlfometer Was fixed to and another from the loop o f the m achine was fixed at by an e x - plofion, at 20 o f the ele&rometer, the phial burft 1 1 : - in 3 D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 459 3 in pieces, the top falling, from? the bottom near the point of the lower wire* Another phial was fitted in the fame manner, and the cork cut longitudi­ nally, that the air might freely pafs at the time of the explofion, but this made no fenfible difference: often times the phial is fo cracked as to referable radii from a center. I f oil is ufed inftead of water, the event will be the fame. T h e quantity of electricity neceffary to burfl the phial, appears to vary more in proportion to its thicknefs than its fize 5 many phials of various fizes may be broken at io of the electrometer, while others, nearly of the fame fize, remain found, with a ftroke at 30, or even more. I generally found green glafs more difficult to break than white. W hen the phial is not broken by the eleCtric ftroke, the agitation of the water may be fenfibly obferved at the inftant of the explofion, and tbs eleCtric fpark evidently feen to pafs through the wa^ ter, from the point of one wire to the other. T his remarkable appearance of the eleCtric fluid’s paffing through water may be obferved, when tb$ electrometer is at a fmaller diftance from the con^ duCtor, if the wires are nearer to each other. I have broken many phials by the eleCtric ftro|ce$ as above-mentioned, when the wires have been at the various diftances, of above 1 inch to ^ of ati inch from each other, as near as my eye could deT termine y but the diftance of about of an inch I ufually prefer. . kiwrio aria m i N n n 2 T he D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 6 6 ] . T h e above experiments I have often repeated, and may therefore be relied on : want o f leifure has pre­ vented me from purfuing them m ore minutely. But I hope they will ferve as hints to others o f more abili­ ties and leifure, than Y our refpedful hum ble fervant, Lane* Received D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 - ---- --- Flulos . .Z'ran.F. VolZJ7ff. TA.B ... XX._p . 451. d \. \ D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_ohtxiput4bbzbdjjkov6nhriva	----	Benjamin Franklin francophile ou l’état ultime du cosmopolitisme All Rights Reserved © Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies / Société canadienne d'étude du dix-huitième siècle, 2019 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ Document généré le 5 avr. 2021 22:04 Lumen Selected Proceedings from the Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies Travaux choisis de la Société canadienne d'étude du dix-huitième siècle Benjamin Franklin francophile ou l’état ultime du cosmopolitisme Leïla Tnaïnchi Volume 38, 2019 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1059276ar DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/1059276ar Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies / Société canadienne d'étude du dix-huitième siècle ISSN 1209-3696 (imprimé) 1927-8284 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Tnaïnchi, L. (2019). Benjamin Franklin francophile ou l’état ultime du cosmopolitisme. Lumen, 38, 117–142. https://doi.org/10.7202/1059276ar https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ https://www.erudit.org/fr/ https://www.erudit.org/fr/ https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/lumen/ https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1059276ar https://doi.org/10.7202/1059276ar https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/lumen/2019-v38-lumen04528/ https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/lumen/ lumen xxxviii, 2019 • 117-142 Benjamin Franklin francophile ou l ’état ultime du cosmopolitisme Leïla Tnaïnchi Université de Bourgogne Franche-Comté Centre Lucien Febvre EA 2273 Franc-maçon, membre de la République des Lettres et des Sciences, Benjamin Franklin fait partie de ces philosophes cosmopolites décrits par René Pomeau dans L’Europe des Lumières1. Le grand spécialiste de Voltaire y dépeint ces hommes, qui, parcourant l’Europe voire le monde, et adoptant dans leur périple un regard ouvert sur les pays qu’ils traversent, tendent à se libérer du carcan des idées et de la culture de leur sol d’origine2. D’après Margaret C. Jacob, Franklin est également une figure éminente du cosmopolitisme protestant3. Sans être totalement représentatif des mondes protestants, l’Américain ajoute à sa curiosité naturelle et à son ouverture d’esprit, un prosély- tisme qui le pousse à diffuser ses idées politiques, économiques et philosophiques, directement issues de la moralité religieuse réformée. Tout d’abord représentant des colons américains auprès du gouverne- ment britannique, puis émissaire de la jeune république des États-Unis, Franklin voyage toujours chargé d’une mission politique. Soucieux de réussir cette dernière, l’Américain désire plaire à ses hôtes et leur démontrer son respect, en se conformant aux mœurs et aux usages des sociétés qu’il visite. Les facultés d’adaptation qu’il développe lui 1. Voir René Pomeau, L’Europe des Lumières. Cosmopolitisme et unité euro- péenne au dix-huitième siècle, Paris/Genève, Slatkine, 1981. 2. Voir ibid., p. 23. 3. Voir Margaret C. Jacob, Strangers Nowhere in the World : The Rise of Cosmo- politanism in Early Modern Europe, Philadelphie, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006, p. 128. Lumen 38.final.indd 117 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 118 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi deviennent indispensables, lorsqu’en 1776, il arrive en France dans le but d’obtenir d’un gouvernement monarchique une aide financière et militaire pour une république en guerre avec l’Angleterre, alors que les cuisantes défaites de la guerre de Sept ans restent encore dans toutes les mémoires. Grâce à ses qualités de cosmopolite, les portes de nom- breux salons parisiens s’ouvrent à Franklin, qui finit par devenir un véritable homme du monde à la française. Sa francophilie croissante, au cœur de sa stratégie de conquête de la haute société, devient réelle et ainsi dangereuse, risquant d’anéantir sa propagande savamment étudiée et son image d’homme aux goûts simples qu’il diffuse alors en France. Certains de ses contemporains se demandent alors si cet état ultime du cosmopolitisme n’a pas conduit Franklin à renier tous les préceptes à la base de sa construction identitaire. Cosmopolitisme mondain : sociétés distinguées et localités Le Congrès a envoyé trois émissaires plaider sa cause en France : Franklin, Silas Deane et Arthur Lee. Leur mission, fort délicate, consiste à convaincre un roi d’entrer en guerre contre un ennemi redouté et de cautionner la révolte d’un peuple contre son propre sou- verain. Lorsque Franklin et Lee arrivent en France en décembre 1776, Deane a déjà réussi à obtenir une aide officieuse du gouvernement français : une société fictive montée par le célèbre écrivain et drama- turge Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais, fabrique et vend secrè- tement des armes aux Insurgents. Sa réputation et son âge avancé – soixante-dix ans – font de Franklin le chef de file naturel des com- missaires américains. Le traducteur de la lettre officielle que le Congrès envoie au gouvernement pour présenter ses émissaires en est pleine- ment convaincu. Si, dans l’original, les trois hommes ont pouvoir de négociation, dans la traduction française, seul Franklin est détenteur de cette autorité4. Louis XVI n’en semble pas étonné. Son secrétaire d’État des affaires étrangères, Charles Gravier de Vergennes, reçoit en effet le 28 décembre 1776, les instructions suivantes de son maître : « Vous pouvez voir Monsieur Franklin, je m’en rapporte à votre pru- 4. Voir « Lettre du Congrès et sa traduction française, 2 janvier 1777 », dans les Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères, Correspondance Politique, États-Unis, t. II, fol. 8ro à 10ro. Lumen 38.final.indd 118 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 119 dence sur ce que vous lui direz5 ». Malgré ses nouveaux titres d’émis- saire et de diplomate, l’Américain sait cependant que sa position sociale détermine le regard porté sur lui par Louis XVI et son entourage. Or, à leurs yeux, il est resté ce qu’il était : un simple artisan6. Conscient de ce handicap, il sait qu’il se doit d’obtenir l’appui d’hommes influents dans la société des salons parisiens. Les trois commissaires américains, puis John Adams et John Jay qui remplacent les premiers collègues de Franklin à partir de 1778, appar- tiennent à l’élite des États-Unis. Il n’existe pas un type uniforme de grand monde dans les treize colonies, ces dernières édictant des normes sociales hétérogènes, qui s’expliquent entre autres choses par les origines variées des colons. Chacun de ces cinq émissaires possède de ce fait une conception différente du comportement approprié en société. L’exemple du séjour d’Adams à New York de 1774 est révélateur de cette particularité : With all the Opulence and Splendor of this City, there is very little good Breeding to be found. […] I have not seen one real Gentleman, one well bred Man since I came to Town. […] There is no Modesty – No Attention to one another. They talk very loud, very fast, and all together7. Adams voit l’homme bien éduqué comme un être modeste, discret et à l’écoute des autres. Il souffre ainsi de l’exubérance et de la sponta- néité des New-Yorkais. Or si les codes de la bienséance diffèrent entre chaque colonie, que dire des divergences entre le nouveau et le vieux continent à ce sujet ! Lee et plus encore Franklin ont fréquenté la gentry et l’aristocratie anglaises et ont appris les règles sociales de ce groupe. Arrivés en France, il leur faut s’adapter à un univers bien différent. La conversa- tion constitue l’un des exemples les plus manifestes de la dissemblance de ces sociétés. Dans les grandes maisons anglaises, on retrouve, 5. « Lettre de Louis XVI à Vergennes du 28 décembre 1776 », dans Louis XVI and the Comte de Vergennes : Correspondance 1774-1787, éd.  John Hardman et Munro Price, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, 1998, p. 240. 6. Pour les détails sur l’approche diplomatique particulière de Franklin à la cour, voir Jonathan R. Dull, Franklin the Diplomat : the French Mission, Philadelphie, The American Philosophical Society, 1982, en particulier le chapitre 2 (« The development of Franklin’s negotiating style »), p. 11-18. 7. John Adams, « 1774 Aug. 23. Tuesday », dans Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, éd. L. H. Butterfield, Cambridge, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1962, vol. 2 (1771-1781), p. 109. Lumen 38.final.indd 119 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 120 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi clairement détaillés par Paul Langford8, les mêmes critères que ceux d’Adams, cités plus haut : le gentleman se doit d’user des mots avec la plus grande parcimonie et le silence prévaut comme témoignage de sagesse et de modestie9. Des convenances exactement opposées règnent dans les salons parisiens. Sarcastique, Louis Sébastien Mercier observe : « Il n’y a qu’en France où l’art de se taire n’est point un mérite. Vous reconnoîtrez moins un François à son visage et à son accent qu’à la légéreté qu’il a de parler et de prononcer sur tout […]10 ». Même si l’auteur a coutume d’être critique envers ses compatriotes, il n’est pas moins vrai, comme le souligne Antoine Lilti11, que la société parisienne aime les bons orateurs qui savent briller en public pour la distraire de l’ennui. Franklin et les autres commissaires n’ont d’autre choix que de s’adapter, alors même que la langue de rigueur dans ces cercles reste toujours le français, quelle que soit l’origine des invités. D’autres règles propres à la conversation divergent d’avec celles suivies par les élites anglaises, tel que le choix de ses interlocuteurs. Ainsi, à Londres, lors d’un repas, il convient de ne s’adresser qu’à ses deux voisins directs et en aucun cas ne doit-on parler à un convive se trou- vant de l’autre côté de la table12. À Paris, afin de réaffirmer la cohésion du groupe, un bon mot doit au contraire faire rire toute l’assemblée. Celui qui ne plaisante qu’avec un seul convive fait alors montre de médisance, pratique « qui rompt la civilité13 ». La place de la femme dans les cercles mondains oppose tout autant les sociétés française, britannique et américaine de cette fin de xviiie siècle. Aux États-Unis comme à Londres, la femme est tenue de faire montre de modestie, de discrétion et de candeur, qualités révéla- trices de sa vertu14. Dans les salons français, initiatrice même du groupe alors réuni, elle est responsable de l’harmonie qui doit y 8. Voir Paul Langford, Englishness Identified, Manners and Character, 1650-1850, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001, en particulier le chapitre 4 (« Taciturnity »), p. 175-218. 9. Voir ibid, p. 176-177. 10. Louis-Sébastien Mercier, L’an deux mille quatre cent quarante, Rêve s’il en fût jamais ; suivi de L’homme de fer, Songe, nouvelle édition avec figures, s.l., s.n., 1786, t. I, p. 51. 11. Voir Antoine Lilti, Le monde des salons. Sociabilité et mondanité à Paris au xviiie siècle, Paris, Fayard, 1996, p. 275. 12. Voir Paul Langford, Englishness Identified, op. cit., p. 185. 13. Antoine Lilti, Le monde des salons, op. cit., p. 275. 14. Voir Paul Langford, Englishness Identified, op. cit., p. 168. Lumen 38.final.indd 120 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 121 régner15. Ainsi son rôle de maîtresse de maison diffère-t-il d’avec ses homologues anglophones, puisque pour affirmer sa maîtrise de l’hos- pitalité mondaine, elle se doit de lancer toutes sortes de sujets de conversation qui rapprochent les invités. Les thèmes sont nombreux : politique, économie, science, littérature, art, musique, mais aussi potins et érotisme. Sans montrer de grands talents oratoires ni, moins encore, intellectuels – ce qui, dans cette France encore fidèle à cer- tains axiomes de Molière, l’exposerait au pire des ridicules – la salon- nière offre à ses convives un lieu et un auditoire idéaux pour se mettre en valeur16. Le contraste entre les deux mondes est donc grand. Lilti va même jusqu’à opposer nettement république et monarchie dans le rôle que ces deux modes de gouvernement prêtent à la femme en société, la seconde offrant à la gent féminine un espace propre à la « sociabilité » et à la « représentation17 ». Cosmopolitisme, acculturation et patriotisme : des concepts antinomiques ? Ces quelques exemples d’antagonismes entre les bonnes sociétés amé- ricaine, britannique et française permettent de mieux appréhender les difficultés que rencontrent les trois commissaires en mission. Pragma- tique, Franklin adopte une stratégie de séduction à la française. Mises à part les obligations vestimentaires – sur lesquelles je reviendrai plus tard  – l’Américain se plie à toutes les exigences de cette société. Il accepte de mêler diplomatie et plaisirs, cause républicaine et monda- nités, jusqu’à ne plus dîner dans sa résidence de Passy que le dimanche, comme il l’écrit en 1779 à son amie Mary Stevenson : « I have abun- dance of Acquaintance, dine abroad Six Days in seven18 ». De salon en salon, son réseau s’étend et la rapidité de son adaptation lui offre une réputation de grand cosmopolite, puis de francophile. Certes ses démonstrations d’affection pour la France relèvent tout d’abord d’un stratagème. Néanmoins, très vite, la question de sa sincérité ne touche 15. Voir Antoine Lilti, Le monde des salons, op. cit., p. 114. 16. Voir ibid, p. 242. 17. Ibid, p. 112. 18. Benjamin Franklin, « To Margaret Stevenson, Jan. 25. 1779 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, éd. Barbara B. Oberg, New Haven/Londres, Yale University Press, 1990, t. XXVIII, p. 421-423. Lumen 38.final.indd 121 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 122 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi pas uniquement ses hôtes mais aussi ses collègues. Elle n’est pas absente aujourd’hui dans l’historiographie américaine, comme le montrent les réflexions d’Orville Theodore Murphy19 et de Jonathan R. Dull20, qui, soulignant l’ouverture d’esprit et la tolérance de Franklin, précise : « Unlike Arthur Lee21 ». En effet, la francophilie affichée de Franklin suscite chez la plupart de ses collègues un profond trouble, qui se transforme en méfiance puis en véritable suspicion de trahison. Le responsable principal de la mésentente qui règne chez les com- missaires est Arthur Lee. Alors que Deane s’occupe avec Beaumarchais de répondre aux demandes pressantes de matériel militaire du Congrès et que Franklin étend ses réseaux d’influence et déploie une vaste propagande pour obtenir l’alliance française, Lee, choisi par défaut par le Congrès, qui aurait préféré Jefferson22, ne trouve pas sa place dans le groupe des envoyés. De nature méfiante, voire paranoïaque, il se convainc que ses collègues ne désirent que sa perte. En 1777, le Congrès l’envoie en Espagne, puis en Prusse, dans le but de trouver de nouveaux alliés. Ses missions, note Dull, se soldent par un « fiasco23 ». À son retour, Lee constate que Deane s’est installé à Passy avec Franklin, ce qui exacerbe sa jalousie et son penchant pour les théories du complot. Outre Lee, l’on trouve aussi à Paris son frère William, revenu bredouille d’une mission à Vienne destinée à nouer une alliance, et Ralph Izard, qui a subi la même rebuffade à la cour de Toscane. Aigris et oisifs, partageant jalousie et goût pour la calomnie, ces trois hommes mènent auprès du Congrès une campagne systéma- tique de diffamation contre Deane, qui, selon eux, se serait enrichi frauduleusement. Ces dissensions et rivalités portent atteinte à la cré- dibilité des émissaires américains et nuisent de ce fait à l’avancée des négociations avec la cour de France24. Après la victoire américaine de 19. Voir Orville Theodore Murphy, Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes : French Diplomacy in the Age of Revolution, 1719-1787, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1982, p. 327. 20. Voir Jonathan R. Dull, A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution, New Haven/Londres, Yale University Press, 1985, p. 76. 21. Id. 22. Voir Susan Mary Alsop, Yankees at the Court : The First Americans in Paris, New York, Doubleday and Compagny, 1982, p. 99. 23. Jonathan R. Dull, A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution, op. cit., p. 85. 24. Voir William Henry Trescot, Diplomacy of the Revolution : an Historical Study, New York, D. Appleton and co, 1852, p. 38-39. Lumen 38.final.indd 122 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 123 Saratoga du 17 octobre 1777, Franklin souffle le chaud et le froid avec Vergennes. Un jour « cajoleur » et prodigue en promesses intenables, il devient menaçant le lendemain, jouant sur la peur que les États-Unis ne s’allient avec l’Angleterre. Ce comportement dangereux, l’Améri- cain ne l’adopte que parce que ses maîtres du Congrès n’ont de cesse de le lui ordonner25. Lorsque les deux traités d’alliance – l’un commer- cial, l’autre militaire – sont signés en février 1778 entre les États-Unis et la France, Deane est rappelé par le Congrès pour répondre des accusations de ses détracteurs. John Adams, après avoir réussi sa mis- sion diplomatique aux Provinces-Unies, arrive à Paris en avril 1778 pour le remplacer. La calomnie ne cesse pourtant pas. Le patriotisme de Franklin est clairement mis en cause par Lee, qui accuse son col- lègue, devenu trop proche des Français à son goût, de ne s’occuper que de mondanités. C’est ce que souligne Adams dans son autobiographie : « Mr.  Franklin kept a horn book always in his Pockett in which he minuted all his invitations to dinner, and Mr. Lee said it was the only thing in which he was punctual26 ». Même si l’on admet le goût particulier de Lee pour la diffamation, il reste que l’inclination de Franklin pour la culture française déplaît également à Adams et à John Jay. Ce dernier, après une mission infruc- tueuse auprès d’un roi d’Espagne peu pressé de soutenir son cousin Bourbon, vient remplacer Lee, dont le rappel est exigé par Vergennes, littéralement effrayé par tant de volonté de nuire, comme il l’écrit à son émissaire aux États-Unis, Conrad-Alexandre Gérard : « Je crains Mr. Ar. Lee et ses entours27 ». Adams s’étend longuement dans son autobiographie sur les habi- tudes mondaines de Franklin, qui l’irritent et le portent parfois à penser que son collègue se laisse asservir par le plaisir et ne songe plus à travailler : 25. Lawrence S. Kaplan, « The Treaties of Paris and Washington, 1778 and 1949 : Reflections on Entangling Alliances », dans Ronald Hoffman et Peter J. Albert (dir.), Diplomacy and Revolution. The Franco-American Alliance of 1778, Charlottesville, The University Press of Virginia, 1981, p. 160-161. 26. John Adams, Diary and Autobiography, op. cit., t. IV, p. 119 (27 mai 1778). 27. Charles Gravier de Vergennes, cité par James Lovell, « Enclosure : 13 June 1779 », dans Papers of John Adams, éd. Gregg L. Lint et al., Cambridge, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1989, t. VIII (March 1779 - February 1780), p. 148. Lumen 38.final.indd 123 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 124 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi The Life of Dr. Franklin was a Scene of continual discipation. I could never obtain the favour of his Company in a Morning before Breakfast which would have been the most convenient time to read over the Letters and papers, deliberate on their contents, and decide upon the Substance of the Answers. It was late when he breakfasted, and as soon as Breakfast was over, a crowd of Carriges came to his Levee or if you like the term better to his Lodgings […]28. Adams interprète les habitudes de Franklin selon sa conception de la chose diplomatique. Comme l’explique Antoine Lilti, pour les colons américains, « l’action politique » ne devait en aucun cas devenir syno- nyme d’ambition ou de plaisir mais de « sacrifice29 ». Adams ne men- tionne pas le fait que les matinées de Franklin sont entièrement consacrées à l’écrasante correspondance qu’il reçoit et que la réception de Français, issus de toutes les strates de la société, fait partie intégrante de la propagande proaméricaine qu’il soigne particulièrement. Il est fort probable qu’Adams ait parfaitement compris la stratégie de Franklin, cette volonté de s’adapter aux mœurs de ses hôtes et leur prouver ainsi son respect. Cependant, il convient de ne pas oublier que, tout d’abord, les Français sont les ennemis d’hier et, qu’en outre, Adams reste un exemple du républicain méprisant la monarchie fran- çaise, qu’il regarde comme un despotisme. Même son patriotisme et le besoin d’argent toujours pressant de l’armée américaine ne suffisent pas à lui faire cautionner l’acculturation de Franklin, qu’il ressent comme une humiliation. Pour lui, les Français devraient prendre exemple sur les Américains, vertueux et épris de liberté, et non l’in- verse. À cela s’ajoute une jalousie croissante pour la considérable célébrité de son collègue, très précieuse pour l’historien puisqu’elle pousse Adams à donner force détails sur les nombreux visiteurs de Franklin et les raisons de leur venue : […] with all Sorts of People ; some Phylosophers, Academicians and Economists ; some of his small tribe of humble friends in the litterary Way whom he employed to translate some of his ancient Compositions, such as his Bonhomme Richard and for what I know his Polly Baker &c ; 28. John Adams, Diary and Autobiography, op. cit., t. IV, p. 118 (27 mai 1778). 29. Antoine Lilti, Figures publiques. L’invention de la célébrité, 1750-1850, Paris, Fayard, 2014, p. 267. Pour des détails sur l’éthique et les particularismes idéologiques des Pères fondateurs, voir Gordon S. Wood, Revolutionary Characters, What Made the Founders Different, New York, Penguin Books, 2007. Lumen 38.final.indd 124 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 125 but by far the greater part were Women and Children, come to have the honour to see the great Franklin, and to have the pleasure of telling Stories about his Simplicity, his bald head and scattering strait hairs, among their Acquaintances30. Ce ton sarcastique constitue un témoignage supplémentaire de la popularité de Franklin, que ce dernier ne cesse d’étendre par le tru- chement d’une propagande bien orchestrée, et que j’évoquerai plus tard. Grâce à sa volonté et ses capacités d’adaptation, l’Américain connaît un vif succès dans les cercles mondains, succès qui survit à la curiosité des débuts de la révolution. Si les autres commissaires sont également invités et accueillis avec la plus grande courtoisie, seul Franklin reconnaît l’agrément de ces réceptions : « But these incessant Dinners, and dissipations were not the Objects of my Mission to France31 ». Voilà en quoi Adams se trompe. Comme Franklin l’a com- pris et accepté, ces mondanités font partie intégrante de leur mission. « I was always invited with him, till I found it necessary to send Apologies, that I might have some time to study the french Language and do the Business of the mission32 ». Consciencieux et travailleur, le commissaire s’applique à apprendre la langue française dans le but de la parler parfaitement. Franklin, plus pragmatique, décide d’aller à l’essentiel : écouter, puis prononcer quelques bons mots, propres à divertir la société et lui valoir d’y briller malgré une grammaire déplo- rable. Adams lui reproche ses lacunes. Mais lui-même, victime de son perfectionnisme, et malgré le bon accueil qu’il reçoit dans cette société, ne réussit pas, selon ses propres dires, à s’y défaire de sa rai- deur33. Il perçoit cependant le rôle central qu’y tient la conversation : Although my Ignorance of the Language was very inconvenient and humiliating to me, yet I thought the Attentions which had been shewn me from my first landing at Bourdeaux by the People in Authority of all ranks, and by the principal Merchants, and since my Arrival at the Capital by the Ministers of State and others of the first consideration, had been very remarkable and portended much good to our Country34. 30. John Adams, Diary and Autobiography, op. cit., t. IV, p. 118 (27 mai 1778). 31. Ibid., p. 67 (21 avril 1778). 32. Id. 33. Voir David McCullough, John Adams, New York, Simon and Schuster, 2001, p. 199. 34. John Adams, Diary and Autobiography, op. cit., t. IV, p. 49 (11 avril 1778). Lumen 38.final.indd 125 2019-03-19 1:39 PM https://www.google.fr/search?hl=fr&tbo=p&tbm=bks&q=inauthor:%2522David+McCullough%2522 126 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi Par ailleurs, la place de la femme dans les salons constitue un deu- xième écueil, de taille celui-ci, pour ce protestant aux mœurs puri- taines. Or, comme il a déjà été précisé plus haut, Franklin trouve de nombreux soutiens nécessaires à la cause américaine dans ces salons dirigés par des femmes, qu’il fréquente assidûment : He went according to his Invitation to his Dinner and after that went sometimes to the Play, sometimes to the Philosophers but most com- monly to visit those Ladies who were complaisant enough to depart from the custom of France so far as to procure Setts of Tea Geer as it is called and make Tea for him. Some of these Ladies I knew as Madam Hellvetius, Madam Brillon, Madam Chaumont, Madam Le Roy &c. and others whom I never knew and never enquired for35. Adams l’accompagne souvent, mais il condamne cette « perte de temps », et se défie même de s’être intéressé un tant soit peu aux dames. L’une de ces salonnières les plus connues heurte tout particu- lièrement sa sensibilité. Il s’agit de Anne-Catherine de Ligniville Helvétius, veuve du philosophe. Peu de temps après son arrivée, Adams est invité chez elle avec Franklin et les petits-fils de ce dernier. Il y rencontre quatre abbés, jeunes et d’une grande beauté selon lui, qui fréquentent assidûment la société de son hôte et bien d’autres encore, comme le font alors nombre d’ecclésiastiques mondains. Adams y voit le signe ostensible d’une église catholique dépravée, dont les membres cèdent volontiers au péché de la chair. La mondanité cléricale lui semble l’antithèse même des valeurs républicaines : What Absurdities, Inconsistencies, Distractions and Horrors would these Manners introduce into our Republican Governments in America : No kind of Republican Government can ever exist with such national manners as these36. Son opinion sur la dépravation de cette dame de 66  ans ne variera jamais. Six ans plus tard, lors d’un dîner chez Mme Helvétius, lui et son épouse Abigail, qui l’accompagne, sont choqués par l’attitude de la salonnière. Mme Adams écrit à son amie Lucy Crunch : She carried on the chief of the conversation at dinner, frequently locking her hand into the Drs. and sometimes spreading her Arms upon the 35. Ibid., p. 119 (27 mai 1778). 36. Ibid., p. 58-59 (15 avril 1778). Lumen 38.final.indd 126 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 127 Backs of both the Gentlemans Chairs, then throwing her Arm carelessly upon the Drs. Neck37. De la réaction de l’épouse de l’envoyé ressortent deux importantes différences entre les codes en vigueur dans la bonne société bosto- nienne et ceux des salons français. On comprend parfaitement le sai- sissement de cette Américaine à la vue du comportement familier de Mme Helvétius envers ses invités de la gent masculine. Lilti précise que si la liberté de parole prédomine dans la plupart des salons, « les gestes en revanche étaient soigneusement maintenus dans le cadre d’une assez stricte décence […]38 ». L’historien se sent toutefois obligé d’ajouter le terme « assez », relativisant quelque peu cette « décence », même aux yeux d’un Français. Pour une Bostonienne, une telle conduite est littéralement criminelle. Mais le point le plus significatif dans ce témoignage reste que l’expression corporelle jugée licencieuse est mise au même niveau que l’acte, en tant que femme, de présider à la conversation. Voilà donc un exemple frappant du choc culturel, auquel sont confrontés les émissaires américains. Ami de John Adams, John Jay éprouve un profond respect pour l’homme d’expérience qu’est Franklin. Ses nombreuses lettres envoyées, lors de sa difficile mission en Espagne, en témoignent : I have often congratulated my country and myself on your being at present in France. I once expected to have seen you there, and to have profited by the lessons which time and much experience have brought you39. Mais, peu de temps après son arrivée, en juin 1783, il se met à par- tager l’opinion d’Adams, qui n’apprécie pas les liens étroits tissés entre Vergennes et Franklin, et considère le comportement de ce dernier excessivement profrançais40. D’une ancienne famille d’origine huguenote, Jay n’a pas été éduqué dans la vénération de la culture 37. Abigail Adams, « Abigail Adams to Lucy Cranch, 5 September 1784 », dans Adams Family Correspondence, éd. Richard Alan Ryerson, Cambridge, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1993, t. V (October 1782 - November 1784), p. 438. 38. Antoine Lilti, Le monde des salons, op. cit., p. 242-243. 39. John Jay, « Jay to Franklin, 30 Oct. 1780 », dans Edward E. Hale et Edward E.  Hale Jr., Franklin in France, from Original Documents, Most of which are Now Published for the First Time, Boston, Roberts Brothers, 1887, t. I, p. 418. 40. Voir Bernard de Montferrand, Vergennes. La gloire de Louis  XVI, Paris, Tallandier, 2017, p. 279. Lumen 38.final.indd 127 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 128 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi française41. C’est un pur francophobe que côtoie Franklin42. Le New Yorkais partage l’inquiétude d’Adams sur les intentions françaises et espagnoles, qu’il confie à Washington : It is very evident to me, that the encreasing power of america is a serious object of Jealousy to France and Spain as well as Britain. I verily believe they will secretly endeavour to foment Divisions among us […]43. Dans la crainte de voir les traités de paix entraver l’expansion des États-Unis vers l’ouest, Jay et Adams décident donc rapidement d’adop- ter une stratégie plus autonome que Franklin. Les instructions du Congrès, lors de la signature des traités de 1778, demandaient aux émissaires américains de toujours travailler avec le gouvernement français et non de prendre des arrangements avec l’Angleterre de leur propre chef. Adams et Jay jugent ces ordres « infâmes44 » et décident de passer outre. Ils se rendent alors à Londres afin de négocier une paix séparée dans le but d’obtenir, entre autres choses, une nouvelle fron- tière occidentale pour les États-Unis, longeant le Mississippi, ainsi que des droits de pêche à Terre-Neuve45. Ils adoptent ici la meilleure stra- tégie possible pour le bien de leur patrie. Même si Franklin n’est pas tenu au courant des détails de leur plan, il le connaît et n’y fait pas obstacle. Auteur d’une étude sur les enjeux diplomatiques de la mission de Franklin, Lawrence S. Kaplan le dit « plus confiant46 » que ses col- lègues dans la pureté des intentions françaises, mais cela semble très peu probable. Même si son attitude paraît ne pas cautionner les agis- sements de Jay et d’Adams, il existe en réalité peu de doutes sur son opinion à ce sujet : sa volonté d’améliorer le sort des colonies date de sa jeunesse et son zèle pour elles est bien antérieur à 1776. Loin d’être crédule et innocent, Franklin possède un esprit bien plus retors que ne le soupçonnent ses collègues, et prendre les Français et les Espagnols 41. Voir id. 42. Voir Lawrence S. Kaplan, « The Treaties of Paris and Washington, 1778 and 1949 : Reflections on Entangling Alliances », art. cit., p. 166. 43. John Jay, « To George Washington from John Jay, 6 April 1783 », document en ligne : National Archives, Founders Online, http://founders.archives.gov/docu- ments/Washington/99-01-02-11003 [dernière modification : 13 juin 2018]. 44. Jean-Christian Petitfils, Louis XVI, Paris, Perrin, 2005, p. 435. 45. Voir Bernard de Montferrand, Vergennes, op. cit., p. 280. 46. Lawrence S. Kaplan, « The Treaties of Paris and Washington, 1778 and 1949 : Reflections on Entangling Alliances », art. cit., p. 164. Lumen 38.final.indd 128 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 129 de vitesse dans le but d’optimiser les chances des États-Unis de pros- pérer n’a rien pour lui déplaire. Cependant, il se doit de les aider et la meilleure méthode reste de continuer son rôle de vieux diplomate, respectueux du gouvernement français. Ainsi ses collègues obtiennent les avantages désirés pour la patrie, et Franklin préserve la confiance que Vergennes veut placer en ces nouveaux alliés politiques et com- merciaux. Par son adaptation aux règles mondaines et diplomatiques fran- çaises, Franklin a su gagner le respect de Vergennes, qui déclare au départ du diplomate en 1785 : « les États-Unis n’auront jamais plus un serviteur aussi zélé et utile que M. Franklin47 ». L’Américain, au risque de faire douter de son patriotisme, a ainsi ménagé le premier allié de sa jeune nation, et l’on pourrait se demander, comme Orville Murphy, ce qui serait advenu de la cause américaine si Franklin avait possédé une personnalité aussi « vindicative et rigide48 » qu’un John Adams. L’historiographie se plaint souvent des antagonismes entre les jeunes émissaires et Franklin, cependant – mis à part Arthur Lee – il semble que dans cette difficile mission, ils aient été parfaitement complémen- taires. Par ailleurs, l’hésitation de Franklin à s’associer à la performance d’Adams et de Jay s’explique également de façon plus personnelle. Depuis 1776, il a tissé des liens très forts avec des Français fortement impliqués pour la cause américaine et il ne désire pas ostensiblement trahir leur amitié. Francophilie et propagande : le façonnement d’une image publique en trompe-l’œil Franklin développe ses vertus cosmopolites bien avant sa mission diplomatique en France lorsqu’il est envoyé à Londres comme repré- sentant des treize colonies. L’Américain ne cache pas alors son anglo- philie. Comme la majorité des colons, avant que l’intransigeance de Georges  III ne les mène vers la république, il éprouve un profond 47. « Lettre du comte de Vergennes à François Barbé de Marbois, 10 mai 1785 », dans Walter Isaacson, Benjamin Franklin. Une vie américaine, Paris, Alisio, 2017, p. 477, trad. Benjamin Franklin : an American Life, New York, Simon and Schuster, 2003. 48. Orville Theodore Murphy, Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes, op.  cit., p. 327. Lumen 38.final.indd 129 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 130 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi respect pour le mode de gouvernement anglais, qui s’oppose aux « tyrannies » comme la monarchie française. Il adopte alors les codes vestimentaires anglais et porte perruque. Il rencontre régulièrement des scientifiques anglais, devenus de véritables amis, tel que Peter Collinson, avec lesquels il entretient d’importants échanges épisto- laires. Un glissement s’opère donc entre l’anglophilie de Franklin et sa francophilie et il passe par la notion, chère à Gordon Wood, d’améri- canisation d’un Benjamin Franklin initialement Anglais49. C’est au fond ce qu’observe le 27 décembre 1783 le Journal de Paris, qui expose comment, après la guerre d’Indépendance, les Britanniques se sont élevés contre les théories scientifiques de Franklin, après les avoir volontiers adoptées avant le conflit : « L’usage des conducteurs élec- triques […] suivant les principes de M. Franklin avoit été avidement adopté en Angleterre dans le tems où M. Franklin étoit Anglois. Il avoit cessé de l’être, il étoit devenu un des Chefs d’une révolution […]50 ». L’homme de science cesserait d’être Anglais au moment où éclate la révolte des colons. Or, selon Wood, la francisation de Franklin aurait précédé son américanisation, lors de ces deux premiers séjours en France, en 1767 et 1769, quand il rend visite aux savants français qui ont défendu ses théories sur la nature de l’électricité et son invention du paratonnerre devant l’Académie royale des sciences, contre l’abbé Nollet et ses partisans. Wood cite l’extrait d’une lettre que Franklin écrit à son amie, Mary Stevenson : I had not been here Six Days before my Taylor and Peruquier had transform’d me into a Frenchman. […] They told me I was become 20 Years younger, and look’d very galante ; so being in Paris where the Mode is to be sacredly follow’d, I was once very near making Love to my Friend’s Wife51. 49. Voir Gordon S. Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin, Londres, Penguin books, 2004. On retrouve cette idée dans une étude fort ancienne, lorsque Henri Doniol, déjà en 1886, présente Benjamin Franklin comme « cet Anglais d’hier » dans son ouvrage Histoire de la participation de la France à l’établissement des États-Unis d’Amérique, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, t. II, p. 102. 50. Marquis de Condorcet, « Extrait de l’Eloge de M. Pringle », Journal de Paris, 361, 27 décembre 1783, p. 1487. 51. « Lettre de Benjamin Franklin à Mary Stevenson, 14 septembre 1767 », dans Gordon S. Wood, The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., p. 172. Lumen 38.final.indd 130 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 131 Pour Wood, ces phrases démontrent que Franklin avait déjà com- mencé à devenir « Français » en 1767. Cette interprétation est contes- table. Même si l’Américain apprécie déjà la qualité de la table et l’art de la conversation des cercles à la fois scientifiques et mondains qu’il fréquente, l’extrait ci-dessus s’apparente davantage à une critique de la légèreté de la société française qu’à son apologie. Il reste qu’un chan- gement s’opère à partir de 1776. Tout d’abord, à son arrivée, Franklin côtoie à nouveau ses connais- sances scientifiques, avec lesquelles, comme en Angleterre, se créent des liens d’amitié. Ces amis l’introduisent alors dans des salons où les rencontres qu’il y fait, comme l’abbé Morellet ou Condorcet, s’avèrent capitales dans son acculturation française. Ses liens avec Morellet s’expliquent en premier lieu par le rôle pionnier qu’occupe alors la France dans les idées économiques libérales, idées que Franklin partage avec l’ecclésiastique. D’autres personnages d’importance se révèlent d’excellents mentors dans ces cercles mondains, que l’Améri- cain désire conquérir pour trouver des soutiens à la cour. C’est le cas du duc Louis-Alexandre de La Rochefoucauld, très engagé dans la cause américaine. Son enthousiasme pour le libéralisme politique des Américains, son admiration pour le vieux scientifique et le prestige de sa famille, en font un allié de premier ordre, puis un véritable ami, dont la sincérité touche profondément Franklin52. Ces alliés de la première heure –  que le cosmopolitisme de l’Américain pousse à mieux comprendre  – partagent ses idées scientifiques, économiques ou politiques, et lui offrent ainsi un autre visage de la France, bien moins rétrograde que l’ancien anglophile déçu ne se l’imaginait. De stratégique à son arrivée, sa francophilie devient alors réelle au fil de son séjour. Cependant, si cet état ultime du cosmopolitisme sert les intérêts de la cause américaine dans les salons, celui-ci peut devenir préjudiciable à sa campagne de propagande diffusée dans toute la France. Par ailleurs, en plus de détruire l’image que le Philadelphien a savamment fabriquée, cette francophilie entre aussi en conflit avec les valeurs qui ont construit sa personnalité. 52. Voir Daniel Vaugelade, La question américaine au 18e siècle au travers de la correspondance du duc Louis Alexandre de La Rochefoucauld (1743-1792), Paris, Publibook, 2005. Lumen 38.final.indd 131 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 132 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi Insistons à ce stade de l’exposé sur la « Franklin mania53 » qui se répand rapidement dans le royaume. Depuis son arrivée, Franklin orchestre la diffusion des idées politiques américaines par le biais de la presse. Cependant, comprenant vite que l’entourage du roi reste très partagé sur le sujet et concevant le même intérêt que Vergennes pour l’opinion publique54, l’Américain décide d’adopter une stratégie de propagande atypique, centrée sur sa propre personne. Comme l’écrit Hale, en dehors des courtisans et du roi, les Français s’enthousias- maient déjà pour l’Amérique et n’attendaient que l’arrivée de Franklin pour faire leur la cause des Insurgents55. Or Franklin possède l’art de maîtriser son image et d’en jouer. Déjà auréolé de la gloire de l’inven- teur du paratonnerre, il décide d’offrir aux Français l’image d’un homme âgé et sage, au mode de vie simple, uniquement préoccupé par sa tâche. C’est pourquoi, contrairement à ses habitudes de cosmo- polite lors de ses séjours en Angleterre, Franklin ne s’habille pas à la française et offre l’image d’un Américain, tel qu’on pouvait le fantas- mer alors en Europe. Cette attitude risquée dans les salons et à la cour de Versailles, où la mode française reste de rigueur, est compensée par l’exotisme qu’elle génère. Quant au reste de la population, elle s’en- thousiasme pour les médaillons, estampes et autres objets à l’effigie du diplomate, qui se multiplient de manière considérable et se diffusent sur tout le territoire56. Il n’est alors question que de la simplicité du « grand homme », que beaucoup croient quaker pour deux raisons : sa patrie pennsylvanienne, réputée pour abriter de nombreux Quakers, et sa coiffure aux cheveux lâchés sur les épaules. Dans un rapport de police adressé au gouvernement français, daté du 15 janvier 1777, on 53. Ibid., p. 50. 54. Voir Bernard de Montferrand, Vergennes, op. cit., p. 232. 55. Voir Edward E. Hale et Edward E. Hale Jr, Franklin in France, op. cit., t. I, p. 69. 56. Deux catalogues d’exposition permettent d’appréhender l’abondance et l’hété- rogénéité de ces objets : Benjamin Franklin, in search of a better world (exposition, Philadelphie, Saint Louis, Houston, Denver, Atlanta, Paris), 15 décembre 2005-30 mars 2008, New Haven/Londres, Yale University Press, 2005 et Benjamin Franklin, un Américain à Paris (exposition, Paris), 5 décembre 2007-9 mars 2008, Musée Carnavalet- Histoire de Paris, Paris musées, 2007. Voir aussi le livre de numismatique de référence sur la production à grande échelle de médailles et médaillons de Jean-Baptiste Nini, créés et diffusés à la gloire de la cause des Insurgents et de celle de Benjamin Franklin : Richard Margolis, Benjamin Franklin in terra cotta. Portrait medallions by Jean-Baptiste Nini at the Château of Chaumont, Gahanna, Kolbe and Fanning, 2015. Lumen 38.final.indd 132 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 133 trouve une description de l’Américain, qui précise que ce « Quaker » porte le costume de « sa secte57 ». Ici se trouve la pierre d’achoppement de son entreprise : l’homme simple par excellence doit, pour servir sa cause, courir les salons. Franklin réussit en grande partie à préserver l’intégrité de ces deux images distinctes, destinées à deux publics dif- férents, même face à la curiosité de la presse. Ainsi, si les gazettes rendent compte de ses déplacements, l’accent est généralement porté sur sa mission diplomatique, ses visites à la loge maçonnique des Neuf Sœurs ou à l’Académie royale des Sciences. Même dans certaines feuilles les plus caustiques, la supercherie semble fonctionner, comme le suggère cet extrait des Mémoires secrets du 22  février 1778 : « Le Docteur Franklin s’humanise et se montre dans les sociétés, même galantes, ce qui manifeste de plus en plus sa bonne union avec notre gouvernement […]58 ». Ainsi l’émissaire américain « s’humanise » et commencerait bien tardivement à côtoyer le monde et à se montrer dans les « sociétés galantes ». L’article n’insinue rien ici de tendancieux, puisque, pour le rédacteur, cette conduite prouve que la mission de Franklin se passe au mieux avec le roi et ses ministres. Or, à cette date, l’existence des traités d’alliance, signés le 6 février par les deux nations, n’a pas encore été rendue publique59. Cependant, depuis 1776, la guerre diplomatique anglo-américaine, qui sévit dans les salons, s’effectue aussi par le biais des rumeurs, procédé pour lequel Franklin se montre habile, affectant à chaque mauvaise nouvelle du front américain une grande sérénité et propageant avant l’heure les bruits de sa bonne entente avec le gouver- nement français. D’après l’extrait ci-dessus, les rumeurs d’alliance ont en effet atteint la presse. Cependant le jeu de dupes auquel se livre Franklin n’échappe pas à tous ses détracteurs. Un pamphlet d’un auteur anonyme, mais visiblement royaliste et pro-anglais, imprimé en 57. Edward E. Hale et Edward E. Hale Jr, Franklin in France, op. cit., t. I, p. 90. 58. Mémoires secrets pour servir à l’histoire de la République des Lettres en France depuis 1762 jusqu’à nos jours ou journal d’un observateur contenant les Analyses des Pieces de Théâtre qui ont paru durant cet intervalle ; les Relations des Assemblées litté- raires ; les Notices des Livres nouveaux, clandestins, prohibés ; les Pieces fugitives, rares ou manuscrites en prose ou en vers ; les Vaudevilles sur la Cour ; les Anecdotes et Bons mots ; les Eloges des Savants, des Artistes, des Hommes de lettres morts, etc. etc. etc., Par feu M. de Bachaumont, Londres, John Adamson, 1780, t. XI, p. 121. 59. La signature des traités d’alliance entre la France et les États-Unis n’est ren- due publique que le 20 mars 1778. Lumen 38.final.indd 133 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 134 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi 1781 et intitulé Histoire d’un pou françois60, décrit la contradiction entre l’image de simplicité de Franklin et sa francophilie croissante. Le narrateur du récit est un pou, qui, « visitant » de nombreuses têtes, rencontre certains personnages célèbres de son époque. Il fait ainsi une description de l’apparence de Franklin : J’avoue que je ne pus m’empêcher de rire de bon cœur, en contemplant la figure grotesque de cet original, qui, sous l’habit le plus grossier, affectoit de temps en temps le ton et les gestes d’un petit-maître61. Cette description témoigne parfaitement du regard de la noblesse de cour sur une personne telle que Franklin. L’auteur le voit comme un « original » et l’explication de ce jugement se trouve dans la suite de la phrase : son costume ne suit pas les règles de convenances dans la bonne société française. Quant à son attitude de « petit-maître », elle semble ridicule à l’auteur, puisque ne pas respecter le protocole des gens de distinction interdit à Franklin de se conduire comme un homme du monde. Dans l’ouvrage, cet épisode a lieu chez l’Améri- cain, à Passy, et l’auteur ne manque pas de préciser que le diplomate reçoit beaucoup. Tombé de la tête qui pourvoyait à ses besoins, le pou se retrouve à l’extérieur, sans doute près de la porte de l’hôtel Valentinois : « Je ne savais quel étoit le restaurateur à qui je pusse avoir recours ; j’en voyais bien des fourmilieres, qui passoient et repassoient continuellement, mais aucun ne s’arrêtoit62 ». Les choix tactiques de Franklin, mis au grand jour et raillés dans cet imprimé, restent malgré tout assez bien maîtrisés. Toutefois cet exemple démontre les dangers de ridicule et de perte de crédibilité, auxquels l’exposent ces images en trompe-l’œil, risques encore aggravés par son inclination croissante pour la société mondaine française. L’émergence d’une identité plurielle Si les affinités scientifiques, économiques et politiques, que Franklin partage avec nombre de Français, tels que Jean-Baptiste Leroy, Jacques 60. Voir Histoire d’un pou françois ou l’espion d’une nouvelle espece, tant en France qu’en Angleterre, contenant Les portraits de Personnages intéressans dans ces deux Royaumes, etc. etc., Paris, s.n., 1781. 61. Ibid., p. 21. 62. Ibid., p. 26. Lumen 38.final.indd 134 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 135 Barbeu-Dubourg, Antoine de Lavoisier, Nicolas de Condorcet, Louis Alexandre de la Rochefoucauld ou encore l’abbé Morellet, expliquent en partie la naissance de sa francophilie, il convient de ne pas négliger l’homme, qui se crée de véritables amis, avec lesquels il goûte « cet art de la vie63 », comme l’écrit Claude Fohlen, où le mot « plaisir » prend toute sa place. Or sa volonté accrue de vivre à la française entre en conflit avec les préceptes de son éducation, qui proviennent pour beaucoup de la religion protestante. Tout d’abord, même si cela favo- rise ses desseins de diplomate, ce qui contribue à écarter ses scrupules, les heures passées en réception chez lui ou en visite dans de nombreux salons parisiens s’apparentent en majeure partie à de l’oisiveté, que Franklin exècre au plus haut point. L’Américain garde un goût impor- tant pour l’imprimerie, son premier métier, et un grand respect pour les artisans. Il « prêche » depuis des décennies les valeurs du travail et de l’économie dans son célèbre almanach Poor Richard. En 1777, paraît en France un condensé de ses meilleures pages sous le titre La science du Bonhomme Richard. D’abord édité aux États-Unis sous le titre de The Way to Wealth, il est ensuite traduit par Barbeu-Dubourg et publié dans le second tome des Œuvres64 de Franklin sous le titre Le moyen de s’enrichir65, le bonhomme Richard se nommant alors le « pauvre Henri ». Franklin le remanie et l’imprime dans sa presse personnelle – qu’il s’est rapidement créée en arrivant à Passy66 – sous son titre le plus célèbre La science du Bonhomme Richard, ou moyen facile de payer les impôts, réimprimé plusieurs fois à Philadelphie et en 63. Claude Fohlen, Benjamin Franklin. L’Américain des Lumières, Paris, Payot et Rivages, 2000, p. 307. 64. Voir Benjamin Franklin, Œuvres de Benjamin Franklin, Docteur ès loix, Membre de l’Académie Royale des Sciences de Paris, des Sociétés Royales de Londres et de Gottingue, des Sociétés Philosophiques d’Edimbourg et de Rotterdam, Président de la Société Philosophique de Philadelphie, et Résident à la Cour de Grande-Bretagne pour plusieurs Colonies Britanniques Américaines, Traduites de l’anglois sur la qua- trième édition par M. Barbeu Dubourg, Avec des additions nouvelles Et des Figures en Taille douce, Paris, Quillau et Esprit, 1773. 65. Voir Benjamin Franklin, Le moyen de s’enrichir, enseigné clairement dans la préface d’un vieil Almanach de Pensylvanie, intitulé le pauvre Henri à son aise, dans Œuvres, op. cit., t. II, p. 171-181. 66. Pour les plus importants éléments de propagande qui sortirent de sa presse de Passy, voir Luther Samuel Livingston et Bruce Rogers, Franklin and his Press at Passy : An Account of the Books, Pamphlets, and Leaflets Printed There, Including the Long-lost “Bagatelles”, New York, The Grolier Club, 1914. Lumen 38.final.indd 135 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 136 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi France67. On y trouve sa vision de l’économie, que l’on appellerait microéconomique aujourd’hui, celle d’une entreprise ou même d’un foyer, traitée à la manière de son almanach. L’économie se veut ici compréhensible pour le plus grand nombre par l’utilisation de maximes et de proverbes. Ici, travail, argent, morale et vertu se retrouvent et, par là même, la pensée protestante qu’entretient Franklin. En 1784, répon- dant ainsi aux innombrables lettres qu’il reçoit depuis des années de Français désireux de s’installer dans la jeune république américaine, Franklin imprime à Passy un traité intitulé Avis à ceux qui voudraient s’en aller en Amérique68. Là encore l’Américain réalise l’apologie du travail et ainsi de la vertu, mettant à profit la fin de sa mission pour condamner les personnes « bien nées », qui l’ont beaucoup raillé à Versailles : […] le Peuple a Coutume de dire que Dieu tout-puissant est lui-même un Artisan, le plus habile qui soit dans l’Univers, et ils le respectent et l’admirent plus pour la Variété, l’Industrie et l’Utilité de ses Ouvrages qu’à cause de l’Antiquité de sa Famille69. Il critique ensuite férocement l’oisiveté de cet ordre, comparant les aristocrates à un animal bien peu emblématique de la noblesse : [L’Homme blanc] fait travailler un Noir, fait travailler un Cheval, fait travailler un Bœuf, fait travailler tout le Monde, excepté le Cochon ; il ne peut pas faire travailler le Cochon ; il mange, il boit, il se promene, il va dormir quand il lui plaît, il vit comme un Gentilhomme. [Ils sont] d’ailleurs bons à rien, jusqu’à ce qu’après leur Mort on puisse dépecer leur Fortune comme la Personne du Cochon […]70. Franklin éprouve cependant une très grande indulgence pour les membres de l’aristocratie devenus ses amis, dont il partage à présent le 67. Benjamin Franklin, La science du Bonhomme Richard, ou moyen facile de payer les impôts, traduit de l’Anglois, seconde édition, exactement semblable à la pre- mière, Avis, on joint à cette petite Piece : L’interrogatoire que M. Franklin subit au mois de février 1766, devant le Parlement d’Angleterre, La Constitution de la République de Pennsylvanie, telle qu’elle a été établie par la commission générale de Philadelphie, au mois de Juillet 1776, L’interrogatoire de M. Penn à la Barre du Parlement, au mois de Novembre de la même année, Philadelphie, se trouve à Paris chez Ruault, 1778. 68. Voir Benjamin Franklin, Avis à ceux qui veulent s’en aller en Amérique, Passy, Imprimerie de Benjamin Franklin, 1784. 69. Ibid., p. 6. 70. Ibid., p. 6-7. Lumen 38.final.indd 136 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 137 mode de vie. On retrouve ainsi de nombreuses contradictions entre son train de vie français et l’exemple qu’il a toujours tenté de montrer à sa famille. Ainsi, dans une lettre de 1779 à sa fille Sarah Bache, l’Américain encourage l’« industrie » dont elle fait preuve en filant elle-même le tissu de ses nappes, mais la réprimande parce qu’elle lui demande de lui envoyer de France des produits de luxe : I was charmed with the account you give me of your industry, the table- cloths of your own spinning, &c. but the latter part of the paragraph, that you had sent for linen from France because weaving and flax were grown dear ; alas, that dissolved the charm ; and your sending for long black pins, and lace, and feathers ! disgusted me as much as if you had put salt into my strawberries. The spinning, I see, is laid aside, and you are to be dressed for the ball ! you seem not to know, my dear daughter, that of all the dear things in this world, idleness is the dearest, except mischief71. Il paraît fort peu probable que se présentent à sa fille d’aussi nombreuses occasions d’assister à des fêtes, soupers fins, bals et autres amusements qu’à son père. De plus, ce dernier, qui ne tarit jamais d’éloges pour l’économie avec sa famille, prêche également depuis sa jeunesse pour la tempérance, qui constitue l’une des treize vertus72, qu’il a tenté de s’imposer afin d’atteindre « la perfection morale73 ». Or cette sobriété entre en contradiction avec l’« état de sa cave74 » du 1er février 1779, qui ne décompte pas moins de 1241 bouteilles, dont 326 de champagne. Même si Franklin a déjà pleinement joui des plaisirs de la table dans la bonne société londonienne, ces nombreuses invitations chez ses amis parisiens lui font définitivement oublier certaines des vertus qu’il a si souvent recommandées. Seuls à les lui rappeler, ses violents accès de goutte, dont les références sont nombreuses dans sa correspondance. Lors d’une de ces indispositions, Franklin écrit l’une de ses Bagatelles qu’il imprime à Passy, et qu’il intitule Dialogue entre la goutte et 71. Benjamin Franklin, « To Sarah Bache, June  3, 1779 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XXIX, p. 612-615. 72. Voir Benjamin Franklin, Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, Edited from his Manuscript, with Notes and an Introduction, by John Bigelow, Philadelphie, J.B. Lippincott and co, 1868, p. 215-216. 73. Ibid., p. 213. 74. « Wine Cellar Inventory, 1er  février 1779 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XXVIII, p. 455. Lumen 38.final.indd 137 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 138 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi M.  F.75, petite pièce caustique où la goutte lui reproche ses excès et son manque d’exercice : M.F. : Mon Dieu ! La fièvre ! Je me perds. Eh ! Eh ! N’y a-t-il personne qui puisse prendre ces peines pour moi. La Goutte : Demandez cela à vos chevaux. Ils ont pris la peine de mar- cher pour vous76. Cette autodérision se retrouve dans nombre de textes de l’Américain, ainsi que dans sa correspondance. Ce personnage ambigu, tout en s’adonnant aux plaisirs de la haute société française, n’en reste pas moins convaincu que les préceptes de cette dernière ne conviennent pas à l’éducation qu’il souhaite donner à son deuxième petit-fils, Benjamin Bache, qui a traversé l’Atlantique avec lui77. Il précise bien à la mère de l’enfant, sa fille Sarah, pourquoi l’environnement genevois lui semble plus adéquat pour l’avenir de son fils : « Ben, if I should live long enough to want it, is like to be another comfort to me : as I intend him for a Presbyterian as well as a Republican, I have sent him to finish his education at Geneva78 ». Presbytérien et républicain, voilà ce que doit devenir le petit-fils de Franklin, afin de s’assurer le respect de ses compatriotes, ce dont ses habitudes mondaines l’ont souvent privé. La francophilie de Franklin n’a donc rien d’une inclination aveugle. Cependant, loin d’être feinte, son acculturation est parfaitement visible dans sa correspondance avec ses amis. L’historiographie s’est souvent penchée sur ses amitiés féminines, le stigmatisant parfois comme un grand séducteur. Fréquentant les salons, il se trouve très souvent en galante compagnie et, veuf depuis 1774, il n’hésite pas à courtiser plusieurs dames riches et influentes79. 75. Voir Benjamin Franklin, Dialogue entre la Goutte et M. F., Passy, Imprimerie de Benjamin Franklin, 1780. 76. Ibid., p. 3. 77. Son premier petit-fils, William Temple, l’accompagne également en tant que secrétaire. 78. Benjamin Franklin, « To Sarah Bache, 3 June 1779 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XXIX, p. 612. 79. Pour la richesse des sources et de la bibliographie, voir Claude-Anne Lopez, Mon Cher Papa : Franklin and the Ladies of Paris, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1966. La réputation de séducteur de Franklin, ne tenant pas compte de son âge avancé et de son état de santé déficient, présente souvent l’Américain comme un romantique ou un libertin et ne prend que rarement en considération les sérieux appuis ou simplement la fortune de ces quelques femmes, qu’il courtise lors de son Lumen 38.final.indd 138 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 139 L’une d’elles, Anne-Louise Boivin d’Hardancourt, épouse de Jacques Brillon de Jouy, échange une très importante correspondance avec l’Américain. De vingt-quatre ans plus jeune que son époux, sa beauté n’a d’égale que sa sottise80, mais le salon de cette voisine de Passy procure à Franklin les premières ramifications d’un réseau qui ne tarde pas à s’étendre. Il y rencontre par exemple certains artistes, qui lui sont vite utiles pour sa propagande, comme Jean-Baptiste Greuze et Jean- Honoré Fragonard. L’Américain fait la cour à Mme Brillon, même s’il paraît fort probable que l’entrain en la matière de cet homme malade de plus de soixante-dix ans ne pouvait rester qu’épistolaire. Sa corres- pondance témoigne de la liberté de parole qu’il adopte dans certains cercles. Tout d’abord, une lettre qu’il écrit à M. de Brillon en 1781, alors que le couple se trouve en villégiature dans le sud de la France. Les six premières lignes sont destinées à M. Brillon. Au terme de ce pré- ambule, l’Américain déclare à son interlocuteur que la suite ne doit être lue que par sa femme : Le Reste de cette Lettre est pour Madame votre chere Femme. Et comme je propose d’y meler un peu de Galanterie, je vous en avertis, afin que vous aura la belle Occasion d’exercer vôtre Politesse en ne lisant plus loin81. On remarque ici quelques fautes de français. Contrairement aux mis- sives officielles, la lettre n’a pas été retranscrite par le secrétaire du diplomate. Son auteur s’y montre à la limite de l’indélicatesse. Ce style pour le moins familier, digne des habitudes d’un homme du monde français, semble inapproprié dans la position de Franklin. Après quelques sages compliments adressés à Mme Brillon, la lettre prend une tournure étonnante : On dit que les Dames des Pays que vous traversées, et que vous aurez à traverser en revenant, sont plus libertines que ceux de Paris. C’est espe- rer, donc, que vous serez apprivoisée par leur Conversation ; et que vous retournerez de cette Voyage, comme avec plus de Santé, ainsi avec séjour. Malgré l’image d’Épinal qui s’est forgée à ce sujet, l’attention que Franklin porte à ces personnes ne semble en rien désintéressée. 80. Voir les 173 lettres échangées entre 1777 et 1789 par Franklin et Mme Brillon, répertoriées dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit. 81. Benjamin Franklin, « To Jacques and Anne-Louise Brillon de Jouy, ce 30 Octobre 81 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XXXV, p. 670-671. La lettre est retranscrite avec ses fautes. Lumen 38.final.indd 139 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 140 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi moins de Rigueur. Vous ne serez pas aussi estimable, peutêtre, mais beaucoup plus aimable. Choisissez82. Ces propos de libertin semblent inconcevables sous la plume du célèbre et sage diplomate, qui écrit ces mots outrageants pour la jeune femme, alors même qu’il sait que l’époux ne peut qu’en prendre connaissance. Ces propos pour le moins lestes offrent un enseigne- ment sur sa personne ainsi que sur celle de ses véritables amis. S’il ne redoute pas qu’ils se formalisent, c’est parce qu’ils se montrent eux- mêmes très légers dans leur discours. Franklin fréquente beaucoup le cercle des Brillon et il semble probable que leur influence ait été importante sur la grande liberté de parole qu’il adopte occasionnelle- ment durant son séjour. La volonté de s’adapter à la société française pour réussir sa mission ne peut justifier la teneur de ces lettres. La dichotomie entre le person- nage de propagande et l’auteur de ces paroles de libertin atteint ici son paroxysme. Comment un homme si attaché à ne pas entacher son image publique peut-il se permettre de laisser des traces écrites si compromettantes ? Pourquoi ces dernières n’ont-elles pas émergé dans les écrits du temps, pamphlets, chansons ou nouvelles à la main, si friands de scandales83 ? Ici apparaît la notion de confiance. Ces inter- locuteurs, devant lesquels l’ambassadeur tombe le masque, ne sont pas de simples relations utiles à sa mission diplomatique, mais des amis, qui ont reconnu en lui le vrai francophile. Aucune source ne vient attester du fait qu’ils aient trahi sa confiance en révélant au public cette facette de sa personnalité. Un deuxième exemple de correspondance édifiante concerne l’abbé Morellet. Voisin de Franklin à Passy, Morellet, qui partage les idées économiques de l’Américain, devient vite son ami. Suivant une coutume fréquente des salons, l’abbé compose une « chanson à boire », dans laquelle il décrit l’Américain comme bon buveur et de tempérament joyeux : « tout en fondant un empire / Vous le voyes boire et rire84 ». La réponse de l’intéressé trahit plus qu’une adaptation aux mœurs françaises : elle témoigne d’une appropriation de la liberté de 82. Id. 83. Pour tout ce qui concerne la littérature scandaleuse, voir Robert Darnton, Le diable dans un bénitier. L’art de la calomnie en France, 1630-1840, Paris, Gallimard, 2010. 84. « The Abbé André Morellet’s Song in Honor of Franklin [5 juillet 1779 ?] », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XXX, p. 48. Lumen 38.final.indd 140 2019-03-19 1:39 PM Benjamin Franklin francophile 1 141 parole de ses amis. La missive se veut une démonstration scientifico- religieuse prouvant, Saintes Écritures à l’appui, que dieu aurait dure- ment travaillé afin que l’homme profite pleinement du plaisir de boire de l’alcool. Ces propos irrévérencieux, qui n’épargnent pas le premier miracle du Christ aux noces de Cana, prennent également à témoin les Pères de l’Église, ainsi que les apôtres : Je dis ceci à vous comme homme du monde ; mais je finirai comme j’ai commencé, en bon chrétien, en vous faisant une observation religieuse bien importante, et tirée de l’Ecriture Sainte, savoir, que l’apôtre Paul conseillait bien sérieusement à Timothée de mettre du vin dans son eau pour la santé ; mais que pas un des apôtres, ni aucun des saints pères, n’a jamais conseillé de mettre de l’eau dans le vin85. Dans le post-scriptum, l’Américain, à l’aide de dessins, va jusqu’à feindre de prouver que dieu aurait choisi la place du coude sur le bras des hommes dans le but de les voir boire le vin plus aisément. Cette longue démonstration, qui confine au blasphème, est suggestive de la liberté de ton qu’adopte Franklin en France, du moins dans certains milieux. Ces deux exemples n’ont rien d’anecdotique et la correspon- dance de Franklin comprend de nombreuses missives de ce type, où la défiance de l’émissaire d’une jeune république en guerre laisse la place à un homme confiant en la sincérité de ses amitiés françaises. Revenu dans sa patrie, Franklin ne cesse de rendre hommage au pays qui l’a accueilli. « I love France86 » avoue-t-il à La Rochefoucauld87. À Jean-Baptiste Leroy, il évoque les nombreuses « gentillesses88 », dont il fut l’objet. À Mme Lavoisier, il confie que, durant la nuit, ses plus beaux rêves ont pour décor Paris et ses environs89. Ses lettres qui 85. Benjamin Franklin, « To the Abbé Morellet, après le 5 juillet 1779 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XXX, p. 52. 86. Benjamin Franklin, « À Louis-Alexandre, duc de La Roche-Guyon et de La Rochefoucauld, 24  octobre 1788 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op.  cit., t. XLVI, p. 112. 87. Un ouvrage offre un point de vue original sur le séjour français de Franklin à travers sa correspondance avec La Rochefoucauld. On y retrouve la propagande – via la traduction du duc des constitutions des États américains – les réseaux et la francophilie de Franklin : Daniel Vaugelade, Franklin des deux mondes, Paris, Amandier, 2007. 88. Benjamin Franklin, « À Jean-Baptiste Leroy, 17 mars 1786 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XLIV, p. 40. 89. Benjamin Franklin, « À Marie-Anne Pierrette Paulze Lavoisier, 23  octobre 1788 », dans The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XLVI, p. 107. Lumen 38.final.indd 141 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 142 1 Leïla Tnaïnchi expriment le mieux sa nostalgie et sa francophilie sont celles qu’il adresse à Mme Helvétius : Je pense continuellement des Plaisirs que j’ai joui dans la douce Société d’Auteuil. Et souvent dans mes Songes, je dejeune avec vous, je me place à côté de vous sur une de vos mille sofas, ou je promène avec vous dans votre belle jardin90. Mais sans doute est-ce à travers son essai, The Art of Procuring Pleasant Dreams (1786), que la portée finale de ce cosmopolitisme poussé à l’extrême apparaît : « If while we sleep, we can have any pleasing dreams, it is, as the French say, tant gagné, so much added to the pleasure of life91 ». À l’instar des différentes images qu’il a diffusées en France lors de sa mission, Franklin semble montrer dorénavant plusieurs visages. L’épistolier libertin, le faiseur de bons mots, côtoie un homme qui demeure convaincu que les artisans et les paysans restent les seules personnes utiles à la société, et que la vertu, le travail et l’économie sont indissociables de la réussite. Son successeur, Thomas Jefferson, qui devient à son tour francophile, réalise pourquoi Franklin a pu s’épanouir au contact d’une société française bien plus ouverte aux nouveautés qu’il ne le croyait initialement. Il y a trouvé une seconde patrie. L’Américain, patriote cosmopolite, aurait ainsi pu faire siens ces mots de Cicéron, que Fougeret de Montbron a choisis en 1750 comme épigraphe de son ouvrage, Le cosmopolitisme ou le citoyen du monde92 : « Patria est ubicumque est bene93 ». 90. Benjamin Franklin, « À Anne-Catherine de Ligniville Helvétius, 20 octobre 1785 », The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, op. cit., t. XLIII, p. 503. 91. Benjamin Franklin, « The Art of procuring Pleasant Dreams, Inscribed to Miss ****, Being written at her request », Columbian magazine, 1, 1786, p. 64, dans Benjamin Franklin, The Complete Works in Philosophy, Politics and Morals, of the Late Dr Benjamin Franklin, Now First Collected and Arranged with Mémoirs of his Early Life, Written by Himself, Second Edition, in Three Volumes, Londres, J. Johnson and co, 1806, t. III, p. 493. 92. Jean-Louis Fougeret de Montbron, Le cosmopolitisme, ou le citoyen du monde, Londres, s.n., 1750. Voir, à ce sujet, Jean René Suratteau, « Cosmopolitisme et patrio- tisme au siècle des Lumières », Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 253, 1983, p. 382. 93. « Partout où je suis bien, j’y trouve ma patrie » (Cicéron, Tusculanes, V, 37, 108). Lumen 38.final.indd 142 2019-03-19 1:39 PM 
work_oksgndyccrd4rf4jlzituyffce	----	LXXI. A letter from John Canton, M. A. and F. R. S. to Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. and F. R. S. containing some remarks on Mr. Delaval's electrical experiments [ 457 ] L X X I. A L e tte r fro m John Canton, M . A . an d F. R . S. to Benjamin Franklin, L L . D . and F. R . S. containing fome Re­ marks on M r . DelavalV EleElrical E xperi­ ments. D ear Sir, Read Feb. 4, 1762. T i y T R . Delaval, in his curious eleCtrica) 1 V 1 experiments, found that Portland ftone, com mon tobacco-pipe, &c. would readily con­ duct the eleCtrical fluid, w hen very hot, or when quite co ld ; but were non-conductors in an intermediate ftate. As no one, that I know of, has yet attempted to account for this, I fhall fubmit the following fo- lution to your judgm ent. T h e ftone, tobacco-pipe, wood, See. I apprehend, conduCt w hen cold, by the moifture they contain in that ftate; w hen their moifture is evaporated by heat, they become non-conduCtors 3 and w hen they are m ade very hot, the hot air at, or near their furfaces, will conduCt, and the bodies appear to be conductor# again. T o prove that hot air will conduCt the eleCtricai fluid, let the end o f a poker, w hen red-hot, be brought, but for a m om ent, w ithin three or four inches o f a fmali electrified body, and its eleCtrical power will be almoft, if not entirely deftroyed. A nd if excited amber, &c. be held within an inch of the flame of a candle, it will lofe its elec- N n n 2 tricity D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 (ricity before it has acquired a fenfibie degree of heat (i ). T h at gl&fs is a condudor in damp weather, on ac- • count of the moiflure on its furface, is well known ; as alfo, that warming it a little will render it a non- condudor ; and that a great degree o f heat will make it feem to be a condudor again. Now tobacco-pipe, wood, &c. will not only attrad the moifture o f the air to their furfaces, but will alfo abforb it; whence they are condudors in dry w eather; and require more heat than glafs, as well as a longer continuance in it, to render them non-condudors. It is remark­ able, that tobacco-pipe, after it begins to cool, will become a condudor again, fooner than mod: other fubftances, and much fooner than wood. T h e caufe of this appears to me, to be the tobacco-pipe’s ab- forbing the moidure of the air fader than m od other [ 458 ] (1) I have obferved alfo, that the Tourmalin, Brazil T opaz, and Brazil Emerald, will give much flronger figns of eledricity while cooling, after they have been held'about a minute within two inches of an almoft furrounding fire, where the air is a con­ ductor, than they ever will after heating them in boiling water. And if both fides of either of thofe {tones be equally heated, but in a lefs degree than will make the furrounding air a condudor, the eledricity of each fide, whether plus or minus, will continue fo, all the time the {tone is both heating and cooling; but will increafe while i t is heating, and decreafe while it is cooling. Whereas, if the heat be {efficient to make the furrounding air condud the eledric fluid from the pofitive fide of the ftoile to the negative fide or it, while heating; the eledricity of each fide will incjeafe, while the ftone is cooling, and be contrary to what it was, while the ftone was heating. See the Piiilofophical Tranfadions,. Vol. L I. p. 403 and 404. fubftances* D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [' 459 ] fuhftances, and much fafter than w o o d : for the fur- faces of tobacco-pipe and wood being wetted, the furface o f the wood will continue wet m uch longer than the furface of the tobacco-pipe. T h a t tobacco-pipe does not become a non-con- du&on by a particular degree o f heat, w ithout eva­ porating its moiflure, is evident, from the following experiments. Jf three or four inches ol one end of a tobacco-pipe, o f more that a foot in length, be made red-hot, without fenfibly heating the other e n d ; this pipe will prove a ready condudor, through the hot air furrounding one part of it, and the moifture con­ tained in the o th e r; although fome part o f it muff have the degree o f heat o f a non-condudlor. But if the whole pipe be made red-hot, and fuffered to cool, till it has only fuperficial moiflure enough to make it a good co nductor; and then three or four inches of one end be again made red-hot, it will become a non­ conductor. A nd if a nail be placed at, or near each end o f a longifh folid piece of any of the abforbent bodies, above-mentioned, fo that the point of each nail may he about half the thicknefs of the body, w ithin its furface:; this body, by heat, may be made a non-conduCtor externally, or fuperficially, while it remains a good conductor internally: for the eledric fluid will pafs readily from one nail to the other, through the middle o f the body, when it will not pafs on its furface; and even when the internal parts of the body are in an equal degree of heat with the external; as they mufl foon be, after it begins to cool. But if the fame body be expofed, for a fhort time,, to a greater degree of heat than before; or if it be kept. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4«o ] kept longer in the fame heat, it will become a non­ conductor entirely. In making the above experiments, I ufed the little electrometer, which I have deferibed in the forty- eighth volume of the Philofophical Tranfa&ions, p. 783, and fupported it by fealing-wax, or warm glafs. I well remember your acquainting me, that M r. Delavai did not approve of the above manner o f ac­ counting for his experiment on tobacco-pipe, foon after you related it to him, which was fome time laft fu m m er: but as it ftili appears fatisfaCtory to me, notwithftanding what that gentleman has lately offered againft it (2), your laying it before the Royal Society will oblige, Dear Sir, Your moft obedient and moft humble fervant, Spital-Squarc, _ - * January 21, 1762. J o h n C a n t o n . ( 2 ) See a Letter from M r. Delavai to Mr. W ilfo n , in the firft part o f the fifty-fecond volume o f the Philofophical T ra n s­ actions. P. s. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ +<s. ] P . S. H aving formerly obferved, that the fridion be­ tween M ercury and Glafs m vacuo, would not only produce the light o f eledricity, as in the luminous barometer, or within an evacuated glafs ball, but would alfo eledrify the giafs on the outlide 3 I im m erged a piece of dry Glafs in a bafin o f M ercury, and found, that by taking it out, the M ercury was eledrified minus, and the Glafs eledrified , to a confiderable degree. I found alfo, that A m ber, Sealing- wax, and Ifland Cryftal, w hen taken out o f M ercury, were all eledrified pofitively (3). H ow does it then appear, that the eledricity, which was obferved upon rubbing the laft mentioned fubftance, after it was taken out o f M ercury furrounded by Ice, was owing to \ and not to the fri&ionbetween it and the M er­ cury, in taking it out? Ifland Cryftal, w hen warm, is a n o n -c o n d u d o r3 and all non-con- d u d o rs may be excited with proper rubbers. ( 3 ) A fmall quantity o f an a, or m ixture, o f M er­ cury and T i n , w ith a very little Chalk or W h itin g , being rubbed on the cufhion o f a globe, or on the oiled filk-rubber of a tube, w ill excite the globe or tube to a great degree, w ith very little fridhon 3 efpecially i f the rubbers be made more damp,, or dry, as occafion may require. L X X II. A D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
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work_onknbm6qlrf6xdvn2lvt5blytm	----	Science Magazine www.sciencemag.org SCIENCE VOL 311 17 MARCH 2006 1529 NETWATCH E D I T E D B Y M I T C H L E S L I E W E B C A S T << Sun Block Sky watchers keen to see the upcoming total solar eclipse won’t be left out of the dark even if they can’t get to a vantage point in South America, Africa, or western Asia. On 29 March, the Exploratorium in San Francisco will webcast the event live from Side, Turkey. On hand at the city’s Roman amphitheater will be four telescopes to track the moon’s progress and two scientists to explain happenings such as the appearance of the corona (above). This wispy outer layer of the solar atmosphere stands out during totality, when the moon’s disk obscures the sun. The festivities start at 5 a.m. U.S. Eastern Time. Totality will begin around 5:54 a.m. and will last a mere 3 minutes and 41 seconds. >> www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse E X H I B I T Poor Richard’s Web Site Which early American politician could claim significant discoveries in meteorology, physics, and navigation? Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) notched these achievements in his spare time, when he wasn’t earning a fortune in the printing business or helping invent a country. This biographical site from the Benjamin Franklin Tercentenary, a Philadelphia nonprofit organization set up to honor the Founding Father’s 300th birthday this year, offers several pages on Franklin’s scientific work. It goes beyond the famous kite-flying experiment that demonstrated lightning was a form of electricity. For instance, Franklin’s shipboard notes on everything from sea temperatures to whale feeding habits inspired an improved chart of the Gulf Stream. The Frankliniana section includes samples of his scientific gear, such as this early battery made from water-filled jars (above). >> www.benfranklin300.org/exhibition/_html/0_0/index.htm C R E D IT S ( T O P T O B O T T O M ): E X P L O R A T O R IU M ; P E T E R H A R H O L D T /A M E R IC A N P H IL O S O P H IC A L S O C IE T Y ; N G D C I M A G E S Brighter Lights, Bigger Cities This new map of Earth’s nighttime illumination will make light bulb manufacturers glow and astronomers cringe. Released last month, the chart* from the National Geophysical Data Center (NGDC) in Boulder, Colorado, is a composite of satellite images snapped in 2003. Site visitors can download and compare images from as far back as 1992. Although changes in illumination often are hard to detect with the unaided eye, computer analysis shows that the United States and India continue to brighten, says Chris Elvidge of NGDC. However, areas of the former Soviet Union, such as Moldova and Ukraine, have been growing darker. You can peruse processed versions of the maps that highlight brightness differences at this site† from a graduate student in Aachen, Germany. >> www.ngdc.noaa.gov/dmsp/download.html † www.blue-marble.de/night.php Send site suggestions to >> netwatch@aaas.org Archive: www.sciencemag.org/netwatch D A T A B A S E Caught in a Bind How tightly a potential drug attaches to its target determines how well the compound will work and what dose patients will need. Researchers can nab binding affinities for about 14,000 com- pounds at BindingDB from Mike Gilson of the University of Maryland Biotechnology Institute in Rockville and colleagues. Gleaned from the literature, the data indicate the strength of attraction between the compounds and key proteins, such as the caspase proteins that control cellular suicide. You can also upload files of molecules not in the database to compare them to inhibitors of a particular enzyme. >> www.bindingdb.org W E B L O G Bones, Genes, And Brains A study suggesting that social stress leaves “molecular scars” on the brain and research exposing cultural diversity in gorillas are just two of the subjects that have snared the interest of anthropologist John Hawks of the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His wide-ranging blog excavates novel ideas and noteworthy discoveries in evolution, genetics, and human paleontology. Hawks promises to deliver three to five essays per week. Gems he’s come across include a recent New York Times piece about the Soviet Union’s unsuccessful efforts in the 1920s to prove our simian ancestry by crossbreeding chimps with humans. Readers intrigued by the tiny Flores hominid uncovered in Indonesia 2 years ago will find a section devoted to the controversial remains. >> johnhawks.net/weblog Published by AAAS o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ DATABASE: Caught in a Bind DOI: 10.1126/science.311.5767.1529b (5767), 1529.311Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.2 CONTENT RELATED file:/content/sci/311/5767/netwatch.full PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for the Advancement ofScience © 2006 American Association for the Advancement of Science o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.2 http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
work_ozl77b5fq5bufef7sva5yzj5h4	----	15.6 Books MH B O O K S & A R T S NATURE|Vol 441| 15 June 2006 816 he did for electricity what Newton had done with gravity: related the heavens to the Earth. It was as an electrician that Franklin was lured into the practice of medicine: he was several times asked to electrify patients with nervous disorders. Always suspicious of grand specula- tion, and a careful observer, he never claimed more for the therapeutic potential of his brain- child than his own experience warranted. Several of his interactions with medicine have biographical poignancy. He advocated inoculation for smallpox (he died shortly before Edward Jenner introduced vaccination), but lost one of his own uninoculated children to the disease. Ever alert to the dangers of lead poisoning (among printers who used lead type, as well as other occupational groups), Franklin collaborated with George Baker, the British physician who exposed its high levels in cider and other alcoholic drinks kept in lead vats. Franklin himself loved Madeira and port, two likely sources of toxic levels of the metal. He suffered from gout and bladder stones, a prob- able consequence of the poison to which he helped alert the public. There were other inconsistencies in his philosophy of health. He advocated the health- giving properties of fresh air, although as a social man he thrived in the clubs of urban centres such as Philadelphia, London and Paris. He also preached the virtues of exercise, believing that swimming was an undervalued activity, and swam even after he became very corpulent in his old age. Other medical contributions were unam- biguous. Franklin invented and wore bifocals, and used an ingenious mechanical arm to grasp books and other objects on high shelves, a natural consequence of his large private library. He was a founder of the first public hospital in America, the Pennsylvania Hospi- tal. So close was his relation to medicine that the French occasionally assumed that he was medically qualified; in fact, ‘Doctor Franklin’ had several honorary degrees but no formal medical training. Nor did he apparently need it. He moved easily in medical and scientific circles, respected by the French and welcomed in Britain even after the United States had sev- ered its ties with the mother country. Franklin had signed the Declaration of Independence, but he was always a man of peace. As he wrote in 1783: “There never was a good war, or a bad peace.” ■ W. F. Bynum is at the Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine, University College London, London NW1 2BE, UK. MORE ON BENJAMIN FRANKLIN The First Scientific American: Benjamin Franklin and the Pursuit of Genius by Joyce E. Chaplin Basic Books: 2006. 362 pp. $27.50 Home from home History is brought to life at Benjamin Franklin’s house in London. SC IE N C E IN C U LT U R E Colin Martin Arguably the most famous American in the Age of the Enlightenment, Benjamin Franklin achieved scientific fame by flying a silk kite with a wire rod at one end and a key at the other into a thunderstorm in Philadelphia in 1752. He thus demonstrated that lightning consists of flashes of electricity. During his long life, Franklin made many contributions to several branches of science. He found research a welcome respite from his role negotiating the turbulent complexities of contemporary diplomacy, including the repeal of stamp duty, which the British parliament had imposed on its American colonies in 1765. This year marks the 300th anniversary of Franklin’s birth, the cue for activities around the world (see www.benfranklin300.org). It has been celebrated in London by the public opening of the 1730s Georgian townhouse, at 36 Craven Street, where he lived for 16 years as an agent for the Pennsylvania Assembly. The newly restored house serves as a museum and education centre (see www.benjaminfranklinhouse.org). During his years in London, Franklin invented bifocal spectacles; developed a fuel-efficient fireplace draught called the Franklin stove; installed a new, more effective lightning rod on the dome of St Paul’s Cathedral; and invented the glass armonica (or harmonica), with its haunting sound described as “the voice of angels”. He worked with Joseph Priestley on experiments that led to the discovery of oxygen; recorded the effects of the Gulf Stream and other ocean currents; investigated canal depths and their implication for transport; and demonstrated the veracity of the old adage that oil calms troubled water, on a windswept pond in the London suburb of Clapham. Some of these achievements are recreated as hands-on experiments for school children at the centre as an introduction to scientific methodology. During the recent restoration of the house, some 1,200 human bones were found in the basement. They were identified as remains from an anatomy school founded at the house by William Hewson, a British anatomist who identified the role of fibrinogen in 1770 and gave the first valid account of coagulation. Hewson lived at the house from 1770 to 1774 after he married Polly Stevenson, the daughter of Franklin’s landlady. The medical-history room in the science study centre continues this tradition with ingenious models and touch-screen computers to encourage schoolchildren to think about how the human body works. The house is interpreted for visitors in an evocative ‘museum as theatre’ tour, which incorporates state-of-the art audiovisual display techniques and an actress in eighteenth-century dress who plays the role of Polly (see picture). Polly’s interest in Franklin’s diplomacy and science made her one of his closest confidantes. “After writing six folio pages of scientific philosophy to a young girl, is it necessary to finish such a letter with a compliment?” asks Franklin during an audiovisual presentation. “Is not such a letter of itself a compliment?” Despite his skilled diplomacy, and his satirical Rules By Which a Great Empire May be Reduced to a Small One, written in 1773 to warn the intransigent British of the dangers of taking a hard line against hot-headed American colonists, Franklin failed to avert the War of Independence. In 1775, he hurriedly left Craven Street. By the time he had returned to Philadelphia, the American Revolution had begun. He died in 1790 at Passy near Paris, with Polly and Franklin’s own daughter Sally at his bedside. Colin Martin is a writer based in London. Tour de force? Polly acts as guide in Franklin’s London home. M . 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work_pe46khupvze37cdxcrpu5ljmgm	----	Gesellschaftsmitteilungen · Society Bulletins Kongressbericht der dritten Bodenseekonferenz für klassische Naturheilkunde der European Society for Classical Natural Medicine – Überlingen, 21.– 23. September 2000 Donnerstag 21. September 2000 Der Kongress wurde eingeleitet durch eine Begrüssung von Prof. Malte Bühring, Berlin. Es folgte eine Präsentation von Originalmitteilun- gen. Folgende Präsentationen wurden vorge- stellt: Exacerbation einer autoimmunen Hepatitis unter Fastentherapie Fey S, Treichel U, Beer A-M, Modellabteilung für Naturheilverfahren, Klinik Blankenstein, Hattingen, Abteilung für Gastroenterologie und Hepatologie, Zentrum für Innere Medizin, Uni- versitätsklinikum Essen Zusammenfassung: Das Absetzen der immun- suppressiven Therapie bei autoimmuner Hepa- titis vor Beginn der 8-tägigen Molke-Fasten- therapie hatte die Reaktivierung der Hepatitis zur Folge. Folglich sollte eine Fastentherapie bei autoimmuner Hepatitis nur unter strenger Indi- kationsstellung unter ärztlicher Beobachtung im stationären Akutbereich erfolgen. Emotionell-vegetative Regulation bei Kindern als objektives Kriterium für den Effekt einer psycho- somatischen Nordseeheilkur Hecht K, Andler S, Institut für psychosoziale Gesundheit Berlin Konstitutionelle Unterschiede in der Bioverfüg- barkeit von Isoflavonen in Sojamilch Kohlmeier M, Muldrow W, Switzer B, Depart- ment of Nutrition, School of Medicine and School of Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, NC, USA Zusammenfassung: Eine Verminderung der Laktaseaktivität im Dünndarm beeinträchtigt offenbar die Resorption von wertvollen Pflan- zeninhaltsstoffen. Betroffen davon sind vor allem Menschen in der zweiten Lebenshälfte, die eigentlich den grössten Nutzen vom regelmäs- sigen Verzehr Isoflavon-reicher Sojaprodukte haben sollten. Die Verwendung geeigneter Laktasepräparate kann den konstitutionellen Enzymmangel zumindest teilweise ausgleichen und so den gesundheitlichen Nutzen einer über- wiegend pflanzlichen Kost verbessern. Verbesserung der Immunregulation durch Hydrotherapie – Wirkung einer vierwöchigen Serie täglichen Wassertretens auf das Th1/Th2- Gleichgewicht Kreutzfeldt A, Albrecht B, Müller K, Sektion Physikalische und Rehabilitative Medizin der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle Zusammenfassung: Die Untersuchung belegt, dass der bekannte klinische Effekt des Wasser- tretens (Reduzierung der Infekttage) mit einer Beeinflussung des Immunsystems im Sinne einer Aktivierung der Th1-Reaktion (mit ver- mehrter Produktion von IL-2 und IFN-�) ein- hergeht, der im Sinne einer Anpassungsreaktion (funktionelle Adaption) des Immunsystems gewertet werden kann. Gefördert durch das Sebastian-Kneipp-Institut Bad Wörishofen. Ergebnisse einer randomisierten doppelblinden Studie zur Wirksamkeit und Äquivalenz von Kava-Kava und Kavain Kron M, Gaus W, Schütze M, Fitz F, Faust V, Abteilung Biometrie und Medizinische Doku- mentation, Universität Ulm, Abteilung Psychia- trie I, Universität Ulm Zusammenfassung: Die Wirksamkeit von Kava- Kava und Kavain bei Angst-, Spannungs- und Unruhezuständen konnte nicht gezeigt werden, was bestätigt, dass die alte Indikation der Kom- mission E des ehemaligen BGA, jetzt BfArM, für einen Wirksamkeitsnachweis nicht geeignet war. Für zukünftige Studien sollte die neue Indi- kation «generalisierte Angststörung» gewählt werden. Einfluss der Einnahme einer basischen Mineral- stoffergänzung während einer einwöchigen Fastenperiode Michalsen A, Weidenhammer W, Melchart D, Saha J, Dobos G, Abteilung für Innere Medizin, Naturheilkunde und Integrative Medizin, Klinik Essen-Mitte, Zentrum für naturheilkundliche Forschung, II. Medizinische Klinik, TU München, SANITAS Dr. Köhler Parkkliniken, Bad Elster Schlussfolgerung: Bei einwöchigem Fasten findet sich in der untersuchten grossen Studien- population kein Hinweis auf einen Nutzen der gewählten Basentherapie. Weitere Untersu- chungen mit eventuell längeren Fastenperioden oder dosisintensivierter Basensubstitution sind notwendig. Eine kliniktaugliche Adaptation des SF-36 und ihr Einsatz zur Qualitätssicherung in naturheil- kundlichen Einrichtungen Müller H, Franke A, Schuck P, Lischka E, Lischka N, Weidenhammer W, Melchardt D, Resch K-L, Forschungsinstitut für Balneologie und Kurort- wissenschaft, Bad Elster, Malteser Klinik Dr. v. Weckbecker, Bad Brückenau, Münchener Modell, Zentrum für naturheilkundliche For- schung, TU München Zusammenfassung: Mit dem SF-36m liegt eine kliniktaugliche Version des SF-36 mit zufrieden- stellenden psychometrischen Eigenschaften vor, die allenfalls kleine Unterschiede zum Original- fragebogen erkennen lässt. Der kombinierte Einsatz von SF-36 und SF-36m erlaubt eine zuverlässige Beurteilung kurz- und langfristiger Änderungen der Lebensqualität bei der Quali- tätssicherung in naturheilkundlichen Kliniken. Kreislauf und metabolische Parameter vor und nach ambulanter Hydrotherapie bei Patienten mit Hypertonie im Stadium I und II nach WHO Rokosch A, Stange R, Doering TJ, Bühring M, FU Berlin, Klinikum Moabit, Abt. Naturheil- kunde, Berlin Schlussfolgerung: In der jetzt abgeschlossenen ersten Auswertungsphase der ambulanten Hy- drotherapie-Studie an Hypertonikern lassen sich deutliche Hinweise in Hinsicht auf eine Reduktion der Sympathikusaktivität nach kör- perlichen Belastungen nachweisen. Reliabilitäts-, Validitäts- und Veränderungssensi- tivitätsprüfungen zu einem kurzen generischen Lebensqualitätsinstrument Schuck P, Franke A, Henke C, Scheffel A, FBK Bad Elster, Vogtlandklinik Bad Elster Zusammenfassung: Angesichts der Praktika- bilität des DUKE, vor allem für Qualitätssiche- rungsmassnahmen, kann die Validität, Relia- bilität und Änderungssensitivität seiner Mehr- Item-Skalen als akzeptabel gelten. Schmerz und «disability» sollten zusätzlich mit anderen validen Instrumenten erhoben werden. Periartikuläre Hauttemperaturen während einer intrakutanen Misteltherapie bei Patienten mit Gonarthrosen Stange R, Moser C, Britzke K, Goedings P, Mansmann U, Bühring M, Klinik für Naturheil- kunde, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin der Freien Universität Berlin, Helixor Heilmittel GmbH u. Co, Rosenfeld, Institut für Medizinische Statis- tik, Epidemiologie und Informatik, Klinikum Benjamin Franklin der Freien Universität Berlin Diskussion: Im Unterschied zu klinischer Erfah- rung und Anwendungsbeobachtungen bei der subkutanen Misteltherapie onkologischer Pa- tienten konnte im Rahmen dieser Studie trotz engmaschiger Messungen keine Langzeitwir- kung auf die Hauttemperatur in Nähe der intra- kutanen Applikation nachgewiesen werden. Forsch Komplementärmed Klass Naturheilkd 2001;8:116 –117 © 2001 S. Karger GmbH, Freiburg Fax +49 761 4 52 07 14 Accessible online at: E-mail Information@Karger.de www.karger.com/journals/fkm www.karger.com Ebenfalls im Unterschied zu naturheilkund- lichen Vorstellungen eines höheren Gewinns aus Reizkörpertherapien bei eher niedrigen («kühlen») Ausgangstemperaturen hatten hier Patienten mit initial höheren Hauttemperaturen den grösseren Therapiegewinn. Ein wärmender Einfluss auf die Thermoregulation liess sich für keinen Punkt und keine Untergruppe nach- weisen. Diese Befunde sind möglicherweise mit anderen Wirkqualitäten der intrakutanen gegenüber der subkutanen Mistelapplikation oder der anderen Patientenpopulation zu erklären. Die multidisziplinäre Vitalitätsdiagnostik zur objektiven Qualitätskontrolle naturheilkundli- cher Behandlungen Steiniger J, Schneider A, Rhode J, Klinikum Buch, Klinik für Physiotherapie/Naturheilver- fahren, Herbert-Krauss-Klinik, Berlin Zusammenfassung: Mit Hilfe der vorgestellten multidisziplinären Vitalitätsprüfung können die positiven Ergebnisse naturheilkundlicher bzw. physiotherapeutischer Behandlungen auf den Ge- samtorganismus objektiv dokumentiert werden. Zahnärztliche Behandlung als Therapieblockade bei Naturheilverfahren Treusch R, Beilngries Am Abend erfolgte ein Festvortrag und Abend- gespräch in der Klinik Buchinger mit dem Thema «Grunddaten des Menschen als ethisches Subjekt und Objekt» von U. Kern, Rostock. Freitag, 22. September 2000 Die Teilnehmer des Kongresses wurden begrüsst von Herrn Prof. Dr. Malte Bühring, Berlin, und Frau Dr. F. Wilhelmi de Toledo, Überlingen, so- wie von der Stadt Überlingen. Es schloss sich der vormittägliche Schwerpunkt «Pädiatrie» mit dem Vorsitz von W. Dorsch, München an. Fol- gende Beiträge wurden vorgestellt: – Psychosomatik im Kindesalter – drei Kurzvor- träge und ein Streitgespräch – Naturheilverfahren beim atopischen Ekzem im Kindesalter – Die exsudative Diathese – eine neue Erklä- rung für ein altes Konstitutionskonzept – Bedeutung der Mukosabarriere für die Ernäh- rungstherapie Am Mittag folgte der Schwerpunkt «Phyto- therapie» unter Vorsitz von B. Uehleke mit folgenden Themen: – Naturheilkundliches und Rationales in der Phytotherapie – Tonika und ihre Wirkungen im Magen-Darm- trakt – Neues über Nutzen und Risiken von Johannis- kraut Anschliessend wurde zur Gründungsversamm- lung der Deutschen Sektion der Europäischen Gesellschaft für klassische Naturheilkunde ein- geladen. Samstag, 23. September 2000 Am Vormittag wurde der Schwerpunkt «Qua- litätssicherung und neue Konzepte» unter dem Vorsitz D. Melchart, München behandelt. Folgen- de Beiträge wurden vorgestellt: – Qualitätssicherung in der Naturheilkunde am Beispiel des Münchener Modells – Das Konzept der «Integrierten Versorgung» – Aufgabe und Chance für klassische Naturheil- verfahren – Transparenz und Qualität – wo liegen die Standards für naturheilkundliche Kliniken? Die nachmittäglichen Workshops wurden auf- grund von geringen Teilnehmerzahlen nicht durchgeführt. Anstelle dessen wurde ein Ge- sprächskreis mit dem Themenschwerpunkt «Qualitätsmanagement in naturheilkundlichen Kliniken. Welche Aufgaben kann eine Fach- gesellschaft für Naturheilkunde in diesem Zu- sammenhang erfüllen?» unter der Leitung von D. Melchart abgehalten. G. Frank, Heidelberg Gesellschaftsmitteilungen · Society Bulletins 117Forsch Komplementärmed Klass Naturheilkd 2001;8:116 –117 
work_pjfpsubs6bb3dclbibqehqbify	----	PII: S0961-1290(00)90592-1 Southampton Photonics start-up attracts USli55m in fundina Pictured: (from L-R) Professor David Payne (Chairman), Don Spalinger (Acting President) and Dr Peter Ballantyne (Senior VP, Operations and Engineering) of Southampton Photonics. A new start-up - Southampton Photonics (spun out of the Opto- electronics Research Centre at the University of Southampton) - has at- tracted first-round fund- ing of &37m (US$55m, a record for the UK) to de- sign and make fibre-optic telecoms components. The company intends to create 200 jobs over the next 18 months at a new 2250 m2 facility in the Chilworth Science Park in the UK and estab- lish design, production and sales facilities in California employing 250 staff by end-2002. Initial products will be based on technology licensed from the University of Southampton, much of it developed and patented by the founders and em- ployees while working at the ORC, with which the company will have an on-going alliance. Founder and Chairman is Professor David Payne FRS, head of the ORC, leader of the team that invented the optical amplifier (en- abling DWDM) in 1986, and jointly awarded the Benjamin Franklin Medal for developing the er- bium-doped fibre amplti- er in 1998. Products will include: ?? DFB fibre laser arrays for closely packed chan- nels for DWDM; ?? optical filters with en- hanced performance al- lowing more channels per fibre; and . broadband optical amplifiers. Southampton Photonics Tel: +44 (0) 238059- 2116 Corning to invest US$270m Corning Inc is investing US$270m to increase ca- pacity of Corning Lasertron products six- fold over the next two years, involving construc- tion of a new factory and creation of about 1150 jobs: * US$225m in expanding Corning Lasertron to in- crease capacity for am- plification and transmission products, including pump lasers, transmission lasers and receivers, enabling the broadening of manu- facturing from wafer fabrication through packaging; * Corning also invested US$45m to double ca- pacity at Corning Lasertron’s Oak Park fa- cility in Bedford, MA, USA. News Update JDSU and SDL in US$4lbn merger The largest fibre-optics component manufactur- er JDS Uniphase Corp (Nepean, Toronto, Canada and San Jose, CA, USA) has acquired num- ber 2 supplier and MOCVD-based high- power laser manufactur- er SDL Inc for about US$4lbn in stock. SDL has about 1,700 staff and JDSU over 17,000. SDL makes 980 nm chips but - unlike JDSrJ - also packages them into mod- ules. SDL will operate as a wholly-owned subsidiary. In the past year, a toi:al of 14 acquisitions have been undertaken eil:her by JDSU or by companies it later pur- chased. Including Epitaxx Inc, Sifam Ltd, O_ptical Coating Laboratory Inc, Cronos Integrated Microsystems InI:, and Fujian Casix Laser Inc (acquired be- tween November ‘99 and May ZOOO), JDSU’s year-2000 sales were US$1.43bn (up 143% on ‘99 for JDS FITEL Inc and Uniphase Corp com- bined). Including merg- er-related charges etc, ne;: loss was US$419m (US$905m for fiscal 2000). The combined com- pany - JDSU, SDL and E- TEK Dynamics (acquired for US$lSbn in June) - has annual sales of about USS2.7bn. JDSi uniphase carp Tel: +1-408-4341800 Ill-k Review ??Vol.13 No. 5 2000 27 
work_pndbidtl7beexdfp7a3oexhkly	----	TRR 1855 32 ■ Transportation Research Record 1855 Paper No. 03-2750 A dynamic travel-time prediction model was developed for the South Jer- sey (southern New Jersey) motorist real-time information system. During development and evaluation of the model, the integration of traffic flow theory, measurement and application of collected data, and traffic simu- lation were considered. Reliable prediction results can be generated with limited historical real-time traffic data. In the study, acoustic sensors were installed at potential congested places to monitor traffic congestion. A developed simulation model was calibrated with the data collected from the sensors, and this was applied to emulate traffic operations and evalu- ate the proposed prediction model under time-varying traffic conditions. With emulated real-time information (travel times) generated by the sim- ulation model, an algorithm based on Kalman filtering was developed and applied to forecast travel times for specific origin–destination pairs over different periods. Prediction accuracy was evaluated by the simulation model. Results show that the developed travel-time predictive model demonstrates satisfactory performance. The impact of traffic congestion, continuously one of the major prob- lems in various transportation systems, may be alleviated by provid- ing timely and accurate traffic information to motorists. Motorists thus could avoid congested routes by using alternative routes or changing departure times. Advanced travel information systems (ATISs) have been deployed for this purpose in many places in the United States. This study, sponsored by New Jersey Department of Transportation (DOT), developed a dynamic travel-time prediction system for a potential traveler information system in southern New Jersey. The Walt Whitman and Ben Franklin Bridges connect Camden County in the southern region of New Jersey to the city of Philadel- phia, Pennsylvania. Traffic originating in South Jersey mainly uses NJ-55, NJ-42, Interstate 76, and Interstate 676. Congestion points scattered over the roadways and at toll plazas during different periods increase travel-time variations for road users. From historic observation, it is known that the toll plazas on both bridges were congested before introduction of the E-Z Pass system. In addition, northbound NJ-42 to the Walt Whitman Bridge and the point at which NJ-42 intersects with southbound NJ-168 are con- gested during the morning peak period. Traffic conditions will worsen over time because of the growing population. Other congestion points in the morning peak of the study site are mainly caused by traffic merg- ing from Interstate 295 and NJ-55 to NJ-42 before entering the Ben Franklin Bridge. An effective and real-time traffic advisory system that can ad- vise motorists to use less-congested routes is desirable. For example, motorists can be advised to take less-congested bridges to Philadel- phia. If the total travel time through the Ben Franklin Bridge to Philadelphia exceeds a certain threshold, use of the Walt Whitman Bridge is cost-effective for time. Variable message signs could direct traffic with the message Delay at Ben Franklin Bridge or Use Walt Whitman Bridge. Predicted travel-time information could be trans- mitted to drivers who have telecommunications equipment (e.g., aviation system, cell phone, beepers) to help in their route-choice decision. The focus for this study is development of a dynamic model to predict path travel times for the South Jersey real-time motorist information system. LITERATURE REVIEW An intelligent transportation system (ITS) combines electronic, computer, and communication technologies with applications of transportation theory and can collect, restore, process, and transmit traffic information for transportation-management use. ATISs, a core component of ITSs, rely on modern technology (e.g., wireless communication) to predict and disseminate reliable information for motorists. Most traffic-management systems rely on historic and real-time traffic data to determine appropriate traffic-control and diversion plans. The performance of these systems, however, may be constrained because of weak predictive capabilities. The most use- ful information for route choices is accurate predicted travel times and delay information. Motorists, in the absence of predicted infor- mation, implicitly project travel times on the basis of their experience. Therefore, short-term predictions of what traffic conditions are likely to be in a few minutes (e.g., 5 min into the future) are needed for both traffic-management and traveler information systems. In-vehicle route guidance systems are significantly popular in advanced trans- portation management and information systems (ATMISs). With recent advances in communication and information technology, real- time traffic routing has emerged as a promising approach for ATMIS. As soon as traffic conditions change, a more reliable routing plan can be generated with consideration of predicted traffic information rather than current conditions alone. Travel-time estimation and prediction have received much atten- tion. In previous studies, probe vehicles (1) and geographic informa- tion system (GIS) technology (2) were applied to estimate travel time. Some prediction models were developed by using historic traffic data (3), while others relied on real-time traffic information (4). Develop- ment of electronic and communication technologies can improve the Predicting Travel Times for the South Jersey Real-Time Motorist Information System Steven I. J. Chien, Xiaobo Liu, and Kaan Ozbay S. I. J. Chien, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, and X. Liu, Interdisciplinary Program in Transportation, New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, NJ 07102-1982. K. Ozbay, Department of Civil and Environmental Engi- neering, State University of New Jersey Rutgers, New Brunswick, NJ 08901. capacity of traffic surveillance systems and the accuracy of prediction methods. The fundamental input of predictive models is real-time and historic information, for which emphasis was placed on the relation- ship between travel time and flow or occupancy (5). However, the restrictions of those models remain. For example, the fitted traffic dis- tribution should be appropriately defined corresponding to different ratios of variance to mean to make the predicted results consistent with real-world conditions (6 ). A sound travel-time predictive model can accurately forecast free- way travel time in real time. Many previous studies focused on pre- dicting travel times, which can be broadly categorized into the time series models (7 ), the nonparametric regression method (8), and arti- ficial neural networks (ANN) (9). In those models, the flow pattern was formulated mathematically. However, the choices of probabilis- tic distribution and time structure of the flow pattern contribute the prediction errors. Thus, the ratio of variance to mean of the observed flow is an effective indicator for selecting the probabilistic distribu- tion of the traffic flow (6 ). To develop a dynamic prediction model that can perform well under different traffic conditions, a method for distinguishing between recurrent congestion and nonrecurring con- gestion was developed (10), and it can be applied to identify current traffic conditions and then perform appropriate prediction models. These models, mostly autoregressive integrated moving average model (ARIMA) type Box–Jenkins time series models (11), assume that travel-time prediction is a point process, and they use purely sta- tistical techniques to identify the stochastic nature in the observed data. Available statistic models, such as ARIMA and regression models, cannot capture the dynamics of traffic conditions and employ historic traffic patterns to predict current-day trends. Therefore, the accuracy of these algorithms depends on the similarity between the trend of the historic data used for the determination of the parameters and the actual measurements. Applications of fuzzy logic and neural networks were applied to incorporate flexible reasoning and capture nonlinear rela- tionships between link-specific detector data and travel times (12). Although the algorithms that use only current-day measurements are more responsive to current traffic variations, inherent time lags char- acterize prediction with those algorithms. The Kalman filtering algo- rithm was first applied to predict 15-min volume in urban networks (13). Unlike off-line algorithms that use only historic data for pre- diction, the Kalman filtering uses adaptive parameters responsive to dynamic conditions. The advantage of this method is that it can up- date the adaptive parameter to make the predictor reflect the traffic fluctuation quickly. ANNs can be applied for prediction when the functional form that relates traffic measurements to predicted value is not available (9). The performance of the predictive ANNs substantially depends on the network structure, including the input–output specifications and the Chien et al. Paper No. 03-2750 33 training samples. Although the selection of input and output values for a given network may be less difficult than the determination of an appropriate functional form, no robust theory is available that can determine the best training procedure for a given problem. Compared with the Kalman filtering algorithm, prediction of travel time with ANNs may be less accurate if the future traffic patterns are not in the training samples. A study found two disadvantages in the use of ANNs: the length of time needed to learn the training data, and the trial-and-error procedure used to find the optimum architecture (14). A new approach for prediction of travel time along a corridor that considers both real-time data and historic data is proposed. The time- varying data (e.g., travel times) are derived from speed data collected by the sensors. In this study, sensors were installed at potential con- gested places to monitor traffic operations. A calibrated simulation model is proposed to emulate traffic operations for the study site, and then the time-varying traffic information can be generated. With the travel times collected from the sensors and the simulation model, the Kalman filtering algorithm is applied to forecast the travel times. DATA COLLECTION The data needed for developing a simulation model can be classified into two categories: geometric data and traffic data. The geometric data were collected from the construction plans of the study site, including the lengths of links, the number of lanes, the radius of the curvature, and the grade percentage and superelevation. Most geometric data were collected from the construction plans of the study site, while other data were obtained from the straight-line diagram available at www.state.nj.us/transportation/framed/stright.htm. In addition, the GIS database at the New Jersey Institute of Technology contains road- way pavement and inventory information of the study area, by which the accurate layout and related geometric information can fill the gaps that cannot be found from the construction plans. The aerographic maps taken by the satellite are applied to verify the image of the study site. Five acoustic sensors were installed in designated locations within the study site, as shown in Table 1, to collect traffic data, includ- ing traffic volumes, speeds, and truck volumes. The collected traffic data were applied for calibrating a developed simulation model. Sen- sor 1 measured the traffic on northbound NJ-42 at the start point of the studied network. The sensor was located 50 ft ahead of the ramp from the junction of NJ-55 and NJ-42, a potential congestion point in the network. Sensor 2 collected traffic data on northbound Interstate 76, where the traffic is fed by northbound Interstate 295 and diverges to northbound Interstate 76. Sensor 3 monitored the traffic condition ahead of the toll plaza on the Walt Whitman Bridge. All traffic from Sensor No. Position Nearby Node No. 1 50 feet upstream of conjunction of Route 55 and Route 42 893 2 15 feet upstream of conjunction of Route 295 and Route 76 811 3 Downstream right after ramp from Route 130 to Route 76 740 4 Downstream of ramp to Morgan Street on Route 676 658 5 50 feet downstream of ramp from M.L.K Blvd to Route 676 565 NOTE: All these sensors are located on northbound Routes 42, 76, and 676. TABLE 1 Sensor Locations northbound Interstate 76 and westbound NJ-130 merged at this loca- tion. Sensor 4 measured traffic conditions on northbound Interstate 676 between the two bridges, while Sensor 5 collected traffic data on northbound Interstate 676 as it merges into the Ben Franklin Bridge, where the traffic from westbound NJ-30 and Linden Avenue merge. Traffic under worst-case conditions extends to the Martin Luther King Boulevard exit at downtown Camden and farther to the south. Worst- case conditions occur on Sunday evening and Monday morning dur- ing summer as traffic returns from shore areas to the metropolitan area. The sensor is thus located 0.5 mi from the dead end to gauge con- gestion. Drivers to Philadelphia can opt for the Walt Whitman Bridge if the congestion on northbound Interstate 676 is severe. For commuters traveling from Camden to Philadelphia, two origin–destination (OD) pairs are considered. The first OD pair is from the starting point on NJ-42 of the network and ends at the Walt Whitman Bridge. The second OD pair starts from the starting point of NJ-42 and ends at the Ben Franklin Bridge. A simulation model will be developed to emulate the travel times. The travel times of the second OD pair are predicted in the case study for evaluating prediction accuracy. Data for traffic volumes and speeds, including hourly distribu- tion, can be obtained from the acoustic sensors installed for this proj- ect. Traffic counts such as annual average daily traffic (AADT) are collected by data stations operated by the Bureau of Transporta- tion Data Development of NJDOT (search.panzitta.com/searches/ nfgensearch.cfm). Travel-Time Prediction Model Travel time can be affected by such factors as traffic volume, geo- metric conditions, speed limits, incidents, vehicle composition, and weather condition. In real-world applications, it is quite difficult to model the relationship among these factors, especially when the traffic volume is near roadway capacity. Various techniques have been used to predict travel times, as discussed in the literature review. The Kalman filtering algorithm was chosen for the study because it allows the prediction of the state variable (e.g., travel time) to be con- tinuously updated. This approach has been used for predicting traf- fic volume and for real-time demand diversion, as well as estimation of trip distribution and traffic density. In this study, this technique is used to perform travel-time prediction based on the traffic data gen- erated by a microscopic traffic simulation, which is calibrated with data collected by acoustic sensors. The step procedure for applying the Kalman filtering algorithm to travel-time prediction is discussed in the following. Let x(t) denote the travel time at time interval t that is to be pre- dicted, let φ(t) denote the transition parameter at time interval t that is externally determined, and let w(t) denote a noise term that has a normal distribution with zero mean and a variance of Q(t). The system model can be written as Let z(t) denote the observation of travel time on time interval t and let v(t) denote the measurement error at time interval t that has a normal distribution with zero mean and a variance of R(t). Since no traffic parameter other than travel time is involved, the observation equation associated with the state variable x(t) is given by z t x t v t( ) = ( ) + ( ) ( )2 x t t x t w t( ) = −( ) −( ) + −( )φ 1 1 1 1( ) 34 Paper No. 03-2750 Transportation Research Record 1855 In this application, z(t) is obtained from averaging the travel times reported by probe vehicles at time interval t. Historic data (e.g., travel- time data from the same period of a previous day with a similar traf- fic situation) are used to obtain the transition parameter φ(t), which describes the relationship between the status of state variable (in this case, travel time) in two periods. This assumes that the pattern of travel-time variation over time remains basically the same between these 2 days. Assume that in a linear system, all i, j, E[w(i)v(j)] = 0, and let P(t) denote the covariance of the estimation error at time interval t; then the filtering procedure is shown as follows: Step 0. Initialization: Step 1. Extrapolation: Step 2. Kalman gain calculation: Step 3. Update: Step 4. Let t = t + 1 and go to Step 1 until the preset period ends. Case Study To evaluate the performance of the prediction model, a microscopic simulation model was developed with CORSIM. CORSIM has been widely applied for simulating traffic operations (15) and evaluating the implementation of ITS (16 ) and is one of the best microscopic models to date. Both geometric conditions and traffic-related data are required for developing the simulation model that can replicate traf- fic operations. The link-node diagram of the studied network is shown in Figure 1. The AADTs over the study network were collected from seven data stations, as shown in Table 2. The daily traffic data in one direction have been normalized on the basis of collected AADT and are shown in Figure 2. Compared with the traffic-count data collected from the designated sensors, the normalized daily volumes closely match the real-world traffic distribution over the study site. The hourly traffic volume distribution over time, for example, at Sensor 1, as shown in Figure 3, is derived from the traffic distribution detected by the installed acoustic sensors and AADT collected by the data stations. Traffic operations from 6:00 to 10:00 a.m. of the studied site are simulated by considering time-varying traffic volumes. With the speed data detected by the acoustic sensors, the simulation model is calibrated by fine-tuning parameters shown in Table 3, including car-following sensitivity factor, lane-change parameters, and desired free-flow speed to reflect the realistic traffic operations. Error covariance update: P t I K t P t( ) = − ( )[ ] ( )+ − State estimate update: ˆ ˆ ˆx t x t K t z t x t( ) = ( ) + ( ) ( ) − ( )[ ]+ − − K t P t P t R t( ) = ( ) ( ) + ( )[ ]− − −1 Error covariance extrapolation: P t t P t t Q t( ) = −( ) −( ) −( ) + −( )− +φ φ1 1 1 1 State estimate extrapolation: ˆ ˆx t t x t( ) = −( ) −( )− +φ 1 1 Set and let and t E x x E x x P= ( )[ ] = ( ) ( ) − ( )[ ]{ } = ( )0 0 0 0 0 02ˆ ˆ 8569 569 769 8611 811 611 8899 899 8693 893 693 881 842 803 8602 802 602 8584 8557 557 757 740 711 703 8472 8470 695 8465 688 465 8460 684 8398 8497 398 598 497677 662 8458 658 458 8452 652 8442 642 631 605 591 8365 565 562 546 540 530 8320 320 520 518 513 8499 499 503 NJ 55 I 295 The Walt Whitman Bridge I 130 Traffic movement direction The Ben Franklin Bridge Morgan Street M.L.K. Blvd 365452 442 539 472 470 460584 784 8539 580585 8391 391 FIGURE 1 Link-node diagram. Finally, by comparing the simulated speeds with the detected speed data, the average errors are 1.4%, 0.9%, 11.2%, 16.7%, and 9.1% on Sensors 1 through 5, respectively. This implies that the calibrated sim- ulation model can replicate traffic operations reasonably well for the studied corridor. To test the performance and accuracy of the proposed prediction model, the link travel times generated by CORSIM are treated as actual travel times for comparison with that provided from the prediction model. 36 Paper No. 03-2750 Transportation Research Record 1855 Three scenarios classified by three different types of historic data are proposed for analyzing the accuracy of the predicted travel times. The first scenario uses the previous time-interval data to predict the next time-interval travel times. The second scenario takes the travel time recorded in the same period on the same day a week before the input, while the third uses the 5-weekday average travel time collected from the same link a week ago. The outputs are predicted travel times from the start point of the network to the Ben Franklin Bridge. The Station Number Route Number Milepost Station Location AADT 7-4-103 676 0.70 BETWEEN I-76 & MORGAN BLVD 69,252 7-9-355 676 2.50 JUST NORTH OF ATLANTIC AVE 61,047 7-4-104 676 2.95 AT HADDON AVE OVERPASS 58,065 7-5-001 76 0.50 JUST SOUTH OF MARKET ST. 112,310 7-1-24 76 1.60 AT NICOLSON ROAD OVERPASS 136,310 7-2-11 76 2.40 WALT WHITMAN BRIDGE, TOLL 99,330 7-4-303 42 12.20 BETWEEN RT 544 & NJ 55 97,184 TABLE 2 Traffic Counts Look-Up Results 0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000 70,000 80,000 88 99 -8 99 89 3- 88 1 84 2- 81 1 80 3- 80 2 78 4- 76 9 75 7- 74 0 71 1- 70 3 69 5- 68 8 68 4- 67 7 66 2- 65 8 65 2- 64 2 63 8- 63 1 60 5- 59 8 59 1- 58 5 58 0- 56 5 56 2- 54 6 53 0- 52 0 51 8- 51 3 50 3- 49 7 Links on Rts. 76 and 676 V ol u m e p er D ir ec ti on ( vp d p d ) Normalized Traffic Volume over Links AADT Volume at Data Stations per Direction FIGURE 2 Deduced AADT volumes per direction. Variable Description Default Value Calibrated Value Unit New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 1 125 120 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 2 115 110 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 3 105 100 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 4 95 90 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 5 85 80 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 6 75 70 New car- f ollowing sensitivity factor for driver type 7 65 60 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 8 55 50 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 9 45 40 New car-following sensitivity factor for driver type 10 35 30 Hundredths of Seconds New value for Pitt car following constant 10 5 Feet Time to complete a lane-change maneuver 20 10 Tenths of Seconds % of d rivers desiring to yield right-of- way to lane-changing vehicles attempting to merge 20 30 Percentage Multiplier for desire to make a discretionary lane change 5 8 Tenths of Units 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 12 am 1a m 2a m 3a m 4a m 5a m 6a m 7a m 8a m 9a m 10 am 11 am 12 pm 1p m 2p m 3p m 4p m 5p m 6p m 7p m 8p m 9p m 10 pm 11 pm Time T ra ff ic V ol u m e (v p h ) 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 P er ce n ta ge Traffic Volume Percentage FIGURE 3 Traffic distributions over time at Sensor 1. TABLE 3 Default and Calibrated Parameters best data for least prediction error are identified and applied into the proposed predictive model. It was found that the first scenario provided the best results for the study site during peak periods. With the prespecified covariance parameters R(t) = 50, the Kalman filtering algorithm updates the state variable (travel-time) iteratively. In this case, both the real-time information and the previous time inter- val information are applied to predict the travel time in the next time interval. The sample process of the Kalman filtering algorithm is illus- trated in Table 4, and the final results with the use of 5-min traffic information are shown in Figure 4. (Note that Node 899 is the starting 38 Paper No. 03-2750 Transportation Research Record 1855 point of the studied corridor, where NJ-55 and NJ-42 intersect. Node 497 is the end point, at the Ben Franklin Bridge.) The selected prediction error indices for evaluating the accuracy of the developed model, including mean absolute relative error (MARE ), root relative square error (RRSE ), and maximum relative error (MRE ), formulated in Equations 3, 4 and 5, are applied in this analysis: MARE N x t x t x tt = ( ) − ( ) ( )∑ 1 3 ˆ ( ) (0) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) Time True Historic ∧ +)(Xt Error Φ (t) Rt Qt Kt ∧ −)(Xt Pt (-) Pt (+) Measured 6:00-6:05 557.0 557.0 557.0 1 50 1 0 557.0 6:05-6:10 542.8 542.8 556.7 2.61 0.97 50 1 0.02 557.0 1.00 0.98 542.8 6:10-6:15 537.8 537.8 542.3 0.88 0.99 50 1 0.04 542.5 1.93 1.86 537.8 6:15-6:20 549.2 549.2 538.0 2.17 1.02 50 1 0.05 537.3 2.83 2.67 549.2 6:20-6:25 547.9 547.9 549.3 0.28 1.00 50 1 0.07 549.4 3.79 3.52 547.9 6:25-6:30 544.3 544.3 547.7 0.68 0.99 50 1 0.08 548.0 4.51 4.13 544.3 6:30-6:35 543.0 543.0 544.0 0.21 1.00 50 1 0.09 544.1 5.08 4.61 543.0 6:35-6:40 546.0 546.0 543.0 0.61 1.01 50 1 0.10 542.7 5.59 5.03 546.0 6:40-6:45 530.9 530.9 544.4 2.84 0.97 50 1 0.11 546.0 6.08 5.42 530.9 6:45-6:50 521.6 521.6 528.5 1.48 0.98 50 1 0.11 529.4 6.13 5.46 521.6 6:50-6:55 532.2 532.2 520.7 2.44 1.02 50 1 0.11 519.2 6.27 5.57 532.2 6:55-7:00 543.6 543.6 532.8 2.27 1.02 50 1 0.12 531.3 6.80 5.99 543.6 7:00-7:05 529.9 529.9 542.4 2.70 0.97 50 1 0.13 544.2 7.24 6.33 529.9 7:05-7:10 536.5 536.5 529.6 1.46 1.01 50 1 0.12 528.6 7.01 6.15 536.5 7:10-7:15 516.9 516.9 533.7 3.73 0.96 50 1 0.13 536.2 7.30 6.37 516.9 7:15-7:20 504.6 504.6 513.1 1.92 0.98 50 1 0.12 514.3 6.92 6.08 504.6 7:20-7:25 553.8 553.8 507.2 9.56 1.10 50 1 0.12 500.9 6.79 5.98 553.8 7:25-7:30 542.3 542.3 554.7 2.65 0.98 50 1 0.14 556.7 8.20 7.05 542.3 7:30-7:35 555.3 555.3 544.8 2.19 1.02 50 1 0.13 543.2 7.76 6.71 555.3 7:35-7:40 539.0 539.0 555.2 3.49 0.97 50 1 0.14 557.8 8.04 6.93 539.0 7:40-7:45 550.2 550.2 540.4 2.06 1.02 50 1 0.13 538.9 7.53 6.54 550.2 7:45-7:50 522.1 522.1 547.7 5.66 0.95 50 1 0.14 551.7 7.82 6.76 522.1 7:50-7:55 522.6 522.6 520.1 0.56 1.00 50 1 0.12 519.7 7.09 6.21 522.6 7:55-8:00 531.3 531.3 521.9 2.02 1.02 50 1 0.13 520.6 7.22 6.31 531.3 NOTE: (0) Time interval. (1) True value of the state variable, in this case set equal to the measured travel time (seconds), (1)t = (12)t. (2) Historic travel time (seconds), which could provide the state transition matrix F. Since the travel time of previous time interval were taken as the historic data, (2)t = (12)t. (3) Updated state estimated value, (3)t = (9)t + (8)t * [(12)t- (9)t]. (4) Prediction error percentage, (4) t = abs [(9)t-(1)t]/(1)t * 100 %. (5) State transition matrix Φ(t), (5)t = (2)t/(2)t-1. (6) Covariance matrix of observational (measurement) uncertainty, (6)t = 50. (7) Covariance matrix of process noise in the system state dynamics, (7)t = 1. (8) Kalman gain matrix K (t), (8)t = (10)t * [(10)t+(6)t] -1. (9) State estimates (seconds), (9)t = (5)t-1 * (3)t-1. (10) Estimation error covariance, (10)t = (5)t-1 * (11)t-1 * (5)t-1 + (7)t-1. (11) Updated estimation error covariance, (11)t = [1-(8)t] * (10)t. (12) Measured travel time (seconds) from simulation model. TABLE 4 Travel Times Predicted with Kalman Filtering Algorithm Note that N is sample size, while x(t) and x̂(t) represent the actual and predicted travel times, respectively. The values of MARE, RRSE, and MRE are 2.8%, 3.8%, and 9%, respectively, which implies that the developed model performed reasonably well. The Shapiro–Wilk test was also performed to check the noise distribution. The result shows that a P-value equal to 0.612 is greater than 0.5. It implies that the measurement noise follows a normal distribution, which satisfies the condition for applying the Kalman filtering algorithm in this study. CONCLUSIONS A method for predicting travel times for motorists traveling in the study site was developed, and the Kalman filtering algorithm was applied. Five acoustic sensors were installed at potential congested places in the studied area to monitor traffic conditions. The collected information, including speed and volume estimates by the sensors, was used to calibrate the developed simulation model to evaluate the developed predictive model. The Kalman filtering algorithm was MRE x t x t x tt = ( ) − ( ) ( ) max ˆ ( )5 RRSE x t x t x t x t x t t t = ( ) ( ) − ( ) ( )     ( ) ∑ ∑ 1 4 2ˆ ( ) Chien et al. Paper No. 03-2750 39 applied to predict the travel time with the simulated data. The historic data (travel times) for deriving the state variable transition parame- ter were chosen from the previous time interval. The covariances for measured and state variables were set to be constant. Traffic during the period of 6:00 to 10:00 a.m. was selected for testing the predic- tive model, and during this period, the traffic conditions experienced a dramatic change because of peak-period traffic flow. The evalua- tion results show that the developed prediction model could generate satisfactory results. With reliable predicted travel times, better route choice decisions by motorists can be expected. Four factors should be researched and addressed for developing more robust prediction algorithms. First, the relationship between the covariance for measurement noise and process noise should be inves- tigated from the real-world information, such as traffic volume, travel, speeds, or travel times for each time interval. Thus, a covariance parameter assumed in the Kalman filtering algorithm can vary with the change in the real-world data rather than being set as a constant. This extension may be necessary to increase prediction accuracy in real-world applications. Second, the relationship between the coeffi- cient of variation of the state variables and prediction accuracy should be explored. More statistic analysis should be carried out to provide not only mean value but also the variance of the prediction results. Third, the algorithm should be tested and calibrated for different traf- fic conditions—for example, optimizing the prediction-updating interval to catch the change in traffic condition quickly and accu- rately. Fourth, according to the characteristics of traffic distribution, FIGURE 4 Predicted travel time from Node 899 to Node 497 (length = 40,730 ft). 460 480 500 520 540 560 580 6 :0 0 -6 :0 5 6 :1 5 -6 :2 0 6 :3 0 -6 :3 5 6 :4 5 -6 :5 0 7 :0 0 -7 :0 5 7 :1 5 -7 :2 0 7 :3 0 -7 :3 5 7 :4 5 -7 :5 0 8 :0 0 -8 :0 5 8 :1 5 -8 :2 0 8 :3 0 -8 :3 5 8 :4 5 -8 :5 0 9 :0 0 -9 :0 5 9 :1 5 -9 :2 0 9 :3 0 -9 :3 5 9 :4 5 -9 :5 0 Time Period T ra ve l T im e (s ) 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 E rr or P er ce n ta ge Simulated Real Travel Time Predicted Travel Time Error Percentage applying the best historic data set as a seed to predict accurate and timely information under various traffic conditions would be another extension of this study. REFERENCES 1. Chen, M., and S. I. J. Chien. Dynamic Freeway Travel Time Prediction with Probe Vehicle Data: Link Based Versus Path Based. In Trans- portation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board, No. 1768, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 2001, pp. 157–161. 2. You, J., and T. J. Kim. Development and Evaluation of a Hybrid Travel Time Forecasting Model. Transportation Research C, Vol. 8, 2000, pp. 231–256. 3. Stephanedes, Y. J., P. G. Michalopoulos, and R. A. Plum. Improved Estimation of Traffic Flow for Real Time Control. In Transportation Research Record 795, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1981, pp. 28–39. 4. Suzuki, H., T. Nakatsuji, Y. Tanaboriboon, and K. Takahashi. Dynamic Estimation of Origin–Destination Travel Time and Flow on a Long Free- way Corridor: Neural Kalman Filter. In Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board, No. 1739, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 2000, pp. 67–75. 5. Dailey, D. J. Travel-Time Estimation Using Cross-Correlation Tech- niques. Transportation Research B, Vol. 27, 1993, pp. 97–107. 6. Lan, C.-J, and S.-P Miaou. Real-Time Prediction of Traffic Flows Using Dynamic Generalized Linear Models. In Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board, No. 1678, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1999, pp. 168–178. 7. Ahmed, M. S., and A. R. Cook. Analysis of Freeway Traffic Time- Series Data by Using Box–Jenkins Techniques. In Transportation 40 Paper No. 03-2750 Transportation Research Record 1855 Research Record 722, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1979, pp. 1–9. 8. Smith, B. L., and M. J. Demetsky. Multiple-Interval Freeway Traffic Flow Forecasting. In Transportation Research Record 1554, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1996, pp. 136–141. 9. Smith, B. L., and M. J. Demetsky. Short-Term Traffic Flow Prediction: Neural Network Approach. In Transportation Research Record 1453, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1994, pp. 98–104. 10. Gall, A. I., and F. L. Hall. Distinguishing Between Incident Congestion and Recurrent Congestion: A Proposed Logic. In Transportation Research Record 1232, TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1989, pp. 1–8. 11. Nihan, N. L., and K. O. Holmesland. Use of the Box and Jenkins Time Series Technique in Traffic Forecasting. Transportation, Vol. 9, 1980, pp. 125–143. 12. Palacharla, P. V., and P. C. Nelson. Application of Fuzzy Logic and Neural Networks for Dynamic Travel Time Estimation. International Transactions in Operational Research, Vol. 6, 1999, pp. 145–160. 13. Okutani, I., and Y. J. Stephanedes. Dynamic Prediction of Traffic Vol- ume Through Kalman Filtering Theory. Transportation Research B, Vol. 18, 1984, pp. 1–11. 14. Meldrum, D., and C. Taylor. Freeway Traffic Data Prediction Using Artificial Neural Networks and Development of a Fuzzy Logic Ramp Metering Algorithm. Washington State Department of Transportation, Olympia, April 1995. 15. Schreckenberg, M., L. Neubert, and J. Wahle. Simulation of Traffic in Large Road Networks. Future Generation Computer Systems, Vol. 17, 2001, pp. 649–657. 16. Anderson, M. D., and R. R. Souleyrette. Simulating Traffic for Incident Management and ITS Investment Decisions. Proc., Crossroads 2000, Ames, Iowa, Aug. 19–20, 1998, pp. 7–11. Publication of this paper sponsored by Committee on Urban Transportation Data and Information Systems. Next Page Previous Page ================== HOME (Main Menu) Volume Table of Contents Volumes by Subject Category Contents by Volume Author Index Help ================== 
work_poaglyf7trgpzd5w64cdn3todu	----	Hindawi Publishing Corporation Case Reports in Neurological Medicine Volume 2012, Article ID 367304, 3 pages doi:10.1155/2012/367304 Case Report Trigeminal Neuralgia due to Vertebrobasilar Dolichoectasia Wuilker Knoner Campos,1 André Accioly Guasti,2 Benjamin Franklin da Silva,2 and José Antonio Guasti2 1 Neuron, Institute of Neurosurgery, Baia Sul Medical Center, Florianopolis, SC, Brazil 2 Department of Neurosurgery, Bonsucesso Federal Hospital, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil Correspondence should be addressed to Wuilker Knoner Campos, wuilker@yahoo.com.br Received 4 March 2012; Accepted 14 May 2012 Academic Editors: P. Berlit, Y. Iwasaki, I. L. Simone, and M. Swash Copyright © 2012 Wuilker Knoner Campos et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. We presented a case of drug-resistant trigeminal neuralgia attributed to vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia, a rare condition charac- terized by enlargement, tortuosity, or elongation of intracranial arteries. Dolichoectatic vessels can cause dysfunction of cranial nerves through direct vascular compression. The relationships of vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia with the particularities of neu- rovascular conflict and images findings are discussed. 1. Introduction Trigeminal neuralgia (TN) is a well-known clinical entity characterized by paroxysmal hemifacial pain [1]. Verte- brobasilar dolichoectasia (VBD) is a very unusual cause of TN associated to vascular compression due to characteristic conformation of VBD [2]. In the present study, we describe a patient who developed trigeminal neuralgia caused by VBD and was successfully treated by microvascular decompression (MVD). 2. Case Presentation A 63-year-old nondiabetic, nonsmoker, hypertensive male patient, who presented with a 3-year history of severe parox- ysmal and lancinating right facial pain in V2 and V3 trigem- inal territories. The pain used to come in sudden bursts lasting 1–5 minutes and recurs 10–20 times a day. The pain was not satisfactory controlled by oral opioids, tricyclic, or dual antidepressant. On physical examination, facial trigger points in the right maxilar region have been found without other neurological findings. Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and magnetic resonance angiogram (MRA) of the brain demonstrated an elongated and tortuous vertebro- basilar artery causing mechanical compression at the right trigeminal nerve root (Figures 1 and 2). Surgical procedure (MVD) was then proposed due to refractoriness and images findings. A right retrosigmoid approach was performed with cerebellopontine angle expo- sure. Arachnoid dissection revealed a large vascular struc- ture, identified as dolichoectasia of the basilar artery, dislo- cating and compressing the right ventrolateral region of brainstem and its respective trigeminal nerve root. As soon as the neurovascular conflicting area was identified, MVD tech- nique placing pieces of Teflon between the trigeminal nerve and the basilar artery with displacement of dolichoectatic artery was performed. Care was taken not to injury of the artery during the vascular microdissection, because poten- tially fragile vessel walls in VBD. A very satisfactory surgical decompression result was achieved and pain attacks ceased immediately and complet- ely after surgery. During the follow-up period (24 months), the patient has reported excellent relief of pain and currently does not need any more medications. 3. Discussion Intracranial arterial dolichoectasia is a condition charac- terized by enlargement, tortuosity, or elongation of major arteries at the base of the brain. The most common localiza- tion of dolichoectasia is the vertebrobasilar system [3]. Verte- brobasilar system is considered to be elongated if the basilar mailto:wuilker@yahoo.com.br 2 Case Reports in Neurological Medicine (a) (b) Figure 1: Neurovascular conflict: (a) (axial) and (b) (coronal) MRI reconstruction from a 3D-FSPGR study shows a dolichoectatic basilar artery (arrow) crossing and displacing upper pons (P) with compression of the right trigeminal nerve at the root entry zone. artery lies lateral to the margin of the clivus or dorsum sellae or if it bifurcates above the plane of the suprasellar cistern. Ectasia is considered to be present if the basilar artery has a diameter greater than 4.5 mm (Figures 1 and 2) [4]. The degeneration of the vascular wall due to atheroscle- rosis in association with hypertension is suggested as the pathogenic factor. However, other authors consider dolicho- ectasia to be a congenial vascular anomaly on the basis of histological observations of defect in the internal elastic lam- ina and thinning of the media secondary to smooth muscle atrophy [5]. In fact, dolichoectasia seems to be due to a con- genital anomaly, and its evolution may be influenced by arte- rial hypertension and superimposed atherosclerosis. In the present case, we have agreed that the VBD origin was multi- factorial. (a) (b) Figure 2: (a) (Axial) and (b) (coronal) magnetic resonance angio- gram image shows enlarged and tortuous basilar artery. The basilar artery is moved more than 10 mm to the right (arrow). Two types of symptoms were found associated with intra- cranial arterial dolichoectasia: those resulting from the com- pression of structures adjacent to the abnormal vessel and those resulting of ischemic events. Trigeminal and facial nerves are the commonest cranial nerves involved [6]. How- ever, direct compression by VBD is a uncommon cause of TN with an estimated general incidence of approximately 1% [4]. In patients with VBD, the compression has a slowly pro- gression, so the brainstem can functionally tolerate severe distortion without overt clinical manifestations, which may explain why most patients with VBD are asymptomatic [7]. The proposed mechanism for TN is vascular compres- sion at a specific portion of the cisternal segment of the nerve known as the root entry zone (REZ). There have been suggested that REZ is particularly vulnerable to continued Case Reports in Neurological Medicine 3 pulsatile pressure, which may result in focal demyelina- tion and “short-circuiting” of impulses [8]. Traditionally, the surgical options for patients with medically refractory pain include percutaneous or microsurgical rhizotomy and microvascular decompression (MVD). However, based on neurovascular conflicting, MVD has been practiced for the treatment of patients with/without TN associated to dolicho- ectatic artery [9, 10]. In fact, decompression of the nerve root produces rapid relief of symptoms in most patients with neurovascular con- flicting, probably due to the resulting separation of demyeli- nated axons and their release from focal distortion reduce the spontaneous generation of impulses and prevent their ephaptic spread [11]. Interesting questions may be raised about this biological rationale like why immediate pain relief usually occurs after MVD if there is damage to neuronal structures? Likely the pathogenesis of TN is multifactorial and variably includes neurovascular contact, electrophysio- logical disruption of trigeminal circuits, or both. Recent technological advancement in radiosurgery has revolutionalised all traditional surgical approaches in patients with TN. To date, Gamma knife surgery has become a keyhole to the minimally invasive approaches to TN asso- ciated or not with VBD. However, authors have shown that pain control rates of Gamma knife surgery in patients with TN associated with VBD were inferior to those of patients without VBD [12]. This evidence also comes in support of essential hole of neurovascular contact in the TN origin. Two types of high-resolution MRI are interesting to study neurovascular contact in patients with TN: 3D-FIESTA (T2-weighted MRI) and 3D-FSPGR (contrast-enhance T1- weighted MRI). First sequence usually is better to demon- strate cranial nerves and their cisterns, while the others show better vascular structures [13, 14]. In fact, both high- resolution MRI sequences are complementary to demon- strate neurovascular contact in patients with TN. In the pre- sent case, although the patient had initially presented TN, the most important sequence was 3D-FSPGR because have they shown emphatically an aberrant vessel (VBD) and its rela- tionship with brainstem. In additional, neurovascular con- flict was evident due to enlargement of basilar artery and its compression on REZ (Figure 1). A subsequent angiogram was performed to study the details of VBD (Figure 2). There- fore, 3-D reconstructions from two types of high-resolution MRI are very useful for creating preoperative simula- tions and in deciding whether to perform surgery in patients with TN, mainly if associated to VBD [15]. The natural history of VBD shows that patients with VBD may experience mainly cerebrovascular event with high incidence after the initial diagnosis. This may be explained by the fact that there are various mechanisms by which VBD may promote brain ischemia, including occlusion of small perforating vessels, reduction of anterograde flow in the dilated artery, distortion and stretching of the branch- es of the basilar artery (Duret’s Hemorrhages), and super- imposed atheromatous changes [16]. This information is very essential in patient outcome with TN caused by VBD because of natural tendency to overvalue facial pain instead of dolichoectasia and its potential complication. In the present case, MVD was a safe and effective treatment for TN and the patient has been followed for other VBD symptoms or TN recurrence. References [1] P. J. Jannetta, “Cranial nerve vascular compression syndromes (other than tic douloureux and hemifacial spasm),” Clinical Neurosurgery, vol. 28, pp. 445–456, 1981. [2] E. E. Ubogu and O. O. Zaidat, “Vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia diagnosed by magnetic resonance angiography and risk of stroke and death: a cohort study,” Journal of Neurology, Neuro- surgery and Psychiatry, vol. 75, no. 1, pp. 22–26, 2004. [3] B. Ince, G. W. Petty, R. D. Brown Jr., C. P. Chu, J. D. Sicks, and J. P. Whisnant, “Dolichoectasia of the intracranial arteries in patients with first ischemic stroke: a population-based study,” Neurology, vol. 50, no. 6, pp. 1694–1698, 1998. [4] S. Love and H. B. Coakham, “Trigeminal neuralgia: pathology and pathogenesis,” Brain, vol. 124, no. 12, pp. 2347–2360, 2001. [5] S. G. Passero and S. Rossi, “Natural history of vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia,” Neurology, vol. 70, no. 1, pp. 66–72, 2008. [6] M. Baquero, “Vertebro-basilar dolichoectasia,” Revista de Neu- rologia, vol. 26, no. 149, pp. 143–148, 1998. [7] A. de Azambuja Pereira-Filho, M. de Barros Faria, C. Bleil, and J. L. Kraemer, “Brainstem compression syndrome caused by vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia,” Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria, vol. 66, no. 2, pp. 408–411, 2008. [8] A. R. Moller, “The cranial nerve vascular compression syn- drome: II. A review of pathophysiology,” Acta Neurochirurgica, vol. 113, no. 1-2, pp. 24–30, 1991. [9] R. Garcia De Sola and M. Escosa Bage, “Microvascular decom- pression of trigeminal neuralgia caused by vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia,” Revista de Neurologia, vol. 32, no. 8, pp. 742– 745, 2001. [10] T. J. Lovely and P. J. Jannetta, “Microvascular decompression for trigeminal neuralgia. Surgical technique and long-term results,” Neurosurgery Clinics of North America, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 11–29, 1997. [11] P. J. Hamlyn and T. T. King, “Neurovascular compression in trigeminal neuralgia: a clinical and anatomical study,” Journal of Neurosurgery, vol. 76, no. 6, pp. 948–954, 1992. [12] K. J. Park, D. Kondziolka, O. Berkowitz et al., “Repeat gamma knife radiosurgery for trigeminal neuralgia,” Neurosurgery, vol. 116, pp. 73–81, 2011. [13] V. C. Anderson, P. C. Berryhill, M. A. Sandquist, D. P. Ciaverella, G. M. Nesbit, and K. J. Burchiel, “High-resolu- tion three-dimensional magnetic resonance angiography and three-dimensional spoiled gradient-recalled imaging in the evaluation of neurovascular compression in patients with trigeminal neuralgia: a double-blind pilot study,” Neuro- surgery, vol. 58, no. 4, pp. 666–671, 2006. [14] P. J. Jannetta, “Preoperative evaluation of neurovascular com- pression in patients with trigeminal neuralgia by use of three- dimensional reconstruction from two types of high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging,” Neurosurgery, vol. 52, no. 6, p. 1511, 2003. [15] H. Akimoto, T. Nagaoka, T. Nariai et al., “Preoperative evalua- tion of neurovascular compression in patients with trigeminal neuralgia by use of three-dimensional reconstruction from two types of high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging,” Neurosurgery, vol. 51, no. 4, pp. 956–962, 2002. [16] S. Passero and G. Filosomi, “Posterior circulation infarcts in patients with vertebrobasilar dolichoectasia,” Stroke, vol. 29, no. 3, pp. 653–659, 1998. Introduction Case Presentation Discussion References 
work_prnxmjxgn5dwdjeuhgvjuov75i	----	Microsoft Word - FOK136BF Gesellschaftsmitteilungen – Society Bulletins Forsch Komplementärmed 1997;4:136-137 ESCNM - European Society For Classical Natural Medicine European Society for Classical Natural Medicine Internationaler Kongress zu Themen der Klassischen Naturheilkunde Berlin, 5. bis 8. Juni 1997 Unter teilweiser Beteiligung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Physika-lische Medizin und Rehabilitation und des Kneipp-Ärztebundes Der Kongress beschäftigt sich mit Themen der Physikalischen Therapie, der Balneo- und Klimatherapie, der Phyto- und Ernährungsthe-rapie (einschliesslich Therapeutischen Fastens) und einigen Formen der körperorientierten Psychotherapie. Die veranstaltende Gesellschaft fasst diese unter dem Begriff «klassische Naturheilverfahren» zusammen. Neben den be-kannten Möglichkeiten zur Prävention, Kura-tion und Rehabilitation liefern sie wichtige Grundlagen für eine Selbstkompetenz und für die selbständige Bewältigung von Krankheit und Behinderung. Von grossem Interesse sind spezifische und weniger spezifische Wirkungen auf immunolo- gische Leistungen des Organismus; sie werden als umstimmende, tonisierende, roborierende und/oder abhärtende Wirkungen zusammenge-fasst. Psychische Wirkungen betreffen das un- mittelbar sinnliche, aber auch das hedonische und emotionale Erleben einzelner Naturheil- verfahren. Mythos und Metaphorik von «Natur» füllen Defizite in der modernen, überwiegend am Soma orientierten medizinischen Versorgung. Bei den freien wissenschaftlichen Mitteilungen besteht ein besonderes Interesse für Fragestel- lungen mit einer spezifischen naturheilkund-lichen Relevanz (z.B. anthropologische und nosologische Modelle, psychologische und so-ziologische Aspekte einer Behandlung), die mit ihrem methodologischen Ansatz einen Beitrag zu klinischer Forschung in der Naturheilkunde leisten. 1. Verhandlungsthema: Immuno-logische Wirkungen der klassischen Naturheilverfahren Ziel und Konzept der Veranstaltung Für die wichtigsten Naturheilverfahren sollen Übersichten zu den immunologischen Effekten (in vitro und in vivo) und zu den wichtigsten kli-nischen Wirkungen bei infektiologischen, immunologischen und bösartigen Erkrankungen vorgetragen werden. In einer abschliessenden Konsensuskonferez werden Problematiken her-ausgearbeitet, die vordringlich einer wissenschaftlichen Bearbeitung zugeführt werden sollen. Hierzu werden internationale Strukturen geschaffen und Fördermittel angestrebt. Programm 1. Anatomie und Physiologie des immunolo gischen Abwehrsystems. Vegetative Steuerung. Psychoimmunologie Das einleitende Referat entwirft eine Syste-matik des immunologischen Abwehrsystems, an welcher sich die folgenden Beiträge möglichst einheitlich orientieren. Es wird ein Schema aus- gearbeitet, in welchem die folgenden Referen-ten jeweils den Ort der von ihnen berichteten immunologischen Reaktionen bzw. Verände-rungen anzeigen können. 2. Immunologísche Wirkungen Die Beiträge zu den einzelnen Verfahren sollen im Interesse einer guten Übersichtlich-keit eine vorgegebene Struktur möglichst weit-gehend beachten (Stichworte zu Geschichte, Wesen und häuñgen Anwendungen, Immuno-logische Effekte und Wirkungen, klinische Er-gebnisse): a. Physikalische Therapien Thermotherapie, Hyperthermie, Bewegungs- therapie, Hydrotherapie, Heliotherapie, Balneotherapie (Schwefel, Radon) b. Körperorientierte Psychotherapien c. Ernährung, Diätetik und Fasten Nutrition, Gastrointestinale Sanierung, Thera- peutisches Fasten d. Phytotherapie Sonnenhut, Mistel e. Körperorientierte Psychotherapie f Unspezifische Reizkörpertherapie 3. Konsensuskonferenz zur Planung wissenschaft- licher Arbeiten und Kooperationen 2.Verhandlungsthema: Psychologische, psychische und sozialmedizi-nische Wirkungen der klassischen Naturheilverfahren Ziel und Konzept der Veranstaltung Naturheilverfahren zeigen auch psychologische und psychische Wirkungen auf den Patien-ten, sie werden als primäre Sinneseindrücke wahrgenommen, aber auch auf einer hedoni-schen und einer emotionalen Ebene erlebt. Metaphorik und Mythos von Naturheilmitteln und Naturheilverfahren erweitern den Lebens-bereich und den Erlebnishorizont und verbin-den auf eine neue Weise mit der oft fremd gewordenen Natur. Gleichzeitig ermöglichen sie soziale und Selbstkompetenz des Patienten, sie sind wichtige Grundlagen für Bewältigungs-strategien von Krankheit. Mit einer guten Kenntnis und Würdigung psychischer und sozialer Wirkungen ergeben sich neue Indikationen und Argumente für die klinische und gesundheitspolitische Diskussion. Programm 7. Zur Ausgangssituation Einleitende Beiträge stellen die oben ange-deutete Problematik für einzelne Lebensbereiche in der modernen Zivilisàtion dar. Bedeutungen für die psychische und körperliche Gesundheit werden analysiert. a. Der Verlust von Natur in der modernen Zivili sàtion b. Zur Rolle des Bewusstseins in der Medizin c. Über die Bedeutung der Befindlichkeit d. Kommunikation und Selbstbefähigung mit Naturheilverfahren 2. Spezielle Möglichkeiten einzelner Naturheilverfahren Es wird eine Hierarchie psychischer Einfluss-nahmen aufgestellt, am Beispiel dieser Vorgabe werden Möglichkeiten einzelner Naturheilverfahren untersucht (unmittelbar anregende und beruhigende Wirkungen, Anregung von Ka-tharsis und Ausgleich seelischer Spannungen, sinnliches, hedonisches und emotionales Erleben von Naturheilverfahren. Metaphorik einzelner Behandlungen. Semiotik und Mythologie von Naturheilverfahren. Selbstbefähigung und soziale Kompetenz). Bäder- und Klimaheilkunde Hydrotherapie Sport- und Bewegungstherapie KÄKGEK © 1997 S. Karger GmbH, Freiburg Fax (0761) 4520714 http://www.karger.ch Allgemeine Diätetik und Therapeutisches Fasten Massage Phytotherapie Körperoríentierte Psychotherapie, Atem- therapie Zur Diskussion aufgefordert: Vertreter der mo-dernen Gesundheitspolitik Konsensuskonfere∏z zurAnregungundPlanung weiterer Forschung und Qualitätskontrolíe Wissenschaftliche Leitung: Prof. Dr. med. M. Bühring, Lehrstuhl fur Natur-heilkunde im Universitätsklinikum Benjamin Franklin der Freien Universität Berlin Wissenschaftlicher Beirat: K. 0. Aly, Schweden J. Oleszkiewicz, Polen T. Bender, Ungarn K. L. Resch, Deutschland B. Bernatzky, Österreich D. Riede, Deutschland P. Cornillot, Frankreich R. Sailer, Schweiz E.Ernst, Grossbritannien A.M. Sanz, Spanien Sekretariat: Dr. med. A. Kapelle Veranstaltungsort: Hörsaal im Universitätsklinikum Benjamin Franklin der Freien Universität Berlin Deadline: Anmeldung wissenschaftlicher Originalbeiträge bitte bis zum 15. April 1997 an das Sekretariat (s.u.). Die Abstracts (ca. 2000 Anschläge) werden als zitierfähige Originalarbeiten in FORSCHENDE KOMPLEMENTARMEDIZIN (S. Karger) publiziert. Kongressgebühr: Gesamtkongress: 200,- DM Tageskarte: 100,- DM Kostenfrei für Studenten, Teilnehmer aus Ost- europa und Referenten Bitte bei Anmeldung auf folgendes Konto über- weisen: Deutsche Bank, Konto-Nr. 271138002, BLZ 10070000 Anmeldung über: Dr. med. A. Kapelle Krankenhaus Moabit, IV. Innere Abteilung Turmstrasse 21,10559 Berlin Tel. 030-3976-3416/-3400/-3407 Fax 030-3976-3409 Mitgliederversammlung am 7.6.1997-17.00 Uhr im Tagungs- bereich Tagungsordnung: Begrüssung und Feststellung der Beschluss-fähigkeit Bericht des Vorstandes Bericht des Schatzmeisters Bericht des Kassenprüfers Entlastung des Schatzmeisters Bericht über den Mitgliederstand, Begrüssung neuer Mitglieder Gründung nationaler Sektionen und interna-tionaler Arbeitsgemeinschaften Zukünftige Arbeiten und Vorhaben Verschiedenes M. Bühring Gesellschaftsmitteilungen · Forsch Komplementärmed 1997;4:136-137 137 Society Bulletins 
work_qivraucilbh3tgpathno2hfsyy	----	BENJAMIN FRANKLIN A s a Scientist By ROBERT A. MILLIKAN ENJAMIN Franklin i s perhaps the only American i n tliat relatively small provp of men of any time or country who, without having been either the head bf a s t o r a military hero. h a t e k c t gained so coil. ieuoiis a place in history thal their name5 and saving5 e known the world w p r . 4Ithough he l n e d 200 a r s ago in %hat \ \ a s then a remote cornei of ie earth. f a r f r o m a m of the ceiitcra < i f n o r l d inflii- re, vet his name and traits arr still \\idel\ k n ~ i u n . a I quote a paragraph f r o m a ~ h o i - t biographj or ichekon u h i c h I puhlislied in the Scientific Monthlv or January. 1939: I t will probalill he p i e i a l l ! agreed thal the tlnee i c a n physicists whose work has been most epoch- i i g a n d whose name-' a r e most ceitiiin to he i r e - ently heard wherever and whenever i n future year" ie story of physic? is told are Benjamin Franklin. osiali Willard Gibhs, and Albert A Mi~lielsoii. Ami t i e three have almost no charartrristic-< in coin- Franklin lives as a phxsicist I ~ c J I I - ~ . dilettante ¡; lie i s sometimes called. mere qualitatixe inter- e er thouzh h e actuallv was. vet it was he who with Title p a g e of t h e same b o o k - o n e of t h e first vol- umes t o b e illustrated by t h e copperplate engraving process. into the fundamental nature of electrical phenomena, not merely than any one had acquired up to his time, hut even than any of his successors acquired f o r the next 1 5 0 years, when, about 1900, the scientific world re- turned essentially to Franklin's views. T o justify this statement and to b r i u g t o light the extraordinary quality both of Franklin's physical insight and of his power of induction I shall make most of the remainder {if this article consist of a few direct quota- tions from Peter Collinsnn letters whir?) the editor in- forms u s were being printed "without waiting f o r the ingenious author's permission to do so.'' The first letter. dated March 28. 1747. leads: "To Peter Collinson, Esq.; F. R. S. London Philadelphia, March 28, 1747 ihaenomena that vie look MDOB to be new. I shall tliere- fore communicate them to you i n my next.thoiighpossibly they may not lie new to you. a s among t h e numbers daily employed in those experiments on your side t h e water, 'tis probable some one or other has h i t on the saiHe observations. For my own part, I never was before engaged i n any study that so totally engrossed m y attention and my time as this h a s lately done; for what with making experiments when I 1 be alone, and repeating them to my Friends and Ac- t who. from t h e novelty of t h e thing, come COW tinually in crowds to see them. T have. (hiring sonic months past. hatf little leisure for any thing else. "I am, etc. - -.  ¥ B Franklh " .A straight three-foot s-lass tube as big As your v i i s t Now as t o some of the experiments themselves. T h e very first one of them, done within a few months of the time h e first heard of electricity, contains the key to his invention of the lightning rod. Note f r o m the fol- lowing how skillfully and strikingly h e arranges his electrostatic experiments by making the length of the suspension of the cork ball very long. After 200 years of the development of electrostatics these experiments cannot he made more tellingly today than by setting them up and performing them exactly a s Franklin directed nearly 2 0 0 years ago. H e writes: "The first is the wonderful effect of pointed bodies, both in drawing off and throwing off the ~ l c c t r i c a l fire. For example, ' P l a c e an iron shot of thiee or four inches diameter an the mouth of a clean dry glass bottle. By a fine silken thread from the ceiling, n g h t over t h e mouth of the bottle, suspend a small cork-bail about the bigneas of a marble; the thread of such a length, a- that the cork-ball may rest against t h e side of the -hot. Electrify tlic <hot, and the ball will be repdlpd to the distance of four or five i n < h ~ s . more or le-s. according to the quantity of Electricity- When in this state, if you present to t h e shut t h e point of a long. slender, nhurp bodkin, at i i x or eight inches distairv. the repellency is instantly destroyed, and the cork flies to t h e shot. A blunt body must be brought within an inch, and draw a '.park, to produce the same effect. To p m w thnt the electrical fire is drawn, off by t h e point, if you t a k e t h e hlade of the bodkin out of t h e wooden handle. and fix it i n a "tick of sealingwax, and then present i t at the distancv aforesaid, or if 5011 bring it very near, no -itch effect fol- low.: but sliding one finger along t h e wax till you touch t h e blade, and the ball flies to the shot immediately." Here i s where h e learned that his lightning rod had to have a good ground i n order to work at all. He ron- tinues: "To i-how that points will throw off as well a-i draw 05 the t-lectrical fire, lay a long sharp needle upon the shot. and you cannot rlectnse t h e shot so a5 to make i t repel t h e r o r h b a l l . . . . Or fix a needle to the end of a w- pended WII barrel, ur iron-rod, so as to point beyond it like a liltle bayonet; and ~ h i l e it reinmas there, the gun-hatic!, or rod. cannot by applying t h e tube to the other end he elertrieed so as to give a spark, t h e fire continually r u n - ning out silently a t the point," I can find no evidence that prior to Franklin tlie electrical properties of points had been discovered a1 all. H e continues: "The repellency hetween tlic rnrk-ball and the shot i \ 1ikeivi.e destroyed, I 1 I by sifting fine sand on it; this <lees it gradually; (2) by breathing on it; (3) by niakmp a enink? about i t from burning wood: ( 4 ) by candle-lisht, even though the candle i s a t a foot distance: these do i t sud- denly. . . . T h e light of a bright coal from a wood fire; and the light of a red hot iron do i t likewise; but not a t 50 greet a distance. "The light of the sun thrown strongly on both cork and shot by a looking-glass for a long time together. does not impair the repellency i n t h e least. This difference between fire light and swi-light is another thing that seems new and extraordinary to us.*" The insight shown in the last three lines. in which lie correctly makes particle carriers (ions. we now call them) from the match do the discharging while sun. light produces no ions and therefore does not dis- charge, is unbelievably penetratinq f o r a date 200 years hack, though the conception of neutral particles hein"rst attracted and then repelled i s of course defi- nitel? urong. The next experiment, with its interpretation, is proh- ably the most fundamental thing ever done in the field of electricity. Get it exactly i n Franklin's words: ENGINEERING AND SCIENCE MONTHLY Page 8 "1. A person standing on wax, and rubbing t h e tube, and m o t h e r person on wax drawing the fire, they will both of them (provided they do not stand so as to touch one an- other) appear to be electrised, to a person standing on the floor; that is, he will receive a spark oil approaching each of them with his knuckle. "2. But if t h e persons on wax touch one another during the exciting of t h e tube, neither of them will appear to b e electrised. "3. If they touch one another after exciting the tube, and drawing the fire as aforesaid, there will he a stronger p a r k between them than was? between either of them and the person on the floor. "4. After such strong spark, neither of them discover a n y ~ l e c t r t c i t y . ' T h e s e appearances we attempt to account f a r thu3- W e suppose, as aforesaid, that electrical fire is a common elem?nt w e now call "electrical fire" electrons], of which every one i f t h e three persons above mentioned has his equal share, before any operation is begun with t h e tube. A. who stands on a x m d rubs the tube. collects t h e ~ ~ l t c t r i c a l fire from himself into the glass; and his communication with the com mon -stock being cut off by t h e wax, \ w body is not again mmediately supply'd. B, (who stands on wax likewise) passing his knuckle along near the tube, receives t h e fire which was collected by the glass from A ; and his com rnuiut.ation with t h e (ommon stock being likewise cut off, he t I additional quantity received.-To C, stand 1 on t h e floor, both appear to be electneed; for he, having only the middle quantity of electrical hre, receives a park upon approaching B , who has an over quantity; but gives n ? to A. who has a n under quantity. If A and B approach to touch each other, t h e spark is strortger. becaii-e the dif ference between them is greater; after such touch there is no p a r k between either of them ifnd C, because the elec- trical fire in all is reduced to t h e original equality. I f they touch while electrising, t h e equality i s never de- t i v ' d , the fire only circulating. Hence have arisen some new terms among us: we say B (and bodies l i k e cirrum. ctanced) is electrised positively; A, negatively. Or rather, B is clectnsed plus; A, Minus. And w e daily in our experi- ments electrise hodies plus or minus, as we t h i n k proper.- To electrise plus or nunus, no more needs to be known than t h ~ s , that t h e parks of t h e tube or sphere that are rubbed. do, i n t h e instant of t h e friction. attract t h e elec- t fire. and therefore take i t from the thing n i b h m g ; the same parts immediately, as the friction upon then, mazes. a disposed to give t h e fire they have received, to any body that has less." T h e next two long letters a r e taken up largely with what h e calls "M. Muschenbroek's wonderful bottle,'' accidentally discovered in Leyden one year earlier, 1746, nou k n o u n as the Leyden jar, and with explaining a l l such effects just as we do today in terms of the op- posite charges o r the inner and outer coats. Thus, to use h i s exact words: "At the same time that t h e wire a n d top (inside ?oat) of the bottle is electrified positively or plus t h e bottom (outside coat) of thp bottle is electrified negatively or m , i a c t proportion: i.e., whatever quantity of elec- trical fire is thrown in a t the top a n equal quantity goes o u t i t the bottom." And "Again, when the bottle i i electrised. but little of the electrical fire can h e drawn nut from t h e top touching the wire unless an equal quantity can a t the samp time get in a t t h e bottom. Thus, place a n dec- triced bottle in clean glass or dry wax and yon will not, h\ toitching the wire get out t h e fire from the top." These chapters, too. contain the uncannily clever ex- periment of showing, just a s we d o today, that the charge resides in o r on the dielectric. How many of us realize that the familiar classroom experiment of removing the coats of a Leyden j a r and touching each of them. then putting them back again. and after that getting a strong spark b) connecting the replaced coatings with a wire u a s devised by Benjamin Franklin in 1749? Again, h e eavs: - T h t e n t effect probably did not 3r,se f , ~ " , .,,,, < t , f f ~ , ~ " ~ e ,,I ,lac ligtii, h u t rather from the particles iepardted from the eandte, l~cmx fin,, attracted a n d then repelled, carryiinr off the electric matter w i t h them DECEMBER. 1943 "There is one experiment more which surprises us, and i s not hitherto satisfactorily accounted for; i t is this: Place a n iron shot on a glass stand, and let a ball of damp cork, suspended by a silk thread, hang in contact with the shot. T a k e a bottle i n each hand, one that is electrified through the hook, the other through the coating: Apply t h e giving wire to the shot, which will electrify i t positively, and t h e cork shall be repelled; then apply the requiring wire, which will take out the spark given by the other; t h e n the cork will return to the shot: Apply t h e same i n and take out another spark, so will the shot be electrified negativelv, and the cork in that shall be re- pclled equally as before. Then apply t h e giving wire to t h e shot, and give the spark i t wanted, so will the cork return: Give at another, which will be a n addition to its natural quantity, so will the cork be repelled again: A n d so may the experiment b e repeated as long as tlif-re is any charge n the bottles. Which shows that bodies having less than the (ommon quantity of electricity, repel each other, as well as those that have more? In that last sentence Franklin states clearly that mat- ter which had lost its normal amount of electricity was self repellent. In modern terms the atom is neutral when it has its f u l l comwlement of electrons. When a n v of these a r e removed the nuclei repel one another. I n some of his letters, notably the fifth, Franklin goes off into long and incorrect speculations as to the dtf- ference between the terms "electric bodies per se" and " non electric hodies." But this adds to, rather than sub- tracts from my own appreciation of him, for no human being could possibly have seen correctly all the ele- (Continued on Page 16) C o p p e r late line cut appearing as "Plate I" of t h e book, illustrating the experiments described in t h e Franklin letters t o Collinson. Page 9 ing these non-ferrous materials into exchanges, pressure vessels, etc. This "know how" will be very useful t o the new petro-chemical industry. Some examples of non-ferrous equipment are: copper or Everdur reaction- chambers, nickel salt-handling equipment, Monel or Inconel evaporators, and solid Hastelloy (nearly non- ferrous) for plastic-compounding. Many of the newer cracking and reforming opera- tions involve dehydrogenation. I n these, as well as in the direct hydrogenation process, the presence of free hydrogen may cause the phenomenon known as hydro- gen-penetration. This causes progressive deterioration of the steel and to date, I am told, no fully satisfactory remedy has been found. Vessels have been made with walls twice a s thick as would otherwise be required, but still the hydrogen seeps through. Now a word about abrasion. Without referring too specifically to the mechanism of the several new cat- alytic processes, i t may be said that at least two of them use finely divided solids as catalysts, and these fine solids are caused to flow in suspension in fluids. Dur- ing this flow, and in subsequent separation ( i n one process), the solid particles act abrasively. Equip- ment handling this mixed flow condition may be either of abrasive-resistant material like the workable low-manganese alloy steels, or, the anti-corrosion clad- dings or liners, by virtue of their generally better physical properties, hardness and tensile strength, may offer long enough economic life. If temperature per- mits, one should not overlook the fact that rubber linings are often resistant to both abrasion and corrosion. CONCLUSION The development of the new applied science of petro- chemistry is just beginning. As new processes, new re- actions, new catalysts are discovered, and new products a r e developed from petroleum there will be more new equipment-perhaps unlike any we have yet seen. That is the only conclusion with which this article can end. Photo on page 1 3 courtesy the Lummus C o . Benjamin Franklin (Continued f r o m P a g e 9) ments of a huge and thus f a r completely unexplored field, and his wrong steps give him opportunity to show his greatness by the way he goes to work to discover and to admit his error. Thus, he writes as follows: "Query, Wherein consists the difference between an electric and a non-electric body? "Answer, The terms electric per se, and non-electric, were first used to distinguish hodies, on a mistaken sup- position that those called electrics per se, alone contained electric matter in their substance, which was capable of being excited by friction, and of being produced or drawn from them, and communicated to those called non-electrics, supposed to he destitute of i t : For the glass, etc., being rubb'd, discover'd signs of having it, by snapping to the finger, attracting, repelling, etc. and could communicate those signs to metals and water.-Afterwards it was found, that rubbing of glass would not produce the electric mat- ter, unless a communication was preserved between the rubber and the floor; and subsequent experiments proved that the electric matter was really drawn from those hodies that a t first were thought to have none in them. Then i t was doubted whether glass and other hodies called elec- tries per se, had really any electric matter in them, since they apparently afforded none but what they first extracted from those which had been called non-electrics. But some of my experiments show that glass contains i t in great quantity, and I now suspect i t to be pretty equally diffused in all the matter of this terraqueous globe. If so, the terms e l e c t r i c p e r se, and non-electric, should he laid aside as improper; and ( t h e only difference being this, that some bodies will conduct electric matter, and others will not) the terms conductor a n d nan-conductor may supply their place." Without doubt the most profound paragraphs in all of Franklin's letters a r e the following, written in 1749: "1. The electrical matter consists of particles extremely subtile, since i t can permeate common matter, even the densist metals, with such ease and freedom as not to receive any perceptible resistance. "2. If any one should doubt whether the electrical mat- ter passes through the substance of bodies, or only over a n d along their surfaces, a shock from an electrified large glass jar, taken through his own body, will probably convince him. "3. Electrical matter differs from common matter i n this, that the parts of the latter mutually attract, .those of the former mutually repel each other. Hence the appear- ing divergency i n the stream of electrified effluvia. "4. But though the particles of electrical matter d o repel each other, they are strongly attracted by all other matter. "5. From these three things, the extreme subtility of the electrical matter, the mutual repulsion of its parts, and the strong attraction between them and other mat- ter, arise this effect, that, when a quantity of electrical matter is applied to a mass of common matter, of any bigness or length, within our observation (which hath not already got its quantity) i t is immediately and equally diffused through the whole. "6. Thus common matter is a kind of spunge to the elec- trical fluid. And as a spunge would receive no wtfer i j t h e parts of water were not smaller than the pores of t h e spunge; and even then but slowly, if there were not a mu- tual attraction between those parts and the parts of t h e spunge; and would still imbibe it faster, if t h e mutual a t - traction among the parts of the water did not impede, some force being required to separate them; and fastest, if, in- stead of attraction, there were a mutual repulsion among those parts, which would act in conjunction with the a t - traction of the spunge. So is the case between the electrical and common matter. "7. But i n common matter there is (generally) a s much of the electrical as it will contain within its substance. If more is added, i t lies without upon the surface, and forms what we call an electrical atmosphere; and then the body is said to be electrified." In these paragraphs Franklin states with great suc- cinctness what later became known a s the Franklin one- fluid theory, and after 1900 was known a s the electron theory. In his day and f o r 150 years thereafter i t re- ceived very scant consideration in the old world, and the so-called two-fluid theory of Aepinus, put forward a little later, was universally taught in textbooks the world over u p to the triumph of t h e electron theory in 1897 under the active leadership of J. J. Thomson, who himself pointed out that this electron theory was i n es- sential particulars a return to the theory put forth by Franklin in 1749. For Franklin's electrical matter con- sisted of extremely subtle mobile narticles (now called negative electrons), which in order to make matter ex- hibit its common or neutral properties had to be present in each kind of matter (we now say i n each kind of atom; but the atomic theory had not been formulated in 1749) in a oarticular number. an increase in which number made it exhibit electrification of one sign, a decrease, a n electrification of the opposite sign. In Franklin's theory only one kind of electrical matter was mobile, the other sign of electrification appeared when the mobile kind was removed so that it could no longer neutralize the effect of the opposite kind which inhered in the immobile part of the matter (i. e., i n the nucleus). The Franklin theory was mathematically identical with the two-fluid theory, but while the former was a definite and profound physical theory the latter was a hold-over from medieval mysticism. It came from the Page 16 ENGINEERING AND SCIENCE MONTHLY age of the so-called "imponderables"-an imponderable or weightless heat theory, the caloric-and the impon- derable electric fluids. Such vague, tenuous, contradictory ideas were i l l at home in the highly realistic, practical mind of Franklin. They were justified, like Faraday7s lines of magnetic force, as analytical conveniences but not as physical realities. Franklin introduced a definite physical theory which rendered unnecessary such fan- tastic conceptions as two weightless and hence non-ex- istent fluids introduced for purely ad hoc purposes, and then told to destroy each other, also for ud hoc purposes. Let us now return to Franklin's discussion of points and their properties of throwing off or drawing off the electrical fire. He says, very modestly and wisely: "These explanations of the power and operation of points, when they first occurred to me, and while they first floated in my mind, appeared perfectly satisfactory; but now I have written them, and considered them more close- ly, I must own I have some doubts about them; yet, a s I have at present nothing better to offer in their stead, I do not cross them out; for even a bad solution read, and its faults discovered, has often given rise to a good one, i n the mind of an ingenious reader." Then in the next paragraph note how clearly lie sees the necessity of eliminating unnecessary hypotheses, i . e., he adopts the scientific principle of "minimum liy- pothesis." "Nor is it of much importance to us, to know the nian- ner in which nature executes her laws; it i s enough if we know the laws themselves. I t is of real use to know that china left in the air unsupported will fall and break; b u t how it comes to fall, and why i t breaks, are matters of speculation. I t is a pleasure indeed to know them, but we can preserve o u r china without it." He then describes some discharging effects of uoints " L. conducted on a larger scale than he had before at- tempted, and in a later paper dated November 7, 1749, he enumerates all the known points of resemblance he- tween lightning and electricity, and~concludes with the comment: "The electric fluid is attracted by points. We do not know whether this property be i n lightning but since they agree in all points in which we can compare them, i t is not improbable that they agree likewise i n this. Let the experiment be made." In June, 1752, he made it, carrying out in a shed with his son the experiment which he describes as follows in his letter of October 19, 1752, to Peter Collinson. "As frequent mention is made in public papers from Europe of the success of the Philadelphia experiment for drawing the electric fire from clouds by means of pointed rods of iron erected on high buildings, etc. I t may be agreeable to the curious to be informed that the same experiment has succeeded in Philadelphia, though made in a different and more easy manner, which is as follows: "Make a small cross of two light strips of cedar, the arms so long a s to reach to the four corners of a large thin silk handkerchief when extended; tie the corners of the handkerchief to the extremities of the cross, so you have the body of a kite; which being properly accommodated with a tail, loop, and string, will rise in the air, like those made of paper; but this being of silk is better to bear the wet and wind of a thunder gust without tearing. To the top of the upright stick of the cross is to b e fixed a very sharp pointed wire, rising a foot more above the wood. To the end of the twine, next the hand, i s to be tied a silk ribbon, and where the silk and twine join, a key may be fastened. This kite is to be raised when a thunder-gust appears to be coming on, and the person who holds the string must stand within a door or window, or under some cover, so that the silk ribbon may not be wet; and care must be taken that the twine does not touch the frame of the door or window. As soon as any of the thunder clouds come over the kite, the pointed wire will draw the electric fire from them, and the kite, with all the twine, will be electrified, and the loose filaments of the twine will stand out every way, and he attracted by an approaching On Christmas, a s every day, we'll "keep 'em rolling" Tm HEAVY, u R m T T R A M of war will roll as usual over our rails through the twenty-four hours of December 25th. S.P. engineers and firemen, conductors, dispatchers, yard- men, brakemen-thousands of men and women of the many score crafts required to operate the West's biggest railroad -will be at their posts of duty. With the "tools" of our trade-locomotives, cars, tracks and signals-we will move the war trains. We will move service men on furlough a n d members of their families, and an enormous volume of food and industrial shipments. Yes, the people of our railroad will be hard at work on Christmas. But for us this Day will have a bright and special meaning-because you folks along our lines have made the Christmas Spirit so real to us. The friendly Southern Pacific @ D O N ' T P L A N O N T R A V E L I N G O V E R T H E H O L I D A Y S - L E T A M A N I N U N I F O R M H A V E Y O U R T R A I N S E A T O R B E R T H DECEMBER, 1943 Page 17 WANTED for the PHILCO STAFF  RADIO-ELECTRONICS-ELECTRICAL ENGINEERS Men with degrees in electrical engineering or comparable experi- ence in radio and television. MECHANICAL ENGINEERS Men with college degrees o r com- parable experience in the engineer- ing aspects of electrical appliances, and in designing small machinery. DESIGN ENGINEERS - DRAFTSMEN Men with experience in mechanical designing, especially of small metal parts and of the automatic ma- chinery t o mass-produce them. PRODUCTION ENGINEERS Including electrical and mechani- cal engineers familiar with any phase of radio, radio-phonograph and television production. PHYSICISTS Must have science degree in physics. Some practicalexperience i n radio i s desirable. F OR these and other key posi- tions-senior and junior engi- neers for research, project and design work, physicists and mathe- maticians - we are looking for men who are thinking about the future. Right now there is plenty of urgently needed war work t o do. But some day peace will return -and Philco is planning t o be ready for i t with advanced Radio, Television, Refrigeration and Air- Conditioning products. This may be your opportunity t o get ready for it too. W R I T E US TODAY Qualified men not now engaged in work requiring their full talents, are invited t o write us in detail a s t o their experience, education, family and draf t status, and salary. Letters will be treated in strict confidence. Employment subject to local W.M.C. r u l e s . WHITE T O MR. GEORGE DALE PHILCO C O R P O R A T I O N Philadelphia 34, Panna. Principal credit for maintaining the production sched- ule regardless of delays was due to the fine spirit of co- operation between the contractors, represented by Proj- ect Manager R. F. Rasey, and the U. S. Engineering Department. J. G. Morgan was resident engineer for the government. finger. And when the rain has wet the kite and twine, so that it can conduct the electric fire freely, you will find it stream out plentifully from the key on the approach of your knuckle. At this key the phial may be charged; and from electric fire thus obtained, spirits may be kindled, and all the other electric experiments be performed, which are usually done by the help of a rubbed glass globe or tube, and thereby the sameness of the electric matter with that of lightning completely demonstrated." I n a further letter written in September, 1753, he says: "In September 1752 I erected an iron rod to draw the lightning down into my house, in order to make some experiments on it." H e carried on these experi- ments for some months to learn whether the clouds were positively or negatively electrified, and after many trials he says: "I concluded that the clouds are always electrified negatively, or have always in them less than their natural quantity of the electric fluid. "Yet notwithstanding so many experiments, it seems I concluded too soon; for at last, June the 6th, in a gust which continued from five o'clock P. M. to seven, I met with one cloud that was electrified positively, though several that passed over my rod before, during the same gust, were in the negative state." The foregoing shows what most commendable scien- tific care he took in his experiments and what caution he used in drawing conclusions. ^ à ˆ But he did not stop with making scientific experi- ments. His active and practical mind was not satisfied until he had applied it to the useful end of the invention of the lightning r o d a s indicated in the first paragraph of the letter of October 19, 1752, quoted above. After his definite proof of the identity of lightning and electricity he was recognized by the most distinguished English scientists by being elected to the Royal Society, and was presented for the year 1753 the Copley medal of the Society, the highest honor within the gift of the world's most illustrious scientific body. Santa Fe Dam ( C o n t i n u e d from Page 6) 1943; at which time heavy and prolonged rains caused flood conditions of major proportions to develop along the river' channel. During this week the highest rain-" fall intensity recorded to date in the United States was measured in the mountains a few miles east of the dam, where 25 inches of rain fell i n 2 4 hours. Tre- mendous quantities of material were washed down into the reservoir area, and wide gullies were cut in the upper end of the reservoir borrow pit. Floating debris partially choked up the trash racks, causing the water to be backed up in the reservoir and threatening two of t h e grizzly plants with inundation, but quick work of removing trash with a dragline eliminated the hazard. Construction work was halted by this and succeeding storms for a total of five weeks and clean- up work continued for many weeks more; yet in spite of delays, construction was completed four months ahead of schedule. Page 18 E N G I N E E R I N G AND SCIENCE M O N T H L Y 
work_r445hsa7ybbbrajb4zqoe3jjta	----	Universities and State Policy Formation: Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania Universities and State Policy Formation: Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania Creso M. Sá1 University of Toronto Roger L. Geiger and Paul M. Hallacher The Pennsylvania State University Abstract Technology-based economic development programs have become a salient feature of the state policy landscape since the 1980s. While much research exists on the topic, little attention has been given to the processes of policy formation. State programs have moved towards high technology areas emphasized at the federal level over the past decades, and nanotechnology became one of the latest targets. This paper examines the eight-year process through which Pennsylvania adopted a “state-wide strategy,” culminating in the Pennsylvania Initiative for Nanotechnology. In this process, programs that responded to the interests of multiple agents came first, and a state policy was formulated after the fact. This pattern of “rationalized policy formation,” as opposed to rational policy formation, may be more common than suspected. Its strengths and weaknesses in this Pennsylvania case are discussed. KEY WORDS: state policy, science and technology, technology-based economic development, univer- sity, policy formation, nanotechnology Introduction Technology-based economic development (TBED) programs have become a salient feature of the state policy landscape since the 1980s. Such programs are part of the evolution of state economic development policy from the industrial recruitment approach to the entrepreneurial approach (Berglund & Coburn, 1995; Eisinger, 1988, 1995; Plosila, 2004).2 Their design and objectives have been examined in light of a growing body of knowledge on technology transfer, the economics of public R&D, and the role of innovation in economic growth (Feller, 1997; Feller, 2004). States have experimented with a wide range of approaches over the years, as expressed in the ‘Laboratories of Democracy’ (Osborne, 1990) metaphor. The metaphor denotes the optimism of TBED pro- ponents on the role of states in fostering innovation. As state high-technology initiatives have gained renewed momentum over the decade (Douglass, 2006; Geiger & Sá, 2005), advocates have propagated ‘best practices’ and proposed a range of policy instruments (National Governors Association, 2007; State Science and Technology Institute [SSTI], 2006). Underlying these prescriptions is the belief that states will (and do) in fact employ rational models of policy making, based on the systematic analysis of state capabilities and strategic choice of tech- nological areas and programs. Nonetheless, there has long been criticism of state technology policies. Against the optimism of enthusiasts of state policy experimentation, some analysts wonder if the collective learning that might result from decentralized innovation is reliable given the weakness of assessments and evaluations (Feller, 1992a). Also, the char- 3 Review of Policy Research, Volume 25, Number 1 (2008) © 2008 by The Policy Studies Organization. All rights reserved. acteristics of state policy making in this sector are sometimes viewed as antithetical to the development of effective programs. Previous studies have noted the ten- dency for geographical dispersion of resources, pork barrel allocations, and short- term objectives that match the electoral cycle to influence the formation of state high technology initiatives (Douglass, 2006; Etzkowitz, 1997; Feller, 1984, 1992b). These features are detrimental to good policy, as both theorists and practitioners believe that maintaining a long-term perspective is crucial for TBED, and that merit-based criteria should guide resource allocation (Feller, 2004; Plosila, 2004; SSTI, 2006; Zumeta, 2006). Merit, whether by academic standards or market principles, is preferable to favoritism as a criterion for allocating scarce resources to both upstream investments in scientific quality and infrastructure and down- stream subsidies to applied research and development (R&D) and commercializa- tion efforts. Hence, one fundamental issue to the success of state TBED concerns the ability of states to design and implement high technology programs effectively. Exploiting such areas successfully through strategic planning is a major theme in this policy realm (Feller, 2004). Reports on the implications of state policies have appeared frequently, but studies of how states form high-technology programs have been less common. Nonetheless, a few previous studies on the formation of state TBED programs suggest that modes of policy making affect policy effectiveness (e.g., Atkinson, 1991; Portz & Eisinger, 1991). This paper contributes to the sparse literature on the formation of state technol- ogy programs by examining the process through which a ‘statewide strategy for nanotechnology’ came about in Pennsylvania. The selection of this case is propitious for exploring how states adopt TBED programs in an emerging technological area. The Pennsylvania Initiative for Nanotechnology (PIN) was announced in 2005 after six years of state investments surpassing $42 million. As one of the first states to make investments in the field, Pennsylvania allows for the investigation of the role of analysis and planning in the formation of state technology programs, as opposed to simple imitation of existing policies. As presented by the state, PIN seems to be a textbook case of a TBED initiative: it targets an inchoate science-based technology for which no industrial agglomeration has yet achieved a dominant position; it involves industry and the state’s higher education institutions, both in R&D and educational efforts; and, finally, it purportedly rests on a strategic assessment of state capabilities and technological opportunities. The research was exploratory and sought to identify relevant themes and ana- lytical categories, rather than test a preestablished set of propositions. The fol- lowing questions were addressed: How and why did Pennsylvania choose to invest in nanotechnology? Who were the actors shaping that decision? How did the current initiative get formed and why? What was the role of the preexisting science and technology (S&T) policy infrastructure in the elaboration of a strategy for nanotechnology? How does PIN relate to the state capabilities in the field? The evolution of the state nanotechnology policy was reconstructed based on elite interviews, following the “chain” sampling technique. In-depth, semistructured interviews were conducted with current and former state officials, university administrators, scientists, and industry representatives. Interviews were con- ducted between spring 2005 and spring 2006. 4 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher The paper proceeds as follows. The next section synthesizes studies on the formation of state high technology policies. The following section presents the case study. Next, Pennsylvania’s efforts are contextualized nationally. The final section discusses findings and conclusions. Literature—TBED Policy Formation The premise of TBED is that if states are to prosper in a global knowledge economy, they need to build innovative capabilities and carve out niches in which they can excel (Plosila, 2004; SSTI, 2006). Despite the trend among states of pursuing the latest technological waves, we know little about how states develop TBED programs in emerging areas of technology. This problem is interesting as the inchoate state of such technologies entail substantive risks and uncertainties for policy makers. Hard-pressed to produce tangible outcomes, ‘economic development policy makers in the American states face strong political incentives to do the wrong thing’ (Hart, 2007, p. 4). The ‘wrong thing’ is industrial recruitment policy, which gen- erates political dividends despite the cumulative evidence of ineffectiveness in generating economic development. These dividends accrue from the visibility of beneficiary constituents of successful industrial recruitment efforts, the large facil- ities erected that help attract publicity, and the tangible economic activity generated (and the invisibility of foregone revenues and opportunity costs). TBED programs, on the other hand, aim at influencing a range of largely unspecified actors, and their benefits are more diffuse. Inherently long term, investments on building innovative capabilities and creating entrepreneurial cultures coexist with the short- term political pressures for hard, short-term measures of employment generation and business development. TBED policies may have unclear tangible benefits to substantiate their claims for state resources. Notwithstanding the uncertainty, most states are presently committed to TBED strategies in one way or another. Previous studies suggest that governors are key to the adoption by states of high technology agendas (Douglass, 2006; Etzkowitz, 1997; Feller, 1984). This is consistent with recent findings on entrepreneurial economic development policy (including but not limited to TBED) that policy making follows a technocratic pattern (Hart, 2007). Governors and their appointees to senior positions shape policy, and entrepreneurs—the target constituency—do not appear to influence policy making. On the other hand, Plosila (2004) claims that S&T became institutionalized in state governments in the 1990s, making the continuity of high-tech programs less dependent on gubernatorial and legislative cycles. In one of the few efforts to investigate the choice of states for investments in high technology in the 1980s, Portz and Eisinger (1991) observed three models of state policy making in the field of biotechnology. The interest-based model is characterized by the state response to public and private interests in the policy community. The second model consists of states’ employing a strategic planning process to verify and exploit existing resources in the field. In the third model states perform an initial strategic assessment followed by allocations that respond to the interests of actors. Atkinson (1991, pp. 37–38) argued for the importance of the mode in which interests interact with the state to shape TBED policy. He identified pluralist and corporatist modes of interaction in his investigation of state high-technology pro- Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania 5 grams. The former consists of multiple interests competing with each other to influence state policy through lobbying efforts. In the latter, interests cooperate with each other and are involved in policy making by the state. Atkinson asserts that the corporatist mode leads to more effective policy for two main reasons: (1) organized interests brought into the policy process are more likely to influence the state to form and maintain high-technology programs, and (2) corporatist bodies often conduct analysis and communicate their needs to state policy makers, facilitating the design of effective programs. Pluralist lobbying, on the other hand, is characterized as leading to policies designed to serve particular and scattered interests. The actors involved in TBED policy making have disparate interests that relate to different policy alternatives. Relevant actors in TBED policy making include business, higher education, economic development organizations, venture capital- ists, and entrepreneurs (Atkinson, 1991; Douglass, 2006; Feller, 1992b; Plosila, 2004). Among these, universities have assumed particular prominence as central partners in TBED efforts (NGA, 2007; Plosila, 2004; Portz & Eisinger, 1991; SSTI, 2006). Atkinson (1991) argued that pressure from higher education institutions is likely to drive state policy toward upstream investments in scientific infrastructure and basic research. Feller (1992b) hypothesized that heavy involvement from indus- try in the policy-formulation process also leads states to adopt upstream programs. However, influence from state economic development agencies and small firms shifts the emphasis to downstream programs, which are more likely to generate employment in the short term. More recently, Douglass (2006) suggested that industry seems to have greater influence over state officials than universities in the formation of upstream programs. A Policy for Nanotechnology: The Case of Pennsylvania TBED Policy in Pennsylvania Pennsylvania typifies the efforts of many states to adapt to long-term restructuring of the American economy. Pennsylvania has the sixth largest population and the sixth largest economy among the American states. Since 1960, the steady erosion of high-wage manufacturing jobs has contributed to a lackluster economy, an aging population, and an exodus of young workers. Moreover, the commonwealth has been the site of TBED initiatives for quite some time. It established a technology assistance program for industry as early as 1956, but more ambitious initiatives date from the 1980s, especially the four regional Ben Franklin Partnerships. Pennsylva- nia thus illustrates the struggle of once prosperous manufacturing regions to adapt to the so-called knowledge-based economy. It also represents an active state in terms of TBED policy making, with a history of experimentation with high-technology programs and an institutionalized S&T infrastructure. In general, Pennsylvania has since the 1980s been regarded as a leader in TBED (Etzkowitz, 1997; Osborne, 1990). The development of nanotechnology policy in Pennsylvania occurred on top of an established, albeit evolving, TBED infrastructure. The key state actor for S&T 6 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher policy in Pennsylvania is the Department of Community and Economic Develop- ment (DCED). The Secretary of this department reports directly to the governor, and the DCED is the chief source of discretionary funds for the policies in question. Pennsylvania TBED programs are regionally decentralized. This assures that initiatives are consistent with local conditions, but also provides the opportunity for regional interest groups to set their own goals and vie for state resources. Pennsyl- vania’s most renowned TBED policy, the Ben Franklin program, illustrates the pattern. Currently, four highly autonomous regional authorities administer the program. Besides the original mission of linking university S&T with industry, these authorities serve as conduits for other state programs of TBED funding. Since it was established in 1982, the Ben Franklin programs have provided some support for universities, community colleges, and local economic development organizations, but the majority of its funds has supported small and start-up companies (Nexus Associates, 2003; Rahm & Luce, 1992, pp. 41–51). The general pattern of central- ized funding and regional implementation is visible in other major state initiatives. (For a list of other Pennsylvania TBED programs, see Table 1.) An ‘Accidental’ Policy for Nanotechnology The origins of the PIN—and its financial commitments to nanotechnology—lie in the first state allocations to nanotechnology in the late 1990s, before such invest- ments became fashionable. In 1997, the DCED agreed to provide $2 million to support a Penn State proposal to the Semiconductor Industry Association for a research center. At the time, Penn State was establishing a new nanofabrication facility as part of the National Science Foundation (NSF)-sponsored National Nano- fabrication Users Network. Companies using the nanofabrication facility were reporting a need for skilled clean-room technicians. When the SIA proposal col- lapsed, Penn State requested and received authorization from the state to use the $2 million allocation to create a clean-room technician education program called the Pennsylvania Nanofabrication Manufacturing Technology (NMT) Partnership. The program seemed to fulfill a useful role and faced no opposition. Starting in 1998, the NMT Partnership received annual state funding of $2–$3 million. The program Table 1. Pennsylvania Programs for Technology-Based Economic Development Program Year Aim Ben Franklin Partnership (BFP) 1982 Use university science and technology to strengthen industry competitiveness and job creation Industrial Resources Centers 1986 Assist small manufacturing firms to adopt advanced process technologies [precursor to the federal Manufacturing Extension Partnership] Pennsylvania Technology Investment Authority (PTIA) 1999 Support university research and business development in technology areas Life Sciences Greenhouses 2001 Uses tobacco settlement funds to support commercialization of discoveries arising from university biotechnology research Pittsburgh Digital Greenhouse To commercialize robotic and digital technologies Ben Franklin Technology Development Authority [merger of BFP and PTIA] 2002 Use university science and technology to strengthen industry competitiveness and job creation Keystone Innovation Zone 2004 Build alliances between regional economic development organizations and universities Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania 7 resulted in the nation’s first associate degree program in nanofabrication for Penn- sylvania community colleges, in addition to other training and outreach programs (Hallacher, Fonash, & Fenwick, 2002). The NMT Partnership attracted federal funding as well. In 2001, it was designated an NSF Advanced Technological Edu- cation Center for Nanofabrication Manufacturing Education, receiving a four-year, $2.8 million award. Other federal grants followed.3 As the NMT partnership was being developed in 1998, the Ben Franklin Tech- nology Partners of Southeastern Pennsylvania detected interest in nanotechnology among local companies. It organized several industry forums in 1999 and 2000, recruiting the participation of local and national organizations. In this same time period the Ben Franklin center was assisting the NSF to develop its new Partner- ships for Innovation program, and the DCED was reorganizing its approach to supporting university research. These efforts culminated in a one-day strategy session in the spring of 2000 involving representatives from Ben Franklin, NSF, the Council for Urban Economic Development, the Progressive Policy Institute, the Eastern Technology Council, the DCED, the University of Pennsylvania, Drexel University, a private consulting firm (ANGLE Technologies Group), and others. The outcome of this session was a successful $600,000 Partnerships for Innovation proposal to the NSF with matching funds provided by the state and Ben Franklin to establish a nanotechnology center. This center linked universities, economic development organizations, and firms in the region. Led by the University of Pennsylvania, Drexel University, and the regional Ben Franklin center, this group submitted a proposal to the state DCED in 2001 request- ing $10 million and over three years to establish a Nanotechnology Institute (NTI), focusing on research and commercialization. The NTI proposal was particularly aimed at exploiting opportunities in the emerging field of nanobiotechnology, reflecting the heavy concentration of biotechnology and pharmaceutical companies in the Philadelphia area, and the biomedical research strengths of the University of Pennsylvania. The NTI proposal was approved in 2001 and received $3.5 million of annual state funding. NTI offers grants and services to firms wishing to commer- cialize nanotechnology, awards seed grants to university researchers, and hopes to promote workforce development. Beyond these activities, it serves a promotional and networking function to stimulate activity linked with nanotechnology. Penn State observed the success of the Philadelphia group and nurtured its own plans. The university is a significant performer of materials research and it per- ceives itself as a leader in the area (The Pennsylvania State University, 2005). In 2002, Penn State submitted a proposal to the state modeled on the NTI proposal requesting $3.5 million to support nanotechnology research and commercializa- tion, separate from the annual request of $1.7 million for the ongoing NMT Partnership. The university sought to continue its workforce development program, but also to receive support for research and commercialization at a comparable level to its state neighbors UPenn and Drexel. In response, a single award of $3.5 million was approved through the Ben Franklin program in 2002 to support nanotechnology education, research, and commercialization activity at Penn State. In the following two years, Penn State succeeded in obtaining separate allocations for each of the programs. Located in rural central Pennsylvania, Penn State operates in a rather different context from the Philadelphia group, despite the 8 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher similarity of their resource claims. As a significant performer of industry-sponsored research, Penn State forges relationships with major corporations in diverse fields.4 A New Administration and the Pursuit of a Strategy When Governor Ed Rendell took office in January 2003, the new Secretary of DCED expressed some skepticism about the economic development potential of nanotechnology, especially in the near term. He stressed the need for a strategy to help guide the Commonwealth’s ongoing investments in nanotechnology. In 2003 the Secretary commissioned a study of nanotechnology in Pennsylvania by the ANGLE Technology Group, a consulting firm that had previously been associated with the creation of the NTI. The stated purpose of this effort was to examine the state’s situation in nanotechnology and develop recommendations for further action. In particular, DCED sought to situate ongoing and proposed investments in the context of a state strategy for TBED. The ANGLE Report asserted that Pennsylvania has the capability to be the national leader in nanotechnology commercialization. The report proposed a strat- egy, an action plan, and performance metrics, organized around six elements: building and sustaining the academic research base, leveraging existing industry to drive commercialization, promoting statewide collaboration, developing industry clusters, supporting workforce development, and establishing national leadership (ANGLE Technology Group, 2004). The report recommended undertaking more research for industry, the establishment of ‘Regional Collaboration and Focus Centers,’ the creation of statewide bodies, including an advisory council, a Nano- Forum, a database, and a governor’s advisory group, as well as various promotional activities (pp. 51–55). However, the report did not evaluate the impact of the existing state initiatives described earlier, nor did it make any funding recommen- dations. In 2003 and 2004, Pennsylvania provided slightly under $10 million of annual funding to support the three major elements of its nanotechnology “policy”: the NMT Partnership, the NTI, and the Penn State nanotechnology research and commercialization program. While UPenn, Drexel, and Penn State developed their homegrown initiatives based on their local interests, the Commonwealth supported other programs rel- evant to nanotechnology. For example, since 2001 the DCED has supported the Center for Optical Technologies at Lehigh University, located in the northeast region of the state. The Lehigh center performs nanotechnology research and commercial- ization in optics and photonics, but is not entirely dedicated to “nano” as such. State funding for this center has risen from an initial $1 million grant in 2001 to subsequent allocations of $3 million through 2005. Roughly one-third of this funding is devoted to research at the nanoscale. Lehigh University has asserted an active role in nanotechnology despite its relatively small size. The DCED has also supported the Pittsburgh Digital Greenhouse, with annual funding of $3–$5 million per year since 2001. The Greenhouse involves Carnegie Mellon University, the University of Pittsburgh, private industry, and others in efforts to develop and commercialize robotic and digital technologies. Like the Center for Optical Technologies, these state-funded efforts impinge on nanotechnology even though they are not dedicated to nanotechnology per se. Finally, DCED has provided annual funding of approxi- Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania 9 mately $3 million to support participation by Lehigh University in the NSF Materials Science and Engineering Center (MRSEC) at Carnegie Mellon University, an effort that can be viewed (liberally) to support nanotechnology R&D. In 2005, Alcoa, PPG, U.S. Steel, and Bayer MaterialScience combined with the Pittsburgh Technology Council to support the Pennsylvania NanoMaterials Commercialization Center (PNCC). These firms—heavyweights in the materials industry—are committed to present and future applications of nanotechnology. They have a large economic footprint in professional, if not manufacturing, employment. For example, the Alcoa R&D Center employs 650. The common- wealth awarded the council $200,000 to establish this center, matched by the four corporate partners. The center is essentially an intermediary, aiming to encourage much larger investments of “other people’s money,” principally from the federal National Nanotechnology Initiative (NNI). It specifically intends to stimulate and commercialize research in nanotechnology. The center is thus intended to comple- ment corporate R&D laboratories by bolstering the ties with university research and entrepreneurial firms. During 2004 and 2005, the commonwealth undertook a series of conferences and workshops involving industry and universities, which were intended to develop a collective response the ANGLE Report. This effort included a statewide confer- ence in spring 2005 entitled The Business of Nano, following up on similar events in 2004 and 2002. Following these deliberations, the DCED subsequently released the white paper Pennsylvania Initiative for Nanotechnology (Pennsylvania Department of Community & Economic Development, 2005a). Despite the workshops, confer- ences, and discussions that had taken place, the white paper largely echoed the ANGLE Report. The commonwealth then suspended funding for the NTI and the Penn State research and commercialization program, and reduced the allocation to the NMT Partnership to $1.4 million. DCED officials explained that this step was taken to establish a basis for launching the new Pennsylvania Initiative for Nano- technology in 2006, based on the ANGLE Report and subsequent deliberations. In 2006, the state allocated $11.1 million to PIN. The programs funded in the previous years were supported: $3.5 million for the NTI, $2.5 million for Penn State research and commercialization, $2.6 million for the NMT Partnership, $1.4 million for Lehigh to support its participation in the Carnegie Mellon MRSEC and a nanophotonics research infrastructure, and $1 million to the Pennsylvania Nano- Materials Commercialization Center in Pittsburgh.5 In this latest chapter in the evolution of Pennsylvania’s nanotechnology “strategy,” the state sustained ongoing programs that evolved from the bottom up, on a decentralized (and sometimes internally competitive) fashion. But now state funding for nanotechnology is, at least nominally, part of a statewide initiative. According to the state governor, PIN ‘is positioning the Commonwealth to be a national force in this building wave of development’ (Pennsylvania Department of Community & Economic Development, 2005b, p. PA02). Pennsylvania’s Efforts in Context Considering that nanotechnology resembles biotechnology in the salience of aca- demic science for industrial innovation (Zucker & Darby, 2005), an argument might 10 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher be made that economic gains from nanotechnology will accrue to a few regions where there is a significant concentration of academic and industrial R&D and a supportive innovative infrastructure. This is true within the United States and beyond, as several countries have built research capacity in this area (National Science & Technology Council, 1999). The sense that the United States must take concerted action in a race for leadership in this area was aptly exploited by policy entrepreneurs at the federal level to advance a national nanotechnology agenda the late 1990s (McCray, 2005). The NNI was formalized in 2001, and the federal commitment to supporting nanotechnology was signed into law in 2003, with the 21st Century Nanotechnology Research and Development Act (Public Law 108– 153). Industrial groups with a stake in nanoscale research and engineering have largely backed these efforts (e.g., Chemical Industry Vision, 2020 Partnership, 2003; Semiconductor Research Corporation, 2003). Annual funding for the NNI quickly surpassed a billion during the decade (circa $1.4 in 2007), disbursed through 13 federal agencies (NRC, 2006). These large investments in nanotechnology prompt states to use their own resources to leverage federal R&D dollars. This leveraging role has been a feature of state TBED policy across fields of technology (Feller, 2004; Plosila, 2004). As one might suspect, Pennsylvania’s move and aspirations are not unique. Indeed, by 2003 no fewer than nine states had already made nanotechnology-related invest- ments, particularly in R&D infrastructure (Murdock et al., 2003). Enthusiasm over this science-based technology is evident, and its economic relevance is already taken for granted by many (Roco, 2005; Zucker & Darby, 2005). Hence, a proximate driver of state nanotechnology programs is interjurisdictional competition for federal research dollars; the ability to grow, attract, and retain nanotechnology- related businesses lies in the long-term horizon. Rather than an open field, the subnational competition for leadership in nano- technology seems to be circumscribed to a few states that possess established scien- tific and innovative infrastructures. The data in Table 2 illustrate the relative standing of major states in the production of nanoscience and nanotechnology- related innovation. Far from capturing all nanotechnology-related activity, these data are rough proxies of states’ scientific strengths in the field (NSF funding and publications) and innovative activity (patents).6 These data suggest that Pennsylvania is well positioned nationally in terms of scientific activity and innovation in nanotechnology. In every category, California was the clear leader, followed by the same five states in different orders. More apposite are the five states that trail California. This is Pennsylvania’s peer group for nanotechnology—and its rivals for obtaining key resources for TBED. In addition, Table 2. State Totals for University Nano NSF Funds, Publications, and Patents, 2002–2004 State NSF Nano Funds (in millions) Nano Publications Nano Patents Issued California 119 2,077 530 New York 100 937 97 Pennsylvania 62 935 100 Illinois 59 874 98 Massachusetts 59 984 172 Texas 40 782 127 Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania 11 Zucker and Darby’s (2005) longitudinal data on research and business activity in nanotechnology (1980–2003) suggests that Pennsylvania is linked with some of the most active regions in the field. Philadelphia is among the top ten metropolitan regions (Philadelphia-Wilmington-Atlantic City) in terms of research and business creation in nanotechnology. California and New York have made the largest and most conspicuous invest- ments in nanotechnology. Among the other states listed earlier, only Pennsylvania has an explicit strategy to promote nanotechnology through state investments. Illinois has made opportunistic and leveraged investments to expand facilities for nanotechnology. Texas and other states have policies to stimulate TBED that encompass nanotechnology along with biotech, informatics, or any other research- based field (Geiger & Sá, 2005; Murdock et al., 2003). California obviously possesses a strong research base as well as an abundance of entrepreneurial spirit. These comparative advantages received a further boost for nanotechnology earlier in the decade, when the state committed support for university–industry collaborations in key areas. The California NanoSystems Insti- tute (CNSI) has received $100 million in state funding over four years to assert scientific leadership in several specialties, as well as working closely with industrial partners to assure the transfer and commercialization of innovations (Douglass, 2006, pp. 10–12; Geiger & Sá, 2005, p. 9). Opened in 2003, CNSI is based at University of California-Los Angeles but also draws on faculty from University of California-Santa Barbara. The initiative for this and the other three California Institutes for Innovation arose in late 1999 from the efforts of a policy entrepre- neur, who successfully sold the project to the president of the University of Cali- fornia and former Democratic Governor Gray Davis.7 About a year later, the four institutes were selected and the state committed a total of $400 million to those units. More recently, California established the Blue Ribbon Task Force on Nano- technology to craft a strategy to ‘ensure the state’s leadership in the field’ (Blue Ribbon Task Force on Nanotechnology, 2005, p. 4). Nonetheless, Zumeta (2006) contends that the state lacks capacity for strategic policy making in S&T, and that the potential to develop such capacity is under- mined by the state’s ballot initiative process. Through the initiative process, policy entrepreneurs can succeed in earning citizen approval to commit state funding for their proposed programs, trumping strategic priorities from the executive branch. That was indeed the story of California’s most consequential commitments to nanotechnology, which came about as a function of savvy policy entrepreneurialism. New York has undoubtedly made the largest financial and political commitments to nanotechnology since the 1990s. These have been centered at the University of Albany, which has aptly exploited state support to build an impressive R&D infra- structure. The governor and senior politicians in the legislature backed New York’s substantial investments in S&T programs. State appropriations to university research infrastructure were packaged into multiple “center of excellence” pro- grams administered by the New York State Foundation for Science, Technology, and Innovation. The state invested circa $500 million in the Albany Nanotech complex, complemented by $2.5 billion in corporate investments. The University at Albany created in 2004 the country’s first college of nanoscience and engineering, capitalizing on the clout of the R&D venture, and support from the state’s key 12 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher politicians. In general, New York State has combined entrepreneurial and indus- trial recruitment approaches to build a nanotechnology agglomeration around Albany: in addition to stimulating local entrepreneurialism, over $1 billion has been devoted to retaining IBM and recruiting AMD manufacturing plants in the Capital Region (Geiger and Sá, in press). Pennsylvania’s investments fall short by a large margin compared to those of New York and California. Spread out across a number of institutions and programmatic priorities, the $53 million allocated under the guise of investments in nanotechnol- ogy in Pennsylvania (2000–2006) pales in comparison to the more focused efforts at building CNSI and Albany Nanotech. However, California and New York are clearly outliers. Very few states have the economic muscle to commit resources for emerging science-based technologies at such a scale. It is symptomatic that both in New York and California, various institutions and regions have received state support in other S&T areas, while investments in nanotechnology remained mostly focused on a few institutions. In the politics of TBED in these states, it was possible to prioritize big projects in a few universities because state funds for nanotechnol- ogy were a slice of a larger pie. The geographically redistributive logics of state technology programs were still present, perhaps making the total commitments politically palatable. A different argument might also be made on the feasibility of state policies for nanotechnology. Clearly, the unbridled optimism of nanotechnology advocates needs to be viewed critically (McCray, 2005). It might take many years before significant economic benefits from nanotechnology are realized, and the ability of states to sequester such benefits within their borders is arguable. For the federal NNI, this is not as pressing a concern, because the goal is to create national-level capabilities in nanoscience and engineering. States, however, frame TBED in terms of the creation of local high-wage jobs. Policies for nanotechnology might appear too risky an investment of state funds if measured against that yardstick, particularly given the lack of clear evaluation mechanisms and an accountability framework. Conclusion—Nanotechnology in Pennsylvania: Rationalized Policy Formation The nanotechnology policy created in Pennsylvania can be regarded as the result of an interest-based model of policy making (Portz & Eisinger, 1991). The formation of a Pennsylvania policy for nanotechnology emerged from the interests of local actors—mostly universities, sometimes in partnership with local economic develop- ment organizations and industry. The choice of nanotechnology as an area for state investments had less to do with calculated efforts to get ahead in a nascent techno- logical wave, than with the state response to the proposals of universities and their partners. In the case presented here, state programs essentially provided supple- mental support for the basic nanoscience and engineering activities of selected universities based on their own initiatives, and linked these activities with other organizations. Interest-driven programs predated any strategic assessments. The state’s move to formulate a “strategy” served the purpose of rationalizing, justifying, or legitimizing past and future state commitments, but certainly not crafting or informing policy. The PIN is thus an example of “rationalized policy formation.” Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania 13 In this instance of rationalized policy formation, the state responded essentially to university interests. Considering the nature of emerging science-based technologies—inchoate research fields with highly relevant prospects for industrial innovation—it is not surprising that universities become key actors in the nano- technology policy process in Pennsylvania. Universities have the research capacity to steer scientific advancements in the field, and have become increasingly involved in economic development generally (Feldman et al., 2002; Feller, 1990; Florida & Cohen, 1999; Tornatzky, Waugaman, & Gray, 2002). In addition, universities are naturally inclined to seek greater resources for their basic research and education activities, all of which are resource intensive. They are immersed in a competitive environment that creates incentives for the diversification of revenue sources and the pursuit of discretionary funding for improvements in infrastructure (Geiger 2004). According to Atkinson’s (1991) frame for discussing the role of interests in state technology policy formation, Pennsylvania represents a mixed mode, whereby a corporatist intermediation of interests occurred in some places (e.g., NTI, PNCC), but a pluralist mode prevailed at the state level. The local corporatism can be institutionally ascribed to the regional decentralization of the TBED policy struc- ture in Pennsylvania, which allows and indeed fosters the coalescence of substate interests. Despite the later efforts by the DCED to liaise actors with a stake in nanotechnology through conferences and consultations, no statewide intermediary body emerged to link or coordinate the various competing interests throughout the state. While some regional initiatives involved a range of actors, they remained essentially linked to their localities. Besides, rationalized policy formation did not lead to changes in the “rules of the game” among state officials, the participants in the funded programs, and the stakeholders in the nanotechnology industry in Pennsylvania. Providing direct pledges for discrete projects remained the mode of support for nanotechnology. Having characterized the formation of the PIN, we now consider the implications of Pennsylvania’s approach. To its credit, Pennsylvania was one of the first states to invest in nanotechnology knowledge assets lodged within the universities, and it remains one of the few with an explicit framework to fund research and commer- cialization in various regions. A consequence of Pennsylvania’s approach is that the state does not have “a” nanotechnology policy, but rather four regional policies, each generated by different considerations and each having a unique structure. It might be argued that this is an appropriate approach, given the different characters of these regions. This was the rationale for decentralizing the Ben Franklin Part- nership into four regional units (Rahm & Luce, 1992, pp. 43–44). By doing so, the state allows for local actors to have a greater influence over TBED policy decisions, which might therefore better reflect their economic and political conditions. Besides, by working with the regional initiatives and allowing for field-originated ideas to shape PIN, the state avoided controversy and managed to nurture nano- technology programs for almost a decade. Considering the inchoate state of nano- technology, developing research capabilities is a fundamental step to exploit the innovative potential of this science-based technology (Zucker & Darby, 2005). In this perspective, Pennsylvania’s initiative could be viewed as a test bed that ignites interest in nanotechnology among the relevant agents without overcommitting state 14 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher resources to this inchoate field. Larger and more conspicuous investments may invite greater public scrutiny, which has been virtually absent in this case. However, from the perspective of interstate competition for “national and inter- national leadership” in science-based industries, the drawbacks of the Pennsylvania approach are evident. States would more likely benefit from targeted rather than scattered investments, considering how costly it is to build scientific leadership. California’s investments seem to go in this direction, and New York’s commitments to Albany Nanotech have been clearly focused on establishing a nanotechnology cluster. (It is worth noting that the paths pursued by California and New York did not involve careful strategic analysis either.) In Pennsylvania, however, PIN is a relatively small pie that feeds many. Investment in nanotechnology, as in other discrete areas, evolved independently, although anchored bureaucratically in the same state departments and agencies. By responding to local interests in an ad hoc fashion, state officials created a playing field where unique claims of universities for supplemental funding could be articulated. Given these dynamics, it is not surpris- ing that no strategic vision seemed to exist on whether or not the state could attain a leading position in nanotechnology and how it would achieve such a feat, despite the rhetoric of policy documents. The evidence presented in the previous section suggests that Pennsylvania possesses greater potential than that reflected to date in the aspirations of the current nanotechnology policy. Moreover, Pennsylvania’s approach does not lend itself to policy evaluation and learning. Reflecting findings of previous studies on economic development policies (Dewar, 1998; Eisinger, 1995), program survival overtook the technical criteria of efficiency and effectiveness as the driver of policy continuation. Even if one consid- ers that the economic development outcomes of Pennsylvania’s nanotechnology programs are not appreciable in the short run, the state is poorly equipped to assess the quality of its investments. We conclude by considering whether Pennsylvania’s rationalized policy forma- tion is simply an idiosyncratic example, or illustrative of broader trends in state technology policy. We have a few reasons to suspect that such rationalizations are not unusual. First, reports on state TBED policies are often silent on the anteced- ents of programs (e.g., SSTI, 2006) and thus do not reveal the real starting points of state initiatives. The early policy formation process tends to be obscured in later accounts. Second, interests associated with state technology programs obfuscate rigorous assessments, and unwarranted ‘success stories’ get disseminated by those with a stake in them (Feller, 1992b). This is consistent with Dewar’s (1998) argument that ‘public stories’ are maintained to assure the political support to and continuity of state of economic developed programs but that those stories may not reflect the underlying reality. Part of these stories refers to the motivators and drivers of policy formation. Strategic assessments and substantive analysis presents a more palatable narrative than the interests of particular actors involved in the policy process. Third, the increasing ‘professionalization’ of the field of economic development policy contributes to the dissemination of tools and recipes for policy making (Hart, 2007). Driving state investments strategically through planning is a central element of TBED (Atkinson, 1991; Feller, 2004; Portz & Eisinger, 1991), and it Rationalizing a Nanotechnology Strategy in Pennsylvania 15 also appears in prescriptions of how states should design nanotechnology initia- tives (Murdock et al., 2003).8 Such prescriptions stem from the belief in a tech- nocratic policy process, and may influence the views that state officials hold on how best to influence policy making. Nonetheless, as cautioned by Feller (2004, p. 144): Concerning the exaggerated emphasis on strategic planning, ‘strategic’ as used in state technology-based economic development planning is as much the required rhetorical adjective needed in contemporary policy environments to justify or explain the programs and decisions of public sector and not-for-profit organizations as it is a substantively meaningful predictor of future outcomes. State technology-based economic development programs are strategic primarily in the sense of concentrating resources on selected technological areas, not in the sense of taking into account the actions of rivals. We can add that the political need to stamp one’s own mark on ongoing state allocations to S&T, as well as to draw a line between past and present policy initiatives, may also drive strategy-setting for symbolic purposes. Finally, states stand to benefit from creating incentives and structures for policy making that exploit the valuable contributions of research universities to regional development and consider the overall needs of the state as well. Universities are uniquely positioned to help states foster technological innovation in emerging fields. Nonetheless, they are not regional development agencies. They will thrive on what they do best—advancing and disseminating knowledge through research, teaching, and outreach—and each university seeks to outperform its peers. Indi- vidually and collectively, universities would actually benefit from a policy process that elicits their participation rather than one that simply responds to interests, as their claims for resources could be more fully related to the wider contexts of state policy needs and industrial R&D. States, if they wish to lead in innovation rather than simply follow federal priorities and emulate peers, need to create channels for universities, industry, and other agents in the economic development community to interact in productive ways. Notes 1 We wish to acknowledge support from the National Science Foundation to the research project that originated this paper (Grant No. 0403783). We are indebted to the former and current state officials, university administrators, faculty, industry personnel, and technology transfer staff who agreed to be interviewed for this study. Any errors remain solely ours. 2 In the former, states’ efforts to spur economic development are based upon incentives for individual firms to attract or retain their operations. In the latter, states attempt to promote endogenous growth by supporting entrepreneurial activity through various mechanisms such as incubator facilities, tech- nical assistance programs, venture capital provisions, and funding for research and development (R&D). 3 In July 2001, a $600,000 NSF Partnership for Innovation award was received to explore the workforce and technology development needs of biotechnology and pharmaceutical industries congregated in the southeastern region of Pennsylvania. A NSF Nanotechnology Undergraduate Education (NUE) award was received in June 2003 to support development of baccalaureate programs in nanotech- nology. In June 2003, a NSF ATE planning grant was received to explore the feasibility of a national center for nanofabrication manufacturing education. 4 Through 2003, Penn State researchers copublished 63 papers in nanoscience and engineering with scientists at 41 different firms. A few of these were Pennsylvania small firms, but several were large regional corporations (Air Products, Allied Signal, Corning, Dupont, Merck). Nonetheless, university 16 Creso M. Sá, Roger L. Geiger, and Paul M. Hallacher facilities and research infrastructure serve as a magnet for smaller companies in the state as well. Through 2003, an estimated 57 Pennsylvania-based companies had participated in nanoresearch at Penn State. At least a dozen participants were major corporations or subsidiaries; the rest ranged from small- to medium-size firms down to university start-ups. 5 The Pennsylvania State System of Higher Education also received $113 thousand to develop nano- technology curricula. 6 A database with 112 universities was constructed of variables that could be identified with nano: scholarly publications (with nano*), funding from NSF classified as nano (the only agency for which this was possible), and patents (issued with nano*). Because of year-to-year variability, three years were used (2002–2004). 7 The policy entrepreneur was Richard Lerner, a supporter and collaborator of Davis, who had been president of Scripps Institute in San Diego and a professor of immunochemistry (Douglass, 2006). 8 Indeed, Murdock and others (2003) have proposed that states stand to benefit from adopting strategic approaches to invest in the field: establishing leadership teams, coalescing key stakeholders, and identifying and exploiting comparative advantages are part of the recipe. About the Authors Creso M. Sá is Assistant Professor of Higher Education at the University of Toronto. He writes on science and technology policy and research universities. His forthcoming book is Innovation and Economic Relevance: The University’s Fourth Mission (with Roger L. Geiger). Roger L. Geiger is Distinguished Professor of Higher Education at the Pennsylvania State University and former Head of the Higher Education Program. His books on American research universities include Knowledge and Money: Research Universities and the Paradox of the Marketplace (2004), To Advance Knowledge: The Development of American Research Universities, 1900–1940 (2004, new edition), and Research and Relevant Knowledge: American Research Universities Since World War II (2004, new edition). Paul M. Hallacher is Director of Research Programs at the Pennsylvania State University, Office of the Vice President for Research. He wrote Why Policy Issue Networks Matter: The Advanced Technology Program and the Manufacturing Extension Partnership (2005). References ANGLE Technology Group (2004). Commonwealth of Pennsylvania nanotechnology strategy. Philadelphia, PA: Author. Atkinson, R. D. (1991). Some states take the lead: Explaining the formation of state technology policies. Economic Development Quarterly, 5(1), 33–44. Berglund, D., & Coburn, C. (1995). Partnerships: A compendium of state and federal cooperative technology programs. 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work_rdqbgttbbngaldrtwupamghjsm	----	Ann Hematol (2006) 85: 639 DOI 10.1007/s00277-006-0130-4 ERRATUM Olaf Penack . Thomas Beinert . Dieter Buchheidt . Hermann Einsele . Holger Hebart . Michael G. Kiehl . Gero Massenkeil . Xaver Schiel . Jan Schleicher . Philipp B. Staber . Stefan Wilhelm . Hans-Heinrich Wolf . Helmut Ostermann Management of sepsis in neutropenia: guidelines of the infectious diseases working party (AGIHO) of the German Society of Hematology and Oncology (DGHO) Published online: 30 June 2006 # Springer-Verlag 2006 The name of the author Hans-Heinrich Wolf was given incorrectly as Hans Wolf. The online version of the original article can be found at: http://dx. doi.org/10.1007/s00277-006-0096-2. O. Penack (*) Klinik für Hämatologie, Onkologie and Transfusionsmedizin, Charit Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany e-mail: olaf.penack@charite.de T. Beinert Abteilung für Innere Medizin mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie und internistische Onkologie, Klinik Wartenberg, Wartenberg, Germany D. Buchheidt Medizinischen Klinik, Universitätsklinikum Mannheim, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg, Heidelberg, Germany H. Einsele Medizinische Klinik und Poliklinik II, Universitätsklinikum Wärzburg, Würzburg, Germany H. Hebart Zentrum für Innere Medizin, Klinikum Schwbisch Gmünd, Mutlangen, Germany M. G. Kiehl Klinik für Innere Medizin, Klinikum Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany G. Massenkeil Medizinische Klinik mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie und Onkologie, Charit Campus Virchow-Klinikum, Berlin, Germany X. Schiel . H. Ostermann Medizinische Klinik, Klinikum Grosshadern, Ludwig-Maximilians Universität, München, Germany J. Schleicher Klinik für Hämatologie und Onkologie, Katharinenhospital Stuttgart, Stuttgart, Germany P. B. Staber Abteilung für Hämatologie, Klinik für Innere Medizin, Medizinische Universität Graz, Graz, Germany S. Wilhelm Abteilung für Hämatologie und Onkologie, Klinik für Innere Medizin, Universität Rostock, Rostock, Germany H.-H. 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work_regmouq37varlm4o7gl6irm5fa	----	july04_researchers.qxp RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS MRS BULLETIN/JULY 2004 433 As reported in the May 21 issue of Science (p. 1129), the researchers placed solutions of nanotubes inside a chamber containing very strong magnetic fields. Lasers illuminated the samples, and con- clusions were drawn based upon analysis of the light absorbed and emitted by the samples during polarization-dependent magneto-absorption spectroscopy. Kono said, “Our data show…that the so-called Aharonov-Bohm phase can directly affect the band structure of a solid. The Aharonov-Bohm effect has been observed in other physical systems, but this is the first case where the effect inter- feres with another fundamental solid-state theorem, that is, the Bloch theorem. This arises from the fact that nanotubes are crystals with well-defined lattice periodici- ty. I wouldn’t be surprised to see a corre- sponding effect in other tubular crystals like boron nitride nanotubes.” According to the researchers, the band- gap behavior of the nanotubes in a strong magnetic field derives from their quantum properties. Because of the material’s tubu- lar, crystalline structure, electrons are limit- ed to moving around the surface of the tube rather than in the hollow center. Kono said that this discovery may lead to experiments on one-dimensional magneto- excitons, quantum pairings that are inter- esting to researchers studying quantum computing, nonlinear optics, and quan- tum optics. αα-SiAlON Ceramics with High Transparency Obtained After Lu2O3 Addition The most widely studied SiAlON ceramics, for which the two major phases are α and β, are those stabilized with Y2O3. Oxide additions help to stabilize the α phase of the Si3N4-based solution by substituting some of the silicon and nitro- gen in the Si3N4 lattice. Further addition of a stabilizing element, usually a rare earth, equilibrates the valence difference of the α phase. The smaller the size of the ion added, the larger the temperature Figure 1. The peaks represent the amount of light emitted by semiconduct- ing carbon nanotubes through interband photoluminescence. The bottom graph depicts light-emission activity in the absence of a magnetic field. The top graph shows a significant shift of light emission peaks to lower energies taken from nanotubes inside a 45-T field. (Figure courtesy of Sasa Zaric, Rice University.) https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS MRS BULLETIN/JULY 2004 435 and composition ranges where the α phase is stable. In compositions with 100% α phase, the grain-boundary phase is reduced as all of the additives can enter into the structure. Now, by using a novel stabilizing material, Lu2O3, a team of sci- entists from the Agency of Industrial Science and Technology (AIST) and the Fine Ceramics Research Association in Nagoya, Japan, have obtained a highly dense, transparent Lu-α-SiAlON ceramic. As reported in the April issue of the Journal of the American Ceramic Society (p. 714), M.I. Jones and K. Hirao of AIST, H. Hyuga of the Fine Ceramics Research Association, and colleagues hot-pressed a mixture of Si3N4, Al2O3, AlN, and Lu2O3 at 1950°C and 40 MPa for 2 h in a 0.9 MPa nitrogen atmosphere. X-ray diffraction patterns of this material showed that only α-SiAlON was present. Both scanning and transmission electron microscopy observa- tions revealed a fully dense, uniform microstructure of equiaxed grains, with a grain size of ~1 µm and with little or no grain-boundary phase present at triple points. Vickers hardness measurements using 98 N load gave results above 19 GPa, and indentation fracture using 98 N load gave a fracture toughness of ~2.5 MPa m1/2. Four-point bend tests with inner and outer spans of 10 mm and 30 mm, respectively, and a crosshead speed of 0.5 mm/min gave a bending strength of 400 MPa. Optical transmission measurements using spectrophotometry in the wave- length range of 350–800 nm were per- formed on 0.5-mm-thick samples. At 350 nm, transmission was ~35%, increasing with increasing wavelength. At ~500 nm, transmission was more than 60%, and for wavelengths larger than 600 nm, trans- mission was ~70%. Similar measurements reported in the literature on β-SiAlON ceramics gave ~40% transmission maximum at ~4.5 µm wavelength, with low transmission in the visible region. The investigators attribute the high transparency of Lu-α-SiAlON to the lack of grain-boundary phases, lack of porosity, and the small uniform grain size. The investigators said that they will now study the mechanical properties of this material, which are expected to be better than the more commonly studied Y-stabilized SiAlON, at high temperatures. SIARI SOSA Nanostructured Biosensors Produced by Nanosphere Lithography Biosensors rely on the principle of spe- cific interactions between the sensor sup- port and the biomolecule targeted. Thus, high control over the sensor-surface shape and functionality at the nanoscale is needed. Optical lithography can be used to generate patterned surfaces, but becomes complicated for feature sizes below 200 nm because of diffraction lim- its. Nanosphere lithography is an alterna- tive method capable of producing nano- topography over large surface areas, as explained by A. Valsesia and a team of researchers at the Institute for Health and Consumer Protection, Ispra, Italy. As reported in Nano Letters (Web release date, May 8), the researchers produced polymeric nanoislands with biospecific chemical functionalities, combining plas- ma deposition and etching techniques with colloidal particle masking. A polymer film of acrylic acid (PAA) was deposited on silicon wafers by plasma- enhanced chemical vapor deposition. The substrate was later covered by a mono- layer of polystyrene particles, with an For more information, see http://advertisers.mrs.org https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms For more information, see http://advertisers.mrs.org https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms RESEARCH/RESEARCHERS 438 MRS BULLETIN/JULY 2004 The Franklin Institute has announced award recipients for 2004, including: Roger Bacon, Amoco Corporation and Union Carbide, retired, who received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Mechanical Engineering for his fun- damental research on the production of graphite whiskers and the determination of their microstructure and properties, for his pioneering development efforts in the production of the world’s first con- tinuously processed carbon fibers and the world’s first high modulus, high- strength carbon fibers using rayon pre- cursors, and for his contributions to the development of carbon fibers from alter- native starting materials; Robert B. Meyer, Brandeis University, who received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Physics for his creative synthe- sis of theory and experiment demon- strating that tilted, layered liquid-crystal phases of chiral molecules are ferroelec- tric, thus launching both fundamental scientific advancement in the field of soft condensed matter physics and in the development of liquid-crystal displays that meet the demands of current tech- nology; and Robert E. Newnham, The Pennsyl- vania State University, who received the Benjamin Franklin Medal in Electrical Engineering for his invention of multi- phase piezoelectric transducers and their spatial architecture, which has revolu- tionized the field of acoustic imaging. The Presidential Early Career Awards for Scientists and Engineers have been given to 57 researchers, including the following MRS members: Susmita Bose (Washington State University); Christine Orme (Lawrence Liver- more National Laboratory); Michelle L. Pantoya (Texas Tech University); Bridget Rogers (Vanderbilt Uni- versity); and Gregory Neil Tew (University of Massachusetts). The Institute for Scientific Information (Philadelphia, Pa.) has identified the top 10 most cited materials scientists for the period of January 1993–October 2003, including MRS members: Anthony G. Evans (University of California—Santa Barbara); Akihisa Inoue (Tohoku University, Japan); Terry Langdon (University of Southern California); Galen D. Stucky (University of California—Santa Barbara); and Ruslan Z. Valiev (Ufa State Aviation Technical University—Russia). The International Centre for Diffraction Data has selected six recipients for the 2004 Ludo Frevel Crystallography Scholarship Program: Geoffrey Kwai-Wai Kong, University of Melbourne/St.Vincent’s Institute of Medical Research, Australia, for explo- ration into “Crystallographic Studies of the Amyloid Precursor Protein (AAP)”; Chong Lim, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana for re- search concerning “Reaction Path and Crystallography of CoSi2 Formation on Si(001) by Reactive Deposition Epitaxy”; Andrew Locock, University of Notre Dame, for “Crystal Structure and Synchrotron Radiation Study of Uranyl Oxysalts of Phosphate and Arsenate— Implications for Remediation”; Robin T. Macaluso, Louisiana State University, for research involving “X-ray and Neutron Diffraction Studies for Understanding Geometrically Frustrated Systems”; Petra Simoncic, University of Bern, Switzerland, for studies focusing on “Defect Structure of the Natural and Synthetic Zeolites Mordenite—Structure Characterization of Dye Modified, Synthetic Mordenite”; and Kimberly Tait, University of Arizona, for “Investigations into the Stability, Morphology and the Crystal Structure of the Coexistence of Structure I and Structure II Methane-ethane Clathrate Hydrates—Occurrence and Geological Implications.” tion in recognition of his invention of the practical light-emitting diode in 1962. Charles Lieber, Mark Hyman Jr. Professor of Chemistry at Harvard University, has been elected into the National Academy of Sciences. Paras Prasad, SUNY Distinguished Professor in the Department of Chem- istry in the University at Buffalo’s College of Arts and Sciences and Samuel P. Capen Chair, has been awarded the 2004 Morley Medal by the Cleveland section of the American Chemical Society. Gary L. Smith, a staff scientist at the Department of Energy’s Pacific Northwest National Laboratory, has been appointed chair of the ASTM International Com- mittee C26 on Nuclear Fuel Cycle. This prominent and influential committee develops standards important to work done on the nuclear fuel cycle, including spent nuclear fuel, waste materials, and repository waste packaging and storage. Smith also was honored with the Harlan J. Anderson Award, which is presented annually to a member of C26 who has made outstanding contributions toward the successful operation of the committee. Robert L. Snyder has been named Distinguished Fellow of the International Centre for Diffraction Data (ICDD). For more information, contact: Anita B. Miller Materials Research Society 506 Keystone Drive, Warrendale, PA 15086 Tel: 724-779-3004, X 551; Fax: 724-779-8313; amiller@mrs.org www.mrs.org/publications/bulletin https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs2004.133 https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 
work_rqxybdhvqrhexduvoayjlef5si	----	bassy noted, "which has strug- gled through difficult times dur- ing the past 15 years, responded to the American delegation's vis- it with a new sense of direction and confidence." The panel will meet in Wash- ington, D.C., in July and a ses- sion on science in Chile will be presented at the AAAS Annual Meeting in Boston. Update on AAAS Cooperative Efforts with Soviet Scientific and Engineering Community A number of events have tak- en place recently involving U.S. and Soviet experts. In Septem- ber 1986 a "spacebridge" tele- conference was held on "Cher- nobyl and Three Mile Island: Implications for Intemational Cooperation in an Interdepen- dent World." With AAAS and the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sci- ences as scientific sponsors, the teleconference featured U.S. and Soviet panels focused on lessons to be learned from the two acci- dents, future energy technolo- gies, and prospects of intema- tional collaboration in energy matters. During the "spacebridge" sev- eral suggestions were put forth for cooperative projects includ- ing joint seminars with the Sovi- et Academy on energy-related issues. Copies of an edited vid- eotape of the "spacebridge," narrated by Hedrick Smith, can be purchased for $40 or rented for $20 from Search for Com- mon Ground, 2005 Massachu- setts Avenue, NW, Washington, D.C. 20036. Both 1/2- and 3/4- inch formats are available. At the February 1987 AAAS Annual Meeting in Chicago sev- eral Soviet experts participated in a number of symposia organ- ized by the AAAS Committee on Science, Arms Control, and National Security. Roald Sag- deev and Albert Galeev, Insti- tute for Space Research; Aleksey Arbatov, Institute of World Economy and International Re- lations; and Yuri Shiyan, Com- mittee on International Security and Arms Control, spoke at ses- sions on Alternative Approaches to Arms Control; Soviet and American Perspectives on the Geneva Arms Control Negotia- tions; Soviet Perspectives on the Strategic and INF Negotiations; Arms Control and Verification Technology; and Prospects for the Space Program: One Year After Challenger. Audiotapes of these symposia are available from Mobil Tapes Company (818-244-8122). AAAS is cosponsoring with the Soviet Academy, the Global Foundation, and the University of Miami's Center for Theoreti- cal Studies an International Sci- entific Forum on Fueling the 21st Century: Solving Tomor- row's Problems, to be held in Moscow 29 September to 6 Oc- tober 1987. Experts from around the world will address energy pros- pects for the next century, dis- cussing chemical fuels, nuclear sources, including fusion and fission, and other alternatives, as well as social and economic as- pects of energy for the future. This will be the 11th in the Forum series which is intended to consider within an indepen- dent, international, and interdis- ciplinary framework energy is- sues facing academia, industry, and government in both devel- oped and developing countries. Two hundred scientists and en- gineers are expected to take part, including participants from the "spacebridge." For further in- formation on any ofthese activi- ties, please contact the Office of International Science at the AAAS address. SANDRA M. BuRNs Office ofInternational Science Resource Directory Available The AAAS Office of Oppor- tunities in Science announces the publication of the second edition of the Resource Directoty of Scientists and Engineers with Disabilities. The Directory lists names and other data about sci- entists and engineers with dis- abilities. It is a valuable resource for educators and students seeking information on better access to educational programs, as well as agencies in the federal govern- ment, nonprofit sector members of advisory committees, and peer-review panels. The Directo- ty is especially useful to scientists and engineers who become dis- abled in midcareer and wish to learn coping strategies that oth- ers have developed. Funding for the Directory was made possible by a grant from the National Science Founda- tion. Order copies from the Office of Opportunities in Science at the AAAS address; $10 plus $3 postage and handling, prepaid. Inquire about discounts for or- ders of ten or more copies. A braille edition is available. "The Hole in the Sky" Transcripts Available The fourth annual Benjamin Franklin Lecture featured Susan Solomon, a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administra- tion chemist and leader of the National Ozone Expedition 1986, Antarctica. Copies of the transcript of Solomon's lecture entitled, "The Hole in the Sky," are available upon request from Patricia S. Curlin, Committee on Public Understanding of Sci- ence and Technology, at the AAAS address. The Benjamin Franklin Lec- ture series is a featured activity of National Science and Tech- nology Week. Each year, the National Academy of Sciences, the National Science Founda- tion, and the AAAS cosponsor this event, intended for a general audience. Chairmen and Secretaries of AAAS Sections MATHEMATICS (A) Hyman Bass Lynn Arthur Steen PHYSICS (B) Herman Feshbach Rolf M. Sinclair CHEMISTRY (C) Norman Hackerman Jean'ne M. Shreeve ASTRONOMY (D) Jay M. Pasachoff John E. Gaustad GEOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY (E) George Rapp, Jr. Helen M. 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Chalk GENERAL INTEREST IN SCIENCE AND ENGINEERING (Y) Dael Wolfle James M. McCullough AAAS Divisions ARCTIC DIVISION Thomas Morehouse President Gunter E. Weller Executive Secretary CARIBBEAN DIVISION Juan A. Bonnet, Jr. President Lucy Gaspar Secretary-Treasurer PACIFIC DIVISION Orrin E. Smith President Alan E. Leviton Executive Director SOUTHWESTERN AND ROCKY MOUNTAIN DIVISION Russell Larsen President M. Michelle Balcomb Executive Director For more information about the activities and publica- tions described in "AAAS News," write to the appropri- ate office, AAAS, 1333 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20005, unless other- wise indicated. AAAS NEWS 853 JULY I987 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ Update on AAAS Cooperative Efforts with Soviet Scientific and Engineering Community SANDRA M. BURNS DOI: 10.1126/science.237.4810.85 (4810), 85.237Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/237/4810/85.1.citation PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for the Advancement ofScience 1987 by the American Association for the Advancement of Science. o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/237/4810/85.1.citation http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
work_rx2tb64tsfdsviabxtolhxpzxe	----	All Patients Should Be Admitted to the Hospital After a Transient Ischemic Attack Controversies in Stroke Section Editors: Carlos A. Molina, MD, PhD, and Magdy H. Selim, MD, PhD The Case: A 72-year old “healthy” woman presents with a transient (�60 minutes) episode of left-sided weakness. She recovered completely; neurological examination in the emergency department is normal and plain head CT scan is unreveal- ing. ABCD2 score is 5. The Questions: (1) Should the patient be evaluated urgently within 48 hours as an outpatient in the “TIA clinic” or admitted to the hospital for further evaluation? (2) Should other tests be carried out while in the emergency department? If so, what test(s)? The Controversy: ALL PATIENTS SHOULD BE ADMITTED TO THE HOSPITAL FOR OBSERVATION AFTER A TIA. All Patients Should Be Admitted to the Hospital After a Transient Ischemic Attack Brett L. Cucchiara, MD; Scott E. Kasner, MD Before choosing a management strategy for the patientdescribed, the first question is a diagnostic one. What happened and why? The most probable diagnosis, but cer- tainly not the only one, is transient ischemic attack (TIA). We might increase our diagnostic certainty with MRI; acute infarction on diffusion-weighted imaging confirms the diag- nosis of an ischemic neurovascular event. However, in the short-term, this will not change our management, because the absence of a diffusion-weighted imaging lesion does not exclude TIA, and the pretest probability of TIA is high based on the patient’s age, symptoms, and negative head CT. So proceeding with a working diagnosis of TIA, the most dangerous potential cause of the patient’s symptoms is sensible. This leads directly to the next question: why might she have had a TIA? The cause might be cardioembolism (10% to 20% of patients with TIA) or large-artery stenosis (15%–20% of patients).1 This matters because, if present, the risk of short-term recurrence is high (particularly with large- artery stenosis), and these mechanisms require specific early interventions beyond standard antiplatelet and statin therapy. Testing to evaluate whether these mechanisms caused her TIA is necessary. This should include vascular imaging and cardiac evaluation. A single normal electrocardiogram does not exclude important and common cardioembolic sources such as paroxysmal atrial fibrillation, valvular lesions, or heart failure. Thus, telemetry monitoring and echocardiogra- phy should be considered for all patients with TIA without an alternative cause. What Are the Advantages of Hospital Admission? In this case, one might estimate her 48-hour stroke risk at 5% based on her ABCD2 score. However, her risk may be potentially 2 to 3 times that if she has carotid stenosis. Given this, if we plan diagnostic testing and treatment at some point, why would we wait? We know that patients with TIA who receive emergency treatment by specialist stroke services have much lower stroke rates than those cared for in other settings.2 We do not know precisely what it is that specialist services are doing that is achieving this (the situation is analogous to stroke units). A few evidence-based interven- tions likely play a role. For example, in patients with symptomatic carotid stenosis, carotid endarterectomy is most beneficial when performed early. Hospitalized patients are more likely to receive prompt endarterectomy. Are there outpatient approaches that could achieve this goal? Perhaps in some settings, but the country we practice in (the United States) is not one of them. The complex web of insurance preauthorizations and administrative referrals necessary to complete carotid imaging and arrange surgery will preclude most patients from undergoing endarterectomy in the optimal time window. There are also other biologically plausible but less evidence-based interventions that might account for better outcomes with stroke specialist care in a hospital setting. Up to one third of patients with TIA have a demon- strable perfusion defect on imaging, even after symptom resolution.3 Thus, the same measures to optimize cerebral blood flow used in patients with stroke are sensible for TIA. Received October 19, 2011; accepted December 8, 2011. The opinions expressed in this article are not necessarily those of the editors or of the American Heart Association. This article is Part 1 of a 3-part article. Parts 2 and 3 appear on pages 1448 and 1450, respectively. From the Comprehensive Stroke Center, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA. Correspondence to Scott E. Kasner, MD, Department of Neurology, University of Pennsylvania Medical Center, 3400 Spruce Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104. E-mail kasner@mail.med.upenn.edu (Stroke. 2012;43:1446-1447.) © 2012 American Heart Association, Inc. Stroke is available at http://stroke.ahajournals.org DOI: 10.1161/STROKEAHA.111.636746 1446 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 These include aggressive intravenous hydration, positioning the head of bed flat, and permissive hypertension. What if vascular imaging is “normal”? Even the most advanced noninvasive vascular imaging will not visualize distal branch occlusions, and these patients may be at significant risk of recurrent ischemia. How Does the ABCD2 Score Fit Into the Equation? Although use of the ABCD2 score for triage decisions is intuitively appealing, there are reasons for caution. First, the observational studies associating stroke risk with ABCD2 score are not natural history studies—patients received treat- ment, albeit variable and poorly defined—and this may contaminate the reported risks. Second, the ABCD2 score is reasonably predictive of disabling stroke but is not very good at predicting any stroke.4 We believe, and think our patients agree, that preventing all stroke is important; even minor stroke may significantly affect quality of life. Finally, there is surprisingly poor interrater agreement in ABCD2 scoring, at least among emergency physicians (almost 40% produced scores discrepant from those at a central coordinating center in one study).5 Despite little objective data on the impact of ABCD2 score triage strategies on patient outcome, it has somehow made its way into the InterQual criteria used by hundreds of health plans in the United States to decide on the appropriateness of hospital admission. This is alarming. Our Bottom Line So should we admit this patient to the hospital for observa- tion? An emphatic “no.” We should admit this patient to the hospital for much more than observation! We should admit her to complete a rapid diagnostic evaluation to determine the cause of her TIA, implement immediate measures to optimize potentially compromised cerebral perfusion, and start second- ary prevention strategies without delay, including endarter- ectomy if there is carotid stenosis or anticoagulation if a cardioembolic source is identified. In the words of Ben Franklin, our university’s founder: an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. Disclosures None. References 1. Purroy F, Montaner J, Molina CA, Delgado P, Ribo M, Alvarez-Sabin J. Patterns and predictors of early risk of recurrence after transient ischemic attack with respect to etiologic subtypes. Stroke. 2007;38:3225–3229. 2. Giles MF, Rothwell PM. Risk of stroke early after transient ischaemic attack: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Lancet Neurol. 2007;6: 1063–1072. 3. Mlynash M, Olivot JM, Tong DC, Lansberg MG, Eyngorn I, Kemp S, et al. Yield of combined perfusion and diffusion MRI in hemispheric TIA. Neurology. 2009;72:1127–1133. 4. Asimos AW, Johnson AM, Rosamond WD, Price MF, Rose KM, Catellier D, et al. A multicenter evaluation of the ABCD2 score’s accuracy for predicting early ischemic stroke in admitted patients with TIA. Ann Emerg Med. 2010;55:201–210. 5. Perry JJ, Sharma M, Sivilotti ML, Sutherland J, Symington C, Worster A, et al. Prospective validation of the ABCD2 score for patients in the ED with TIA. CMAJ. 2011;183:1137–1145. KEY WORDS: carotid artery � health care � transient ischemic attack Cucchiara and Kasner Hospital Admission After TIA 1447 D ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on A pril 5, 2021 
work_sf7c75hrnvebrkcnrvb7gf37ta	----	LI. Electrical experiments, made in pursuance of those by Mr. Canton, dated Decem. 3, 1753; with explanations by Mr. Benjamin Franklin, Communicated Mr. Peter Collinson, F. R. S LI. EleBrical Experiments, made in fuance o f thofe by M r . Canton, dated Decem. 3 , 1753 ; Explanations by M r . Benjamin Franklin, Communicated M r . Peter Collinfon, F. R . S. # Philadelphia, March 14, 1755. Principles. Read Dec. 13, I , T T "^ L edric atmofpheres,that flow round 175S’ 1 > non-eledric bodies, being brought near each other, do not readily mix and unite into one atmofphere, but remain feparate, and repel each other. This is plainly feen in fufpended cork balls, and other bodies electrified. II. An eledric atmofphere not only repels another eledric atmofphere, but will alfo repel the eledric matter contained in the fubflance o f a body ap­ proaching i t ; and without joining or mixing w ith it, force it to other parts o f the body, that contained it. T his is fhewn by fome of the following experi­ ments. III. Bodies eledrified negatively, or deprived of their natural quantity of eledricity, repel each other, (or at lead appear to do fo, by a mutual receding) as as well as thofe eledrified pofitively, or which have eledric atmofpheres. This is fhewn by applying the negatively charged wire of a phial to two cork balls, fufpended by filk threads, and by many other experiments. Prep a- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 30. ] V reparation• F ix a taffel o f 15 or ao threads, 3 inches long, at one end o f a tin prime condu& or; (mine is about f feet long, and 4 inches diameter), fupported by filk lines. L et the threads be a little dam p, b u t not wet. Experim ent I. P a fs an excited glafi tube near the other end o f the prim e conductor., fo as to g iv e i t J'ome , and the threads w ill d i v e r g e . Becaufe each thread, as well as the prime conduc­ tor, has acquired an elaftic atmofphere, w hich re­ pels, and is repelled by, the atmofpheres o f the other threads: if thofe feveral atmofpheres would readily m ix, the threads m ight unite, and hang in the m id­ dle o f one atmofphere, com m on to them all. Rub the tube afrefh, and approach the prim e conductor therewith, cr o f sways, near that , but nigh enough to give fparks j and the threads w ill diverge a little more. Becaufe the atmofphere o f the prime conductor is preffed by the atmofphere o f the excited tube, and driven towards the end where the threads are, by w hich each thread acquires more atmofphere. W ith d ra w the tubey and they w ill clofe as much. T h e y clofe as m uch, and no more, becaufe the atmofphere o f the glafs tube, not having m ix’d w ith the atmofphere o f the prime conductor, is w ithdraw n intire, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 3°2 ] intire, having made no addition to, or diminution from, it. Bring the excited tube under the tu ft o f ,, and they w ill clofe a little. T hey clofe, becaufe the atmofphere o f the glafs tube repels their atmofpheres, and drives part o f them back on the prime conductor. W ithdraw it, and they w ill diverge as . For the portion of atmofphere, which they had loft, returns to them again. Experiment II. E xcite the glafs tube, and approach the prime con­ ductor with i t yholding it acrofs near the oppofite end, to that on which the threads , at the di- ftance o f $ or 6 inches. Keep i t there a f e w condsy and the threads o f the tajfels w ill . W ithdraw it, and they w ill . T hey diverge, becaufe they have received eledtric atmofpheres from the eledtric matter before con­ tained in the fubftance o f the prime condudtor ; but which is now repelled and driven away, by the atmof­ phere o f the glafs tube, from the parts o f the prime condudtor, oppofite and neareft to that atmofphere, and forced out upon the furface o f the prime con- dudtor at its other end, and upon the threads hang­ ing thereto. W ere it any part o f the atmofphere o f the glafs tube, that flowed over and along the prime condudtor to the threads, and gave them atmofpheres (as in the cafe when a fpark is given to the prim e condudtor, from the glafs tube), fuch part o f the tube’s D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 3°3 ] tu b e’s atmofphere w ould have remained, and the threads continue to diverge; but they clofe on w ith­ drawing the tube, becaufe the tube takes w ith it its own Atmofphere, and the electric m atter, w hich h ad been driven out o f the fubftance o f the prim e co n d u d o r, and formed atmofpheres round the threads, is thereby perm itted to return to its place. Take a /p a r k fr o m the prime conductor, near the threads, when they are diverged as before, and they w ill clofe. F o r by fo doing you take away their atmofpheres, compofed o f the eledric m atter driven out o f the fubftance of the prim e condudor, as aforefaid, by the repellency o f the atmofphere o f the glafs tube. By taking this fpark you rob the prim e condudor o f part o f its natural quantity o f the eledric m a tte r; w hich part fo taken is not fupplied by the glafs tube, for w hen that is afterwards w ithdraw n, it takes w ith it its whole afmofphere, and leaves the prim e con­ d u d o r eledrifed negatively, as appears by the next operation. Then w ithdraw the tube, and they w ill open . F o r now the eledric matter in the prime conduc­ tor, returning to its equilibrium, or equal diffufion, in all parts o f its fubftance, and the prim e con­ d u d o r having loft fome o f its natural quantity, the threads conneded w ith it lofe part o f theirs, and fo are eledrifed negatively, and therefore repel each other, by P r . I I I . Approach the prime conductor w ith the tube near the the fame place as a t firjl, and they w ill clofe . Becaufe D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 3°4 ] Becaufe the part o f their natural quantity o f elec­ tric fluid, which they had loft, i£ now reftored to them again, by the repulfion o f the glafs tube forcing that fluid to them from other parts o f the prim e conductor: fo they are now again in their natural ftate. W ithdraw it, and they w ill open . For what had been reftored to them is now taken from them again, flowing back into the prime con­ ductor, and leaving them once more eleCtrifed nega­ tively. Bring the excited tube under the , and they •will diverge more. Becaufe morfc o f their natural quantity is driven from them into the prime conductor, and thereby their negative ele&ricity increafed. ^Experiment III. fh e prime conductor not being , bring the excited tube under the taj, and the threads w ill diverge. Part of their natural quantity is thereby driven out o f them into the prime conductor, and they become negatively eleCtrifed, and therefore repel each other. Keeping the tube in the fam e place w ith one , attempt to touch the threads w ith the finger o f the other hand, and they wiU recede fro m the . Becaufe the finger being plunged into the atmo- fphere of the glafs tube, as well as the threads, part of its natural quantity is driven back through the 8 -hand D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 3°5 ] hand and body, by th at atmofphere, and the finger becomes, as well as the threads, negatively eledlriled, and fo repels, and is repelled by them . T o con­ firm this, hold a flender light lock o f cotton, tw o or three inches long, near a prim e condudtor, th at is eledtrified by a glafs globe, or tube. You will fee the cotton ftretch itfelf out towards the prime con­ ductor. A ttem pt to touch it w ith the finger o f the other hand, and it will be repelled by the finger. Approach it w ith a politively charged wire o f a bot­ tle, and it will fly to the wire. Bring near it a n e­ gatively charged wire o f a bottle, it will recede from th at wire in the fame manner, that it did from the fin g er; w hich demonftrates the finger to be nega­ tively eledtrifed, as well as the lock o f cotton fo fituated. LII. E x tr a B o f a L e tte r concerning E leB ri- city, fro m M r . B. Franklin to Monf. D e- hbard, inclofed m a L e tte r to Peter Collinfon, F. R . S. Philadelphia, June 29, 1755. Read Dec. 18, o u defire my opinion o f Pere Bec- JL caria's Italian book. I have read it w ith much pieafure, and think it one o f the b eft pieces on the fubjed:, that I have fcpn in any lan- guage. Yet as to the article o f water-fpouts, I am not at prefent o f his fentim ents; though I m uft own w ith you, that he has handled it very ingenioufly. M r. Collinfon has m y opinion o f whirlwinds and Vql. 4P« R r water- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_sfl6deg6rza6rgzn5eoit2cjbq	----	XVI. Cogitata de cometis. C *32 } Received January 14, 1767. XVI.Cogitatade COMETIS. Communicated by Benjamin Franklin, LL.D. F. R. S. lHuftriffinte So c ie t a tj R egime, O b fum m um in fe collatum honorem, Gooptationem fcil. in eorum Sodalitium, H an c qualemcunqtfe Dilfertationem, E a qua par eft obfervantia, D* D . C. Johannes W in th ro p , Apud Cantab. Nov. A ng. M ath. 8c P h il. Prof. Hollifianus, j ° Maii 1766. L E M M A . Read March 19, ex illuftriflimi N ew toni in - 17674 ventis conftet, ct gravitatem in u univerfa corpora fieri, eamque proportionalem effe '«* quantitati materise in fingulis, et reciproce propor- “ tionalem quadrato diftantias inter corporum centra,” exinde fequitur, quod inter bina quaevis fyftematis m undani corpora exiftere poteft limes attra&ionis, in 4 quo D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 E *33 ] . V quo utique fitum corpufculum aequalibus viribus utfum que verfus ̂ urgebitur. Invenire bunc limitem inter folem et cometas, et quaedam inde pendentia, eft fcopus problem atum fe- quentium . P R O B , I. Oatis, materiae quantitatibu^ in duobus corporibus, ct diftantia inter eorum centra* invenire limitem at- tradionis. • T ; A 'B , VII. * In F ig .: i . fitft S et C c en tra corpora rfi, quorum majus, S ; et quantitafes-materiae in ipfis vocentur set c refpedive. Secetur re d a SC, ultra mind? corpus C i n infinitum produda, in A et O, ita ut fint SA ad AC, et SO ad O C, in fubduplicata ratione ipfius ad fuperque diametro OA defcribatur femicirculuS O L A : E t limes attradjonis erit fphasrica fuperfides circum adu femicirculi O L A circum axem OA ge- nita. '■ N am ex iis quae-praemifla funt in* lemmate patet, p u n d a A et O efife in limite. E t , f i a p u n d o quo- vis L in femicirculo O L A ducantur redae LS, L C ad centra corporum S et C, erit, ex natura circuli, SL ‘ad L C ut SA ad AC, et ut SO ad O C ; unde punc­ tual L eft in limite. ’ Pari ratione, omnia p u n d a in femicirculo O L A , adeoque in fphaerica fuperficie cir­ ca m a d u ifti us femicirculi genita, funt in limite quae- fito. Limes igitur attradionis eft haec fuperficies fphaerica, cdrpori minori C eccentrical Q ^ E . 1* i o a S C H O L , D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 I *34 3 S C H O L . I . ' ' Intra hanc fuperficiem, quam voco limtantemy c corporis minoris vis plus p o lle t: Extra; majoris. C o r o l . I. Sphaerae limitantis diameter AO, ejulque Tegmenta A C, C O , fu n t’ut diftantia inter corporura , centra. C orol. 2. Dato quqvis p u n d p in fuperficie lim i- tante, u t et corporum diftantia, datur tota fuper- ; ficies. . , vi , r; Corol. 3. In hac fuperficie, gravitatio dirigitur ad tp u n d u m A, tanquam ad centrum . Ob aequalitatem virium, quibus corpufculum in L trahitur verfus cor­ pora S et C, diredio vis ex ipfis compofitae bifariam iecat angulum S L C ; ideoque tranfit per p u n d u m A ; per iii* 3. elem. C o ro l. 4; E t d u d o perpendiculo CB ad C L , oc- currente ipfi L A (produdas, ft opus fit) in B, vis ipfa compofita erit reciproce ut red an g u lu m GLB. N am >(CD demiflo perpendiculo fuper L A , vis ftm p lex ver­ fus C erit ad vim compofitam verfus A , u t C L ad 2L D , id eft, u t B L ad 2C L . Unde, cum vis (im­ plex, fit u t vis compofita erit u t , fn'e u t v ^ u r ; ; ' : v , ; ■■;; ; ' v v d L - n -s ’ Si duo corpora fuerint asqualia, limes attra&ionis effet planum irifinituihy diftarftiam corporum bifariam et ad re&os angules feeans. ' In hoc cafu, CA s q u a - retur ipfi AS, et p u n ilu m O abiret in ipfinitum, i S C H O L . f D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C *35 3 S C H O L . I I I . Pofitls,: diftantia S Cz=d;femidiametro corporis majoris S = 4 et minoris Cz=k: li ea fiierit corporura diftantia, ut fit d : k :: s/s + : 4 cy p u n d u m A eon- tinget fuperficiem corporis C . Idem eveniet p u n d o O , li, imminuta paululum diftantia, lit — Vf :V r. Sin diftantia dadhuc m indr fuerit, Problem a evadet impoffibile* P R O B. - IL - lifdem pofitis, invenire locum in*quo vires corpo*- rum lint ad invicem imratione data. Sit ratio data 4* ad c,in qua oportet effe vim cor­ poris majoris ad vim minoris. Secetur produda SC (F ig. 2.) in E et P , ita ut lint SE ad E C , e t SP ad P C in Tubduplicata ratione ipfius s ad h ; ' e t locus qusefitus erit luperficies fphaerse P F E , diametro PE... deferiptse. Q ^ E . I. Demonftratu r ut Prob. I. C orol. i . Si fecetur CS in G, ita ut fit C G ad ! ^xCE GS, ut —-— ad ES, p u n d u m G erit centrum a d ' quod dirigetur compolita gravitatio infuperficie P F E . Jungantur FS, F G , F C ; et agatur re d a G K ipfi SF parallela. Cum ratio C G ad GS, live C K ad K F , componatur ex rationibus C K ad K G , (id eft, C F ad FS, live CE ad ES) et K G ad K F ; et, per conftrudionem ,. ratio C G ad GS componitur ex rati­ onibus C E ad ES, et. had c ; confequens eft, quod K G D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ *36 3 K G eft ad K F ut h ad c f id eft, u t vis corporis S agens fecundum ; re d a m ipfi K G parallelam, ad vitn corporis C agentem fecundum re d a m F K . C o r o l . 2 . E t, fi in diagonali F G fum atur F H == F C , et agatur H M ipfi S F parallela, vis com pofita in p u n d o F erit reeiproce «ut red a n g u lu m C F M . . D em onftratur ut Corol. 4. Prob. U E adem intelligenda funt de fuperficie interiori , et p u n d is gy kyhy m\ in F ig. 3, C o r o l .’ 3. Ubi h minor eft quam cy .centrum g verfatur intra fuperficiem u t in 'Fig. 3. 'Ubi major, centrum G verfatur extra fuperficiem P F E ; cOque longius diftabit a eorpore C , caeteris m anen- tibuSi quo major fuerit rat o data. Caeterum (u t id obiter m o n eam ), vires conjunflae gravitatis'non in diverfis ejufdem fuperficiei partibus tantum , fed et in-diverfis fuperficiebus, funt inter fe in ratione fupradida. V. gr. Gravitas in p u n d o F eft ad gravitatem in ^pundo / , , u t red an g u lu m C f m ad re d a n g u lu m C F M 5 in ’F igg.. 2. et 3% * * f s c H o L- J -•?/ ' - Si ratio data eadem lit ac x,ad c, fphasrica fuper- fficies P F E in .p la n am m u tab itu rj h au d lecus ac in ' Schoi. 2. P ro b . I. p u n d o P in infinitum abeunte. Si ratio fuerit major, p u n d u m P cadet in contrariam p artem centri S j et fuperficies iterum erit fphaerica, at corpori majori eccentrica > ejufque diameter inve^ nitur D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ m . 1 in tu r u t fupra. Sin ratio data fuerit major quam b 4* dl X s ad bzc\ vel minor quam i %$ ad x c ; Problema erit impoffibiie. P R O B . III . Corpufculorom, conjundis corporum S et C viri- bus attradorum , m otus generatim defcribere. Si corpora S et C medio fluido circumdentur, in quo mergantur corpufcula fpecifice leviora aut gra- viora quam iftud medium, corpufcula ilia perinde afcendent vel defcendent, per utriufque corporis at- tradionem , ac fi ad corpus unicum traherenturj ideoque movebuntur vel in re d is lineis vel curvis, prout eorum motus diredi Tint vel obliqui, refpedu centri compofitas gravitation is. N am centrum hoc idem valet * ac corporis unici centrum in eodem p u n d o locatum. C as. I. Corpufcula inter corpora C et $ in re d a CS fita, quae ipecifice leviora funt medio ambiente, tendunt ad p u n d u m A, Fig. i. N am quae inter cor­ pus C et p u u d u m A fita funt, afcendunt a corpore C ; et quae inter corpus S et idem p u n d u m , a corpore S afcendunt, (per SchoL Prob. l.j Corpulculutn autem in ipfifiimo p u n d o A fitum, in acquilibrio de- tentum, requiefcit. Quae in re d a CO fita funt, ex: altera parte corporis C , afcendunt ultra limitem O ad altitudinem indefinitam. Haec enim, in toto itinere, quantuniVis longo, alcendunt fimul ab utroque cqr-> pore C et ft, Contra fieret, in corpufculis fp ec^ fe: ■ gravioribus : quod et de cafu feqliente diceudurn, ‘ Ĥaec mathematics dida font, non phyfice. Nani ’centra, ■ minime trahunt. Vol.LVII. T Cas.II. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ * * 8 . 1 C a s . I I. O m nia corpufcula leviora, e corpore C oriunda, iis quag in r e d a fyzygiarum PS fita funt ex - ceptis, afcendunt in curvilineis femitis, non m u ltu m diffimilibus, quantum auguror, eis quag p u n d is fig- nantur, in Fig. 4. quarum convexitas obvertitur cor- pori majori S, et quae magis magifque tendunt verfus plagam ei oppofitam . Leviora enim , quae in fuper- ficie lim itante O L A fita funt, afcendunt a p u n d o A 5 et quae in fuperficie P F E , vel (F ig g . 2. et 3 .) a p u n d o G , vel g $ quoniam haec p u n d a funt centra gravitationis compofitae, ad corpora C et S 5 per C o­ ro!. 3. Prob. I. et Corol. 1. P ro b . I I. Ejufm odi cor­ pufcula, cum prim um expedita funt a corpore C , af­ cendunt quaquaverfum ab ipfius centro, faltem quam proxim e $ peragrando autem fuperficies P F E , &c. afcendunt quafi depulfa a centro g> vel G , &c. quod femper jacet inter p u n d a C et S 5 et, d u m au - getur ratio h ad c, m anente diftantia CS, perpetuo re­ cedi t a corpore C 5 per Corol. 3. Prob. II. et citius, a u d a quoque diftantia CS. Q uam diu intra fphaeram lim itantem com prehenduntur, afcendunt fere a cor­ pore C. In tranfitu enim per fuperficiem interiorem p f e , fugantur a centro g ,quod inter C et loca- tu r 5 at, ob compofitionem m otus antea acquifiti cum nifu afcensfis a centro g, dirediones in quibus afifur- g u n t, feu tangentes femitae fuae,, fecant re d a m C g in p u n d is quse adhuc propiora funt corpori C quam eft p u n d u m g. Egreflis extra fphaeram lim itantem , et fuperficies exteriores P F E perm eantibus, afcenfus eo- rum magis magifque fit a corpore S.o F u g an tu r n u n c a centro G , quod locatur inter E et S ; eoque magis appropinquate caeteris paribus, corpori S, quo altius, afcenderunt corpufcula a corpore C . 6 C orol. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 139 ] C o ro l. i . Corpufcula, quae a corpora C prope rcc- tam fyzygiarum C S affurgunt, ubi regiones ipfi A vi- cinas attigerunt, fefe ad latera diffunden't, curfumque in partes contrarias fledent j velut aqua fontis arte fo- bricati, fimul ac fummam confecuta eft altitudinem, quaquaverfum diffiuit, retrorfus jamjam itura. E t omnium quidem femitis corpufcuiorum ex toto cor­ poris C hemifphaerio ipfi S proximo fufcitatorum cotn- petit vertex V, Fig. 4. feu p u n d u m ex quo curva in contrarium producitur. Cis hunc verticem, corpuf­ cula ad corpus S accedunt; trans, ab ipfo recedunt. Quae ab hemifphaerio oppofito ortum ducunt, ab ipfo S nunquam non recedunt. C orol. z.v'Recedentibus corpufculis a corpora S, id eft, trans v&ticem V, angulus R T C , (Fig. 4 .) fub femitae tangente R T et fyzygiarum re d a CS conten- tus perpetim m inuitur j ad m odum parabolae. Corol. 3. Vis, qua corpuicula leviora in his fu- perficiebus fphaericis fita afcendunt, eo major eft quo propiora funt ilia plagas oppofitionis, pO P. M anen- tibus enim medii ambientis et corporis immer.fi den- fitatibus, fi augeatur vis acceleratrix gravitatis in qua- cunque ratione, augebitur in eadem rations differentia gravitatum fpecificarum, id eft, vis qua corpus im - merfum furium vel deorfum fertur in ifto medio. Augetur autem vis acceleratrix in unaquaque harum fuperficierum, pergendo* a conjundione G E per F ad oppofnionem CP 5 f per CoroL 4. Prob. I. et Corol.4 2. Prob. 11^ f Vis accelefatrix augetur in fuperficie quacunque EFP,.ab E ad F et P, quamdiu ratio data iiv Prpb.ill. minor fuerit quam V t ad 1, pofita e rst. Si vero hae ratiotics aequentur, vires in E et P erunt, non accurate qui^em fed quam proxime, sequales. id quod ex CoroU 2. Prob. II. facile colfigitur. T 2 P R O B . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ *4° I P R O B. I V . E x fupradi&is* praecipua caudarum com eticarum phaenomena d erivare,Jn theoria N ew toni. Secundum hu n c Philofophum celeberrim um , ca u - dae cometicae ad h u n c m odum fo rm a n tu r: “ * C au - «* das a capitibus oriri et in regiones a foie averfas af- ** cendere, confirm atur ex legibus quas obfervant. « ^ Sufpicor afcenfum ilium ex rarefa&ione materiae *•. caudarum oriru Afcendit fum us in cam ino im - « pulfu aeris cui innatat. A er ille per calorem rare- “ fa&us afcendit, ob dim inutam fuam gravitatein “ fpecificam, et fum um im plicatum , xapit fecum* “ Q uidni cauda cometae ad eundem m odum afcen- “ derit a foie ? N am radii folares non agitant m edia, “ quae perm eant, nifi in reflexione et refra&jone. “ Particulae refle&entes ea a&ione calefadtae calefaci- u ent auram aetheream cui im plicantur. Ilia calore “ fibi com m unicato rarefiet, et ob dim inutam ea rari— “ tate gravitatem fuam fpecificam, qua prjus tendebat “ in folem, afcendetet fecum rapiet particulas reflee- “ tentes, ex quibus cauda com ponitur.” Haec eft fum m a theoriaeN ew tonianae: Adjicit autem A u fto r, “ A d afcenfum vaporum conducit etiam , quod h i ** gyrantur circa folem et ea a&ione conantur a foie “ recedere, at folis atmofphaera et m ateria ccelorurn vel plane quiefcit, vel ipotui (olo quern a folis rota- “ tione acceperit, tardius gysatur. Hae funt c$ufae “ afcenfuscaudarum in vicinia folis, ubi orbes curvio- res funt, et cometae intra denfiorem et ea ratione “ graviorem folis atmofphaeram confiftunt, et cau- “ das quam longiffimas mox em ittunt.” * N ew t, Prineip. p. 5 r iT Edit tcrtia. f Id. p. 514. M i f t W v v 1 * r E x D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 | *¥* J E x theoria ja m expofita, fequentia corollaria levi negotio deducuntur. C o ro l. i*Caudas cometicaead foli oppofitum di- rigi debent. ; Cum fol major eft quam cometa quivis, quae in Problematibus fuperioribusde conjundis corpo- rum inasqualium viribus earilmque efFedibus dem on- ftrata funt, hie locum obtinent. Corpufcula igitur, ex quavis parte capitis cometae C etfcitata, eas, eafque folum, atttrigere debent altitudines, ad quas a viribus ibi agentibus impelli pofldnt. Qux virfus conjundi- onem folis S 'atcitata fun't, attirigere poflunt fp h sra n i limitantemjdxta A, fion autem tranfgredij per Caf. I . Probf I l l . \ Aliis ex partibus excitafa, altius a capite afcendere poflfuntf fed eorum femitae Temper detor- querithr verfus foli oppofitumd per Caf. 2. Prob. IIL E t in ipfo oppofito, re d a afcendunt "a capite ad alti- tudinem iridefiriltam fupra O f per C a f 'I.'P ro b . I J I . Pr^terea, corpufculaad maximas altitudines afiurgent in ea plaga'Tibi v isfu rfu m Impell’ens eft maxima. H i e vis autem eft maxima in plaga foli oppofitaj. per C ofof jV Prdb; III. Proiride, riiihirina caudaruni altitudo (li ita loqui Fas fit)' fpedabit jid fole'm \ et maxima, ad foli oppdfitdm. C orol. 2.' Caudst, ab extremitate inferfote ad fuf pefiorem, difatari debent. N am dirediones vapormn* afeendentium i riff a quamvis fuperfreiem, P F E ,d iv e r- gunt a pundis infer cometam, C, et centrum com- pofitag gravitationis, G, jacentibus 5 quae p u n d a *eo propius accedunt ad foie hi, "S, qup altiusafc'enderunt vapofes r capite cOrihetae j ut in' (?ip 2. Prob.. IIT. &«| pofitum eft. Poftquafn igitii'r corpufculunf trarifivit ultra Temitae veVticeriiVVf dufn a tVdftoTu-- gitivo, G f afcendere coniuur, dirediones: afcefrsfts Yu 1 2 temper D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ m ] Temper vergent ad parallelifmum c a m re& a fyzygi- arum , SC, p er Corol. 2. P ro b . III . nunquam vero attingent. f . Co ro l. 3. E t caudae longiflimae effe d eb en t in vi^ cinia folis; idque ob fequentes caufas. 1. O b m a- jo rem vaporum e com eta deinceps e x tra fto ru m copi- am, majori calori folis quodam m odo proportionatam , five congruentem . E ft autem hie calor reciproce in duplicata ratione dlftantise a foie. 2. O b majorem vaporum raritatem , ex eodem caloris gradu penden- tem . 3. O b m ajorem medii ambientis denfitatem . N a m materiam coeiorum, cujufcunque d em u m ea fit raritatis, denfiorem efle prope folem, feu com m une centrum gravitatis fyftematis m undani (nifi quatenus rarefcat ingenti calore ju x ta folis fuperficiem) rationi confentaneum videtur. Denfiores enim particulae inferiora petunt loca ; et inferiores fuperioribus com - prim untur. Sed in q u a ratione diftantiae a foie den- fitasillius m edii varietur, id nondum eft com pertum . E x hifee duabus caufis (2. fcil. et 3 .) ju n d tim fu m p - tis, oritur major differentia gravitatum fpecificarum, e t inde major vis afeensus; quas infuper augetur. 4. P er au& am vim acceleratricem ad fo lem ; u t in Corol. 3. Prob. I II . notatum eft. Haec vis eft reci­ proce in duplicata ratione diftantiae a foie. 5. O b di- m inutam fphseram lim itan tem ; quo padto fit, u t com plurea vapores, qui in majoribus a foie diftantiis intra am pliorem fphasram eontinebantur, et tunc af- cendebant fere a cometa, .in minoribus extra contrac­ ts |n feclufi, afeendant potifiim um a foie * per Caf. 2. Prob. III. caudam que anguftiorem efficiunt, at pro- d u d io re rn . h Haec autem dim inutio fit fere * in tri- * N on accurate propter magnitudinetn in d u fi nuclei. plicata D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 143 ] plicate falione diminut© diftariti© a foie f per Corol. i . Prob. I. N otandum nihilominus, non in ipfo perihelio, fed ' paulo port, caudas fore longiflimas. N am , ob con- tinuatidnefti viriiim impreflarum, effeftus folent efle maximi, poftquam eorum caufae aliquantum funt di­ minut©. Quem adm odum enim * maxima altitudo u ©ftus marini non incidit in appulfus luminarium “ ad meridianum, ubi vis eorum ad mare elevandum “ maxima eft, fed in fecundam tertiamve horam po- ct fteaj pariterque ©ftas et hiems maxime vigent, “ non in ipfis folftitiis, fed quad triginta diebus <c poftea:” Sic caudas cometicas prolixiores efle de­ bent, poftquam comet© perihelion funt tranfgrefti, et; a foie recedere inceperunt.. C orol. 4. E x iifdem rationibus concludi quoque- poteft, quod comet© caudatiffimi erunt ii, c©teris pa­ ribus, qui proxim e ad folem appropinquapt.- ' H©c omnia cum ph©nomenis congruere, notifiU- m um eft. $ G H O L . II Si lex vis centrifug©, ex caulis in CoroU 3 . en u m e- ratis (aliifque, ft qu© fint) oriund© innotefceret, dare- tur natura curvarum in Caf. 2. Prob. III. defcripta- rum , et inde figura caud© cometic© a priori (u t lo- quuntur) geometrice determinari poftfet. lmpr©fen- tiarum hoc tantum dicere auftm, qudd cauda induet ftguram conoeidi rcuidam (fcirfan parabolico) nom diflimilem, cujus vertex folem refpiciet, et axis pro- tendetur in partes a foie averias. Illius fpeciem, fe— ̂ Newt. Priacip?pl424.'& 466. cundum f D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 144 ] cundum fenfa mea, quodam m odo adum brare in Fig* r . periclitatus fui . I H ie verb confideravimus folum m otum relativum , quo corpufcula vaporis a capite quiefcente in altum affurgerent, et quo calefadte partes aurae aethereae, 4* quae nullum alium habent m otum , revera aflur- gunt. Corpufculis autem vaporis om nem retinenti- bus m otum quern derivare poffunt a capitis m o tu , five progreflivo circa folem, five cireulari circa axem proprium , m otusifte cum m otu afcensus com p o n itu r; et ex ilia compofitione orientur incurvatio axis caudae, et deviatio ab oppofitione folis, quae majores vei m i- nores erunt pro velocitate et' dire&ione motus ab hoc fonte derivatj. E t hie obiter anim advertendum oc- currit, quod c u m . nulla alia cernitur unquam incur­ vatio aut deviatio, quam quae oriri poteft a m otu progreffivo capitis circa folem, verifimile eft cometas circa axes non rotari. S C H 0 L . I t Caudae a fphaeris planetaram abeuntis pars quaedam ad planetas attrahi poteft, modo ad aliquem eorum , intra debitam diftantiam , accedat. Sed pars major, quantum ego quidem video, caput comitata in regio- nes a planetis aliifque cometis quam longiflime difll- tas, refrigefcet; et condenfata, in corpus unde ori- ginem traxit, per gravitatem fuam paulatim recidet, e t illud, tra&u temporis, m ore atmofphaerae undique circum fluetj ita ut, q u u m exadta periodo ad con- * Similem cemetse cujjufdam obfervati imaginem ab Hookio 'depL&am poftea deprehendi. f Vide Addend. I. p. 30* fpedtum D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ *45 ] fpedtum noftrum redierit, inftar corona caput aequa- biliter cingentis videatur, in caudam denuo produ- cenda. Si cometa quivis materia cauda fuae fpoli- atus fuerit, nonne expedtandum foret, u t cauda re- generata fingulis revolutionibuscontraheretur ? U tru m veto res ita fe babeat, id utique demonftrandi nulla fefe hucusque obtulit occafio. P R 0 B. V . Invenire limitem attradlionis inter folem ct datum cometam, ex obfervatione. Obfervetur latitudo capillitii, C A . in Fig. 5* a ccn“ tro cometae aeftimata, in ea parte quae caudae opponi- t u r ; et bine, una cum diftantia cometae tarn a foie quam a terra, quae dantur ex theoria gravitatis N ew - toniana, habebitur pundtum A, Figg. 1. 4. «t 5. vel accurate, vel faltem quam proxime (praefertim fi an - gulus fub redtis a cometa ad folem et terram dudtis contentus, fit fere redtus). Inde vero, per Corol. 2. Prob. I. dabitur totus limes. Q J E . I. N am pundtum A, five earn partem fuperficiei ca­ pillitii quae* caudae opponitur, effe in limite, patet ex iis quae didta funt in Corol. 1. Prob. IV . S C H O L . In hunc finem, neceffe eft cometam a foie intra certos limites diftare. In defeenfu ab aphelio, tarn prope ad folem accedere oportet, ut vaporis incalet eentis columna afjprgere indpiat^ et Atmqfphprse for­ m a rotunda mutari in oblongam. H o c , prius fieri nequit, quam CA (Fig. 1.) minor fit femidiametro V ol; L V IL U atmof- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ M ] atmofphaerae. In majoribus diftantiis, eom eta ca- pillitio ornatur, cauda verb deftituitur j u t in Schoh 2. Prob. IV . Sin plus aequo appropinquet, com a a fronte capitis retro verfa et quafi abrafa * , tota in caudam abibit. Sed hoc perpaucis com etis, iisque non nifi per breve tem pus, evenire poteft. In utroque cafu, nullus obfervationibus hie poftulatis relin q u itu r locus. Eadem dicenda funt de afcenfu cometae a p e- rihelio. L i mites autem ex hac parte axis tranfverfi orbitae majori intervallo ab invicem diftabant q u am eX altera. LJbi com eta prope folis oppofitionem ver- iatur, hujufm odi obfervationes peragi nequeunt. C orol. i . Latitudo capillitii, in ea parte quae ref- picit folem, quamfdiu com eta intra lim ites in Scholio praecedente memoratos verfatur, eft u t diftantia co- iiietae a fo ie ; per Corol. i . P ro b . I . E t hoc cum phaenomenis confentire, au£torem h a- bemus N ew tonum , obfervationibus H evelii fretum . Atmofphaerae com etarum , ait ille - f , in defcenfu «< eorum in folem excu fren d o in caudas, d im in u u n - << tur, et (ea certe in parte quae folem refpicit) an*- guftiores red d u n tu r; et viciflim, in receflu eorum a “ foie, ubi jam m inus excurrunt in caudas, ampliam* « t ur : Si m odo p h en o m en a eorum H evelius redte “ notavit.” C o r o l. 2. H in c innotefcit quantitas materiae in com eta. N a m cum dentur SC et C A , datur earum differentia SA $ et inde datur ratio SA ad A C ; ut et ratio hujus duplicata, quae (per folutionem Prob. 1.) * Vide Schol. 3. Prob. I. ct confer obfervata Hevelii de co - meta anni 1665^ die 20 Aprilisj infra citata in p. 148. | N ew t. Princip. p. 5 1 6 . 4 eadem D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ *47. ] eadem eft ac ratio materiae in foie ad materiam in cometa. ' " ̂ ■' • - ' • . v C orol. 3. H inc, et ex obfervata diametro, inno- tefeit etiam denfitas cometae. N am denfitas fphaeras eft ut ejus materia diredte, et cubus diametri inverfe.^ Newtonus ex foecundo gravitatis principio elicuit methodos determinandi denlitates folis, lunae et pla­ netarum fatellitio ftipatorum. E x eodem fonte de- rivari pofle com etarum quoque denfitates, oftendere jam conatus fum. E n ! fpecimen calculi, ha&enus, quod fciam, inta&i * 3 quod curiofis naturae fcruta- toribus haud ingratum fore fpenv- In exemplum efto cometa anni 1665, de quo H e- velius in Com etogr. p. 898. haec fcribit. 44 Die 8 44 Aprilis, St. N . mane, magnitudinem capitis ex ma- 44 culis lunaribus invenij nucleum interiorem cum 4 4 tota materia adhaerente, five crinibus circumfufis, 44 aequalem effe toti infulse Siciliae, hoc eft, fum m um 44 6' 3 nucleum vero folum haud majorem effe infula 44 Corfica lunari, hoc eft, r y part, unius digiti luna- 44 ris, five 12" vei it/ ' ” Cometa tunc erat in 230 29' k > cum 2 50 4 9 ' Lat. Bor. Invenio jam , per tabulas Halleianas, diftantiam cometae a foie (SC) 627353 et a terra, 584413 talium partium qualium * Ex ingenti caloris gradu quern terra arida apud cometam anni 1680 in perihelio verfantem ex radiis folaribus concipere poflet, qui, Newtoni computo, quafi 2000 vicibus major crat quam calor ferri candentis, concludit Audfeor celeberrimus, quod 44 corpora cometarum funt folida, compa&a, fixa ac durabiiia 44 ad inftar corporum planetarum. Nam (i nihil aliud fcflent 44 quam vapores vel exhalationes terrae, folis et planetarum, 44 cometa hiccc in tranfitu fuo per viciniam folis tanto calore 44 ftatim diflipari debuiflet.” Prirtdp. p. 508. Pr*ter hoc, jiihil de cometarum denfitatibus vulgatum invenio. U 2 media D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C *48 } media telluris a foie diftantia fit 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 : e t p o - nendo C A , latitudinem capillitii verfus folem, sequa- lem dimidio capitis, five ea erat 5 1 ; et AS, 6 2 6 8 4 ; et fem idiam eter nuclei 1,7 earundem par- tium . Proinde, materia in foie eft ad m ateriam in cometa, ut 6 2 6 8 4 x 6 2 6 8 4 ad 51 X 51, five u t 1 ad ttxv' t t t * Porro, pofita lolis parallaxi media 8 " , 68 (ut ex nupero veneris tub foie tranfitu collcgit vir rerutn aftronomicorum peritiffimus Jacobus Short, S. R .S .) femidiameter terra eft 4 ,2 ; ejufque materia . pars materi® folis; ut meus profert c a lc u l u s /4 Q uo- circa, denfitas terras eft ad denfitatem comet®, u t 4,2 cub. x 342686 i,7cub. x 1510724 ’ id eft, u t 1 ad 3, 4 4 . H ie igitur com eta, qui in perihelio fuo quafi decuplo propius quam terra ad folem accedebat, 3 A fere vicibus denfitate terram fuperabat. V eruntam en, hos nolim venditare num eros tan- quam perfedos, et cometas hujus denfitatem abfolute exhibentes. Inftituto meo fufficit, fi, dum calculi m ethodum illuftiant, non longe a vero ab erren t; fum m am enim accurationem ab ipfa Hevelii obfer- vattone haud efle petendam , palam eft. Probabile om nino videtur, quod obforvator illuftris m agnitudi- nem capitis sftim a rit fecundum re d a m axi caudas norm alem ,, quippe in ea fola diredione dimetiri p o- tuit caput abfque c a u d a ; et capillitii latitudo, de qua hic agitur, nempe verfus folem, paulo m inor fuerit quam dim idium iftius magnitudinis. H * c fuppofitio non male quadrat cum ultima obfervatione hum s co­ met®, quam Hevelius habuit die 2 0 ° Aprilis. Eo tem pore diftantia comet® a foie, m eo com pute, erat 24237> et a terra, 89 6 0 2 . Jam , apparens latitudo capil- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ r49 ] capillitii verfus folem eft ut diftantia cometae a foie diredte, per Corol. i. Prob. V . e t ut diftantia a terra inverfe \ id eft, ut ttttt ̂ ve ut 4 a d i * Quare, ft in priore oblervationefuifiet 3', in poiteriore effet 45// ; et capillitium ^m ineret iuper nucleum 4 0 '' circiter j quod quidem non adeo aegre, adhibito perfpiciilo, perceptu foret. At teftatur Hevelius, quod a die 20° Apriiis, cum a nobis ultimum obfer- Vi varetur cometa, in frontifpicio capitis materia ilia (< dilutior jam adeo erat contradta, attenuate et difii- tl pata, ut parum admodum amplius fupereflet j ad u utrumque latus vero fatis dilatata extitit.” Cre- dibile igitur eft, latitudinem anteriorem capillitii, etiam in prima obfervatione, minorem extitifle quam Iatera- lem$ i.e. minorem quam 3'. Quod ft haec latitudo minor fuerit quam 3', minuenda erit materia cometae, ejufque denfitas, in duplicata ratione, quam proxim e; per Corol. 2. et 3. Prob. V. Hujus ergo cometae denfitas non major eft quam quae fupra definita e f t; fed poteft efle aliquanto minor. Quaerebam itidem denfitatem cometae anni 1682* “ Aug, 20. St. V. diameter capillitii axi caudae per “ nucleum normalis, menfurante Flamftediq, erat <l 2' oy/$ cujus diftantiae ipfe nucleus vix aequabatj “ ideoque latus erat circa 1 2 " .” H ie iterum necefte habemus fumere dimidiuiji diametri capillitii pro la- titudine ejus verfus folem 5 quanquam vix d u b i u m eft quin haecaliquantulo minor fuerit illo. E t in hac fuppofitione, iifdem Calculi veftigiis infiftendo, inveni denfitatem terrae elfe ad denfitatem cometae ut 1 ad o, 4 5 6 2 ; feu ut 11 ad 5 circiter. N otatu non in d i g n a m arbitror aliam hujus com ets obfervationem a Flaniftedio fadtam die 4 Septemb. quo D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C I5° ] quo tempore erat “ nucleus lim bo capillitii vicinior t( quam an tea [2 0 A ug.] duplo fere. Supra m o n - ftratum eft, quod capillitii latitudo apparens verfos folem eft ut diftantia a foie d ired e, et a term inverfes ex quo, com putum ineundo, invenio capillitii latitu- dinem die 4 Septemb. efle ad ipftus latitudinem 2 0 A ug. ut 1 ad 2 ,1 5 4 2 . Q uod cum obfervatis probe congruit; u t conferenti liquebit. F aten d u m tam en, m axim am hujus differentia partem fecundae illarum rationum deberi. Vellem fane plura adducere exem pla, caeterofque- cometas, ratione denfitatis, inter fe conferre$ fed ob- fervationum penuria im pedim ento fuit 'q u o m inus aliorum denfitates ad calculum revocaverim; nullae enim extant, quas m ihi quidem videre contigit, adeo fobtiles u t huic difquifitioni apte tnfervire queant. N ec m irum 5 qu u m adm odum difficile eft, arcus tarn exiguos ad am uffim m entiri. Q u an tu m ex allatis conjedura affequi -poffum, eadem hie valet regula q uam obtinere dem onftravit N ew tonus in planetis, 44 eos nempe denfiores efle, caeteris paribus, qui font « foli propiores Infoper colligere videor, quod ficut cometae u t plurim um ejufdem fere font m agni- -tudinis cum planetis, ita non multo plus diferepant cometae a planetis quoad denfltatem quam planetae diffident inter fe. N am terra, per N ew toni dem on- rftrata, fextuplo denfior eft quam faturnus. Q u in - e tia m ,; q u o d ? cum diftantiae periheliae font aequales, tcometae t planetis rariores font 5 — in hunc fortaffe fi- Secundum fuperiorem calculum, cometa anni 1665 crat ; quafi 7 1 vicibus..denfior quam.comexa anni 1682. Korum au- (tem dfifontiae periheiiae, .Halleio computante, crant 10649, et 5^328. nem , D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ I 5 1 ] nem , ut in tranfitu prope planctas, minus turbent eorum motus 5 et ut, eidem gradui caloris o b jed i, facilius vapores em ittant, ad formandas caudas, Sed m anum de tabula ;neque enim conjedandi licenti® indulgendum . Si in pofterum aftronomi ob- fervationes hujufmodi inftituerint, ea fedulitate qua phaenomenis ftellarum tam fixarum quam errantium invigilare folent, certiorem tandem penitioremque fi-:* derum caudatorum cognitionem fperare licebit.’ R S. E S T ;etinfra fuperficiem comet® limes attradionis, intra quern-vis folis fortior eft quam comet®. H ujus inveftigatio pendet a diverfa. gravitatis lege, crefcentis fcil. in fimplici ratione diftanti® a centro j per Prop., 73. Lib. I. N ew t. Princip.; ejufque natura eft, q u o d ft a quovis ipfius p u n d o / (Fig. 6.) d u ca n tu rre d ® ad centrum folis $ et comet® C, quadratum prioris in pofteriorem d u d u m , S IqX lC, efticiet folidum da-?. turn $ quod eandem qujdem habebit rationem ad cu- bum femidiametri comet®, C N , quam habet mate­ ria in foie ad materiam in cometa. ... V erum , ,cum hujus limitis diameter perexigua eft refpedu diftan­ ti® a fqle, et propterea omnes red® S /, ideoque et / C, funt qmm proxime ®qualesj h®c fuperficies l III parum differet a fph®rica; ejufque diameter erit re- ciproce ut quadratum diftantiae cometae a foie. Sed h®c, aliaque ad hunc cafum fpedantia, Prob. II. con- fimilia, mathematic® duntaxat funt contem plations j eoque confulto in fuperioribus pr®termiftmus, utpote ab argumento noftro aliena. a d d e n d a . D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C ] A D D E N D A . I . Afcenfiim caudae cometicae, quern ope cujufdem medii eceleftis perfpicaciflimus N ew tonus explicatum dedit, aliquantulum iliuftrare aggreffi fum us. Quas- nam vero fit iftius medii natura, quifve term inus, m agna quaeftio eft, et tenebris involuta. Diverfis nom inibus illud N ew tonus infignivit, fcilicet auras sethereae, materiae caelorum, et atmofphaerae*. Aliis in locis fum m us philofophus afleruit, et variis iifque graviffimis rationibus aflertum ftabilivit, “ ccelos re- t{ fiftentia deftitui ” $ q u o ’ pofito, base aura aetherea non poteft efie non rariflim a; et m ateria ccelorum n i­ hil aliud quam vapores longe tenuiffim i. Corpus folis ingenti atmofphaerae pondere prem i, non defunt argum enta quas nobis fidem faciant* e t ex m acu la- ru m folarium phasnomenis certu m eft, earn, una cum corpore folis, circa axem fpatio 254- dierum r o - tari. Q u o d ft hae maculae triduo diutius pone folem latent quam fefe nobis confpiciendos praebent, u t a quibufdam obfervatum eft, necefle eft altaefint fupra folis fuperficiem parte _ ^ T -j* diametri folaris; et ad hanc m in im u m altitudinem porrigi folis atm of- * Vide periochen citatam Tub Prob. IV.. in qua Au&or has Voces promifeue ufurpafle videtur 5 faltem non praecile inter eas diftinxit. + W olfius in Aftron. macularum folarium altitudinem multo majorem jufto aeftimavit, foil. ^ diametri foli?: manifefto er- iorej ponendo finum verfum 10 graduum aequalem 15 centefi- mis partibus radii, cum revera fit aequalis tantum 15 millefimis. 3 phaerano, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 t 153 ] ph®ram, par eft credere. Coriieta anni 1680 in pe- rihelio minus diftabat a foie quam parte fexta diame- t n lolls \ et in vicinia ilia, ex audlons clanflimi len- tentia reliftentiam nonnullam {entire debuit. Sed qu® fit illius atmofph®r® altitudo, hucufque incom- pertum eft. Verifimile videtur, earn intra modicos terminos contineri. Etenim , ft ad orbes planetarum pertingeret, caud® cometic® per eos tranfeuntes, impulfu illius gyrantis tanquam vento validiflimo rap- tse, ab occafu in ortum detorquerentur. Atqui m e­ dium , de quo quaeftio eft, eoufque extendi oportet, quo cauda cometse cujufvis pullulare incepit. ̂ H ie locus orbibus mercurii et veneris, im m o et ipfius te rr ® ^ , fuperior eft, T a m immanis autem ampli- tudo atmofph®r® folis concedi nequit. Quid de re tarn obfeura ftatuendum fit, incertus h®reo; h®c tantum ratahabens, m edium hocce te- nuiffimum effe, et quam facillime rarefeere; paulo autem denfius efle prope folem quam ulterius, ter- minum que ejus extra fph®ram orbis magni efle lo- candum j item, non modo non rotatum vertigine quu.t corpus folis, fed et fumme quietum efle ac tranquillum . Denique, non abfimile videtur, cau- darum materiam longe magis volatilem eflfe quam exhalationes e corporibus quibuflibet terrenis aut planetaribus elicitas. Quibus ufibus inferviant cometarum caud®, id eft aliaqu®ftio, explicatu difficillima. Cenfuit N ew to- * Princip. p. 525. f Conftat ex phaenomenis cometse anni,1680. Alii comet* hunc terminum ad orbem ufque martis, aut fupra, forfan amove- ant. Sed hoc non exploravi. V o l.L V I I . X nua D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 us “ eas * ad confervationem m arium et h u m o ru m “ in planetis requiri, ex quibus in planetas attradlis “ et cu m eorum atmofphaeris m ixtis, quicquid li- “ quoris per vegetationem et putrefadtionem confu- “ m itur, et in terram aridam convertitur, continuo “ fuppleri et refici poffit.” V erum cu m , ipfo ju d i- ce f , “ perexigua quantitas aeris et vaporum ad o m - “ nia caudarum , etiamli fpatia im m enfa occupantium , “ p h en o m en a fufficiat” j et cu m hujus quantitatis p erex ig u s perexigua tantum pars in u n u m q u em - que planetam incidere queat (ni m ea fallat opinio in Schoi. 2. Prob. I V , prolata), am bigi poteft an hie lit e praecipuis com etarum finibus. Sed nihil Aatuo. A liorum efto judicium . * Princip. p. 5 1 5 . t M.p. 513. [ *54 ] XVf. Some. D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 .. .. .. .. .. .. ... ....... ~ .. -- ...... F -........... .. ....... ..P,bzlos. Iran.s. J'ol. LVJI. TA_J]_ -VJ.£-/'· 133 . I~-4- T Ftj;.5. ----·----··-·--------··-- ........................ _ .............. . . . . .. . :: : : : : . . : . : : . .. . . ·.: ~ ::: ...•••• : ........ ·- .\_:_::_:: __ :_:_\_:i_·_·:~_= .. ~ - ---- -.. -- - -- - - .. -::P------- ...... : :==: ::~:= :::::::·.-:.::·.-:::::::·_-_.._._._._._._.:: . ·-------------s .......•...•....................................... : : : . ----..... /:,::.._·: ·0-.· ........... .. - - - .. .. -- -- -.... --...... .. .. .. - ...... -- .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. 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work_sgd7j5ulcja63bst3b3mp5bvpy	----	dre11192729_08_Zuberbier 15..15 Arzneimittelreaktion: Allergie vs. Intoleranz gegenüber Wirkstoffen In der großen Gruppe der verschiedenen Arzneimittelreaktionen spielen Intoleranz- reaktionen eine sehr wichtige Rolle. In der Abgrenzung zu den Arzneimittelallergien, eingeteilt in die Immunreaktionen nach Goombs und Gell, entweder humoral oder zellulär vermittelt, unterscheiden sich In- toleranzreaktionen generell dadurch, dass sie einen anderen pathophysiologischen Hintergrund haben und, anders als bei den Allergien, keine Gedächtniszellen bil- den. Die wichtigsten Gruppen von Intoleranzre- aktionen bei Arzneimittelunverträglichkei- ten können sowohl die enthaltenen Wirk- stoffe als auch die weiteren Bestandteile eines Arzneimittels betreffen. Ein Beispiel für die letztere Gruppe sind Reaktionen auf den Inhaltsstoff Laktose in Arzneimit- teln bei hochgradig laktoseintoleranten Personen. In diesem Fall ist das Immunsys- tem in keiner Weise beteiligt. Weitere In- toleranzreaktionen, die sich nicht gegen die Wirkstoffe richten, können zum Bei- spiel durch Farbstoffe in Medikamenten ausgelöst werden. Prinzipiell können Into- leranzreaktionen alle Symptome, die auch bei den echten allergischen Arzneimittel- reaktionen nach Goombs und Gell in den verschiedenen Gruppen ausgelöst wer- den, nachahmen. Am häufigsten sind je- doch die urtikariellen Intoleranzreaktionen sowie Intoleranzreaktionen mit der Ausbil- dung von Rhinitis- oder Asthmasympto- matik. Die häufigste Arzneimittelgruppe, die diese Reaktion auslöst, ist die der nicht-steriodalen Schmerzmittel. Eine Klassifikation zu diesen Hypersensitivitäts- reaktionen findet sich im Artikel [1]. Der vermutete Mechanismus ist die Inhibition von COX-1. Der häufigste Auslöser ist ASS. Es besteht eine hohe Kreuzreaktivität ge- genüber Diclofenac und Ibuprofen sowie gegenüber anderen NSAID (non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs). In einer Unter- suchung von GA²LEN in 22 Zentren aus 15 europäischen Ländern betrug die durch- schnittliche Prävalenz NSAID-ausgelöster Dyspnoe 1,9% [2]. Die entsprechende Arz- neimittelintoleranz ist daher keineswegs selten. Allerdings fehlen gute Daten zur Häufigkeit der durch NSAID ausgelösten kutanen Beschwerden und der Polyposis nasi. Die Diagnostik der Arzneimittelinto- leranzreaktion ist unglücklicherweise nicht einfach, da verlässliche Hauttest und In- vitro-Tests fehlen. Es wird zwar empfoh- len, eine Prick-Testung durchzuführen, um mögliche IgE-vermittelte Allergien nicht zu übersehen, diese können aber auch die Zusatzstoffe in Medikamenten betreffen. Der Goldstandard bleibt jedoch der doppelblinde placebokontrollierte Pro- vokationstest. Hierzu sind Empfehlungen publiziert [1]. Zusammengefasst: Arzneimittelunverträg- lichkeitsreaktion im Sinne von Intoleranz sind häufig und sollten regelmäßig in der Differenzialdiagnose mit erwogen werden. Interessenkonflikt Der Autor gibt an, dass kein Interessenkon- flikt besteht. Autor Torsten Zuberbier Prof. Dr. med. Dr. h. c., Com- prehensive Allergy Center Charité CACC, Klinik für Der- matologie, Venerologie und Allergologie, Charité – Uni- versitätsmedizin Berlin Korrespondenzadresse Prof. Dr. med. Dr. h. c. Torsten Zuberbier Dpt. of Dermatology and Allergy Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin Klinik für Dermatologie, Venerologie und Allergologie Campus Benjamin-Franklin Allergologie Bereich Prof. Zuberbier Hindenburgdamm 30/Haus II 12203 Berlin Deutschland torsten.zuberbier@charite.de Literatur [1] Kowalski ML, Makowska JS, Blanca M et al. Hypersensitivity to nonsteroidal anti-inflam- matory drugs (NSAIDs) – classification, diag- nosis and management: review of the EAACI/ENDA(#) and GA2LEN/HANNA*. Al- lergy 2011; 66: 818–829. doi:10.1111/ j.1398-9995.2011.02557.x [2] Makowska JS, Burney P, Jarvis D et al. Respira- tory hypersensitivity reactions to NSAIDs in Europe: the global allergy and asthma net- work (GA2LEN) survey. Allergy 2016; 71: 1603–1611. doi:10.1111/all.12941. S15Zuberbier T. Arzneimittelreaktion: Allergie vs.… Drug Res 2020; 70: S15 | © 2020. Thieme. All rights reserved. Extended Abstract H e ru n te rg e la d e n v o n : C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . U rh e b e rr e ch tli ch g e sc h ü tz t. 
work_ship4rtmf5eytmozftoy5cd3ue	----	XCV. A letter of Benjamin Franklin, Esq; to Mr. Peter Collinson, F. R. S. concerning an electrical kite [ 565 ] The belt time of colle&ing it Mr. Broffard has found to be in the autumn, in fine weather, after great heats. This, then, Sir, is all I can colled o f the ufe, ap­ plication, and preparation of this new remedy for flopping blood. I f the Royal Society fhall find any thing in it worthy their regard, I fhall think myfelf happy in having communicated thefe obfervations. Iam _ i Your moft obedient fervant, Faget, XCV. A L e tte r 0/* Benjamin Franklin, to M r . Peter Collinfon, F. R . S. concerning an ele&rical Kite, Philadelphia, Odt. i , 1752. Read Dec. 21 A S frequent mention is made in the pub- I752* /i lie papers from Europe of the fuccefs o f the Philadelphia experiment for drawing the eledric fire from clouds by means o f pointed rods o f iron ere&ed on high buildings, &c. it may be agreeable to the curious to be informed, that the fame experiment has fucceeded in Philadelphia, tho’ made in a different and more eafy manner, which any one may try, as follows: (' Make a fmall crofs, of two light firips of cedar ; the arms fo long, as to reach to the four corners of a large thin filk handkerchief, when extended: tie the corners of the handkerchief to the extremities o f the crofs > fo you have the body of a kite ; which being D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 5 6 6 ] being properly accommodated with a tail, loop, and firing, will rife in the air like thofe made of paper $ but this, being of filk, is fitter to bear the wet and wind of a thunder-gufl without tearing, , T o the top of the upright flick of the crofs is to be fixed a very fharp-pointed wire, rifing a foot or more above the wood. T o the end o f the twine, next the hand, is to be tiecUa filk riband ; and where the twine and filkjqin, a key may be fatten'd. T he kite is to be raifed, when a thunder-gufl ap­ pears to be coming on, (which is very frequent in this country) and the perfon, who holds the firing, -mufl Hand within a door, or window, or under fome cover, fo that the filk:riband may not be w e t; and care mufl be taken, that the twine does not touch the frame o f the door or window. As foon a s any o f the thunder-clouds come over the kite, the pointed wire will draw the eledric fire from them ; and the kite, with all the twine, will be eledtrified; and the loofe filaments o f the twine will fland out every way, and be attracted by an ap­ proaching finger. W hen the rain has wet the kite and twine, fo that it can condudt the ele&ric fire freely, you will find it flream out plentifully from the key on the approach of your knuckle. At this key the phial may be charged; and from eledtric fire thus obtain’d fpirits may be kindled, and all the other ele&rical experiments be performed, which are ufually done by the help of a rubbed glafs globe or tube, and thereby the famenefs of the elec­ tric D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ S 6 7 : 3 > trie matter with that of lightning completely demon- ftrated. I was pleafed to hear of the fuccefs of my experi­ ments in France, and that they there begin to ere# points upon their buildings. W e had before placed them upon our academy and ftate-houfe fpires. XCVI. A L e tte r o f M r . W. Watfon, R R. S. to the Royal Society, concerning the eleElri- cal Experiments in England upon Thunder­ clouds* T o the Royal Society. Gentlemen, Read Dec. 21, A FTER. the communications, which 5 we have received from feveral of our correfpondents in different parts of the continent, acquainting us with the fuccefs of their experiments laft fummer, in endeavouring to extra# the ele#ricity from the atmofphere during a thunder-ftorm, in con- fequence of Mr. Franklin’s hypothefis, it may be thought extraordinary, that no accounts have been yet laid before you, o f our fuccefs here from the fame experiments. T hat no want o f attention, therefore, may be attributed to thofe here, who have been hi­ therto converfant in thefe inquiries, I thought pro­ per to apprife you, that, though feveral members o f the Royal Society, as well as myfelf, did, upon the firft advices from France, prepare and fet up the ne- ceffary apparatus for this purpofe, we were defeated in our expectations, from the uncommon coolnefs and dampnefs D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_sjbqn3s5vvdezfd4n3fmkbdu6y	----	games:science:science_magazine_1991-1992:root:data:science_1991-1992:pdf:1991_v251_n4996:p4996_0856a.pdf [Ganino] GANINO User Tools Register Log In Site Tools Search Tools Show pagesource Old revisions Backlinks Recent Changes Media Manager Sitemap Register Log In > Recent Changes Media Manager Sitemap Trace: games:science:science_magazine_1991-1992:root:data:science_1991-1992:pdf:1991_v251_n4996:p4996_0856a.pdf This topic does not exist yet You've followed a link to a topic that doesn't exist yet. If permissions allow, you may create it by clicking on Create this page. Page Tools Show pagesource Old revisions Backlinks Back to top 
work_smgnfajz2jdlderwzqvqwtfuxy	----	J Bras Patol Med Lab • Volume 43 • Número 5 • outubro 2007 ISSN 1676-2444 Nossa capa our journal cover O culto às ciências naturais no século XVIII teve o efeito contraditório de tornar muita gente presa fácil de qualquer cultuador das ciências naturais que combinasse algum tipo de geringonça com sua mágica. O rei dos ilusionistas do século foi Franz Anton Mesmer (1734-1815), amigo de Mozart, que em certa época teve a sociedade de Paris a seus pés. Em sua tese doutoral ele defendeu a noção dos astrólogos de que os planetas influenciam os seres huma- nos, à qual acrescentou o princípio da “terapia magnética” através da imposição das mãos. Em Paris ele fundou o Instituto Magnético, com a ajuda do rei Luís XVI e de Maria Antonieta, e tinha entre seus clientes a maioria das pessoas eminentes da época. Destacavam-se em seu tratamento as baquets (tinas) magnéticas que continham uma mistura de substâncias químicas inócuas: os pacientes ficavam de pé em volta dessas tinas, de mãos dadas e em contato com um circulo de ferro; a base do princípio curati- vo era o “magnetismo animal”. Outras medidas terapêuticas consistiam em técnicas de hipnose, tocando com um bastão em várias partes do corpo e levando o indivíduo a um estado hipnótico durante o qual era sugerida a cura. Mesmer adquiriu enorme fama, apesar da furiosa oposi- ção dos professores de medicina e do relatório desfavorável de uma comissão que incluía Benjamin Franklin entre seus membros. A revolução fê-lo sair da França (alguns de seus assistentes foram guilhotinados), mas ele continuou a prati- car na Suíça, onde atraiu inúmeros discípulos e seguidores. O mais pitoresco dos cultuadores das ciências naturais foi o filho de um seleiro de Edimburgo, James Graham, que estudou medicina. Ele foi para Filadélfia, onde ouviu falar acerca das descobertas de Franklin no campo da eletrici- dade. De volta a Londres, construiu seu Templo da Saúde (1780), que continha estátuas orgíacas, pinturas lascivas, esferas de vidro, dragões lançadores de chama e queima- dores de incenso. A atração principal era a Cama Celestial, erguida sobre 40 colunas de vidro e cercada de aparelhos elétricos, onde os impotentes buscavam o rejuvenescimento e os estéreis se tornariam capazes de conceber. Dois ângulos de um modelo anatômico em cera (cerca de 1800) destinado a ser usado como auxiliar no estudo do crânio e do cérebro. Semmelweiss Medical Historical Museum, Budapeste The cult of natural sciences in the 18th century had the contradictory effect of making many people easy prey of devotees of natural science who combined any kind of gadget with their magic. The century illusionists’ king was Franz Anton Mesmer (1734-1815), Mozart’s friend, which once had the society of Paris at his feet. In his doctoral thesis he defended the astrologers’ notion that planets influence human beings, to which he added the principle of “magnetic therapy” through hands imposition. In Paris, he founded the Magnetic Institute, with the support of King Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette, and among his clients were most eminent people of the time. Magnetic baquets (tubs) stood out in his treatment. They contained a mixture of innocuous chemical substances: patients stood up around those tubs holding hands and in contact with an iron circle; the basis of curative principle was “animal magnetism”. Other therapeutic measures consisted in hypnotic techniques, touching a stick to several parts of the body, and taking the person to a trance-like state during which cure was suggested. Mesmer acquired enormous fame, despite furious opposition of medicine professors and the unfavorable report of a commission that included Benjamin Franklin among its members. The revolution made him leave France (some of his assistants were guillotined) but he continued to practice in Swiss, where he attracted countless disciples and followers. The most picturesque devotee of natural science was the son of a saddler of Edinburgh, James Graham, who studied medicine. He went to Philadelphia, where he heard about Franklin’s discoveries in electricity. Back to London, he constructed his Temple of Health (1780), which contained orgiastic statues, lascivious paints, glass spheres, flame-throwing dragons and incense burners. Its principal attraction was the “celestial bed”, raised over 40 glass columns and surrounded by electrical equipments, where impotent men looked for rejuvenation and sterile ones would be able to conceive. 
work_sw65pqkxbzaypgvsrkbr3kpd3q	----	Agenda.qxd A g e n d a I n d e r S c h w e i z / E n S u i s s e Woche/Semaine 21, 2002 26.–28 Mai 2002 Colloque de printemps, Neuchâtel Frühjahrskolloquium, Neuenburg Woche/Semaine 36, 2002 5./6. September 2002 Fortbildungskurs SGDV Physikalische Therapiemassnahmen in der Dermatologie, Zürich Prof. R. Dummer Dermatologische Klinik Universitätsspital Zürich, Gloriastrasse 31 CH–8091 Zürich Tel. +41 1 255 25 07 Fax +41 1 255 89 88 Woche/Semaine 38, 2002 September 19–21 2002 32nd ESDR Annual Meeting, Palexpo, Genève Org.: SYMPORG SA 7, avenue Krieg CH–1208 Genève Tel. +41 22 839 84 84 Fax +41 22 839 84 85 E-Mail esdr@symporg.ch www.esdr.ch Woche/Semaine 43, 2002 24.–26. Oktober 2002 3. Unionstagung der Schweizerischen Gesellschaften für Gefässkrankheiten, Flims 3e congrès de l’Union des Sociétés Suisses des Maladies Vasculaires, Flims Park Hotels Waldhaus Organisation: Dr. Schlegel Pharmamarketing AG Heidi Fuchs / Michael Gross Sennweidstrasse 46 CH–6312 Steinhausen Tel. +41 41 748 76 00 Fax +41 41 748 76 11 E-Mail m.gross@schlegelpharma.ch www.schlegelpharma.ch I m A u s l a n d / A l ’ é t r a n g e r Woche 25, 2002 18./19. Juni 2002 6. Krefelder Hautschutztag, Krefeld Wissenschaftliche Leitung: Prof. S.W. Wassilew Information: Organisationsbüro Hautschutztag, KMB Media Postfach 20 08 39 D–41208 Mönchengladbach Tel. +49 2166 628250 Fax +49 2166 628255 E-Mail kmbmedia@muebri.de Week 26, 2002 June 27–29, 2002 10th International Conference on Behçet’s Disease, Berlin Organisation: Prof. C.C. Zouboulis Scientific Secretariat: Department of Dermatology University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin The Free University of Berlin Fabeckstrasse 60–62 D–14195 Berlin Tel. +49 30 8445 6911/6910 Fax +49 30 8445 6908 E-Mail zoubbereszedat.fu-berlin.de Week 27, 2002 July 1–5, 2002 20th World Congress of Dermatology, Paris Congress Secretariat: Colloquium/WCD 2002 12, rue de la Croix Faubin F–75557 Paris Cedex 11 Tel. +331 44 64 15 15 Fax +331 44 64 15 16 E-Mail p.fournier@colloquium.fr www.derm-wcd-2002.com Woche 30, 2002 21.–26 Juli 2002 18. Fortbildungswoche für praktische Dermatologie und Venerologie, München Tagungsleiter: Prof. Dr. G. Plewig Kongressbüro: Gertrud Hammel Tel. +49 89 5160 6065 Fax +49 89 5160 6066 E-Mail Fortbildungswoche@lrz.uni-muenchen.de Woche/Semaine 44, 2002 31. Oktober bis 2. November 2002 84. Jahresversammlung, Bern 84e Réunion annuelle, Berne Frau M. Hürst Dermatologische Klinik Inselspital CH–3010 Bern Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel 
work_t6l7uvf2trbczitjtqesss7y3q	----	ORIGINAL ARTICLE EDITORIAL Using “History” of Toxicology as Educational Materials in Medicine, and for Popularizing the Science 1 Health and medical students as well as health professionals including policymakers, health educators, medical professors and researchers need to be regularly updated on toxicology issues to keep up with rapidly evolving toxicology information and emerging health risks (1). As the bulk of information in this field is massive, remaining up to date on this extensive information is becoming increasingly difficult. We recognised pragmatically the disadvantages that toxicologists are dealing with in low and middle income countries including the lack of adequate resources which curtails the empowerment of Medical Toxicology in the Asia Pacific region (2). In addition, limited capabilities and infrastructures to enforce regulatory toxicology recommendations has widened the inequalities between high and low income countries (3), bringing “environmental toxicology now a priority in the region” up in front in the region. We have already explored and implemented a series of educational methods to improve the efficiency of our training endeavor. However, in the past four years, we have shifted our focus to the “history of toxicology” teaching model to attract more audiences and to increase the life span of the educational materials among trainees and public. Professional Education Our team has previously suggested and implemented concepts for the incorporation of medical research and education (4) including conducting action research in education (5, 6), promoting social accountability in medical education (7) and becoming Socially Responsive Toxicologists (8). We have worked on transforming educational strategies (9), developing up to date curriculum (10), providing effective training (11), using E-learning systems (12), evaluating pitfalls in knowledge and attitudes among health network staff (13), and delivering workshop training (14), all of which have borne fruits (15). We have also tried to broaden the horizon of medical toxicology in the Asia Pacific region (16, 17) by establishing the Asia Pacific Journal of Medical Toxicology (http://apjmt.mums.ac.ir/), which is provided free-of-charge for both authors and readers. Our aim was to enable primarily non-English __________ speaking authors who commonly face barriers to publication in high-impact journals to have a platform for scientific visibility. We assist authors with their methodologies, and provide them with editorial assistance to publish their work in English. No part of our collaboration solicits payment from contributing authors. Nor do we add our names to the list of authors or include our assistance in the acknowledgment section. --- I take this opportunity to thank the honorable work of our colleagues. Toxicology health literacy Another important consideration for toxicologists is “popularizing” the science of toxicology among the public, and developing effective teaching materials. How to achieve this is a million dollar question! In this editorial, I summarise a series of experiences from medical and environmental toxicology which have used the “history of toxicology” as a teaching model. This approach intends to create a long-lasting “life” outside of the health system for our curricula. Through the strategic use of inspiring and mesmerizing ideas, stories and fairy tales, toxicologists are better able to communicate and embed information into the memory of their reader, and maintain reader engagement for a longer period of time (18, 19). Statistics have shown that the positive gradient of growth in the production and dissemination of research on the science of toxicology from the Asia Pacific region has increased, and the gap in the publication of research with high income countries is declining (20, 21). --- I believe that we have in part contributed to this success! The use of historical figures and events I started working on applying the history of toxicology model to the creation of inspiring educational materials by focusing on historical figures from Iran. A few articles including “Ferdowsi” (22) and “Scholarship of Teaching” (23), and a book entitled “Education and Health in Shahnameh (National Epic of Iran, Ferdowsi, 940 - 1020 CE)” have been published (24). Later we I focused on another historical poet and physician from the 11th century and authored “Health Literacy in History: A Medical Glance at the Masterpieces of the Poet Physician of Ancient Persia; Khaghani-Shervani (1121-1190 CE)” (25, 26). The expanded book is in the process of publication. In these two books, Ferdowsi’s and Khaghani’s ____ *Correspondence to: Reza Afshari; MD, MPH, PhD. Environmental Health Services, BC Centre for Disease Control. 655 West 12th Avenue, Vancouver, BC V5Z 4R4 Tel: 604-707-2462, Email: Reza.Afshari@bccdc.ca Received 04 February 2019; Accepted 03 March 2019 REZA AFSHARI1,* 1.School of Population and Public Health, Division of Occupational and Environmental Health, University of British Columbia, Canada How to cite this article: Afshari R. Using “History” of Toxicology as Educational Materials in Medicine, and for Popularizing the Science. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2019;8:1-3. ASIA PACIFIC JOURNAL of MEDICAL TOXICOLOGY APJMT 8;1 http://apjmt.mums.ac.ir March 2019 2 History of Toxicology R. Afshari references to poisons, poisonings and treatments were systematically extracted and classified to be compatible with 21st century literature. Following publication, I received many positive and encouraging messages from professionals in health, medicine and toxicology, as well as from academics in the field of linguistics and literature, and members of the public. These inspiring responses led me to continue and expand this line of work. I have authored articles including:  Mithridatium (Universal Antidote) (27),  Emperor Qin Shi Huang and mercury poisoning (28),  Use of Chemical Warfare Agents in Ancient History (29),  Gustav III’s risk assessment on coffee consumption (30),  The voice and Execution of Socrates (31),  Andrée expedition to the North Pole and his crews’ mysterious death (32),  The chronicle of lead poisoning (33),  Arsenic poisoning (34), and  Datura toxicities in 19th Century (35). Readers are in love with the symbolism in the potential poisoning of Santa Claus (36) and Hamlet (37), the assassination of an ex-spy (38), the toxicology aspects related to the adventures of Ben Franklin (39) and a new toxicology explanation for the fall of the Easter Island civilization related to toxic prion exposures (40). After working in this field for the past few years, and reading the feedback that I have received, I can say with a high level of confidence that historic symbolism is an effective educational strategy in medical and environmental toxicology! --- Just give it a try! I would like to thank Ms Salimah Valiani for her assistance in English edition of this article. 1. Afshari R. BCTOX’s Toxicology “News Surveillance”. Available from http://blogs.ubc.ca/bctox2015/files/2019/02/5.- Toxicology-News-Surveillance-System-2019-14.pdf. 2. Afshari R. Empowerment of Medical Toxicology in Asia Pacific Region. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2013;2:161. 3. Afshari R BDC. Implementing New Regulation Promotes Health but May Increase Inequality.Asia Pac J Med Toxicol. 2018;7:90-1. 4. Afshari R. Incorporation of medical research and education in Asia Pacific region. Future Med Educ J 2015;5:3-4. 5. Mousavi SR, Zeraati AA, Jafari M, Akhavan Rezayat K, Jokar MH. How to Improve the Quality of Morning Report; Department of Internal Medicine, An action research. Future Med Educ J 2015;5:75-8. 6. Afshari R. What is the “Best Research” for low income countries? Asia Pac J Med Toxicol. 2013;2:1. 7. Ghoushkhanei H, Afshari R, Marouzi P. Knowledge of Social Accountability in Medical Education among Faculty Members at Medical Sciences of Mashhad University. Future Med Educ J 2013;3:20-3. 8. Afshari R, Bellinger DC. Socially Responsive Toxicology; Looking Outside the Windows of Medical Wards: A Tale of Lead Exposure Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2015;4:95-6. 9. Khoshnevis MA, Aslane J, Panahi Y, Ebadi A, Afshari R. Disaster Triage System and Educational Strategies. Future Med Edu J 2014;4:32-5. 10. Zavar A AR, Alidoust-Pourandi M, Dadpour B,. Curriculum Development in regard to Illicit Drug Abuse. Future Med Educ J 2012;2:31-6. 11. Zarghi N, Mousavi SR, Moeentaghavi A, Taghizadeh A, Afshari R. Effects of Educational Training on Quality of Journal Clubs: a Quasi-Experimental Study. Future Med Educ J 2014;4:35-8. 12. Abedi F, Lari SM, Afshari R, Nouri-Tarazkhaki S, Nemati- Karimoi M. Evaluation of E-learning System to the Performance of Family Medicine MPH (Master of Public Health) Students. Future Med Educ J 2014;5:38-41. 13. Afshari R, Zavar A, Alidoust M, Pourandi R. Knowledge and Attitude of Health Network Staff towards Illegal Drug Use. Addict Health. 2015;7:96-8. 14. Lankarani KB, Afshari R. Alcohol consumption in Iran. Lancet. 2014;384:1927-8. 15. Afshari R TA, Azizi H, . Process of Scholarship of Teaching Has Been Successful in Mashad University of Medical Sciences. Future Med Educ J 2012;2:27-31. 16. Afshari R. A new horizon to medical toxicology in Asia Pacific region. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2012;1:2. 17. Afshari R. Medical (Clinical) Toxicology Education in Asia Pacific Region. Future Med Educ J 2011;1:2. 18. Afshari R, Alberts B. Science, Education and the World’s Future; By Prof. Bruce Alberts. . Future Med Educ J 2012;2:2. 19. Afshari R. Dissemination of Research in Medical Toxicology; the Way Forward. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol. 2013;2:36. 20. Afshari R. Scientometric Analysis of Toxicology in Asia Pacific Region: Signs of Growth. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2014;3:92-6. 21. Afshari R, Bhopal RS. Iran, sanctions, and collaborations. Lancet 2016;387:1055-6. 22. Ferdowsi. Abul Qasim Firdowsi Tusi (940 - 1020 CE). Available from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdowsi 23. Afshari R. Historic Perspective (Ferdowsi); Scholarship of Teaching. Future of Med Edu J 2012;2:1. 24. Yahaghi MJ, Afshari R. Education and Health in Shahnameh (National Epic of Iran, Ferdowsi (1010 CE): Mashhad University of Medical Sciences Publishing Group, Iran; 2012. 25. Khaqani Shervani (or Khāghāni Persian: 1121/1122) (خاقانی - 1190 CE). Available from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khaqani (accessed Feb 22, 2019). 26. Afshari R. Health Literacy in History: A Medical Glance at the Masterpieces of the Poet Physician of the Ancient Persia; Khaghani Shervani (1121-1190 CE).J Mashhad Med Counc 2015;19:2-5. 27. Afshari R. Mithridatium (Universal Antidote), Mithridatism and Mad Honey Chemical Warfare.Available from: https://bit.ly/2L5DPZA. 28. Afshari Reza. Mercury Poisoning and Emperor Qin Shi Huang and his Terracotta Army. Available from: https://blogsubcca/bctox2015 29. Afshari R. Use of Chemical Warfare Agents in Ancient History: The case of Persians and Romans in Dura-Europos, Modern Syria in 256 CE. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2018;7:54-9. 30. Afshari R. Gustav III's risk assessment on coffee consumption; A medical history report. Avicenna J Phytomed 2017;7:99-100. REFERENCES ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ASIA PACIFIC JOURNAL of MEDICAL TOXICOLOGY APJMT 8;1 http://apjmt.mums.ac.ir March 2019 31. Afshari R. The “Voice” and Execution of Socrates. Available from: https://bit.ly/2CPMPNY. 32. Afshari R. Andrée expedition to the North Pole and his crews ’ mysterious death. BC Toxicol News Month Bulletin. 2018;3:292-3. 33. Jonasson ME, Afshari R. Historical documentation of lead toxicity prior to the 20th century in English literature. Hum Exp Toxicol 2017:960327117737146. 34. Afshari R. The Chronicle of Arsenic Poisoning in the 19th Century. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2016;6:36-41. 35. Afshari R. Chronicle of Datura Toxicity in the 18th and 19th Century. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2017;5:101-6. 36. Afshari R. What’s Santa Claus poisoned with? --- For 3 Christmas fans! BC Toxicol News Month Bulletin (BCTOX). 2018;3:399-402 37. Afshari R. What poison killed Hamlet? --- For Shakespeare lovers! BC Toxicol News Month Bulletin (BCTOX) 2018;9:378-9 38. Afshari R. Novichok nerve agent and public health. BC Toxicol News Month Bulletin (BCTOX) 2018;3:375-7. 39. Hamm RD. Ben Franklin’s Adventures in Occupational and Environmental Toxicology. BC Toxicol News Month Bulletin (BCTOX) 2018;3:395-8. 40. Afshari R. Fall of Easter Island Civilization and Toxic Prion Exposures. Asia Pac J Med Toxicol 2018;7:29-32. 
work_tdw5vhr2kna77hdqm6bcxfexxi	----	LIX. An account of the effects of electricity in paralytic cases. In a letter to John Pringle, M. D. F. R. S. from Ben�jamin Franklin, Esq; F. R. S [ 481 ] LIX. A n Account o f the o f city in paralytic Ca. In a L e tte r to John Pringle, M . D . F. R . S. fr o m Ben­ jamin Franklin, E fq\ F. . S. S I R , Read Jan. 12, r p H E following is what I can at pre- 1758 fent recoiled:, relating to the ef- feds of eledricity in paralytic cafes, which have fallen under my obfervation. Some years fince, when the news-papers made mention o f great cures performed in Italy or Ger­ many, by means of eledricity, a number of para­ lytics were brought to me from different parts o f Penfylvania, and the neighbouring provinces, to be eledrifed; which I did for them at their requefl. M y method was, to place the patient firfl in a chair, on an eledric flool, and draw a number o f large flrong fparks from all parts of the affeded limb or fide. T hen I fully charged two fix-gallon glafs jars, each o f which had about three fquare feet of furface coated; and I fent the united fhock of thefe thro’ the affeded limb or lim b s; repeating the flroke commonly three times each day. T h e firfl thing obferved was an immediate greater fenfible warmth in the lame limbs, that had received the flroke, than in the o th ers: and the next morning the patients ufually related, that they had in the night felt a pricking fenfation in the flefh of the paralytic lim b s; and would fome- times fhew a number of fmall red fpots, which they V o l , 50. Q q q fup- D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 8 2 ] luppofed were occafioned by thofe prickings. T he limbs too were found more capable of voluntary motion, and feemed to receive ftrength. A man, for inftance, who could not the firft day lift the lame hand from off his knee, would the next day raife it four or five inches, the third day h ig h er; and on the fifth day was able, but with a feeble languid motion, to take off his hat. Thefe appearances gave great fpirits to the patients, and made them hope a perfed cu re; but I do not remember, that I ever faw any amendment after the fifth d a y : which the patients perceiving, and finding the fhocks pretty fevere, they became difcouraged, went home, and in a fliort time relapfed ; fo that I never knew any advantage from eledricity in palfies, that was per­ manent. And how far the apparent temporary ad­ vantage might arife from the exercife in the patients journey,^ and coming daily to my houfe, or from the fpirits given by the hope of fuccefs, enabling them to exert more ftrength in moving their limbs, I will not pretend to fay. Perhaps fome permanent advantage might have been obtained, if the eledric fhocks had been ac­ companied with proper medicine and regimen, un­ der the diredion of a fkilful phyfician. It may be, too, that a few great ffrokes, as given in my me­ thod, may not be fo proper as many fmall ones; fince, by the account from Scotland o f a cafe, in which two hundred fhocks from a phial were given daily, it feems, that a perfed cure has been made. As to any uncommon ftrength fuppofed to be in the machine ufed in that cafe, I imagine it could have no fhare in the effed produced 5 fince the ftrength of D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4*3 ] o f the fhock from charged glafs is in proportion to the quantity o f furface o f the glafs coated ; fo that my ihocks from thofe large jars muft have been much greater than any, that could be received from a phial held in the hand. I am, with great refped, S I R, London, Your mod: obedient Servant, Dec. 21, 1757. R. Franklin. <aBl 'T" 1 — — ■« — ------- . ^ LX. Obfervations on the late Comet in Sep­ tember a n d O&ober 1757 ; made a t the Hague by M r . D . Klinkenberg: In a L e tte r to the R ev. James Bradley, D . D . Aftronomer Royal, and F .R .S , a n d M em ­ ber o j the Royal Academy o f Sciences a t Paris. T ra n fa ted fro m the Low Dutch. S I R , E'ad Jan. 12, y Hope you will be pleafed to excufe JL tne liberty, which I take, of troubling you with my obfervations on the comet, which made its appearance here, and in other parts of E u­ rope, in the months of September and Odtober la ft; and which, according to the news-papers, was firft obferved the n t h September by Mr. Gartner, at Dorlkeurtz near D refden; then by me, on the 16th Q q q 2 of D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_tgarzpkalneyphzihrr7qyibbi	----	Facsimile of the Peace Treaty or Properties of Matter, he wrote rather caustically: "Of the importance of turning a knowledge of chemistry to household purposes I have been long satisfied. The common herd of philosophers seem to write only for one another. The chemists have filled volumes on the composition of a thousand substances of no sort of importance to the purposes of life" During the five years he spent in France—and in travelling widely in Europe—Jefferson served almost as a one-man bureau of information in keeping his American friends abreast of the progress of European science, sending home books and journals to Rittenhouse, Franklin and Rush and to the colleges of Yale, William and Mary, Harvard and Philadelphia. He returned in 1789 more than ever determined to encourage scientific activity and to obtain proper recognition for American scientists. His own prestige, and his appointment as Secretary of State in Washington's first cabinet and later of course as Vice-President and finally as the third President of the United States, helped materially in raising the standing of science in his country and its significance to the community. Jefferson also amassed the finest library of his time, which eventually became the nucleus of the Library of Congress, just as the library of George III— himself something of an amateur scientist—became the nucleus of the British Museum Library! But despite George III and some of his ministers, relations between scientists in the colonies and those in the mother country were not altogether impaired, and the spirit of encouragement was renewed after the negotiation of peace with England in which Franklin had played the major role. Writing to Franklin in 1783 Sir Joseph Banks, the greatest President the Royal Society had elected for many years, looked forward to the prospect of freer com- munications, and went on: "My sincere congratulations on the return of peace, which in whatever form she is worshipped, bad peace or good peace, never fails to prove herself the Faithful nurse of Science." Facsimile of the Peace Treaty AN ATTRACTIVE APPLICATION OF GOLD ELECTROFORMING No less important than the Declaration of Independence was the Peace Treaty signed at the York Hotel in Paris be- tween England and the United States in September 1783. One unusual and attractive feature of the bicentennial celebrations is a facsimile of this treaty, printed on hand- made paper similar to that of the original document, bound in leather, and with the eight corner pieces and the central plaque on the covers and the seals of the signatories—John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and the English pleniopotentiary, Franklin's friend David Hartley—repro- duced in high purity gold by electroforming from the origi- nals. A modified sulphite bath was used, and all the gold ietms are hall-marked. A limited number of copies of this collector's item will be produced later in the year and will be available from B.J.S. Electro-Plating Company Ltd, 348 Kilburn High Road, Lon- don NW6. 103 
work_thhi7nkmonbhxlnv2uzkdidrfi	----	XLIV. Of the stilling of waves by means of oil. Extracted from sundry letters between Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. William Brownrigg, M. D. F. R. S. and the Reverend Mr. Farish f 445 J XL IV, O f the fillin g o f Waves by meant o f Oil. ExtraSied from fundry Letters between Benjamin Franklin, L L . F. R r S. William Brownrigg, M. F. R. S.and the Reverend M r. Farifti. Extract o f a Letter from- D o d o r b r o w n r ig g to Br* f r a n k l i n , dated Ormathwait, January 27 l7Tir Y the enclofed from an old friend, a J 3 worthy clergyman at Carlifle, whofe great learning and extenfive knowledge in moft fai­ ences would have more diftinguifhed him , had he been placed in a more confpicuous point o f view, you will find that he had heard of your experi­ ment on Derwent Lake, and has thrown together what he could colled on that fu b je d 5 to which I have fubjoined one experiment from the relation o f another Gentleman.. ; , E x trad of a Letter from the Reverend M r. f a r i s h * to Dr. b r o w n r ig g . I fom etim e ago met with M r. D un, who fur- prjfed me with an account of an experiment you had tried upon the Derwent water, in company with Sir D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 Sir jo h n p r in g l e and Dr. f r a n k l i n . According to his reprefentation, the water, which had been in great agitation before, was inftantly calmed, upon pouring in only a very fmall quantity o f oil, and that to fo great a diftance round the boat as feems a little incredible. I have fince had the fame accounts from others, but I fufpedt all of a little exaggeration. p l in y mentions this property of oifas known parti­ cularly to the divers, who made ufe of it in his days, in order to have a more fteady light at the bottom(tf). T h e failors, I have been told, have obferved fome- thing of the fame kind in our days, that the water is always remarkably fmoother in the wake of a ihip that hath been newly tallowed, than it is in one that is foul. — Mr. p e n n a n t alfo mentions an obferva- tion of the like nature made by the feal catchers in Scotland. B rit. Zool. Vol. iv . Article s e a l . W h e n thefe animals are devouring a very oily fifh, which they always do under water, the waves above are obferved to be remarkably fmooth, and by this mark the filhermen know where to look for them. — Old p l i n y does not ufually meet with all the credit I am inclined to think he deferves. I (hall be glad to have an authentic account of the Kefwick experiment, and if N o te by D r. brownrigg. (a) Sir gilfred lawson, who ferved long in the army at Gibraltar, allures me that the filhermen in that place are ac- cuftomed to pour a little oil on the Tea, in order to ftill its motion, that they may be enabled to fee the oyfters lying at its bottom ; which are there very large, and which they take up with a pro­ per inftrument. T h is Sir gilfred had often fecn there per­ formed, and faid the fame was pra&ifed on other parts o f the Spanifh coaft. [ 446 ] it D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ +47 ] , . . it comes up to the reprefentations that have been made o f It* I (hall not much hefltate to believe the old Gentleman in another more wonderful pheno­ menon, he relates, of billing a tempeft only by throwing up a little vinegar into the air, Extradfc of a L etter to Do&or b r o w n r ig g from D o d o r FRANKLIN. London, N o v , 7,- 1 773. BEAR SIR, v ' I thank you for the remarks o f your learned ^ Carlifle. — I had, when a youth, read and Innled at p l in y ’s account o f a pradice among the feamen of his time, to ftill the waves in a ftorm by, pouring oil into the fea; whjch he mentions, as well, as the ufe made of oil by the divers; but the ftilling a tempeft by throwing vinegar into the air had efcaped me. I think with your friend, thatit has been of late too . much the mode to flight the learning of the antients. 'The learned, too, are apt to flight too much the knowledge of the vulgar. T h e cooling by evapora­ tion was long an inftance of the latter. This art o f imoothing the waves with oil, is an inftance o f both, rem aps you may not diflike to have an account 01 all I have heard, and learnt, and done in this waY\ Tahe it . if you pleafe as follows.' L J^in g at fea in a fleet of 96, fail bound • QU1̂ 30ur§> I obferved the wakes o f two of the fhips to be remarkably frnooth,. while all the others were ruffled by the wind, which blew frefh. xjeing puzzled w ith the differing appearance, I at laft pointed D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 I 4+8 ] pointed it out to our captain, and afked him th e m eaning o f it ? fl T h e cooks, fays he, have, I fuppofe, been*, ju ft em ptying their greafy w ater th ro u g h th e fcuppers, w hich has greafed the fides o f thofe fhips a little }” and this anfwer h e gave m e w ith an air o f fome little contem pt, as to a perfon ignorant o f w h at every body elfe knew . In m y ow n m ind I at firft flighted his folution, tho* I was n o t able to th in k o f another. But recollecting w hat I had form erly read in p l i n y , I refolved to m ake fome experim ent o f the effeCt o f oil on w ater, w hen L fhould have op­ portunity. . f V Afterwards being again at fea in 1762, I firft o b - ferved the wonderful quietnefs o f oil on agitated water, in the Twinging glafs lam p I m ade to han g up in the cabin, as defcribed in m y printed papers, page 43 8 o f the fourth edition. — T h is I was continually looking at and confidering, as an appearance to m e inexplicable. A n old fea captain, then a paflenger w ith m e, th o u g h t little o f it, fuppofing it an efteCt o f th e fame kind w ith that o f oil pu t on water to fm ooth it, w hich he faid was a practice o f the Be r ­ m u d i a n s w hen they w ould ftrike fi{h, w hich they * could not fee, i f the furface o f the w ater was ruffled by the wind. T h is practice I had never before heard of, and was obliged to him for the inform ation ; tho* I thought him m iftaken as to the famenefs o f th e experim ent, the operations being different; as w ell as the effects. In one cafe, the water is fm ooth till the oil is p u t on, and then becomes agitated. I n the other it is agitated before the oil is applied, and then becomes fmooth* — T h e fame gentlem an told m e, he had heard it was a practice w ith the fifher- m en D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 fnen of Lisbon when about to return into the river, (if they faw before them too great a furf upon the bar, which they apprehended might fill their boats in palling) to empty a bottle or two of oil into the fea, which would fupprefs the breakers, and allow them to pafs fafely : a confirmation of this I have not fince had an opportunity o f obtaining. But dif- courfing of it with another perfon, who had often been in the Mediterranean, I was informed that the divers there, who, when under water in their bufinefs, need light, which the curling o f the furface inter­ rupts by the refra&ions of fo many little waves, let a final! quantity of oil now and then out of their mouths, which riling to the furface fmooths it, and permits the light to come down to them. — All thefe informations I at times revolved in my mind, and wondered to find no mention of them in our books of experimental philofophy. A t length being at c l a p h a m where there is, on the comtnon, a large pond, which I oblerved to be one day very rough with the wind, I fetched out a cruet o f oil, and dropt a little o f it on the water. I law it fpread itlelf with lurprizing fwiftnels upon the furface $ but the efieft o f fmoothing the waves was not produced; for I had applied it firfi: on the leeward fide o f the pond, where the waves were large#, and the wind drove my oil back upon the fhore. 1 then went to the windward fide, where they began to * form ; and there the oil, though not more than a tea fpoonful, produced an infiant calm over a fpace feveral yards fquare, which fpread amazingly, and extend­ ed itfelf gradually till it reached the lee fide, making all that quarter o f the pond, perhaps half an acre* as fmooth as a looking-glafs. [ 449 ] V ol. L X I V . M m m Afte D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 A fter this, 1 contrived to take w ith m e, w henever I w ent into the country, a little oil in th e upper hol­ low jo in t o f m y bam boo cane, w ith w hich 1 m ig h t repeat the experim ent as opportunity fhould offer j and I found it constantly to lucceed. I n thefe experim ents, one circum ftance ftruck m e w ith particular furprize. T h is was the fudden, wide,., and forcible fpreading o f a drop o f oil on the face o f the w ater, w hich I do not know that any body has h-itherto confidered. I f a drop o f oil is put on a polifhed m arble table, or on a looking-glals that lies horizontally ; the drop remains in its place, fpread- ing very little. B ut w hen p u t on w ater it Ipreads initantly m any feet round, becom ing fo thin as to. produce the prilm atic colours, for a confiderable fpace, and beyond them fo m uch th in n er as to be invilible, except in its effect o f fm oothing th e waves at a m u ch greater diftanee. I t feems as if a m utual repulfion between its particles took place as loon as it touched the w ater, and a repulfion lb ftrong as to abt on other bodies fw im m ing on the furface, as d raw s, leaves, chips, & c. forcing th em to recede every way from th e drop, as from a center, leaving a large clear fpace. T h e quantity o f this force, and the diftanee to w hich it will operate, .1 have not yet afeertairted b u t I th in k it a curious enquiry, and I wifh to u n d erh an d w hence it arifes. In our jo u rn ey to the n orth, w hen we had th e plea- fure o f feeing you at O rm ath w aite, w e vifited the cele­ brated M r. s m e a t o n near L eeds. B eing about to fhew h im the fm oothing experim ent on a little pond near his houfe, an ingenious pupil o f his, M r. Jeflop, then prelent, told us o fa ii odd appearance on th a t pond, 2 w hich [ 450 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 5 i ] which had lately occurred to him. He was about to, clean a little cup in which he kept oil, and he threw upon the water lim e flies that had been drowned in theoil. Thefe flies prefently began to move, and turn­ ed round on, the water very rapidly, as if they were vigoroufly alive, though on examination be found they were not fo. I immediately concluded that the motion was occafioned by the power of the repulfion abovementioned, and that the oil ifluing gradually from the fpungy body of the fly continued the mo­ tion. H e found fome more flies drowned in oil, with which the experiment was repeated before us. T o lhew that it was not any effe& of life , recovered by the flies, 1 imitated it by little bits of oiled chips and paper cut in the form of a comma, of the lize of a common fly ; when the Aream of repelling particles ifluing from the point, made the comma turn round the contrary way. This is not a chamber experiment; for it cannot well be repeated in a bowl or difh o f water on a table. A confiderable furface of water is neceffary to give room for the expanfion of a final! quantity of oil. In a difh of water, if the fmalleft drop o f oil be let fall in the middle, the whole fur- face is prefently covered with a thin greaiy film pro­ ceeding from the drop; but as foon as that film has reached the fides of the difh, no more will ifluefrom the drop, but it remains in the form of oil, the fides of the difh putting a flop to its diffipation by pro­ hibiting the farther expanfion of the film. Our friend Sir John p r in g l e being foon after in Scotland, learnt there, that thofe employed in the herring fifhery, could at a diftance fee where the Ihoals o f herrings were, by the fmoothnefs of the M m m 2 wat?r D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 C ] water over them , w hich m ight poftibly be occafion- ed, he ̂ thought, by fbme oilinefs proceeding from their bodies. A gentlem an from Rhode-ifland told m e, it had been rem arked that the harbour o f N ew port was ever fmooth while any whaling veftels were in it w hich probably arofe from hence, th at the blubber w hich they fbmetimes bring loofe in the hold, or th e leakage o f their barrels, m ight afford fome oil, to mix: w ith that water, w hich from tim e to tim e th e y p u m p o u t to keep the veftel free, and that fame oil m ight fpread over the furface of the water in the harbour, and prevent the form ing o f any waves. T h is prevention I would thus endeavour to explain. T h e re feems to be no natural repulfion betw een w ater and air, fuch as to keep them from com ing into contact w ith each other. H ence we find a quantity o f air in w a t e r ; and if we extradl it by means o f the air-p u m p , th e fam e water again ex - pofed-to the air, will foon im bibe an equal quantity. T herefore air in m otion, w hich is wind, in palling over the fm ooth furface o f w ater, may ru b , as i t were, upon that furface, and raife it into w rinkles, w hich, if the w ind continues, are the elem ents o f future waves. T h e fmal left wave once raifed does not im m edi­ ately fubftde, and leave the neighbouring water q u ie t: but in fubfiding raifes nearly as m uch o f the w ater next to it, the friction o f the parts m aking lit­ tle difference. T h u s a ftone dropt in a pool raifes firft a fingle wave round itfe lf; and leaves it, by finking to the bottom $ but th a t firft wave fubfiding raifes a fecond, the fecond a third, and fo on in circles to a grea t extent, J: A fsna!I D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 L 453 ] A fmall power continually operating will produce a great adion. A finger applied to a weighty fuf- pended bell, can at firft move it but little; if re­ peatedly applied, though with no greater ftrength, the motion increafes till the bell fwings to its utmoft height, and with a force that cannot be refilled by the whole ftrength of the arm and body. T h u s the fmall firft-raifed waves, being continually a died up­ on by the wind, are, though the wind does not in- creafe in ftrength, continually increafed in magni­ tude, riling higher and extending their bafes, fo as to include a vaft mafs of water in each wave, which in its motion ads with great violence. But if there be a mutual repulfion between the particles of oil, and n6 attradion between oil and water, oil dropt on water will not be held together by adhelion to the fpot whereon it falls; it will not be imbibed by the water ; it will be at liberty to ex­ pand itlelf; and it will fpread on a furface that, be- fides being finooth to the moft perfect degree of polilh, prevents, perhaps by repelling the oil, all im mediate contad, keeping it at a minute diftance from itfelf; and the expanlion will continue, till the m u ­ tual repullion between the particles of the oil is weakened and reduced to nothing by their diftance. Now I imagine that the wind blowing over water thus covered with a film of oil, cannot eafiiy catch upon it, fo as to raife the firft wrinkles, but ilides over it, and leaves it lmooth as it finds it. It moves a little the oil indeed, which, being between it and the water, ferves it to Hide with, and prevents fridion, as oil does between thofe parts of a machine, that would otherwife rub hard together, Hence the D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 454 ] , ’• oil dropt on the w indw ard fide o f a pond proceeds gradually to leeward, as may be feen by the fm ooth- nefs it carries w ith it, quite to the oppofite fide. F or the wind being thus prevented from railing th e tirfi: wrinkles that I call the elem ents o f waves, cannot produce waves, which are to be m ade by continual­ ly acting upon and enlarging tbofe elements, and thus the w hole pond is calmed. T o tally therefore we m ight fupprefs the waves in any required place, if we could com e at the w ind­ ward place w here they take th eir rile. T h is in t h e . ocean can feldom i f ever be done. B ut perhaps fom ething may be done on particular occalions, to m oderate the violence o f th e waves, w hen we are in the m idif o f them , and prevent their breaking, w here that would be inconvenient. F o r when the w ind blows frelh, there are con­ tinually riling on the back o f every great wave, a num ber o f lm ail ones, w hich roughen its furface, and give the w ind hold, as it were, to pulh it w ith greater force. T h is hold is dim inilhed by prevent­ ing the generation o f thofe fmall ones. A nd pof- fibly too, when a wave’s furface is oiled, the w ind, in palling over it, may rather in fome degree prefs » it dow n, and contribute to prevent its riling again, inftead o f prom oting it. T h is as mere conjecture would have little w eight, if the apparent effects o f pouring oil into the mid ft o f waves were not confiderable, and as yet not otherw ife accounted for. W h e n the wind blows fo frelh, as that the waves are not fufficiently quick in obeying its impulfe, their tops being thinner and lighter are pufhed forw ard, • ' broken, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 broken, and turned over in a white foam. Com­ mon waves lift aveflel, without entering it; but thele when large fometimes break above and pour over it, doing great damage. T h a t this effed might in any degree be prevent­ ed, or the height and violence of waves in the fea moderated, we had no certain account ; p l i n y ’s authority, for the pra&ice of Teamen in his time being flighted. But difcourfing lately on thisfubjed with, his excellency Count ben t i n ck of Holland, his fon the honourable Captain b e n t i n c k , and the learns ed profeffor a l l e m a n d , (to all whom I fhewed the experiment of lmoothing in a windy day the large piece of water at the head of the Green P a rk ; ) ; a letter was mentioned which had been received by the Count from Batavia, relative to the faving o f a D utch fliip in a ftorm, by pouring oil into the fea. I much deli red to fee that letter, and a copy of it: was promifed me, which I afterward received W . (b) Extrait d’une Leltre de Mr. tengnagel a Mr. le Comte de bentinck,, ecrite de Batavia ie 15 Janvier, 1770. ^Presdes iflesPaulus &. Amfterdam nous efluiames un orage, qui > n’eut rien d’aflez particulier pour vous etre marque, ft non que riotre capitaine fe trouva oblige en tournant fous le vent, de verfer de Thuile contre la haute mer, pour empecher les vagues de fe brifer conrre le navire, ce qui reuffit a nous conferver, & a e,e d’un tres bon effet; comrne il n’en verfa qu’une petite quantite a la fois, la compagnie doit peut-etre fon vaiffeau a fix demi aumes d’huile d’olive : j ’ai ete prefent quand cela s’eft fait, & je ne vous aurois pas entretenu de cette circonftance, fi ce n’etoit quenousavons trouve les gens ici fiprevenus con trel’experience, que les officiers du bord nj moi n’avons fait aucune difficult^ d e/ donner un certificat de la verite fur ce chapitre. C 455 ] Extra# D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 5 6 ] « E x tract o f a L etter from M r, t e n g n a g e l to <c C ount b e n t i n c k , dated at Batavia the 5 th ** o f January 1770, tc N ear the iflands P aul and A m fterdam , we m et <6 w ith a d o rm , w h ich had nothing particular in it Ci w o rth y o f being com m unicated to you, except *c th at the captain found him felf obliged, for great- ** er fafety in w earing the fhip, to pour oil into th e <6 lea, to prevent the waves breaking over her, w h ich *c had an excellent efFeCt, and fucceeded in preferv- “ ing us. — As he poured out but a little at a tim e, <c the E a ft India com pany owes perhaps its {hip to *c only fix dem i-aum es o f oil-olive* I was prefeot iC upon deck w hen this was d o n e ; and I fhould not €s have m entioned this circum ftance to you, but that 46 w e have found people here fo prejudiced. againfl i( the experim ent, as to m ake it neceflary for the 46officers on board and m yfelf to give a certificate o f **the tru th on this head, o f w hich we m ade np “ difficulty.” O n this occaflon, I m entioned to Captain b e n t i n c k , a th o u g h t w hich had occurred to me in reading the voyages o f our late circumnavigators, particularly w here accounts are given of pleafant and fertile iflands w hich they m uch defired to land upon, w hen fleknefs made it m ore neceflary, but could not ef­ fect a landing through a violent fu rf breaking on the fhore, w hich rendered it im practicable. M y idea was, thatpoffibly by failing to and fro at fom e diftance from Rich lee fhore, continually pouring oil into D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 into the fea, the waves might be fb much deprefFed and leflened before they reached the fhore as to abate the height and violence of the furfF, and permit a landing* which, in fuch circumftances, was a point of fufficient^importance to juftify the expence of the oil that might be requifite for the purpofe. T h a t gentleman, who is ever ready to promote what may be o f public utility, thpugh his own ingenious in­ ventions have not always met with the countenance they merited, was fo obliging as to invite m e to Portfmouth, where a,n opportunity would pro* bably offer, in the courfe of a few days, o f making the experiment on fome of the fhores about Spit- head, in which he kindly propoled to accompany me, and to give afFiftance with fuch boats as might be neceflary. Accordingly, about the middle of O&ober laft, I went with fome friends to Po r t s ­ m o u t h * and a day of wind happening, which made a lee-fhore betweenHASLAR HOSPiTALand thePoint near j il l k e c k e r , we went from the Centaur with the long-boat and barge towards that fhore. Our difpofition was th is : the long-boat was anchored about a quarter of a mile from the fhore * part of the company were landed behind the Point (a place more fheltered from the fea) who came round and placed themfeives oppofite to the long-boat, where they might obferve the furfF, and note if any change occurred in it, upon ufing the oil. Another party, in the barge, plyed to windward of the long-boat, as far from her as fhe was from the fhore, making trips of about half a mile each, pouring oil con­ tinually out of a large ftone-bottle, through a hole in the cork, fomewhat bigger than a goofe-quill. V o l . LXIV. N n n T h e [ 457 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 T h e experim ent had not, in the main point, the fuccefs we wifhed, for no m aterial difference was obferved in th e height or force o f the furff upon the f h o r e ; but thofe w ho were in the long-boat could obferve a trad: o f fm oothed water, the w hole length o f th e diftance in w hich the barge poured the oil, and gradually fpreading in breadth towards the long­ boat. I call it fm oothed, not that it was laid le v e l; b u t becaufe, th ough the fwell continued, its furface was not roughened by th e w rinkles, or fmaller waves, b efo re-m en tio n ed ; and none, or very few White- caps (or waves whofe tops turn over in foam ) ap­ peared in that w hole fpace, though to w indw ard and leeward o f it there were plenty 5 and a w herry, that cam e round th e point under fail, in h er way to P ortfm outh, feemed to tu rn into th at tra d of choice, and to ufe it from end to end, as a piece o f tu rn ­ pike-road. I t m ay be of ufe to relate th e circum ftances even o f an experim ent th at does not fucceed, fince they m ay give hints o f am endm ent in future tria ls : it is therefore I have been thus particular. I fhall only add w hat I apprehend may have been the reafon o f our disappointm ent. I conceive, that the operation o f oil on w ater is, fifft, to prevent the railing o f new waves by th e w ind } and, fecondly, to prevent its pufhing thofe before raifed w ith fuch force, and con fequently their continuance o f th e fame repeated height, as they w ould have done, if their furface w ere not oiled. But oil will not prevent waves being raifed by another pow er, by a ftone, for inftance, falling into a Hill, pool y for. they th en rife by th e m echanical im pulfe [ 4 5 8 ] D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 5 9 ] of the ftone, which the greafineft cm the fur­ rounding water cannot lefien or prevent, as it can prevent the winds catching the furface and railing it into waves. Now waves once raifed, whether by the wind or any other power, have the fame me­ chanical operation, by which they continue to rife and fall, as a pendulum will continue to fwing, a long time after the force ceafes to adl by which the motion was firft produced: that motion will, how­ ever, ceafe in time ; but time is neceflary. T here­ fore, though oil fpread on an agitated fea, may weaken the pufti of the wind on thofe waves whofe furfaces are covered by it, and fo, by receiving lefs frefli impulfe, they may gradually fubfide; yet a confiderable time, or a diftance through which they will take time to move, may be neceflary to make the effedt fenfible on any Ihore in a diminution o f the furff.’ for we know, that when wind ceafes fuddenly, the waves it has raifed do not as fuddenly fubfide, but fettle gradually, and are not quite down till long after the wind has ceafed. So though we Should, by oiling them, take off the effedl of wind on waves already raifed, it is not to be expedted that thofe waves Ihould be inftantly levelled. T h e mo­ tion they have received will, for fome time, con­ tinue ; and, if the Ihore is not far diftant, they arrive there fo foon, that their effedt upon it will not be vifibly diminilhed. Poflibly, therefore, if we had begun our operations at a greater diftance, the effedt might have been more fenfible. And per­ haps we did not pour oil in fufticient quantity. F u ­ tu re experiments may determine this. N n n 2 I was, D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 [ 4 « ° ] I was, however, greatly obliged to Captain b e n - t i n c k , for the ehearful and ready aids he gave m e : and I ought n o t to om it m entioning M r - b a n k s , D r. s o l a n d e r , G eneral c a r n a c , and D r. b l a g - d e n , w ho all aflifted at th e experim ent, during th a t bluftring unpleafant day, w ith a patience and activity th a t could only beinfpired by a zeal for th e im prove­ m ent o f know ledge, fuch efpecially as m ight pof- fibly be o f ufe to m en in fituations o f diftrels. I w ould w ilh you to com m unicate this to your ingenious friend, M r. f a r i s h , w ith my refpe6ta>. and believe m e to be, w ith lincere efteem , DEAR SIR, • * Y our m o d obedient hum ble fervant, B. F R A N K L I N , X L V . Translation D ow nl oa de d fr om h tt ps :/ /r oy al so ci et yp ub li sh in g. or g/ o n 05 A pr il 2 02 1 
work_tomabg2jv5fixdtdrrwabevwkq	----	Microsoft Word - DRM296BF Further Section Dermatology 1996;192:296-297 Book Reviews P.D. Samman, D.A. Fenton Samman’s the Nails in Disease, 5th ed. Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford 1995 238 pp; E 30.00 ISBN 0-7506-0189-2 W.P. Unger Hair Transplantation, 3rded. Dekker, New York 1995 848pp;$ 195.00 ISBN 0-8247-9363-3 Content: Anatomy and Physiology – Principal Nail Symptoms -Infections Affecting the Nails – Psoriasis – Nail Disorders Associated with Other Dermatological Conditions – Miscellaneous Acquired Nail Disorders – Nail Disorders Associated with General Medical Conditions – Nail Changes Due to Drugs – The Nail and Cosmetics – Nail Deformities Due to Trauma – Tumours Producing Nail Disorders – Developmental Anomalies – Nail Surgery Editorial Comment: The fifth edition of a classic (the first edition was published in 1965). Dr Samman died on December 1992 and this edition was prepared by Dr Fenton. Nice and easy to read. P. Eisner, HI Mai bach Current Problems in Dermatology, vol. 23 Irritant Dermatitis Karger, Basel 1995 X + 302 pp; SFr 298.-ISBN 3-8055-6083-4 Content: Clinical Aspects – Epidemiology – Occupational Aspects – Pathogenesis – Bioengineering Techniques – Prevention and Therapy – Product Testing and Regulatory Aspects Editorial Comment: This book provides an updated overview on a frequent but previously neglected field of our speciality. C. Surber, P. Eisner, A..I. Bircher Current Problems in Dermatology, vol. 22 Exogenous Dermatology Karger, Basel 1995 XVIII + 242 pp; SFr 258.- ISBN 3-8055-6062-1 Content: Allergology – Bioengineering and Occupational Dermatology – Clinical Aspects – Pharmacology – Toxicology Editorial Comment: This book is based on a symposium held in Basel in honor of Howard Mayback’s 65th anniversary. It covers several fields where Howard has been very active ... not as an exogenous agent! Content: Androgenetic Alopecia and Its Treatment – Classification, Anatomy and Instrumentation – The Interview – General Principles of Recipient Site Organization and Planning – Preoperative Instructions – Anesthesia – The Donor Site – The Recipient Area -Laser Hair Transplantation – Preparation and Insertion of Grafts -Bandaging – Postoperative Course – Complications of Hair Transplantation – Correction of Poor Transplanting – Alternative Approaches to Grafts Transplantation – Square Grafting – Alopecia Reductions – Scalp Extension – Tissue Expansion – Procedure for Attachment of a Hairpiece: Tunnel Grafting – Lateral Scalp Flaps in Surgery for Male Pattern Baldness – Temporoparieto-Occipital Flaps – Complications of Flaps in the Treatment of the Baldness -Scalp Reconstruction with Multiple Flap Techniques – Surgical Treatment of the Avulsed Scalp – New Horizons Editorial Comment: A very comprehensive book for dermatology surgeons. C.V. Sanders, L.T. Nesbitt, Jr The Skin and Infection A Color Atlas and Text Waverly Europe, London 1995 325pp;E 125.00 ISBN 0-683-07539-X Content: Evaluating the Patient with a Skin Infection, General Considerations – Histopathology and Pathophysiology – Staphylo-coccal and Streptococcal Infections – Cutaneous Signs of Septice-mia – Other Bacterial Infections – Necrotizing and Gangrenous Soft Tissue Infections – Skin Signs of Infectious Zoonoses – Sexually Transmitted Diseases – Lyme Disease – The Rickettsioses – Cutaneous Tuberculosis – Cutaneous Signs of Nontuberculous Mycobac-teria – Leprosy – Superficial Fungal Infections – Systemic Fungal Infections – Viral Exanthems – Other Viral Infections – Protozoan and Helminth Infections – Bites, Stings and Infestations – Skin Infections in the Immunocompromised Host, NonHIV – Skin Infections in the Immunocompromised Host, HIV and AIDS – Approach to the Diagnosis of the Patient with Fever and Rash Editorial Comment: Most of the pictures are of good quality and have sufficient educational impact. A book well suited for department libraries. KARGER E-Mail karger¢⅞ karger.ch Fax + 41 61 306 1234 © 1996 S. Karger AG, Basel 1018-8665/96/1923-0296 $ 10.00/0 Col. W.D. James Military Dermatology (Textbook of Military Medicine, part III) TMM Publications, Washington 1994 617 pp Editorial Comment: This very interesting and well designed book is one of the 17 volumes which comprise the Textbook of Military Medicine. It has been edited by Col. William D. James. It provides an unusual approach to our speciality since diseases such as cold injury, immersion foot syndromes, cutaneous reactions to nuclear, biological, and chemical warfare are covered in depth. Many chapters contain information on the impact of conditions relating to the history of warfare. I like this book but hope that many of the specific diseases reported in it will become of purely historical interest in the future. Announcements 3rd Annual Course on Lasers in Cutaneous and Cosmetic Surgery San Francisco, June 7-9, 1996 Presented by the Department of Dermatology at the University of California School of Medicine at San Francisco, this course is designed for dermatologists, otolaryngologists and plastic surgeons, and it emphasizes the most current and practical information available, including treatment parameters, for the use of lasers in cutaneous and cosmetic surgery. Course attendees will gain hands-on experience in a laboratory setting, and they will witness clinical demonstrations of patients being treated with optimal laser systems. To maximize individualized instruction, attendance is limited to 50. Topics to be covered include: Laser tissue interaction Optimal anesthesia Laser treatment of vascular lesions Laser skin resurfacing techniques Pediatric laser surgery The UCSF is accredited by the Accreditation Council for Continuing Medical Education. This program will meet the criteria for category 1 credit. For further information, please write or call the Office of Continuing Medical Education Room MCB-630 University of California San Francisco, CA 94143-0742 (USA) Tel. 415 476-4251 4th International Dermatology Symposium on the Sebaceous Gland and Its Disorders: Basic and Clinical Research, Clinical Entities and Treatment Berlin, September 13-15, 1996 Venue: University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin Secretary: Docent Dr. Ch.C. Zouboulis Scientific Secretariat: Department of Dermatology University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin Free University of Berlin Hindenburgdamm 20 D-12200 Berlin (Germany) Tel. 49 30 8445 2808 Fax 49 30 8445 4262 Book Reviews/Announcements Dermatology 1996;192:296-298 297 
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work_tqwaeuisvfeydilgxheitcxpva	----	372 that these individuals deserve and need follow-up by trained members of the permanent staff. We recog- nise that this has implications in terms ofthe organis- ation of both service and training arrangements and requires further debate within the College. We would suggest that audit of follow-up arrange- ments for these groups of patients must be a high priority for the College if we are to avoid the risk of having 'back ward' type care in the community. I. A. DAVIDSON R.G.PooLE Central Liverpool Mental Health Team Royal Liverpool Hospital Liverpool L7 8XP Long-intervaljob-sharing DEAR SIRS Job-sharing is now accepted practice in the NHS. It is attractive to married women with children, and to those approaching retirement. So far the sharing has been on a weekly basis, with the week's sessions divided between two people. I am exploring the possibility of sharing on the basis of longer intervals, Correspondence such as two or three months. This might be attractive to women with children at school who want to work during the school terms but not during the holidays, and to those approaching retirement who want to develop interests which require longer periods than a few days. My own interest is off-shore sailing which requires a month or two to allow a satisfactory passage. The main drawback to the idea is any possible adverse effect on patients or other staff. After discussions with local colleagues, managers and paramedical staff, it seems to me that it is worth trying, possibly with a built-in 'action research' project to evaluate it. I should be interested to hear from others who might find such an arrangement attractive. As Benjamin Franklin is said to have said, there's no harm in retirement so long as it doesn't interfere with your work. JOHN S. PRICE Department ofPsychiatry Milton Keynes General Hospital Standing Way Milton Keynes MK65LD NEW PuBLICATION Reading Lists for Trainees General Psychiatry This reading list has been produced by the College Library. Specialists in each area were consulted and their recommen- dations have been used to compile the list of some 250 journal references. Although it is not an official compilation of recommended read- ing, its purpose is to create a realistic database to assist trainees in preparing for their examinations. The list is available from the College, price £2.00. 
work_tqzotdthofgi3mkjcytwz5feoq	----	The leadership of pragmatism: Reconsidering Franklin in the age of charisma The leadership of pragmatism Reconsidering Franklin in the age of charisma Michael D. Mumford*, Judy R. Van Doorn Department of Psychology, University of Oklahoma, 455 West Lindsey Street, Room 470, Normal, OK 73019, USA Abstract In recent years, our quest to understand outstanding leadership has focused on the characteristics of charismatic or transformational leaders. In this article, however, we will argue that outstanding leadership need not always involve charisma but may instead be based on a functional, problem- centered approach we refer to as a pragmatic leadership strategy. Initially, certain key propositions pertaining to the nature of pragmatic leadership are described. Subsequently, these propositions are evaluated with respect to 10 cases of noteworthy leadership evidenced by Benjamin Franklin. It is argued that pragmatic leaders, such as Franklin, exercise influence by identifying and communicating solutions to significant social problems, working through elites in solution generation, creating structures to support solution implementation, and demonstrating the feasibility of these solutions. The conditions under which this pragmatic approach can effectively be applied are discussed and contrasted with current views of the conditions calling for charismatic, transformational, and transactional leadership. D 2001 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction Scholars have long debated exactly what makes exceptional, outstanding leadership possible. What allowed Julius Caesar, George Washington, and Joan of Arc to exercise such profound influence on their contemporaries? Beginning with Weber’s (1947) examination of notable historic leaders, students of leadership have examined the merits of using the concept of charisma (e.g., Conger & Kanungo, 1987, 1994; House, 1995; Shamir, House, & Arthur, 1993), or the closely related, albeit broader, concept of transformational leadership (e.g., Avolio, 1048-9843/01/$ – see front matter D 2001 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. PII: S1048-9843(01)00080-7 * Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-405-325-5583; fax: +1-405-325-4737. E-mail address: mmumford@ou.edu (M.D. Mumford). The Leadership Quarterly 12 (2001) 279–309 Howell, & Sosik, 1999; Bass, 1997; Burns, 1978) to account for these incidents of outstanding leadership. In fact, the evidence compiled by Howell and Avolio (1993), Lowe, Koreck, and Sivasubramaniam (1996), and Yorges, Weiss, and Strickland (1999) among others indicate that charismatic and transformational leadership can indeed account for many incidents of exceptional leadership. Charismatic and transformational leaders provide followers with a motivating sense of identity by presenting and articulating a vision (Shamir, Zakay, Breinin, & Popper, 1998). In contrast to this rather romantic view of leadership (Abra, 1994), one might propose a more rationalistic, or functional, view. In other words, one might ask whether exceptional leadership can be based on an appeal to ‘‘interest’’ in the common good rather than an appeal to identity. To explore the nature of this functional approach to leadership, we will, in the present article, examine 10 cases drawn from a noted historic leader. More specifically, we will examine the leadership strategies used by Benjamin Franklin whose apparent disdain for charisma is aptly summarized by his comment in the 1754 Poor Richard’s Almanac: ‘‘In the affairs of this world men are saved not by faith but by want of it’’ (Franklin, 1754). 2. Charismatic and transformational leadership Before proceeding to our propositions with regard to this alternative style of outstanding leadership, it might be useful to briefly review some of the central tenets of the charismatic and transformational models currently being used to account for outstanding leadership. Tra- ditional models of leadership were, as Bass (1997) points out, based on transactional principals: an exchange of support for rewards. While useful in accounting for routine institutional leadership, these transactional models could not account for the profound impact characteristic of truly exceptional leaders. In contrast, charismatic and transformational models focus on outstanding leadership, emphasizing the need for followers to find meaning through leadership. Leaders provide followers with meaning by constructing and communicating a vision, or image, that articulates followers’ values while allowing them to express their identity through a shared collective vision. This appeal to values and identity not only motivates people to work towards an envisioned future but also serves as well to build feelings of competence and self-worth (House & Shamir, 1993; Mumford, Yammarino, & Dansereau, 2000). Although virtually all models of outstanding leadership stress the importance of vision, different investigators make different assumptions about other kinds of actions likely to play a role in exceptional leadership (Hunt, 1991; Yukl, 1994). House (1977), in his description of charismatic leaders, emphasizes the importance of passion and self-sacrifice, displaying confidence in followers, and role modeling among other dimensions. House and Podsakoff (1994) argue that charismatic leadership involves inspirational communication, external representation, and exhibition of high expectations. Conger and Kanungo (1998) hold that charismatic leaders assess the external environment to find weaknesses in the status quo, attracting followers by presenting an appealing vision that seems radically different from the current status quo (Conger, 1999; Conger & Kanungo, 1998). In this regard, however, it is important to bear in mind a point made by Hunt, Boal, and Dodge (1999) who note that M.D. Mumford, J.R. Van Doorn / The Leadership Quarterly 12 (2001) 279–309280 https://isiarticles.com/article/38232 
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work_u2aqnqsx7ndxvpk55yyavnrdje	----	FEM_1806_373_CDtor_2515056_Gargantilla.indd 373www.fundacioneducacionmedica.org FEM 2015; 18 (6): 373 CARTA AL DIRECTOR ‘Juro por los médicos y Esculapio, y por Higiea y Panacea, y por todos los dioses y diosas, poniéndo- los de jueces...’ [1], así comienza el juramento hipo- crático. Ahora bien, ¿sabemos realmente qué impli- ca jurar por Higiea y Panacea? Según la mitología, Asclepio, el dios de la salud por antonomasia en la civilización griega, era hijo de Corónide, una bella mortal, y de Apolo, uno de los dioses más importantes del panteón griego. As- clepio tuvo varios hijos, entre ellos Higiea y Pana- cea. Higiea era la diosa de la curación, la limpieza y la sanidad; de su nombre deriva el término ‘higiene’ [2]. A esta diosa habitualmente se la representaba como una mujer joven que alimenta a una gran ser- piente enroscada en torno a su cuerpo. Esta divini- dad se asoció con la prevención de la enfermedad y la continuación de la buena salud [2]. Por su parte, Panacea era la diosa de la salud; su nombre se com- pone de pan (‘todo’) y akos (‘remedio’), por lo que ‘panacea’ signifi ca literalmente aquello que es ‘capaz de curar diversas enfermedades’. Durante siglos, las sociedades prefi rieron la dua- lidad Asclepio/Panacea, es decir, el enfoque de la sa- lud entendido como curación quirúrgica (Asclepio) o farmacológica (Panacea): el ser humano aprende a dominar las enfermedades a través del conoci- miento de las plantas o minerales y de la tecnología quirúrgica. Este hecho se traduce en el momento actual en la búsqueda de nuevos fármacos, vacunas o tecnologías que permitan llegar a diagnósticos más precisos. La otra vertiente de la salud, la cara oculta, es Higiea, la cual ha permanecido postergada porque no enseña fórmulas nuevas ni curas milagrosas; muy al contrario, Higiea enseña el camino de la moderación y la razonabilidad. Sin embargo, la cri- sis económica actual ha facilitado que los médicos defendamos aquellas formas de conducta reguladas por el ethos, esto es, el elemento implícito, pero no obligatorio, para conducirnos en la vida. Sin embar- go, no debemos engañarnos: las condiciones que plantea Higiea, entre ellos realizar cambios en el es- tilo de vida, no son nada sencillas y en numerosas ocasiones no nos gustan. En estos momentos, ¿por qué debemos abogar por Higiea o por Panacea? En cierta ocasión, el político estadounidense Benjamín Franklin (1706- 1790) afi rmó que ‘una onza de prevención vale tan- to como una libra de curación’. Recordemos que una onza equivale a 28,35 gramos, y una libra, a 453,54 gramos. Para terminar, nos quedamos con una frase de George Bernard Shaw que aparece en su obra tea- tral El dilema del médico: ‘utilice su salud lo mejor que pueda y no trate de vivir eternamente, no lo con- seguirá’. Bibliografía 1. Guthrie D. Historia de la medicina. Barcelona: Salvat Editores; 1947. 2. Gargantilla P. Manual de historia de la medicina. 4 ed. Málaga: Grupo Editorial 33; 2013. ¿Higiea o Panacea? Pedro Gargantilla-Madera, Noelia Arroyo-Pardo, Emilio Pintor-Holguín Universidad Europea de Madrid (P. Gargantilla-Madera, E. Pintor- Holguín). Servicio de Medicina Interna; Hospital El Escorial (P. Gargantilla- Madera, N. Arroyo-Pardo). Madrid, España. Correspondencia: Dr. Pedro Gargantilla Madera. Servicio de Medicina Interna. Hospital El Escorial. Ctra. M-600 de Guadarrama a San Lorenzo de El Escorial, km 6,255. E-28200 San Lorenzo de El Escorial (Madrid). E-mail: pgargantilla@yahoo.es © 2015 FEM 
work_u4kegszjorgldayrrq3mdggr2m	----	The 2011 Benjamin Franklin Medal in computer and cognitive science presented to John R. Anderson Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Journal of the Franklin Institute 351 (2014) 98–102 0016-0032/$3 http://dx.doi. E-mail ad www.elsevier.com/locate/jfranklin The 2011 Benjamin Franklin Medal in computer and cognitive science presented to John R. Anderson Dario D. Salvucci Department of Computer Science, Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA 19104, United States Received 6 June 2012; received in revised form 6 June 2012; accepted 6 June 2012 Available online 14 January 2013 Abstract John R. Anderson is an international leader in the computational representation and simulation of human cognition. He is credited as having developed the first ‘‘cognitive architecture’’—a computational framework for specifying both the abilities and limitations of human behavior. Anderson has also made fundamental contributions in applying cognitive architectures to practical problems, most notably in the development of intelligent tutoring systems: computer-based tutors that continually infer the cognitive state of the student, striving to determine what the student knows and does not know, and targeting further instruction accordingly. For these achievements, Anderson was awarded the 2011 Benjamin Franklin Medal in Computer and Cognitive Science. & 2013 Published by Elsevier Ltd. on behalf of The Franklin Institute 1. Introduction Since the earliest days of computing, scientists have worked to endow computers with intelligence—with the ability to think, reason, and act in ways similar to their human creators. Initial research into ‘‘artificial intelligence,’’ as it became known, shed light on both the great promise and the great challenges of such an effort. As this area of research evolved, some scientists became more centrally focused on applying these new ideas to engineering-oriented problems, such as defeating a world-champion chess player. Other scientists, meanwhile, began to focus on using computers to simulate human cognition in order to better understand the fundamental workings of the human mind. At the same time, the field of psychology was also rapidly evolving, with detailed studies of specific important aspects of human cognition: list memory, mental rotation, visual 2.00 & 2013 Published by Elsevier Ltd. on behalf of The Franklin Institute org/10.1016/j.jfranklin.2012.06.013 dress: salvucci@drexel.edu www.elsevier.com/locate/jfranklin dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jfranklin.2012.06.013 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.jfranklin.2012.06.013&domain=pdf www.elsevier.com/locate/jfranklin dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jfranklin.2012.06.013 dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jfranklin.2012.06.013 dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jfranklin.2012.06.013 mailto:fi@elsevier.com D.D. Salvucci / Journal of the Franklin Institute 351 (2014) 98–102 99 search, and so on. Although this work helped to understand each component of cognition in its own right, very little attention was paid to the interaction among all these components. Allen Newell (winner of the Franklin Institute’s Levy Medal in 1992), in a paper aptly titled ‘‘You Can’t Play 20 Questions With Nature And Win’’ [1], expressed concern about this state of affairs and wondered how the scientific community could better work toward more integrative theories. His vision of unified theories of cognition, much like grand unified theories in physics, sought to account for the vast scope of human cognition with a minimal set of core principles and processes. Newell’s words still serve as a guiding vision for the field of cognitive science, and no one has contributed more toward achieving this vision than John R. Anderson. He is credited as having developed the first ‘‘cognitive architecture’’—a computational framework for specifying both the abilities and limitations of human behavior. Anderson’s ACT theory specifies, for example, how memorized facts decay over time, how verbal instructions are translated into procedural actions, and how such procedures become more efficient with practice. The specification of human cognition in a cognitive architecture allows for a more rigorous analysis of the most detailed aspects of cognitive processes, as well as the effects of the interaction of the component processes (cognitive, perceptual, and motor) in the context of complex real-world tasks. Anderson has also made fundamental contributions in applying cognitive architectures to practical problems, most notably in the development of intelligent tutoring systems. Intelligent tutoring systems are computer-based tutors that continually infer the cognitive state of the student, striving to determine what the students knows and does not know, and targeting further instruction accordingly. Anderson and his colleagues incorporated the ACT theory into such a system, and in subsequent studies of the system in local and then national school districts, showed that intelligent tutors can significantly improve student learning. An industry partner further developed Anderson’s tutoring systems, and his work in this area is now the core technology for computer-based tutors currently used by over 500,000 students across the United States. 2. History and contributions As a graduate student at Stanford University, Anderson and his advisor, Gordon Bower, developed a detailed theory of memory along with initial computer simulations of the theory, culminating in their joint book Human Associative Memory (1973) [2]. This theory was further developed in Anderson’s subsequent book, Language, Memory, and Thought (1976) [3], which also began to expand the scope of the theory beyond memory to the complex domain of language and to more general cognitive processes. The latter book also represented a landmark for the field, providing the first description of the ACT (Adaptive Control of Thought) theory that Anderson would continue to develop throughout his career. ACT, as Newell himself noted [4], was the first unified theory of cognition and the first cognitive architecture: a computational framework intended to embody all the abilities and limitations of the human system, as described in Anderson’s seminal work ‘‘The Architecture of Cognition’’ (1983) [5]. ACT posited that human cognition could be best represented in terms of two major components: declarative knowledge that encoded basic factual knowledge in addition to the current context, and procedural knowledge that encoded procedural skills as condition-action rules (production rules). The computational D.D. Salvucci / Journal of the Franklin Institute 351 (2014) 98–102100 foundation of the ACT theory forced theoretical ideas to be expressed in formal ways, thus lending a greater level of psychological plausibility. In addition, the computational models developed with such a cognitive architecture could be run as computer simulations, generating behavior and making predictions that would be extremely difficult or impossible to generate with simpler, closed-form representations. The ACT theory evolved a great deal in over three decades of development since its introduction. One important step in its evolution came from a focus on skill acquisition [6], the process by which people learn and adapt procedural skills for new tasks. This work defined skill acquisition in the context of the ACT framework by specifying computational methods for adapting the procedural rules of the behavioral models. In collaboration with Kevin Singley, Anderson also explored how procedural skills may transfer from one task domain to another [7]. These and other aspects of the skill-acquisition work became critical theoretical building blocks in the development of the ACT-based intelligent tutoring systems. Another extension of the theory was derived from a new approach that Anderson called rational analysis [8]. Rational analysis stated that, in order to filter through the often-vast space of potential theories, one could focus on the task and task context as a window into human problem-solving strategies and behaviors. The upshot of rational analysis was a new formulation of the ACT theory known as ACT-R, the current incarnation of the theory used by an international community of hundreds of researchers as a testbed for understanding and simulating cognitive processes. In fact, one of the most important benefits of ACT (and other cognitive architectures) is that they facilitate community theory-building: when researchers for a certain domain improve the architecture’s account of that domain, all users of the architecture immediately benefit from the improved predictions of the new theory. A third major advance for the ACT theory arose at least in part because of this emphasis on community theory-building. Borrowing ideas from another cognitive architecture (EPIC), ACT incorporated much-improved perceptual and motor processes, allowing the computational simulations to interact with task environments in a much more realistic way. As a result, Anderson and the broader community greatly expanded the scope of the ACT theory in applying it to a wide variety of task domains, ranging from basic experimental tasks (list memory, analogy, decision-making, etc.) to complex real-world tasks (backgammon, driving, air-traffic control, etc.). A fourth advance, spearheaded by Anderson over the past decade, involved grounding the components of the ACT cognitive architecture in terms of their neural bases. Computational simulations of the theory make predictions about which components— vision, audition, memory, and so on—are active at various temporal points of a task execution. In his most recent book, How Can the Human Mind Occur in the Physical Universe? (2007) [9], Anderson demonstrated how ACT’s computational mechanisms correspond closely both spatially and temporally to brain-imaging (fMRI) patterns observed in humans performing the same tasks. Beyond these major theoretical advances, Anderson’s work has had an enormous impact in practical terms, most notably in the field of intelligent tutoring systems. Intelligent tutoring systems are computer-based tutors that aim to infer a student’s knowledge during all stages of the learning process. Anderson et al. [10,11] pioneered the use of cognitive architectures to perform this inference: by embedding the ACT computational mechanisms within the tutoring system, the system can match the observable behavior of the student with the predicted behavior of the ACT models for that task. The system thus maintains a D.D. Salvucci / Journal of the Franklin Institute 351 (2014) 98–102 101 continual estimate of the student’s knowledge of specific component skills, and then targets instruction to address any deficiencies in this knowledge. Moving well beyond the controlled laboratory setting, Anderson, along with his students and collaborators, tested their tutoring systems in real classrooms—teaching geometry, algebra, and word-problem solving to high-school students, and teaching computer programming to college undergraduates. These efforts had to confront some of the most critical challenges in education today, some of which—like class attendance— were largely peripheral to the technological task at hand. Nonetheless, the studies demonstrated that computer tutors could, in general, significantly improve learning and raise test scores to approximately one standard deviation above scores obtained via normal classroom instruction. Their work on intelligent tutoring systems later spurred the creation of a company, Carnegie Learning, Inc., to further develop the integrated curriculum, and to this day, the ACT theory remains the core technology for these tutoring systems now used by over 500,000 students across the United States. From both a theoretical and practical standpoint, Anderson’s body of research has had an enormous impact. He has also authored a textbook about cognitive psychology [12] that remains popular, and has advised (to date) 29 Ph.D. students and mentored countless others in building a strong community of computational cognitive scientists. Anderson is very much deserving of the 2011 Benjamin Franklin Medal in Computer and Cognitive Science for his development of the first unified theory of cognition instantiated as a computational cognitive architecture, and its application to intelligent tutoring systems. 3. Laureate’s biography John R. Anderson was born in Vancouver, British Columbia, in 1947. He attended the University of British Columbia and, upon his graduation in 1968, won the Governor- General’s Gold Medal as the top student in Arts and Sciences. Anderson attended graduate school at Stanford University to work with Gordon H. Bower (winner of the National Medal of Science in 2005). After working for short periods at Yale University and the University of Michigan, Anderson moved to Carnegie Mellon University in 1978 with his wife, distinguished psychologist Lynne M. Reder, and has worked there ever since. Anderson has received a number of previous honors including the Distinguished Scientific Career Award from the American Psychological Association (1994), election to the National Academy of Sciences (1999), the David E. Rumelhart Prize from the Cognitive Science Society (2004), the Howard Crosby Warren Medal from the Society of Experimental Psychology (2005), and the inaugural Dr. A.H. Heineken Prize for Cognitive Science from the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences (2006). 4. Medal legacy Previous laureates who, like John Anderson, have made important contributions to the development of computational models of human cognition include: 1890 Herman Hollerith (Cresson) Electric Tabulating Device 1904 C.W. Draper (Longstreth) Development of a computing machine D.D. Salvucci / Journal of the Franklin Institute 351 (2014) 98–102102 1991 George Miller (Levy) For being a key developer of cognitive psychology 1992 Allen Newell (Levy) For development of languages and architecture to make computers intelligent 1999 Douglas Engelbart (Benjamin Franklin in Computer and Cognitive Science) For his outstanding contributions in computer hardware and software that revolutionized human–computer interactions 1999 Noam Chomsky (Benjamin Franklin in Computer and Cognitive Science) For his contributions to the world of linguistics and their effects on computer science, and insight into human thought processes 2001 Marvin Minsky (Benjamin Franklin in Computer and Cognitive Science) For development of conceptual model of the mind; artificial intelligence 2003 John McCarthy (Benjamin Franklin in Computer and Cognitive Science) For his multiple contributions to the foundations of artificial intelligence and computer science including the development of the LISP language, the invention of time-sharing interactive programming, and key developments in the application of formal logic to common sense reasoning 2006 Donald Norman (Benjamin Franklin in Computer and Cognitive Science) For the development of the field of user-centered design, which utilizes our understanding of how people think to develop technologies designed to be easily usable 2007 Stuart Card (Bower Award and Prize for Achievement in Science) For fundamental contributions to the fields of human-computer interaction and information visualization. References [1] A. Newell, You can’t play 20 questions with nature and win: projective comments on the papers of this symposium, in: W.G. Chase (Ed.), Visual Information Processing, Academic Press, New York, 1973 pp. 283–308. [2] J.R. Anderson, G.H. Bower, Human Associative Memory, Winston and Sons, Washington, 1973. [3] J.R. Anderson, Language, Memory, and Thought, Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ, 1976. [4] A. Newell, Unified Theories of Cognition, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1990. [5] J.R. Anderson, The Architecture of Cognition, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1983. [6] J.R. Anderson, Acquisition of cognitive skill, Psychological Review 89 (1982) 369–403. [7] M.K. Singley, J.R. Anderson, Transfer of Cognitive Skill, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1989. [8] J.R. Anderson, The Adaptive Character of Thought, Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ, 1990. [9] J.R. Anderson, How can the Human Mind Occur in the Physical Universe?, Oxford University Press New York, 2007. [10] J.R. Anderson, C.F. Boyle, A. Corbett, M.W. Lewis, Cognitive modelling and intelligent tutoring, Artificial Intelligence 42 (1990) 7–49. [11] J.R. Anderson, A.T. Corbett, K. Koedinger, R. Pelletier, Cognitive tutors: lessons learned, The Journal of the Learning Sciences 4 (1995) 167–207. [12] J.R. Anderson, Cognitive Psychology and its Implications, Freeman, San Francisco, 1980. The 2011 Benjamin Franklin Medal in computer and cognitive science presented to John R. Anderson Introduction History and contributions Laureate’s biography Medal legacy References 
work_uxhzywmi2vfbxdrbhtgetiluru	----	XJicIBodetnlanguage^ssociation of America ORGANIZED 1883 INCORPORATED 1900 Officers for the year 1952 President: Albert C. Baugh , University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 4 First Vice President: Casimir D Zdanowicz , University of Wisconsin, Madi- son 6 Second Vice President: Henry W. Nordmeyer , University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Executive Secretary: William Riley Parker , New Torl^ University, New York 3 Treasurer: John H. Fisher , New Tor\ University, New York 3 Executive Council For the term ending 31 Dec. 1951 Merritt Y. Hughes , University of Wisconsin, Madison 6 Kemp Malone , Johns Hoplpns University, Baltimore 18, Md. Ira O. Wade , Princeton University, Princeton, N J For the term ending 31 Dec. 1953 Douglas Bush , Harvard University, Cambridge 38, Mass. Henry Grattan Doyle , George Washington University, Washington 6, D. C J. Milton French , Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N. J. For the term ending 31 Dec. 1954 Hayward Keniston , University of Michigan, Ann Arbor H. W. Victor Lange , Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. Carl F. Schreiber , Yale University, New Haven, Conn For the term ending 31 Dec. 1955 C. Grant Loomis , University of California, Berkeley 4 Justin M. O’Brien , Columbia University, New York 27 A. S. P. Woodhouse , University of Toronto, Toronto $ Staff Associate Secretary: C. Grant Loomis , University of California Assistant Editor: Robert E. Taylor , New Tor/( University;Research Assistant: Kenneth W. Mildenberger ; Assistant to the Executive Secretary: Donna Rowell ; Assistant to the Treasurer Ruth Olson ; typists. Naomi Taylor and Trudy Raiung Trustees of Invested Funds George Henry Nettleton , Tale University William Albert Nitze , University of Chicago Le Roy Elwood Kimball , New TorJ^ University, Managing Trustee The 1952 Meeting is scheduled to be held in Boston, Massachusetts, on 27, 28. and 29 December UNIVERSITY PRESS THE RESTORATION COMEDY OE WIT By THOMAS H. FUJIMUKA. This new interpretation of Restoration comedy seeks to rescue it from the prevailing view that the comedies are artificial, satirical, and chiefly distinguished for their verbal bril- liance. First determining what the Restoration meant by wit, and how the content of the witticism was influenced by contemporary philosophy, the author analyzes the comedies of Etherege, Wycherley, and Con- greve in terms of this new perspective. The plays emerge as realistic, fundamentally serious, and curiously modern. $4.00 THE CHIEF PEATS OF CORNEIEEE Translated by LACY LOCKERT. Corneille’s most famous tragedies, The Cid, Horace, Cinna, Polyeucte, Rodogune, and Nicomede, are trans- lated here into blank verse. Neither Rodogune nor Nicomede has ap- peared in English since the 18th century. This is the first time that Cinna has been translated in its entirety. The reception of the companion volume, The Best Plays of Racine, indicates Mr. Lockert’s success as translator: “Supplementing his in- sight into French problems of thought and style with a knowledge of English prosody and a true ear, he has done a capital job.”—Jacques Le Clercq, Romanic Review. 396 pages, $6.00 THE EIFE OF SARMIENTO By ALLISON WILLIAMS BUNKLEY. Known as the “South American Ben- jamin Franklin,” Domingo Sarmiento, 19th century president of Ar- gentina, educator, sociologist, diplomat, and writer, was a lifelong champion of the progressive forces in his country. His Facundo is generally considered the most important book by a Latin American. This biography will undoubtedly be considered the definitive study in English. It is not only a thoroughly documented study, but a brilliantly original approach to an important historic figure. 586 pages, illustrated, $7.50 Order from your bookstore, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 
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work_vc4uqii4efct5pcfzbkknal6vi	----	A g e n d a I n d e r S c h w e i z / E n S u i s s e Woche/Semaine 36, 2002 5./6. September 2002 Fortbildungskurs SGDV Physikalische Therapiemassnahmen in der Dermatologie, Zürich Prof. R. Dummer Dermatologische Klinik Universitätsspital Zürich, Gloriastrasse 31 CH–8091 Zürich Tel. +41 1 255 25 07, Fax +41 1 255 89 88 Woche/Semaine 44, 2002 31. Oktober bis 2. November 2002 84. Jahresversammlung, Bern Frau M. Hürst Dermatologische Klinik Inselspital CH–3010 Bern I m A u s l a n d / A l ’ é t r a n g e r Woche 12, 2002 21. März 2002 6. Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft für Dermopharmazie, Hamburg Wissenschaftliche Leitung: Prof. Rolf Daniels, Braunschweig Prof. Martina Kerscher, Hamburg Auskunft und Anmeldung: Geschäftsstelle der Gesellschaft für Dermopharmazie Carl-Mannich-Strasse 20, D–65760 Eschborn Tel. +49 6196 928328, Fax +49 6196 928329 Internet http://www.gd-online.de Woche 12, 2002 22. März 2002 3. Symposium «Gesundheitsökonomie in der Dermatologie», Hamburg Wissenschaftliche Leitung: PD Dr. Matthias Augustin, Freiburg Auskunft und Anmeldung: Geschäftsstelle der Gesellschaft für Dermopharmazie Carl-Mannich-Strasse 20, D–65760 Eschborn Tel. +49 6196 928328, Fax +49 6196 928329 Internet http://www.gd-online.de Week 14, 2002 April 2–6, 2002 8th International Conference Perspectives in Percutaneous Penetration, Antibes/Juan-les-Pins Contact: PPP Conference, Redwood Building Cardiff CF10 3XF, UK Tel. +44 29 20875247, Fax +44 29 20875247 E-Mail info@pppconference.org Week 17, 2002 April 25–27, 2002 4th International Day on Pediatric Dermatology, Rome European Society for Pediatric Dermatology ESPD President: Prof. Giuseppe Fabrizi Department of Dermatology Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Largo A. Gemelli, 8 I–00168 Rome E-Mail fabrizi.unicat-derm@ntt.it Woche 25, 2002 18./19. Juni 2002 6. Krefelder Hautschutztag, Krefeld Wissenschaftliche Leitung: Prof. S.W. Wassilew Information: Organisationsbüro Hautschutztag, KMB Media Postfach 20 08 39 D–41208 Mönchengladbach Tel + 49 2166 628250, Fax +49 2166 628255 E-Mail kmbmedia@muebri.de Week 26, 2002 June 27–29, 2002 10th International Conference on Behçet’s Disease, Berlin Organisation: Prof. C.C. Zouboulis Scientific Secretariat: Department of Dermatology University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin The Free University of Berlin, Fabeckstrasse 60–62 D–14195 Berlin Tel. +49 30 8445 6911/6910, Fax +49 30 8445 6908 E-Mail zoubbereszedat.fu-berlin.de Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel 
work_vk4axlqkvveitbu5rqwxtus4t4	----	ARCH SOC ESP OFTALMOL 2006; 81: 727-728 A BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PADRE DE LAS LENTES BIFOCALES, EN EL TRICENTÉSIMO ANIVERSARIO DE SU NACIMIENTO NOGUERA-PALAU JJ1 1 Oftalmólogo. Pamplona. España. E-mail: jnoguera72b@terra.es SECCIÓN ICONOGRÁFICA Benjamin Franklin nació el 17 de enero de 1706 en Boston, décimo hijo de Josiah Franklin y Albiah Fol- ger, su segunda esposa. Pasó unos pocos años en la escuela y enseguida comenzó a trabajar en la impren- ta que dirigía su hermano James; cuentan las biogra- fías de Franklin que quizá fuera allí donde se desper- tara su pasión por la lectura y por el estudio de las materias más diversas: así fue tipógrafo, escritor y editor, profundo conocedor de idiomas (latín, francés, español e italiano), reconocido físico e investigador sobre la electricidad, político, inventor… A los 17 años se fue a vivir a Nueva York. De allí viajó a Filadelfia, donde trabajó como aprendiz en una imprenta hasta que logró la suya propia de la que salió la Gaceta de Pensilvania, publicación de información general y política en la que Franklin colaboraba con artículos y dibujos, y el Poor Richard’s Almanack, un breve anuario que contenía información de los más diversos temas: recetas, predicciones del tiempo, noticias, reportajes y afo- rismos firmados por el «pobre Ricardo Saunders», seudónimo de Benjamin Franklin, quien justificaba la venta del almanaque para obtener unos peniques con los que cuidar a su malhumorada esposa. En 1731 creó el primer gabinete de lectura de América. Fundó el primer cuerpo de policía y de bomberos, ordenó la pavimentación de las calles de Filadelfia y creó la Sociedad Filosófica y una Aca- demia que luego se convertiría en la Universidad de Pensilvania. En 1736 trabajó en la Asamblea Provincial de Pensilvania y fue director de los Correos de la Colo- nia Británica. Fue nombrado doctor por las univer- sidades de Edimburgo, San Andrés y Oxford. Francia 1956. Yvert 1082 (de 1082/87). Francia 1976, Yvert 1879. Fue un destacado y perseguido luchador contra la soberanía de Inglaterra sobre su país y participó en la redacción del Tratado de Independencia de 1776. Desde este año hasta 1785 fue embajador de los Estados Unidos en París, en la corte de Luis XVI. En 1785 fue elegido presidente del estado de Pen- silvania, cargo que ocupó hasta 1788 cuando se integró en la convención que elaboró la Constitu- ción de los Estados Unidos. En 1789 publicó un tra- tado contra la esclavitud. La actividad como inventor fue de lo más vario- pinta: a él se debe la primera sonda vesical que, al parecer, se fabricó en los Estados Unidos; un siste- ma de compartimentación de seguridad del fondo de los barcos; el pararrayos; una estufa que evitaba que las llamas de la combustión de la madera provocaran un incendio; un artilugio, llamado odómetro, para calcular las rutas de reparto del correo; una vara con una pinza en su extremo con la que alcanzaba los libros de los anaqueles más altos; unas aletas para nadar; la armónica de cristal, unos discos medio sumergidos en agua que, al hacerlos girar con un pedal y apenas rozándolos con la yema de los dedos, emiten un peculiar sonido… ¿Y para la oftalmolo- gía, qué? Las lentes bifocales que hoy conocemos como «modelo ejecutivo» son muy parecidas a las que en 1784 diseñó Benjamin Franklin, a quien uni- versalmente se le considera el padre de estas lentes porque en aquel año había escrito acerca de ellas; sin embargo, parece existir una patente norteamericana extendida en 1783 a favor de Anderson Smith como primer creador de este tipo de lentes. Nuestro personaje murió en Filadelfia el 17 de abril de 1790. Son muchos los sellos dedicados en todo el mun- do a Benjamin Franklin. De entre ellos ilustran esta nota los dos de los correos franceses, uno de los de Grenada y dos muestras de los numerosos editados en los Estados Unidos. 728 ARCH SOC ESP OFTALMOL 2006; 81: 727-728 NOGUERA-PALAU JJ Grenada 1989, Yvert 1843 (de 1842/46 + HB 224). Estados Unidos 1947, HB 8 (de 499 + HB 8). Estados Unidos 2006, Yvert 3770/73. 
work_vw4aj6v2dvdqjdr2nrcpxkoc5y	----	AGENDA.QXD A g e n d a I n d e r S c h w e i z / E n S u i s s e Woche/Semaine 21, 2002 26. bis 28 Mai, 2002 Colloque de printemps, Neuchâtel Frühjahrskolloquium, Neuenburg Woche/Semaine 36, 2002 5./6. September, 2002 Fortbildungskurs SGDV Physikalische Therapiemassnahmen in der Dermatologie, Zürich Prof. R. Dummer Dermatologische Klinik Universitätsspital Zürich, Gloriastrasse 31 CH–8091 Zürich Tel. +41 1 255 25 07 Fax +41 1 255 89 88 Woche/Semaine 43, 2002 24. bis 26. Oktober, 2002 3. Unionstagung der Schweizerischen Gesellschaften für Gefässkrankheiten, Flims 3e congrès de l’Union des Sociétés Suisses des Maladies Vasculaires, Flims Park Hotels Waldhaus Organisation: Dr. Schlegel Pharmatmarketing AG Heidi Fuchs / Michael Gross Sennweidstrasse 46 CH–6312 Steinhausen Tel. +41 41 748 76 00 Fax +41 41 748 76 11 E-Mail m.gross@schlegelpharma.ch www.schlegelpharma.ch Woche/Semaine 44, 2002 31. Oktober bis 2. November, 2002 84. Jahresversammlung, Bern 84e Réunion annuelle, Berne Frau M. Hürst Dermatologische Klinik Inselspital CH–3010 Bern I m A u s l a n d / A l ’ é t r a n g e r Week 17, 2002 April 25–27, 2002 4th International Day on Pediatric Dermatology, Rome European Society for Pediatric Dermatology ESPD President: Prof. Giuseppe Fabrizi Department of Dermatology Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Largo A. Gemelli, 8 I–00168 Rome E-Mail fabrizi.unicat-derm@ntt.it Woche 25, 2002 18./19. Juni, 2002 6. Krefelder Hautschutztag, Krefeld Wissenschaftliche Leitung: Prof. S.W. Wassilew Information: Organisationsbüro Hautschutztag, KMB Media Postfach 20 08 39 D–41208 Mönchengladbach Tel + 49 2166 628250 Fax +49 2166 628255 E-Mail kmbmedia@muebri.de Week 26, 2002 June 27–29, 2002 10th International Conference on Behçet’s Disease, Berlin Organisation: Prof. C.C. Zouboulis Scientific Secretariat: Department of Dermatology University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin The Free University of Berlin Fabeckstrasse 60–62 D–14195 Berlin Tel. +49 30 8445 6911/6910 Fax +49 30 8445 6908 E-Mail zoubbereszedat.fu-berlin.de Woche/Semaine 27, 2002 1. bis 5. Juli, 2002 20th World Congress of Dermatology, Paris Congress Secretariat: Colloquium/ WCD 2002 12, rue de la Croix Faubin F-75557 Paris cedex 11 Tel. +33.(0)1.44.64.15.15 Fax +33.(0)1.44.64.15.16 E-Mail p.fournier@colloquium.fr www.derm-wcd-2002.com Woche 30, 2002 21.–26. Juli, 2002 18. Fortbildungswoche für praktische Dermatologie und Venereologie, München Tagungsleiter: Prof. Dr. G. Plewig Kongressbüro: Gertrud Hammel Telefon (089) 5160-6065 Fax (089) 5160-6066 E-Mail Fortbildungswoche@lrz.uni-muenchen.de Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel 
work_w6vh4z5b4zehln4xcdcmhbdzu4	----	Benjamin Franklin And The Changing World of 18th Century American Society Paulo Werth Gick (UFRGS) It is my intention in this paper to present some aspects of the work and thoughts of Benjamin Franklin which reflect the Puritan tradition from which he sprang. In some of his literary production, Franklin mirrors the great changes that occurred in Puritanism, from an elevated theological level into a practical utilitarian approach of more popular nature. Benjamin Franklin was born into a simple but hard-working family of Puritan stock. Proud of their being free (franklins) for many a generation, they endeavored to preserve their freedom in the best possible way that of being useful to the community. This way of thinking and behaving was one of the Puritan tenets, which, along with industry, listed virtue, charity, frugality, education, and simplicity (not necessarily in that order), as some of the most important signs of election From the Puritan creed and theology, however, the great Majority of people was only able to extract so much, and the popular interpretation of the sermons and essays which the preachers poured on them was often quite removed from the original intent of the ministers. It is also true that much of what was preached demanded too great a sacrifice, renunciation, and resignation on the part of the congregations. Most of the ILEA DO DESTERRO, NCB 15/16 - IP e 29 aerneetres de 1986, pp. 29 population of the colonies at this time (around the second quarter of the eighteenth century) was already quite prosperous compared to their forefathers, and the spiritual need that walks hand in hand with hardships and insecurity was changing its nature with the affluence of the colonists. This very affluence was for many the sure sign that the Grace of God was operating, hovering over the colonies, dropping here and there and allowing more and more people to grow prosperous. The constant doubt of election is replaced by a feeling of self-reliance which sprang from the certainty that if one did his job well and practiced the virtues he had been taught to value, he would be in the right path, and therefore should fear nothing. The idea that God gives plenty to those whom he loves gave ammiraeas to those who had plenty. The consciousness of the responsibility of the virtuous steward who is made rich by God so that he can be charitable steadily became a tradition which would bear excellent results. (I would like to add, parenthetically, that this tradition still exists, and is often felt in the shape of providential gifts and donations to charity, artistic or educational institutions.)2 It is in this atmosphere that Benjamin Franklin grows up and develops his first tastes and tendencieS. But sensitive as he is, he soon feels that the ties to the orthodox Puritanism still function as a kind of hindrance to any young man who wants to develop his own skills and expand and broaden his horizons. Therefore, the only alternative he sees is to leave home for a place which had already established its fame as a seat of liberty of creeds and religion. The young man must now struggle to survive, and the virtues which had been preached to him, and which he had assimilated to a great extent, prove to be useful to him, if only he put them into practice to suit the occasion.' Benjamin Franklin's success story is the same success story of the Pilgrim's Progress retold in a new environment, and in the light of a new Gospel. The new pilgrim, a child of other pilgrims who had crossed the Atlantic in search of a New Jerusalem, has achieved a degree of enlightenment which, only a few years earlier, would have had the smell of heresy. He is capable of looking into God's nature and reinterpreting it, seeing in its phenomena not types or signs of premonitory nature; his "corolaries", to employ 30 one of Jonathan Edward's expressions, do not point towards the "lessons" God has to teach, but towards the practical use roan may make of nature to better serve him, or how one can profit, materially, by the use and control of the natural elements. Thunder is no longer seen as the voice of an almighty, angry God, but is studied instead, and proven tobeelectricity. However, Franklin does not dismiss the tradition that lies behind him completely, but sees in it one way through which he can profit, and make others profit as well.. * Here I do not mean profit in the strict sense of material gain only, but also in the sense that he sees in his experience and talents an opportunity to reach the common man, as well as the more sophisticated man of society, and bring them a bit of the wisdom and usefulness of the folk ways of life. He is undoubtedly a genius at doing that, for he speaks the language of his audience, whichever it may be, with a most perfect ease. He addresses the intelligentsia as easily as he does the farmer, and they all love him and praise him. The man who helps to write the draft for the Declaration of Independence is the same one who has written Poor Richard's Almanack. His pen reaches all the levels of society, not only in America, but in Europe as well. But is he a total innovator? Can we say that what he writes expresses the brand new ideas of a new kind of man? Actually, Benjamin Franklin clearly relies on the matter that existed in the country, and only reinterprets the old Puritan tenets. The Puritan man is a practical man. His preaching about industry and his invectives against idleness are obviously utilitarian preachings to promote the material growth of the colony, as well as to keep the minds and hands of the colonists off the forbidden thoughts and actions that might lead them into sin and corruption. The very classical technique of the Puritan sermon can be said to be based on a utilitarian structure in which the first step is to frighten the congregation and then to offer them a way out of this state of fright and despair by pointing to the path to salvation granted by God's benevolent free gift of his redeeming Grace. Other instances, of more material and practical nature can be cited as examples of Puritan utilitarian expedients to draw people to church. Among 31 them, there is the episode in which Benjamin Franklin, on hearing the complaints of a Presbyterian Army preacher that the soldiers would not attend the church services, persuaded the chaplain- to serve out the men's daily rations of rum just after the prayers. And Franklin assures us that the attendance grew immensely. The acceptance of his suggestion by the chaplain clearly denotes the preacher's practical spirit. I should add now, as a reminder, that one must not forget that one of the most profitable businesses run by the New England Puritans was the commerce of rum and slaves from the Caribean Islands to the American colonies. The very Autobiography is a gigantic example of Franklin's following a tradition that goes much further back In time. It is his own "Spiritual Autobiography" in the steps of Bunyan, Defoe, and others. The fictitious accounts of Robinson Crusoe's business became, in Franklin, awfully real as he tells in detail his dealings with the men people knew and respected, or else knew and disdained, or poked fun at after they were demystified by the greater genius of Franklin. His Autobiography is a genial 'exemplum', of which he clearly states the purpose at its openings "Having emerged from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a state of affluence and some degree of reputation in the world, and having gone so far through life with a considerable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use of, which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated." But again, we must recognize here that another trend that is strongly upheld by the Puritan attitude comes into play: the importance of the outward appearance of grace. The importance of this outward appearance misled people all too often to assume an attitude that had more of pretention than of sincerity. The necessity of maintaining the appearance of a saint made men strive to acquire it, so that the outward looks originally thought as a visual sign of election become a pose, a rehearsed attitude that has, as its main objective, the acceptance of its bearer by the "in-crowd" of the church and society' It is this use of appearances that might have prompted Franklin into adopting the 32 several masks he uses throughout his work. But, as he bluntly states what his purpose and intent ars, at the opening of his book, the common reader may easily accept this initial, outward declaration, as the true and only one. s Over and over again we have the wise and successful old Ben telling his reader to avoid the appearance of idleness, to make it evident how industrious one is, so that he can get credit, be trusted, and so on. He sees and preaches again and again the usefulness of"innocent" deceit, and always excuses his practices by telling that he too was often deceived. Of course he does not use the word "deceit", but names his attitude "prudence", or the like, making of it a virtue. This is true mainly when he does it to someone who is about to trick him, as was the case of his employer Reimer;' If his Autobiography is offered as a kind of 'exemplum' where one finds innumerable anecdotes that function almost like parables which conclude with "applications", so that no one will miss their point,ftaradin'siumtsayings of Poor Richard, the epitome of the Puritan "wisdom" turned popular. While in the Autobiography one often finds examples of "virtue rewarded", the sayings and proverbs are much more direct and do not need to be put into a context to express all they have to say. The best set of sayings used caricaturally, but conveying through satire (on himself and on a certain class of his readers, as he wears two masks -- old Abraham and Richard Saunders) is to be found in his "The Way to Health". There the reader has the ultimate example of the popular sage who speaks to a crowd by means of ready-made phrases and impresses the narrator, Richard Saunders himself, but does not quite convince his audience. This very fact is representative and significant in that it shows that the morality of the Puritanical Era has ended, and though it still remains physically present in the shape of the proverbs, it is not strong enough to move the general audience into believingandacbing according to What is preached. RVen though they are not Franklin's in their totality, one cannot deny the importance of Poor Richard's Almanack and its sayings. They do represent the tradition of the industrious men who strove to survive, and on succeeding turned materialistic to a certain extent, and caned to see themselves as the blessed 33 people in the promised land. The awareness of God's grace, of being God's chosen people, of being in the communion of the saints, led the common American into a state of self-reliance and optimism that gave birth to many an attitude that closely examined reveal positive aspects, such as the social work developed by the missionaries abroad, but also serious faults, such as the inability of seeing values in cultures other than their own. The certainty of being "right",leading to the feeling of self-righteousness and superiority, gave rise to many racist and prejudiced attitudes that have branded the whole nation as little tolerant towards any group who thinks, speaks, or has a cultural background that differs from the white Anglo-Saxon, Protestant norm. These echoes of the Puritan Intolerance have reached far into the twentieth century, and piety and charity melt away, or are self-consumed among the Sunday-school goers, and often result in projects to send aid to far-mmycountries, but fail to look into their own back-yard, where the Blacks, or the White-trash, or some other minority groups live and represent a squalid criticism that cries out, as the voice of conscience, accusing the existence of a fault or defect which the saints cannot quite understand, and consequently find in these people's condition the sure sign of the fallen men, whose fate is definitely sealed by God's eternal damnation. To the successful man, all praise is due. He has worked his way through life, often from the bottom, out of poverty, being in a state of grace. The self is the great moving force, and Benjamin Franklin its great prophet. As a prophet he cannot be imputed many of the faults mentioned above. Many of his followers, however, misread his sayings, misinterpreted his philosophy, and instead of apprehending the full extent of his interest in the welfare of his fellow countrymen, they blindly strive to secure their own place in the sun, forgetting that one must often share this place with someone else. Benjamin Franklin was a practical man, and success, appear- ance, and self-interest, all played an important role in his life, but because he linked all of these to the world around him, to 34 the society in which he lived, he was able to achieve the place of honor in the hearts and minds of his people. The popular image of Franklin flying a kite in the storm, or as the inventor of bi-focal glasses, or as the man who wrote Poor Richard's ALaanack is but a faint shadow of the true stature of the man who epitomizes the transition of the whole American society from its Puritan mode of existence into the pragmatic, semi-sceptical, enlightened man of the self-made republic of the United States of America. His tale of success is this day considered by many as the very tale of success of the country he helped to build, and his success, the stuff which the American dream is made of. NOTES 'The Seventeenth-Century The New Ragland Primer introduced the letter "A" with the sentence: "In Adam's fall we sinned all". This line sums up the Puritan concept of the fallenness of man and his condition of utter despondency and dependence in the face of an almighty God. For the orthodox Calvinist man is incapable of virtue and cannot hope for salvation save through the operation of divine grace, which is God's free gift to man. The five basic tenets of Calvinism might be summarized as follows: 1. God elects individuals to be saved; 2. He designs complete redemption only for those elect; 3. Fallen man is incapable of true faith and repentance; 4. God's Grace is sufficient for the salvation of the elect; 5. A soul, once regenerated, is never ultimately lost. 2 As the eighteenth century progressed, Rationalism and Deism acquired momentum and dislodged the center of the Puritan Theocracy, replacing religion by science and poetics. Human Reason replaced the Bible in a man-cultured world, and instead of Providence acting, the new man trusted the fixed laws of a machine-like, immutable universe. In the new era, all men were entitled to share in "the pursuit of happiness", as they no longer believed that only few men were to be the elect for salvation. The Deists saw God revealed in nature, not in the word (The Bible). Likewise, they believed that all men were created equal, and all evil resided in corrupt institutions, rather than in natural depravity. Education was a way to per- fectibility, and that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man. 'Parenthetically, it should be added that the Autobiography presents Benjamin Franklin's journey into the world of discovery, his initiation into the realities of his society, which is continually bordering mythical and archetypical situations. His 35 leaving his home in Boston for the new world of Philadelphia is described by the crossing of water. Another even more decisive passage is his trip to England, where he is faced with much more bitter realities: he arrives in England to find out that the letters of credit promised him by the Government of Philadelphia had never been written, leaving him stranded in a strange land, friendless and With limited financial resources. Though he is not purified by fire, his "baptisms" by water are quite significant and every time they signal the birth of a meson. The man who comes forth is to become the characteristic man of the American brave new world. The metamorphosis he undergoes transforms the old man, the colonial Englishman, into a new creature, the "modern" American colonist and patriot. "An example of Benjamin Franklin's external acceptance of formal tradition is that he continued to attend the Presbyterian Church services though a professed Deist. 'He admits that it is useful to cultivate not only the reality, but the appearance of industry and humility. It was effective to carry his own paper stock through the streets in a wheelbarrow to be seen as a hard-working youth. "Actually, we are presented to at least three different Benjamin Franklins in his Autobiography. It begins with the introduction of the young apprentice on his way to success, followed by the entrance of the diplomat, respected and admired, all presented by the benevolent old Father Figure who can laugh at himself in his different guises and ages. 'Reimer uses Benjamin Franklin to train his employees, so that he can dismiss Franklin. Franklin in the meantime is preparing to set a shop, which he ultimately does, and causes Keimer's bankruptcy. BIBLIOGRAPHY On writing this paper I have relied basically on the reading of the following works besides those of Benjamin Franklin: Griswold, Whitney. "Three Puritans on Prosperity". MEQ, 7(1934), 483-8. Lawrence, D.E. The Symbolic Meaning: The Uncollected Versions of Studies in Classic American Literature. Ed. Armin Arnold. London: The Curtain Press, 1962. Levin, David. "The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin: The Puritan Experimenter in Life and in Art". YR, 53(1963),258-75. Nye, Rus4e1 B. introd. Autobiography and Other Writings by Benjamin Franklin. Riverside Editions. Boston: Boughton Mifflin Company, 1958. Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Page 4 Page 5 Page 6 Page 7 Page 8 
work_we3ql2dwanc5njdrtu3b7s4dyi	----	The virtue of gold as an electrical contact material The Virtue of Gold as an Electrical Contact Material AN EARLY DISCOVERY BY BENJAMIN FRANKLIN Bernard Caccia The outstanding properties of gold as a light-duty electrical contact material are so well appreciated, particularly in the electronics industry, that its use is accepted without question in circuits of many different types. But there had to be a first time for its advantages to be discovered and understood. This came about as long ago as 1747, in the colonial days of North America, when that truly remarkable man — printer, publisher, scientist, philosopher, and states- man — Benjamin Franklin, already at the height of his business activity in Philadelphia, not only found time to establish this property of gold but also grasped in a rudimentary form the concept of contact pressure and the importance of its effect on contact resistance. Franklin's interest in electricity had been aroused when on a visit in 1746 to his native Boston, where he attended a lecture and demonstration given by a Dr Spence from Scotland. "The experiments", he wrote, "were imperfectly performed, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surprised and pleased me". He later pur- chased Spence's elementary apparatus and began experimenting for himself. His only source of electricity was a glass sphere or cylinder rotated by a crank and rubbing against a pad of leather or cloth, the charge so generated being drawn to a metal bar or chain suspended by strands of silk. Today it is difficult indeed to realise the funda- mental and perceptive nature of the experiments carried out by a small band of amateur scientists in Europe and America when their only source of the "electric fire" was electrostatic, before the days of continuous current from the Voltaic pile. In October 1745 Ewald Georg von Kleist, dean of the cathedral in the small Prussian city of Kammin (now Kamien-Pomorski in Poland) had hit upon a means of storing an electric charge in a small apothe- cary's phial with a nail driven into a wooden spool and inserted into the bottle. Almost simultaneously, Benjamin Franklin 1706-1790 (from the portrait painted by Mason Chamberlain in 1762) in January 1746, Pieter van Musschenbroeck, Profes- sor of Mathematics at Leyden University, discovered the same phenomenon, using a glass bottle filled with water and fitted with an iron wire dipping into the water and protruding through the cork. This of course came to be known as the Leyden Jar, and among those who experimented with them in London was Peter Collinson, a Quaker cloth merchant and a Fellow of the Royal Society with whom Franklin had become friendly during his stay in London from 1724 to 1726. A steady correspond- ence had been maintained over the years between the two, and very quickly Collinson sent over to Philadelphia one of the new and exciting pieces of apparatus. Franklin immediately had a number of jars made at a local glass works, and he and his circle of friends embarked on a series of experiments, but it was Franklin's characteristic energy and his total absorption in 'his investigations that carried him swiftly to a level of understanding that equalled or surpassed those of his distinguished contemporaries in Europe. He explained the operation of the Leyden 33 LETTERS Ott. ELECTRUCITY. t Take a book whole cover is 5lletted with gold ; bend n wife of eight . or ten inches long in "the form of (m) Fis pipit on the end of thee covcrof the book over he gold line, Co a;6 that the tlaoulder of it may prefs upon end of the gold line, the ring up, but leaning towards` the other end of the boots. Lay the book oils glafs or wax and on the other end of the gold lines, it the bottle. clec- trifed t then bend the fpringing-wire, by prcli'ing it with a flick of wax till its ring approaches the ring of the bottle wire ; inftantly there is a Prong fpark and ftroke, and the whole line of gold, which completes the communication between the top and bottöm of the bottle, will appear a vi. vid flame, like the (harpeft lightning. The clofer the .con- ta (between the Ihoulder of the wire, and the gold at one. cod' of the liite, and between the bottom of the bottle and. the gold at the other end, the better the experiment Yuc- cceds. The room f could be darkened. If you would have the whole filletting round the cover appear in fire at once, let the bottle and wire touch the gold in the diagonally oppofite corners. I nm, &c B. FRANKLIN. Franklin's letter of September 1st, 1747, to Peter Collinson describing the conducting and contact properties of gold. "Tire passing of the electrical fire from the upper to the lower part of the bottle", lie wrote, "to restore the equilibrium is rendered strongly visible by the following pretty experiment". jar as a condenser, he introduced some of the terms we still use - positive, negative, plus and minus, conductor, and non-conductor - and of course he showed that lightning was an electrical display. But it is in one of his early experiments that we are interested in connection with gold. All Franklin's studies were communicated by letter to Peter Collinson in London and were later pub- lished as Experiments and Observations on Electricity made at Philadelphia in America by Mr Benjamin Franklin, and communicated in several Letters to Mr P. Collinson, of London, F.R.S. It is on September Ist, 1747, in Letter 1, Experiment XI, reproduced here, that Franklin describes his "pretty experiment" with a book having gold filleting on the binding, coming to the conclusion that: 'The closer the contact between the shoulder of the wire, and the gold at one end of the line, and between the bottom of the bottle and the gold at the other end, the better the experiment will succeed.' Nothing further is recorded on this initial observation of the contact properties of gold and in fact even the earliest and most elementary studies of electrical contact phenomena did not begin until well over a hundred years later. AND I have further try'd, that with a small quantity of a certain Saline SubstanceI prepar'd, I can easily enough sublime Gold into the form of red Chrystalls of a considerable length; and many other wayes may Gold be disguis'd, and help to constitute Bodies of very different Natures both from It and from one another, and nevertheless be afterwards reduc'd to the self-same Numerical, Yellow, Fixt, Ponderous and Malleable Gold it was before its commixture. ROBERT BOYLE London r66r The Sceptical Chymist 34 
work_wkhtyilmhbcn7jcys26iniptpq	----	S003467052000042Xjer 524..524 CORRIGENDUM Nolan Bennett: The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. Pp. ix, 257.)—CORRIGENDUM doi:10.1017/S0034670520000339. Published by Cambridge University Press, 2 June 2020 In the second paragraph of Smith’s review of The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy, by Bennett,1 in the August 2020 issue of Review of Politics, the book author’s name was misspelled. The sen- tence in which the error occurred should read as follows: In The Claims of Experience, political theorist Nolan Bennett usefully ana- lyzes a genre, autobiography, through which an intriguing variety of public figures, who have gained prominence in very different ways, have sought to shape the imagined community of American democracy. Additionally, Whittaker Chambers’ name was misspelled twice, in the follow- ing sentences: The autobiographical writers Bennett explores in chronological order are Benjamin Franklin, Frederick Douglass, Henry Adams, Emma Goldman, and Whittaker Chambers. Whittaker Chambers turned from a 1930s idealism that led him to the Communist Party and friendship with Alger Hiss to disillusionment with Stalinist Russia and a quest for solace in a populist, patriotic Christianity—though Bennett rightly argues that Chambers gave more allegiance in practice to conservative statist authority than to his moral ideals. We apologize to both Nolan Bennett and Whittaker Chambers for the errors. 1Rogers Smith, “Nolan Bennett: The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. Pp. ix, 257.),” Review of Politics 82, no. 3 (2020): 484-86. doi:10.1017/S0034670520000339. 524 The Review of Politics 82 (2020), 524. © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of University of Notre Dame doi:10.1017/S003467052000042X h tt p s: // d o i.o rg /1 0. 10 17 /S 00 34 67 05 20 00 04 2X D o w n lo ad ed f ro m h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re . C ar n eg ie M el lo n U n iv er si ty , o n 0 6 A p r 20 21 a t 02 :0 4: 50 , s u b je ct t o t h e C am b ri d g e C o re t er m s o f u se , a va ila b le a t h tt p s: // w w w .c am b ri d g e. o rg /c o re /t er m s. https://doi.org/10.1017/S003467052000042X https://www.cambridge.org/core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Nolan Bennett: The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. Pp. ix, 257.)---CORRIGENDUM 
work_wmq3g6hxvjgmba2tg4rwbwncza	----	Correction: Structure and allosteric activity of a single-disulfide conopeptide from Conus zonatus at human α3β4 and α7 nicotinic acetylcholine receptors. VOLUME 295 (2020) PAGES 7096–7112 DOI 10.1074/jbc.AAC120.014456 Correction: Structure and allosteric activity of a single-disulfide conopeptide from Conus zonatus at human a3b4 and a7 nicotinic acetylcholine receptors. Madhan Kumar Mohan, Nikita Abraham, Rajesh R P, Benjamin Franklin Jayaseelan, Lotten Ragnarsson, Richard J. Lewis, and Siddhartha P. Sarma There was an error in Fig. 5iv. The residue numbering in the spectrum should read as 8P and not 7P. The mislabeling was introduced during the revision stage. This error has now been corrected and does not affect the results or conclusions of this work. Proton Chemical Shift (ppm) C arbon C hem ical Shift (ppm ) 2.3 2.2 2.1 2.0 1.9 1.8 1.7 1.5 1.6 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 7P Hβ'/Cβ 7P Hβ/Cβ 7P Hγ'/Cγ 7P Hγ/CγδC β - δC γ = 8.6 ppm i) Proton Chemical Shift (ppm) 1.8 1.4 1.2 1.6 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 34 32 30 28 26 24 C arbon C hem ical Shift (ppm ) 8P Hβ'/Cβ 8P Hβ/Cβ 8P Hγ'/Cγ 8P Hγ/CγδC β - δC γ = 11.0 ppm ii) C arbon C hem ical Shift (ppm ) Proton Chemical Shift (ppm) 2.3 2.2 2.1 2.0 1.9 1.8 1.7 32 31 30 29 28 27 5P Hβ'/Cβ 5P Hβ/Cβ 5P Hγ,γ'/Cγ δC β - δC γ = 4.4 ppm iii) C arbon C hem ical Shift (ppm ) δC β - δC γ = 9.0 ppm8P Hβ'/Cβ 7P Hβ/Cβ 8P Hγ'/Cγ 8P Hγ/Cγ 1.42.2 1.22.0 1.01.8 0.8 0.61.6 0.4 32 30 28 26 24 Proton Chemical Shift (ppm) iv) 15P Hβ'/Cβ 15P Hβ/Cβ 15P Hγ,γ'/Cγ δC β - δC γ = 9.3 ppm Proton Chemical Shift (ppm) C arbon C hem ical Shift (ppm ) 2.3 2.2 2.1 2.0 1.9 1.8 1.7 1.5 1.6 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 35 v) Figure 5iv. 8872 J. Biol. Chem. (2020) 295(26) 8872–8872 © 2020 Mohan et al. Published under exclusive license by The American Society for Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Inc. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS This is an Open Access article under the CC BY license. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Correction: Structure and allosteric activity of a single-disulfide conopeptide from Conus zonatus at human α3β4 and α7 nicotinic acetylcholine receptors. 
work_wrktzplwezbljcwkufksiswaa4	----	bmgn - Low Countries Historical Review | Volume 132 (2017) | review 53 Published by Royal Netherlands Historical Society | knhg Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License doi: 10.18352/bmgn-lchr.10381 | www.bmgn-lchr.nl | e-issn 2211-2898 | print issn 0165-0505 Roland Richter, Amerikanische Revolution und niederländische Finanzanleihen 1776-1782. Die Rolle John Adams’ und der Amsterdamer Finanzhäuser bei der diplomatischen Anerkennung der usa (Niederlande-Studien 57; Munster: Waxman, 2016, 186 pp., ill., isbn 978 3 8309 3425 7). Toen de Noord-Amerikaanse onderdanen van de koning van Engeland in 1775 in opstand kwamen tegen het koloniaal bestuur hadden ze gebrek aan drie dingen: geld, geld en nog eens geld. In eerste instantie wendden de opstandelingen zich tot bondgenoot Frankrijk, maar al snel werd duidelijk dat ze niet om de Amsterdamse kapitaalmarkt heen konden. In de zomer van 1780 arriveerde John Adams met zijn familie min of meer op eigen houtje vanuit Parijs in Amsterdam op zoek naar erkenning en geld. Kort nadat Groot-Brittannië in december 1780 de oorlog aan de hopeloos verdeelde Nederlandse Republiek had verklaard, werd Adams de formele vertegenwoordiger van het Continental Congress. Zijn belangrijkste opdrachten waren: erkenning van de Verenigde Staten van Amerika (vs) door de Republiek, leningen van Amsterdamse bankiers en een vriendschaps- en commercieel verdrag tussen beide republieken. En dat viel niet mee. De hoge heren in Den Haag hadden weinig sympathie voor de Amerikaanse rebellen. Adams probeerde daarom vooral een wit voetje te halen bij de Amsterdamse bankiers, maar ook zij hielden de boot af. Pas na de slag bij Yorktown in oktober 1781 keerde het tij. In het voorjaar van 1782 gingen zowel Den Haag als Amsterdam overstag: op 19 april kwam er de officiële erkenning door de Staten-Generaal, vanaf 30 april kon er in Amsterdam op een eerste Amerikaanse lening worden ingetekend, en op 7 oktober 1782 ratificeerden de Staten-Generaal het vriendschaps- en commercieel verdrag tussen beide republieken. De lange weg van de Amerikaanse rebellen voor Nederlandse erkenning en geld kent een rijke historiografie. Al aan het begin van de negentiende eeuw had Jared Sparks onderzoek in Nederlandse, Britse en Franse archieven laten verrichten. Hierna verschenen met enige regelmaat publicaties over de Nederlands Amerikaanse relaties: Rafael A. Bayley (1888), Davis R. Dewy (1902), Friederich Edler (1911), F.W. van Wijk (1921), P. J. van Winter (1927), Jan Willem Schulte Nordholt (1979, 1982), Mira Wilkins (1989) en Wayne te Brake (2009). Daarnaast zijn van met name de Amerikaanse hoofdrolspelers zoals John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, maar ook Joan Derk baron van der Capellen tot den Pol belangrijke delen van hun correspondenties uitgegeven. Dus over de (financiële) verwikkelingen van de nog jonge Amerikaanse republiek met de oude Republiek der Vereenigde Nederlanden zijn we al behoorlijk goed geïnformeerd. http://doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.10169 Roland Richter was verbonden aan het centrum voor Neerlandistiek van de Westfaalse-Wilhelms-Universiteit te Munster. Zijn boek heeft een bescheiden uitgangspunt, namelijk om de twee complexe processen van enerzijds de erkenning van de vs en anderzijds de overheidsfinanciering in de vorm van leningen – maar ook de verwevenheid tussen die twee processen – te onderzoeken (12). Het boek kent vier hoofdstukken, waarin in min of meer chronologische volgorde de volgende aspecten aan bod komen: 1) De Amerikaanse buitenlandse politiek, 2) de eerste Amerikaanse diplomatieke contacten met de Republiek (met name de komst van John Adams in de zomer van 1780 in Nederland en de Britse oorlogsverklaring van december dat jaar), 3) de lange weg tot erkenning van de vs door de Staten-Generaal en 4) de eerste Amsterdamse leningen en de totstandkoming van het vriendschaps- en commercieel verdrag in oktober 1782. Kort hierop verliet Adams de Republiek. Het boek eindigt met een epiloog over de verdere Amerikaanse afhankelijkheid van het Amsterdamse geld. Amerikanische Revolution und niederländische Finanzanleihen is gebaseerd op de correspondenties van verschillende hoofdrolspelers, te beginnen met John Adams, maar ook de Amerikaanse agent in Den Haag François Dumas, de patriot Joan Derk baron van der Capellen tot den Pol, de Franse ambassadeur in Den Haag Paul-François de Quelen de La Vauguyon en de Amerikaanse ambassadeur in Parijs Benjamin Franklin. Dit zijn bronnen die Jared Sparks in zijn twaalfdelige The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution in 1830 ook al ten dele had gebruikt en waarop de meeste literatuur is gebaseerd. Het boek van Richter brengt dan ook weinig nieuws en blijft nogal aan de oppervlakte. Zo blijft het pro-Amerikaanse netwerk in Amsterdam, waar Adams niet zonder kon, onderbelicht. Met name het huis van koopman Jean de Neufville vormde lange tijd het epicentrum van de Nederlandse pro-Amerikaanse beweging. Ook wordt aan andere Amerikanen actief in de Republiek en de Britse en Franse netwerken in Den Haag en Amsterdam geen aandacht besteed. Besluitend: aan de hand van de brieven van de belangrijkste spelers, voert dit boek ons op een overzichtelijke manier door de lange weg naar de Nederlandse erkenning van de vs en de eerste Amsterdamse leningen aan Amerika. Victor Enthoven, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam 
work_xvet5kagbraovmomi4n6ezr37e	----	Microsoft Word - homayo.doc Final Draft of the original manuscript: Neffe, A.T.; Zaupa, A.; Pierce, B.F.; Hofmann, D.; Lendlein, A.: Knowledge-Based Tailoring of Gelatin-Based Materials by Functionalization with Tyrosine-Derived Groups In: Macromolecular Rapid Communications ( 2010) Wiley DOI: 10.1002/marc.201000274 - 1 - Knowledge-Based Tailoring Gelatin-Based Materials by Functionalization with Tyrosine-Derived Groupsa Axel Thomas Neffeb, Alessandro Zaupab, Benjamin Franklin Pierce, Dieter Hofmann, Andreas Lendlein* ––––––––– A. Lendlein, A.T. Neffe, A. Zaupa Centre for Biomaterial Development and Berlin-Brandenburg Centre for Regenerative Therapies, GKSS Research Centre Geesthacht GmbH, Kantstrasse 55, 14513 Teltow, Germany, and University of Potsdam, 14476 Potsdam-Golm, Germany Fax: +49-3328-352452; E-mail: andreas.lendlein@gkss.de B.F. Pierce, D. Hofmann Centre for Biomaterial Development, GKSS Research Centre Geesthacht GmbH, Kantstrasse 55, 14513 Teltow, Germany ––––––––– Molecular models of gelatin-based materials formed the basis for the knowledge-based design of a polymer system with tyrosine-derived side groups enabling  interactions and hydrogen bonds and in this way creating physical netpoints. The models were validated by comparison with experimental data. Both analyses showed the desired physical interactions of desaminotyrosine (DAT) and desaminotyrosyl tyrosine (DATT) side chains. Gelatin was functionalized with DAT and DATT at 80 mol-% of the free amino groups. The functionalized gelatins had reduced helical conformations due to sterical hinderance and interchain contacts, and systematic changes of macroscopical properties, such as a clear reduction in the degree of swelling, were observed. a Supporting information for this article is available at the bottom of the article’s abstract page, which can be accessed from the journal’s homepage at http://www.macros.wiley-vch.de, or from the author. b ATN and AZ contributed equally to this work. - 2 - Introduction The development of biocompatible polymers based on repeating units of biopolymers such as proteinogenic amino acids is a major aim of biomaterial research from its beginning. Poly (amino acids) represent one approach,[1] but copolymers from different amino acids have the risk of unwanted bioactivity of the polymer and fragments of it. Therefore, alternative strategies have employed amino acid derivatives in polymers such as tyrosine-derived MDI analogues in polycarbonates and pseudo poly (amino acids).[2] On the other hand, starting material synthesis from biopolymers such as gelatin, collagen, or hyaluronic acid is challenging due to difficulties in tailoring material properties and biopolymer’s inherent variability between production batches.[3] Here, we explored the potential of side chain functionalization of gelatin with the aim to develop defined polymer systems with tailorable properties by enabling specific non-covalent interactions.[4] These physical netpoints shall form the basis for supramolecular polymer networks.[5-7] The side chain functionalization shall inhibit typically observed trimerization of gelatin-chains to collagen-type triple helices,[8,9] which in unfunctionalized gelatin is thermodynamically driven,[10] by steric hinderance and altered properties of groups engaged in hydrogen bonding. The challenge to identify suitable functional groups and specific attachment sites was addressed by molecular modeling investigations of (functionalized) gelatin bulk materials. We selected as functional groups to be introduced as side chains to gelatin amino acid derived desaminotyrosine (DAT) and desaminotyrosyl tyrosine (DATT) as these moieties can interact by two different mechanisms:, aromatic  interactions and hydrogen bonds via the phenolic group (as H- bond donor or acceptor). DAT and DATT[11,12] analogues are biocompatible and have been used to trigger physical interactions in synthetic polymer networks.[12,13] The amino groups on lysine residues (3 mol-% of the amino acids of gelatin)[14] and protein chain ends can be selectively targeted via the free carboxylic acid group of DAT and DATT. The nucleophilic reactivity of amino groups is much higher when compared to hydroxyl groups, thereby - 3 - making this process chemoselective. DAT-functionalized gelatin (GA1) possessed one tyrosine derivative on each free amino group, while DATT functionalized gelatin (GA2) had two of these functionalities on each amino group. In this way, a systematic increase in potentially interacting side chain functional groups was realized forming a key parameter in the resulting polymer network system. Molecular models of gelatin (G) and functionalized gelatins GA1 and GA2 containing 25 wt.-% water were generated. Chain organization and contacts were analyzed to validate that the desired interactions were observable leading to a knowledge-driven approach to tailorable materials. The corresponding materials were synthesized, processed into films, and experimentally studied by wide angle X-Ray spectroscopy (WAXS, on dried films), temperature modulated DSC (TM-DSC) and tensile tests (at 25 wt.-% water content, corresponding to the modeling). Finally, their swelling properties in water were investigated. Experimental Part Materials: Gelatin type A and β-mercaptoethanol were purchased from Fluka. Desaminotyrosine (DAT), N-hydroxysuccinimide (NHS), and 1-ethyl-3-(3-dimethyl-aminopropyl) carbodiimide (EDC), 2,4,6-trinitro-benzensulfonic acid (TNBS), and N,N-Diisopropylethylamine (DIPEA) were purchased from Sigma Aldrich. DMSO, NMP, Trifluoroacetic acid (TFA), and ethyl acetate (EtOAc) were purchased from Merck. IRIS Biotech GmbH was the provider of DCM, L-Tyrosine tert-butyl ester (H-L-Tyr-OtBu), and Triisopropylsilane (TIPS). Simulation details The Amorphous cell and Discover interfaces from Accelrys Software Inc., with the Material Studio Modeling Environment, Release 4.3 (San Diego: Accelrys Software Inc., 2007) were used to construct and equilibrate three independent atomistic bulk models for G, GA1 and GA2 using the CFF91 force field.[15] The amino acid (aa) sequence of gelatin selected for this - 4 - study is a 276 aa portion of a human collagen type I (GenBankTM accession No. NP_000079). DAT and DATT were attached through an amide bond to the amino functions of each lysine residue of the gelatin molecule. The basic technique for packing and equilibration of the cells are described elsewhere.[16] A final 5 ns NPT-MD simulation at 30 °C, with a time step of 1 fs is run for data collection. The calculated elastic constants of the gelatin models were obtained utilizing a constant-strain minimization method (static method) applied to the equilibrated system.[17] The X-ray scattering intensity I(Q) of the models was calculated from the projections of each of the interatomic vectors, rjk, on the respective scattering vector Q.[18] Aromatic interactions were calculated from the spatial distance of centroids atom, defined for every aromatic ring, along the trajectory when the geometric distance between two of them is below 7.5 Ǻ. Hydrogen bond interactions involving the phenolic group were calculated along the trajectory using the following criteria (1 < dD-H-A < 2.5 Ǻ, D-H-A > 90.0°). Synthesis of Desaminotyrosyl-tyrosine (DATT)(4) Desaminotyrosine (1) (76 mmol) was activated with EDC (91 mmol), and DIPEA (215 mmol) in NMP (80 mL) and further reacted with H-L-Tyr-OtBu (63 mmol) in NMP (30 mL) at -5 °C for 1h and 17 h at room temperature. The mixture was precipitated in water, and extracted with ethyl acetate, the organic phases washed with 0.1 M aq. HCl, 0.1 M aq. NaHCO3, and conc. NaCl solution, and dried over MgSO4, to give 3 (14.35 g, 69 %) as white powder. 1H NMR (DMSO-d6) δ = 9.18, 9.10 (s, OH), 8.09 (d, NH), 6.95 (t, Ph), 6.63 (t, Ph), 4.27 (m, CαH), 2.79 (1H, m, CβH) , 2.73 (1H, m, CβH) , 2.63 (2H, m, CβH), 2.31 (t, CγH), 2.33 (t, CδH), 1.32 (s, CH3) ppm; IR (υmax/cm -1): 3343 (O-H), 2978, 2957 (C-H alkane), 1712 (s, C=O), 1645 (s, N-H), 1614 (N-H), 1600 (N-H), 1514 (vs, C-N), 1368 (C-O-), 1152 (C-O). (C22H27NO5) m/z (ESI): Calcd. 385.19; Found 386.19 (M+H+), m.p.: 140.3 °C. - 5 - Desaminotyrosyl-tyrosine-OtBu (3) (23 mmol) was deprotected by reaction with TFA (76 mL) in DCM (153 ml) at 0 °C (1h) first and 12 h at room temperature. The solvents were evaporated under reduced pressure, the residue was redissolved in 0.1 M HCl and extracted with ethyl acetate. The organic phase was washed with conc. NaCl solution, dried over anhydrous MgSO4, filtered, and evaporated to yield 4 as a white powder (7.1 g, 93%). 1H NMR (DMSO-d6) δ = 12.57 (s, COOH), 9.18 (s, OH), 8.06 (d, NH), 6.96 (ad, Ph), 6.63 (ad, Ph), 4.34 (m, CαH), 2.89 (m, CβH), 2.72 (m, CβH), 2.61 (t, CγH), 2.3 (t, CδH) ppm; IR (υmax/cm-1): 3247 (OH), 2957-2919 (C-H aliphatic), 1713 (vs, C=O), 1651 (s, N-C), 1614 (N-H), 1600 (N-H), 1514 (vs, C-N), 1550 (COO-), 1333 (COOH), 682 (COOH). (C18H19NO5): m/z (ESI) Calcd. 329.13; Found: 330.13 (M+H +); m.p. 161.2. Functionalization of gelatin DAT or DATT (29 mmol) was activated by reaction with EDC (32 mmol.) and NHS (43 mmol) in 110 mL of DMSO at 37 °C. After 3 h, -Mercaptoethanol (43 mmol) was added. A gelatin solution (15 g in 150 mL DMSO) was then added to the mixture and stirred at 37 °C for 5 h. The functionalized product was then precipitated in ethanol, filtered, washed with ethanol and acetone, and dried under vacuum. The degree of substitution was determined by 1H NMR spectroscopy and a TNBS colorimetric assay.[13] Material characterization Films (thickness = 380 ± 30 µm) were prepared by casting a 5 wt.-% aq. gelatin solution into polystyrene Petri dishes followed by drying at a temperature of 40 °C and 80% r.h. Shortly after drying, the films were statically hydrated in a controlled r.h. chamber at 80% r.h. and 30 °C for 1 week. Thermal analysis was performed using a Phönix DSC 204 F1 (Netzsch) differential scanning calorimeter. Wide angle X-ray scattering (WAXS) measurements were carried out using the X-ray diffraction system Bruker D8 Discover with a two-dimensional detector from Bruker AXS (Karlsruhe, Germany) equipped with a copper tube operating at 40 kV and 40 mA producing Cu K-radiation ( = 0.154 nm). Tensile tests were performed on a - 6 - Zwick Z005 (Zwick GmbH, Germany) using standard test specimen (ISO 527-2/1BB) punched from the gelatin films for a minimum of 5 probes. The degree of swelling Q in water was calculated at equilibrium at 23 °C. Results and Discussion Molecular Modeling Investigations Molecular models of pure gelatin G and functionalized gelatins GA1 and GA2 with 25 wt.-% water content were realized as in this state not only a monomolecular layer of water molecules around the peptide backbone is present, but there are tightly bound water molecules and freely moveable water molecules as well that allow chain movement.[19] The kinetic and potential energies were plotted as a function of simulation time, verifying that they fluctuate randomly about constant mean values, which proved that the models were in equilibrium (data not shown). Then, the generated models were validated against experimental data. The dihedral angles of the peptide backbone , , and , for the three models were analyzed (data not shown). The  values were close to 0° and ± 180°, which correctly shows the cis and trans amide bonds in peptide chains and reflect the partial double bond character of amide bonds. This result confirmed the suitability of the used force field to model peptidic structures. The torsional angles φ (N-C-C-C) and ψ (C-C-C-N) showed a more statistical organization along the simulation time that correlated with the simulated amorphous structure. Nevertheless, certain features of the typical helical collagen-like conformation were retained as indicated by the peak around -77° for φ and around 160° for ψ. The calculated WAXS spectra (data not shown) corresponded to amorphous materials without regular helical chain organization. The most important point in the introduction of aromatic groups into gelatin were the potential interactions between aromatic rings at different functionalization sites, which would lead to additional intra- and interchain contacts. The formation of aromatic interaction clusters - 7 - requires a certain distance and steric arrangement of the participating aromatic groups, where typical interactions are  stacking arrangements and edge-to-face CH/-contacts. The distance of aromatic group centroids in both cases should not have a distance larger than 7.5 Å to allow effective interaction.[20,21] The collagen-like triple helix of gelatin and the introduced netpoints are schematically shown in Figure 1a and visualized for the different models in Figure 1b-d. The frequency of such contacts between pairs of phenyl rings, not considering internal interactions between the two phenyl rings of one DATT functionalization site, were averaged over 3 independent packing models. An increased number of phenyl- phenyl cluster interactions was clearly observed for the models with an increasing number of phenyl groups in the modifier (gelatin: 0.3 ±0.6, GA1 1.7 ± 1.2, GA2 6 ± 1.7 contacts). Hydrogen bonds from or to the phenolic groups to the polymer backbone, functional side groups, and other phenols were identified as well, representing 16% (GA1) to 20% (GA2) of all hydrogen bonds in the models. This means that the desired physical netpoints are actually represented in the models and, as they increase with increasing number of tyrosine-derived moieties, thermomechanical material properties were likely to change depending on the functionalization. The calculated values for Young’s modulus E, compressive modulus K and shear modulus G, which were determined by a static method,[22] were similar for all models (Table 1). The models furthermore gave insight in the free volume accessible to water, which was quite similar in all materials. However, due to the higher hydrophobicity of GA1 and GA2 to G, a lower water binding capacity for the functionalized gelatins was expected. Syntheses Desaminotyrosyl tyrosine DATT (4) was synthesized as shown in Scheme 1. The reaction of either phenol group in the coupling or deprotection step was not observed. The degree of functionalization of GA1 and GA2 was determined by two independent methods giving similar values: integration of 1H NMR signals and a colorimetric assay based on the reaction - 8 - of free amino groups with TNBS. Functionalization with DAT gave 80 ± 10 mol-% yield (with respect to gelatin lysine residues) while functionalization with DATT gave 91 ± 3 mol- % yield, both of which are good yields for polymer analogous reactions. As the degree of functionalization based on NMR (giving the total amount of introduced aromatic rings) and reaction of amino functions gave similar results, it could be demonstrated that under the chosen reaction conditions only the amino functional groups were reactive. The hydroxyl functions on serine and threonine were nonreactive, which permitted a systematic and controlled functionalization of gelatin, albeit with a limited concentration of aromatic modifiers. Gelatin films were prepared by drying a 5 wt.-% aqueous solution at 40 °C at a r.h. of 80%. Material Characterization Material properties are summarized in Table 2. The degree of helicalization (Xc) of the gelatin chains in dry films was directly studied with WAXS. In addition to the scattering peak at 2 = 21°, which represents the amorphous region of the material, unmodified gelatin showed peaks at 2 = 8° and 32° corresponding to triple helical regions and -helical individual segments, respectively.[23] The latter peaks were also observed for GA1, though much weaker than in unmodified gelatin. GA2 displayed only one peak at 21°. The tendency to adopt typical helical collageneous features was therefore reduced by the introduction of the bulky aromatic groups in GA1 and GA2 though not totally suppressed. Equilibration in a thermochamber at 30 °C and 80% r.h. for seven days was then performed in order to set the water content for all sample films to 25 wt.-%, which corresponded to the molecular models. The melting temperatures Tm were taken from the first heating run in TM- DSC experiments, while the glass transition temperatures Tg were taken from the second heating run.[24] The functionalized materials showed a reduction of Tm (from 144 °C to 123-127 °C) with a simultaneous reduction of the melting enthalpy comparing gelatin and the - 9 - functionalized gelatins, whereas the transition was very broad (~50 °C). The reduction of Tm can be related to a reduction in helices length, while the reduction of Hm is likely due to a reduction of overall level of order (crystallinity or helicity). The low values of Hm of 14-22 J·g-1 reflect a low overall crystallinity of the materials. Tg differs only slightly between gelatin and functionalized gelatins (110 °C compared to 103-105 °C) and might be related to an increase in dangling chain ends. The thermal transitions are well below thermal decomposition (> 250 °C as measured by TGA). The influence of the degree of aromatic functionalization and of the related helical suppression can also be seen in the mechanical properties of the films as determined using tensile tests. The introduction of aromatic substituents on gelatin led to a more brittle behaviour of the respective materials. Although the Young’s moduli were changed only slightly, a pronounced effect was observed in the reduction of maximum tensile strength max and elongation at break b, which is most likely related to the decreasing contents of crosslinking triple helical domains. All experimental results showed a clear reduction of helicity of the functionalized gelatins (< 1%). The introduction of additional bulky side chains on free amino groups, e.g. on the lysines, were likely to sterically hinder the helicalization and block hydrogen bonds to these groups needed for the association of different chains or the binding of water, which would increase chain mobility. The additional  interactions and hydrogen bonds from the tyrosine derivatives might increase chain rigidity. However, as there is only a limited number of free amino groups present in gelatin, still some helicalization was observed. Physical crosslinks formed by small aromatic clusters are likely to be less stable against deformations than large triple helical domains. Together with the observed reduction in helicity, this is the reason for the experimentally observed reduction in Young’s modulus of GA2, which was functionalized with molecules bearing two aromatic groups (DATT). - 10 - The most prominent effect of gelatin functionalization was observed when samples were immersed in an aqueous environment. A clear decrease in the degree of swelling (Q) with increasing number of aromatic moieties introduced per amino group was detected (Gelatin showed a degree of swelling of 2800 Vol.-%, while the introduction of one aromatic moiety per lysine residue led to a decrease in Q (1730 ± 130 Vol.-%) and GA2 showed an even more drastical reduction of Q (265 ± 55 Vol.-% in absolute values). This behaviour is likely to be of interest for potential biomedical applications of gelatine-based materials, e.g. in Regenerative Therapies.[25-27] Conclusion The strategy to systematically change the properties of gelatin-based materials by selective functionalization was successful. For this purpose, molecular models of (functionalized) gelatins as amorphous bulk materials were developed and analyzed, which predicted an increasing number of specific  interactions and hydrogen bonds of gelatins functionalized with tyrosine derived compounds when increasing the number of the phenol moieties. Experimental data on synthesized compounds showed variation of macroscopic properties according to the number of introduced aromatic groups. The influence of already a relatively small number of these novel functional groups led to a dramatic reduction of swelling capacity and noticeable influence on other properties such as the elastic modulus as well as chain organization. These are key properties whose control will broaden the scope of applications for gelatin-based materials. The modeling gave results in the same order of magnitude (e.g. Young’s modulus) and trends as in the experimental data. Differences between the models and synthesized materials are likely because the models were idealized structures. Future modeling studies could be used to predict the effects of even higher degrees of functionalization (e.g. on alternative attachment points or by utilizing modifiers with more - 11 - than two aromatic units) or other functional groups for a knowledge-based decision on synthetic targets. Acknowledgements: We thank the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft for funding of this project through SFB 760 subproject B5 and Dr. M. Heuchel for support with the TM-DSC. Received: ((will be filled in by the editorial staff)); Revised: ((will be filled in by the editorial staff)); Published online: ((will be filled in by the editorial staff)); DOI: ((will be filled in by the editorial staff)) Keywords: Physical Network, Biopolymer, Molecular Modeling, Biomaterial, Supramolecular Interaction. References: [1] H. Lu, J. Cheng, J. Am. Chem. Soc. 2007, 129, 14114. [2] S. Pulapura, J. Kohn, Biopolymers 1992, 32, 411. [3] D. Olsen, C. Yang, M. Bodo, R. Chang, S. Leigh, J. Baez, D. Carmichael, M. Parala, E.-R. Hamalainen, M. Jarvinen, J. Polarek, Adv. Drug Deliv. Rev. 2003, 55, 1547. [4] M. Behl, U. Ridder, Y. Feng, S. Kelch, Steffen, A. Lendlein, Soft Matter 2009, 5, 676. [5] A. Lendlein, P. Neuenschwander, U. W. Suter, Macromol. Chem. Phys. 1998, 199, 2785. [6] A. Lendlein, M. Colussi, P. Neuenschwander, U. W. Suter, Macromol. Chem. Phys. 2001, 202, 2702. [7] Y. Feng, M. Behl, S. Kelch, A. Lendlein, Macromol. Biosci. 2009, 9, 45. [8] K. B. Djagny, Z. Wang, S. Xu, Crit. Rev. Food Sci. Nutr. 2001, 41, 481. [9] L. Benguigui, J.-P. Busnel, D. Durand, Polymer 1991, 32, 2680. [10] X. Chen, Y. Jia, S. Sun, L. Feng, L. An, Polymer 2009, 50, 6186. - 12 - [11] C. Nardin, D. Bolikal, J. Kohn, Langmuir 2004, 20, 11721. [12] L. Sheihet, K. Piotrowska, R. A. Dubin, J. Kohn, D. Devore, Biomacromolecules 2007, 8, 998. [13] V. Tangpasuthadol, S. M. Pendharkar, J. Kohn, Biomaterials 2000, 21, 2371. [14] W. A. Bubnis, C. M. O. III, Anal. Biochem. 1992, 207, 129. [15] J. R. Maple, M.-J. Hwang, K. J. Jalkanen, T. P. Stockfisch, A. T. Hagler, J. Comp. Chem. 1998, 19, 430. [16] D. Hofmann, L. Fritz, J. Ulbrich, C. Schepers, M. Bohning, Macromol. Theor. Simul. 2000, 9, 293. [17] D. N. Theodorou, U. W. Suter, Macromolecules 1986, 19, 139. [18] D. Hofmann, P. Weigel, J. Ganster, H. P. Fink, Polymer 1991, 32, 284. [19] I. Yakimets, N. Wellner, A. C. Smith, R. H. Wilson, I. Farhat, J. Mitchell, Polymer 2005, 46, 12577. [20] S. K. Burley, G. A. Petsko, Science 1985, 229, 23. [21] H. D. Hong, S. Park, R. H. F. Jimenez, D. Rinehart, L. K. Tamm, J. Am. Chem. Soc. 2007, 129, 8320. [22] D. N. Theodorou, U. W. Suter, Macromolecules 1986, 19, 139. [23] I. Pezron, M. Djabourov, J. Polym. Sci., Part B 1990, 28, 1823. [24] C.-A. Dai, Y.-F. Chen, M.-W. Liu, J. Appl. Polym. Sci. 2005, 99, 1795. [25] R. Langer, D.A. Tirrell, Nature 2004, 428, 487. [26] V.P. Shastri, A. Lendlein, Adv. Mater. 2009, 21, 3231. [27] T. Weigel, G. Schinkel, A. Lendlein, Exp. Rev. Med. Devices 2006, 3, 835. - 13 - G GA2GA1 Figure 1. a) While pure gelatin forms physical netpoints by triple helicalization, functionalization with tyrosine-derived molecules reduces helicalization and leads to specific interchain contacts by  interactions (‘aromatic clusters’) and hydrogen bonds. b-d) Representation of the chain organization and aromatic clusters (circled) of the equilibrated models of G (b), GA1 (c), and GA2 (d) as a series of 9 about 4.0 Å thick slices cut perpendicularly to the x-axis for each model. The aromatic rings are highlighted in dark. Table 1 Summary of calculated Young’s modulus E, compressive modulus K, and shear modulus G for G, GA1, and GA2 at 25 wt.-% water content. Mechanical property G GA1 GA2 E [GPa] 6.67 ± 0.44 6.43 ± 0.26 6.65 ± 0.06 K [GPa] 5.82 ± 0.08 5.89 ± 0.27 5.71 ± 0.11 G [GPa] 2.55 ± 0.19 2.44 ± 0.03 2.54 ± 0.03 - 14 - OH OH O OH O O NH 2 OH O N H O O OH OH O N H O OH OH OH O OHR OH OR N H Gel + EDC, DIEA NMP, r.t. 15 h (3); 59 %(1) (2) CH2Cl2/TFA r.t., 15 h (4); 89 % (a) 1. EDC, NHS, 3 h 2. Gel NH2, 4 h DMSO, 37 °C (b) R = H (1), p-NHCO(CH2)2Ph-OH (4) R = H (GA1), p-NHCO(CH2)2Ph-OH (GA2) Scheme 1. Synthetic route to (a) desaminotyrosyl-tyrosine and (b) gelatin functionalization. Table 2: Thermal transitions, degree of helicity, mechanical properties, and degree of swelling of gelatin and the functionalized gelatins. Tm 1 [°C] Hm 1 [J·g-1] Tg 2 [°C]  Cp 2 [J·(g·K)-1] Xc [%] E [Gpa] σmax [MPa] εb [%] Q [vol.-%] G 144 22 110 0.35 2.3 2.26 ± 0.27 69 ± 18 6 ± 1.2 2800 ± 330 GA1 123 17 103 0.35 0.9 2.03 ± 0.24 51 ± 27 3 ± 0.8 1730 ± 130 GA2 127 14 105 0.36 0.8 2.08 ± 0.46 39 ± 10 3 ± 0.9 265 ± 55 Tm: melting temperature, Hm: melting entropy; Tg glass transition temperature, Cp: change of heat capacity at Tg, Xc: degree of helix content, E: Young’s modulus, max: maximum tensile strength, b: elongation at break, Q; degree of swelling, 1 determined in the 1st heating run, 2 determined in the 2nd heating run. - 15 - The functionalization of gelatin with tyrosine derivatives specifically at the lysine residues leads to reduction of Young’s modulus and degree of swelling. The netpoints of the physical networks are aromatic clusters rather than triple helical regions, as could be shown by WAXS and molecular modeling, and therefore depend on the degree of functionalization and not the thermomechanical treatment of the materials. Axel Thomas Neffe, Alessandro Zaupa, Benjamin Pierce, Dieter Hofmann, Andreas Lendlein* Knowledge-Based Tailoring Gelatin-Based Materials by Functionalization with Tyrosine- Derived Groups neffe-mac.pdf Neffe-macrapcom.pdf 
work_xytt2d3i2bcv5ks6yqyrjjqqta	----	HEROES AND MARTYRS OF QUALITY AND SAFETY ‘‘Cotton Mather, you dog, dam you! I’l inoculate you with this; with a pox to you’’: smallpox inoculation, Boston, 1721 M Best, D Neuhauser, L Slavin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qual Saf Health Care 2004;13:82–83. doi: 10.1136/qshc.2003.008797 T he semi-literate quotation in the title comes from a note attached to a bomb thrown into Cotton Mather’s house in Boston, Massachusetts on 14 November 1721 because of Mather’s public advocacy of the most important healthcare improvement of the colonial American era— smallpox inoculation.1 SMALLPOX Smallpox has a long history, with descriptions as early as 1350 BC in Egypt. Epidemiologists believe it originated in north eastern Africa about 10 000 BC. The mummy of Pharaoh Rameses V of Egypt who died about 1160 BC had lesions on his face that were thought to be caused by smallpox. Europeans brought ‘‘small pox’’ to the New World and received, in turn, ‘‘the great pox’’, or syphilis. Other names for smallpox are ‘‘red death’’ and the ‘‘speckled monster’’.2–4 The disease arrived in the western hemisphere in 1507 on the Caribbean island of Hispañola and went on to devastate the natives, making European conquest of the Americas possible. Later, there are reports of colonists giving North American Indians smallpox infected cloth in an early form of bioterrorism.5 New England had periodic epidemics in the 1600s and again in 1702. Those who survived were then immune and for 19 years there were no more smallpox epidemics in Boston. On 22 April 1721 the HMS Seahorse, a British ship arriving from Barbados, docked in Boston harbor. Within a day of passing the customary inspection a crew member exhibited symptoms of smallpox. He was quarantined in a house near the harbor and a red flag was put up in front of the house that read ‘‘God have mercy on this house’’.6–8 By early May nine more crew members showed signs of acute smallpox. They also were quarantined, but soon afterwards cases were appearing in resident Bostonians. Reverend Cotton Mather, a polymath with an interest in medicine, wrote in his diary on 26 May: ‘‘The grievous calamity of the small pox has now entered the town’’. Within the first few days about 1000 people left town with the hope of avoiding the disease. Cotton Mather was instrumental in introducing smallpox inoculation to the United States. He wrote regarding inoculation: ‘‘I had from a servant of my own an account of its being practised in Africa. Inquiring of my Negro-man, Onesimus, who is a pretty intelligent fellow, whether he had ever had the smallpox, he answered both yes and no. He told me that he had undergone the operation which had given something of the smallpox and would forever preserve him from it, adding that was often used in West Africa.’’ INOCULATION Inoculation has been reported as early as 1000 BC in China, where it was performed by introducing smallpox material via a scratch in the skin or by putting some cotton soaked in variola pus into the nostril, or by blowing the dried powder from scabs into the nostrils via a tube. In India, variolation was performed by introducing variola pus or scabs into the skin of healthy people. Lady Mary Wortley Montague gets the most credit for bringing inoculation or variolation to Great Britain. She learned of the technique in Turkey while with her ambassador husband on a diplomatic mission. Inoculation uses human smallpox. The inoculated person had a milder infection than taking smallpox ‘‘in the natural way’’, but was infectious to others during the induced illness. William Jenner’s cowpox vaccination (from the latin word vacca meaning cow) discovered in 1796 had lower mortality than inoculation and the patient was not infectious to others. Mather gets the most credit for bringing inoculation to North America, although he should share the honor with the unknown Onesimus. Mather sent a letter to Dr Zabdiel Boylston which convinced the doctor to start a campaign of inoculation. Other physicians in the Boston area also received letters from Mather, but they did not respond to his call to battle against this ‘‘most terrible of all the ministers of death’’. Dr Boylston wrote on 26 June 1721: ‘‘I inoculated my son, Thomas, of about six, my Negro-Man, thirty-six, and Jackey, two and a half Years old’’. He inoculated others in July and on 12 August 1721 he inoculated Mather’s son Samuel. In total, he inoculated 287 Bostonians and, of these, six died. VILIFICATION Many of the town’s people were against inoculation, including members of Mather’s congregation. All the physicians in town except Boylston were opposed to his crusade. They were led by the only physician in Boston with the MD degree, Dr William Douglass. John Checkley, an apothecary who had a personal feud with Mather, and Douglass formed the Society of Physicians Anti-Inoculators which met regularly in coffee houses to denounce inocu- lators. The July 17–24 edition of the Boston News-Letter published an article by Dr William Douglass that attacked Boylston for performing inoculations. On 7 August James and Benjamin Franklin published additional attacks in their newspaper, the New England Courant. The ministers of Boston thought this sensational article was ‘‘freighted with Nonsense, … Prophaneness, Immorality, … Lyes, Contradictions’’ and had James put in prison for four weeks while his apprentice Benjamin Franklin continued to publish the paper on his own. Years later Benjamin Franklin became an active supporter of inoculation. Give someone smallpox to prevent it? This treatment from Africa was too radical for Boston in 1721. Proving it required a breakthrough in research methodology. 82 www.qshc.com o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://q u a litysa fe ty.b m j.co m / Q u a l S a f H e a lth C a re : first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /q sh c.2 0 0 3 .0 0 8 7 9 7 o n 2 F e b ru a ry 2 0 0 4 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://qualitysafety.bmj.com/ In November 1721 a small bomb was tossed through the window of Mather’s house and landed in the room where Mather’s nephew was recuperating from the inoculation procedure. The fuse of the bomb burned out so the bomb did not explode and the attached note, quoted in the title of this article, was not destroyed. Mather and Boylston reported that 2% of 287 inoculated patients died compared with 842 deaths among the 4917 infected in the natural way (14.9%).9 As far as we know, this is the first use of numbers to evaluate a clinical trial. Mortality from the experimental group is compared with a control group and proportional mortality measured and compared to demonstrate a clear difference.8 It was these comparative quantitative data replicated in later epidemics which led to the slow but steady acceptance of inoculation in Boston. The success of inoculation paved the way for acceptance of Jenner’s vaccination. Beall et al describe Mather as ‘‘the first significant figure in American medi- cine.’’10 COTTON MATHER Unfortunately, we know next to nothing about Onesimus, a bit about Boylston, and a lot about Cotton Mather (1663– 1728) who comes across as the high priest of New England Puritanism. At the age of 16 he was one of the youngest graduates ever of Harvard University, father of 15 children, and a prolific writer whose bibliography alone takes up three published volumes.11 Many of his 468 publications were books rather than articles, and most are forgettable sermons. He liked to use a dozen words when one would do, and to quote in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin; in short, a vast opus of no or little appeal to our present age. However, some of these books are important. His 1702 ecclesiastical history of New England Magnalia Christi Americana is ‘‘a monument of early American literature’’,12 Bonifacius has a direct influence on Benjamin Franklin’s life,13 and The Angel of Bethesda is ‘‘the only large inclusive medical work of the entire American colonial period’’.14 Filled with folk remedies, it was not published until 1972. The curse of Cotton Mather is that he wrote one book too many and he has been condemned from the day of its publication down to the present. In Wonders of the Invisible World he sought to justify the Salem witch trials of 1672.1 15–17 This curse hangs over the head of all today’s vastly productive academics who might write just one book too many. HERO OR MARTYR? Mather was both. He was the first native born American to become a member of the Royal Society of London. Inoculation was the most important health improvement of colonial America as documented by the early (and perhaps the first) use of numerical analysis to evaluate a clinical trial. Authors’ affiliations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M Best, D Neuhauser, L Slavin, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Case School of Medicine, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Correspondence to: Professor D Neuhauser, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Case School of Medicine, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH 44106-4945, USA; dvn@case.edu REFERENCES 1 Silverman K. The life and times of Cotton Mather. New York: Harper Row, 1984. 2 Aronson SM, Newman L. ‘‘God have mercy on this house: Being a brief Chronicle of Smallpox in Colonial New England’’. Smallpox in the Americans 1492 to 1815: contagion and controversy. John Carter Brown Library of Brown University, December, 2002. 3 Stetten Jr D. Victory over variola. ASM News 1978;44:639–44. 4 Barquet N, Domingo P. The triumph over the most terrible of the ministers of death. Ann Intern Med 1997;127:635–42. 5 Hopkins D. Princes and peasants: smallpox in history. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983. 6 Rudolph R, Musher DM. Inoculation in the Boston smallpox epidemic of 1721. Arch Intern Med 1965;115:692–6. 7 Winslow O. A destroying angel: the conquest of smallpox in colonial Boston. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1974. 8 Blake JB. Public health in the town of Boston 1630–1822. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959. 9 Best MA, Neuhauser D, Slavin L. Benjamin Franklin: verification and validation of the scientific process in healthcare. Victoria, BC, Canada: Trafford Publishing, 2003. 10 Beall OT, Shryock RH. Cotton Mather, first significant figure in American medicine. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1954. 11 Holmes TJ. Cotton Mather, a bibliography of his work. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1940. 12 Mather Cotton. Magnalia Christi Americana. Murdock K, ed. Books I and II. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977. 13 Mather Cotton. Bonifacius: an essay upon the good. Levin D, ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966. 14 Mather Cotton. The Angel of Bethesda. Jones G, ed. Barre, MA: American Antiquarian Society, 1972. 15 Mather Cotton. Wonders of the invisible world. Observations as well historical as theological upon the nature, the number and operations of the devil. Boston: 1692. 16 Levine D. Cotton Mather: the young life of the Lord’s remembrancer, 1663– 1703. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978. 17 Boyer P, Nissenbaum S. Salem possessed. The social origins of witchcraft. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974. Heroes and martyrs of quality and safety 83 www.qshc.com o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://q u a litysa fe ty.b m j.co m / Q u a l S a f H e a lth C a re : first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /q sh c.2 0 0 3 .0 0 8 7 9 7 o n 2 F e b ru a ry 2 0 0 4 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://qualitysafety.bmj.com/ 
work_xyuatcqw5ba7natbiylo5lcaee	----	International Conservation Conventions: Are they Being Implemented? 272 Environmental Conservation iv) He/she should have a broad understanding of environmental processes and conservation, and therefore be able to draw on and develop the expertise of the team. The function of the TEC should involve performing such duties as: helping to appoint the team, liaising with head teachers and their staff, coordinating the relation- ship between teacher and CEA, acting as consultant/ adviser to the group, coordinating policy, communica- ting with and coordinating the local community, keeping abreast of topical issues and publications as well as local organizations etc., fund-raising (possibly!), and all the time training the team by developing skills, discussing ideas and problems, and encouraging initiative. An atti- tude of adventure should he encouraged throughout. Finance The plan is to set up a team of keen unemployed naturalists (teachers, graduates, and others) to work with the primary schools in the (human) catchment area of Langtree School (a comprehensive school at Wood- cote, Oxfordshire, England). The scheme will be rely- ing very heavily on the Manpower Services Com- mission (MSC), from whom we have obtained the support for six part-time places. A charitable Trust is, however, being established to cover administrative and supervisory expenses and to provide a cushion against any political or MSC changes, so that donations will always be welcome. STEPHEN R. HART Hammonds Farm, Checkendon Reading RG8 ONS, England, UK. Leaf from a Graduate Student's Paper: Our Message about The Biosphere Evidently Sinking In* I never really thought about The Biosphere until Polunin addressed our class. Though I had heard of The Biosphere before, I had never thought about how it encompasses our very life. I told some of my friends that we were drawing up some proposals about The Bios- phere and were possibly going to get them published in an internationally read environmental journal. They scoffed and asked how I could think that they could take us, a bunch of idealistic college students, seriously about something as important as The Biosphere. I did not ans- wer, but thought to myself about that Ben Franklin quote which was on the board the other day: 'They man who does things may make mistakes, but he never makes the biggest mistake of doing nothing.' I kept thinking that they can go on studying their eco- nomics, political science, and business law, but that they will have to make the decision of whether to act or not someday. Clearly, education will have to play a key role if we are to save The Biosphere. We must learn to get along with The Biosphere, for it is our environment, our air, and our life-blood. If we do not modernize and rethink our environmental policies soon, it may become too late. Teaching the responsibilities and consequences of human occupance of The Biosphere is analogous to teaching people about their own homes. If you do not maintain the condition of your home—its physical plant and family—it will soon start to degrade. Once degradation has started, new policies must be implemented quickly to stop failure of the structure of the house and its inhabiting family. A house is not a home without people living in it, just as The Biosphere is nothing without [plenty of] that indefinable thing we call life. I thought that point five of our propo- sal was very good: Upholding The Biosphere as sacred, as life itself is sacred, will serve to help Manking to save it. * Kindly communicated by Professor Henryk Skolimowski, whose submission with his students on 'The Biosphere as Seen by Students from Ann Arbor, Michigan', was published late last year (Environmental Conservation, 10(4), p. 356, 1983).—Ed. International Conservation Conventions: Are They Being Implemented? The undersigned and Laura H. Kosloff are currently conducting investigations into the implementation of international conservation conventions. The 'imple- mentation gap' is a well-recognized but inadequately studied phenomenon which seriously hampers conser- vation efforts. Information on whether, and if so how, international legal instruments for conservation are being implemented in individual countries has never, so far as we are aware, been collected or analyzed. The information or materials in which we are most interest- ed includes: —Copies or at least citations of any reports, memo- randa, or papers, discussing the implementation of CITES, World Heritage, Ramsar, Western Hemi- sphere, as well as other international conventions and agreements dealing with habitats, species, or genetic resources. (This information can be general or specific with respect to a particular country.) —Information on the specific national legislation implementing these conventions in individual countries, and on the legislation's strengths and weaknesses (in carrying out such implementation). —Personal and organizational views on the imple- mentation and effectiveness of particular conven- tions, their strengths and weaknesses, their particu- lar advantages and drawbacks, and the politics of their adoption and implementation. Any information which readers of Environmental Conservation may be able to provide will help us in understanding what is happening with the current body of international conventions, in what directions they can and should go in the future, and whether further conventions would be appropriate. Your cooperation would be greatly appreciated. Confidentiality can be maintained if desired. Please send any responses and pertinent information to the undersigned. MARC C. TREXLER, Research Associate International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) Avenue du Mont-Blanc 1196 Gland Switzerland. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0376892900014363 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0376892900014363 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
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work_y3pkncjkljaydgmieyon4mcely	----	mrs_40_5_455-456-May15.indd 455MRS BULLETIN • VOLUME 40 • MAY 2015 • www.mrs.org/bulletin FEATURES POSTERMINARIES I used to own a lodestone—a magnetic mineral. I don’t have it anymore because I lent it to someone and can’t remember who borrowed it. After it went missing, I realized how much I appreciated that hunk of earth. It was craggily, softball-sized, and seemed out of place on my organized desk. To make it look more appropriate for an offi ce setting, I stuck a few paper clips on its side, which teased gravity. I really enjoyed looking at that old rock. One night, I was preparing notes for the following day’s lecture on magnetism and was looking for a neat fact or two to share with my students. I hoped to make the topic enticing, particularly to the apprehensive liberal arts majors, so I dove into a few textbooks and began hunting. Staring at the empty space where my lodestone formerly sat, I was inspired to learn more about it. However, it was late, and I had to choose between fi nishing my notes quickly or following my curiosity about magnets. My curiosity won. I dug frantically for facts. First, I scanned a large stack of textbooks, but they didn’t offer much. In fact, they furnished no history at all and started the topic of magnetism with a description of quantum mechanics. I knew that would not engen- der warm feelings from my students, so I kept digging. I dashed downstairs to the build- ing’s library and combed a pile of recent papers on lodestones and a mountain of rare, old magnetism books. The papers provided a few intriguing facts, like birds use mag- nets to navigate. Turns out that birds have special cells tuned to the magnetic fi eld of the earth that guide them. Sea turtles do too. I knew my students would enjoy these nuggets, so I unearthed more. There are some bacteria that align along a magnetic fi eld. Embedded in their cell membranes are tiny iron crystals that cause them to move with a magnet—whether they want to or not. Another gem. Hours passed and a long night of writing waited. But, I had one more question: “Where do lodestones come from?” That seemed like a simple question with a simple answer. It wasn’t. I uncovered a paper from the 1930s that stated lightning created lodestones. That information struck me hard. But, my curiosity had to wait. It was very late and work beckoned. That night, I wrote my notes thinking about lodestones and lightning. A few weeks later, on a cold December evening when the snow left me little opportunity to do anything else, I went back to this lodestone bombshell. Perplexed, I wanted to fi nd out if lightning indeed made lodestones. So I spent the evening sending emails to scientists who could confi rm this. A few days later, I received a reply from Peter Wasilewski, a retired NASA scientist. He returned from giving lectures on a cruise and had time to speak about his work with lightning. I was thrilled. Now, I was going to get to the bottom of this. I reached him by phone and asked him about lodestones. In a matter-of-fact way, Wasilewski told me that he made magnets using lightning. It became clear from the beginning that I was Zapping stones How magnetic lodestones are born fi nishing my notes quickly magnets. My curiosity won I dug frantically for fac textbooks, but th furnished n of magne mecha der w I k i r m bo g- hat to h ded in hem to m Photo on right: Rocket-triggering research at Langmuir Laboratory for Atmospheric Research, New Mexico, 2012. Photo by Jacob Trueblood. Courtesy of Langmuir Laboratory. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs.2015.111 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs.2015.111 https://www.cambridge.org/core 456 MRS BULLETIN • VOLUME 40 • MAY 2015 • www.mrs.org/bulletin FEATURES POSTERMINARIES much more excited about this conversation than he was. That made sense—he worked with lightning for a living. Everything else was boring in comparison. Wasilewski studied what he calls nature’s permanent magnet—the lodestone. Lodestones served civilization for thou- sands of years, since the beginning with the early compasses in China, which allowed us to reach new corners of the earth. And the unusual origin of lodestones was presumed decades ago. The fi rst clue that these stones were strange hinged on the fact that they are only found on the surface of the earth. Magnetic lodestones are not found in mines. Wasilewski went on to tell me that a lodestone, or magnetite, a bluish mineral, is not a magnet on its own. It must be oxidized to include a bit of maghemite, a brownish substance, and then it is converted to a magnet with lightning. “The thing about the lightning bolt, besides being magical, is that it has a magnetic fi eld associated with it,” he said. Lightning changes the stone by providing a mammoth magnetic fi eld. One can demonstrate this by rubbing a needle with a magnet. After rubbing, the needle temporarily turns into a magnet too. Lightning and lodestones undergo a similar process but on a larger, supernatural scale. The magnetic fi eld around the lightning bolt permanently transforms lodestones into magnets. So how do you coax lightning to strike a stone? Ben Franklin knew. In colonial times, folks understood how to draw light- ning—or “electric fi re”—using pointed metal lightning rods on top of buildings. However, Franklin took it one step further. Instead of waiting for lightning to come to him, he went to it. He fl ew a kite on a stormy night and cast a line for lightning using a metal key for bait. It worked. The electricity struck the kite and went down the string. And, while this story was believed to be a tall tale, Franklin actually described this experiment in a letter to Peter Collinson that was published in Philosophical Transactions in 1751. Wasilewski created lodestones using lightning in much the same way as Ben Franklin, but with much more expen- sive tools. First, Wasilewski went to where lots of lightning occurs. He conducted his experiments at the Langmuir Laboratory on the top of South Baldy Mountain near Socorro, N.M. (New Mexico and Florida in the summer months are hotspots for lightning strikes.) Then, he needed a better “kite” and replaced Franklin’s contraption with a small bottle rocket that he launched into storm clouds. Attached to this rocket was a three-mile-long metal wire fastened to a plastic box. A bed of sand covered the bottom of the box, and the soon-to-be-zapped mineral sat on top. “All these parts you can get from your local hardware store,” said Wasilewski. “Except the rocket,” I replied. The experiment happened in a fl ash and what remained was charred or burnt. “There is so much energy,” said Wasilewski, “the sand melts.” In microseconds, lightning heats everything to over 2900°F. And the accompanying magnetic fi eld turns the mineral into a magnet. Before the rock was struck, paper clips passed by without a peep. Now, it is a magnetic lodestone and attracts paper clips just like the one that sat on my desk long ago. I miss that old stone. I need to get another one, maybe for Christmas, and this time I’ll write down the name of the person who borrows it, if I dare to lend it out at all. Ainissa Ramirez MRS Bulletin welcomes submissions to Posterminaries. Description: Light commentary and observations relating to anything of interest to the MRS Bulletin readership. Topic must have a materials angle. Word play is a plus. Length: 1400–2000 words. Format of submission: Email as a Word document to Bulletin@mrs.org. Examples: www.mrs.org/posterminaries. htning in much the more expen- e lots of ments uth w s e s e his ened ttom of sat on top. Did you know? Facts about lodestones The magnetic properties of natural ferric ferrite (Fe 3 O 4 ) stones (lodestones) were fi rst described by Greek philosophers in 600 BC. The name lodestone comes from Middle English and means “coarse stone” or “leading stone.” The word magnet may have come from lodestones found in Magnesia, a region in Greece. Early civilizations discovered that striking magnetite “lodestone” against pieces of iron would magnetize the iron. This magnetized iron was used to make the fi rst compasses during China's Han dynasty. Magnetite lodestones are one of only two minerals that have been found to be naturally magnetized on earth. What is the other one? Lodestones were once believed to possess magical properties of various kinds. If one was ill, the stone would be held in the hands and shaken well. It was said to cure wounds, snakebites, weak eyes, headaches, and defective hearing. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs.2015.111 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1557/mrs.2015.111 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_y3x3zvdlofadbln4vkplz6kini	----	untitled 28 Onkologie 2013;36(suppl 5):28 Autorenverzeichnis David Cella, PhD Center for Healthcare Studies Institute for Public Health and Medicine, Preventive Medicine-Health and Biomedical Informatics, Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences and Weinberg College of Arts and Sciences Department of Medical Social Sciences 633 N. St. Clair, Suite 1900 Chicago IL 60611, USA Prof. Dr. med. Mathias Freund Klinik für Innere Medizin III Hämatologie, Onkologie, Palliativmedizin Zentrum für Innere Medizin Universitätsmedizin Rostock Ernst-Heydemann-Straße 6 18055 Rostock, Deutschland Prof. Dr. med. Andreas Hochhaus Abt. Hämatologie/Onkologie Klinik für Innere Medizin II Universitätsklinikum Jena Erlanger Allee 101 07740 Jena, Deutschland PD Dr. med. Diana Lüftner Medizinische Klinik mit Schwerpunkt Hämatologie, Onkologie und Tumorimmunologie Campus Benjamin Franklin Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin Hindenburgdamm 30 12200 Berlin, Deutschland Prof. Dr. med. Andreas Mackensen Medizinische Klinik 5 – Hämatologie und Internistische Onkologie Universitätsklinikum Erlangen Ulmenweg 18 (Internistisches Zentrum) 91054 Erlangen, Deutschland Dr. med. Friedrich Overkamp Praxis und Tagesklinik für Internistische Onkologie Springstraße 24 45657 Recklinghausen, Deutschland Dr. med. Klaus-Peter Thiele Kompetenz Centrum Onkologie MDK Nordrhein Bismarckstraße 43 40210 Düsseldorf, Deutschland Dr. med. vet. Volker Vervölgyi Institut für Qualität und Wirtschaftlichkeit im Gesundheitswesen (IQWiG) Im Mediapark 8 50670 Köln, Deutschland Prof. Dr. med. Martin Wilhelm Medizinische Klinik 5 Klinikum Nürnberg Prof.-Ernst-Nathan-Straße 1 90419 Nürnberg, Deutschland Prof. Dr. med. Bernhard Wörmann Medizinischer Leiter DGHO Hautpstadtbüro Alexanderplatz 1 10178 Berlin, Deutschland Autorenverzeichnis «Medizinische Onkologie: Neue Medikamente – Hoffnungsträger mit Risiken» 
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work_ykmwqxv6jzd3hoxr5aq3mygjlm	----	120507_Isaacson_Steve Jobs_cvr_v02 © 2012 Harvard Business School Publishing. Created for Harvard Business Review by BullsEye Resources www.bullseyeresources.com. The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs May 7, 2012 KEY LEARNING SUMMARY Brought to you by featuring Walter Isaacson secure content sharing and collaboration box.com/cio http://sites.box.com/cio/?utm_source=hbr&utm_medium=web&utm_content=webinar_followup&utm_campaign=cio The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs May 7, 2012 © 2012 Harvard Business School Publishing. Created for Harvard Business Review by BullsEye Resources www.bullseyeresources.com. 1 www.hbr.org The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs Walter Isaacson, Author of Steve Jobs; President and CEO, Aspen Institute, Adi Ignatius (Moderator), Editor-in-Chief, Harvard Business Review Group OVERVIEW Steve Jobs is one of the most compelling business leaders of our time and it is impossible to replicate his success. Valuable lessons can be learned from how Jobs created products and ran his companies. These lessons can be reapplied by leaders within their own contexts and styles. Among these lessons: Put great, beautiful products before profits; sit at the intersection of art, technology, and business; focus on both the big picture and the small details; simplify; and bend reality by not accepting the status quo. CONTEXT Walter Isaacson, author of best-selling biography Steve Jobs, engaged in a conversation with Adi Ignatius about the upcoming HBR cover story, “The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs,” where Isaacson shares 14 lessons from Jobs that can be applied broadly by business leaders. KEY LEARNINGS Steve Jobs was far more than an eccentric personality; he was a business genius. The biography Steve Jobs was a narrative of Jobs’ life. Per Jobs’ request, it was brutally honest, with no whitewashing. It was filled with anecdotes but didn’t contain analysis. Commentators have tended to focus on Jobs’ strong and at times abrasive personality, but many have failed to recognize Jobs’ greatness as an innovative business leader. Because of this emphasis on Jobs’ personality, Isaacson decided to write a follow-up article focusing on important and broadly applicable leadership lessons from Jobs. He saw Harvard Business Review as the ideal forum for sharing these lessons. Regarding Jobs’ personality (which received minimal focus in the webinar in comparison to the leadership lessons), Isaacson acknowledged that Jobs could be incredibly demanding of those who worked for him. Yet there are many unpleasant bosses in the world. Jobs was different because he was compelling, charismatic, and inspired people to achieve great things. While Jobs was tough on people, he was fun to work with, interesting, and engendered tremendous loyalty among those who worked for him. “He was tough and pushed people to their limits, but he inspired them." —Walter Isaacson Leadership lessons can be learned from Steve Jobs and applied by each person based on their context and style. The leadership lessons extracted from Jobs are not a how-to guide and don’t represent a formula for success. Each context and each leader are different. But, these lessons from Jobs’ life and experience can influence a leader’s thinking. Tim Cook, the current CEO of Apple, provides an example. Cook has done an outstanding job of learning these important lessons from Jobs (such as the importance of simplicity and of great products), while applying his own personality and leadership style to the unique problems he faces. Jobs didn’t have to deal with issues in China, which Cook does, and Jobs didn’t want Apple to pay a dividend, which Cook has done. Thus, these lessons are informative, but they don’t provide a cookie-cutter approach to leadership and don’t guarantee success. Each leader must make his or her own decisions based on their context and personal style. Lesson: Combine the Humanities with the Sciences Jobs was a tech geek who loved poetry, art, and music. He believed that beauty mattered. He was a creative humanities kid who was inspired by Picasso, Gandhi, and Dylan. He was also fascinated with technology and science. He saw tremendous value in standing at the intersection of the humanities and the sciences, of art and technology. The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs May 7, 2012 © 2012 Harvard Business School Publishing. Created for Harvard Business Review by BullsEye Resources www.bullseyeresources.com. 2 www.hbr.org “He applied art and beauty to technology." —Walter Isaacson Lesson: Put Products Before Profits. Jobs felt strongly that if a company makes beautiful, compelling products, profits will follow. This is contrary to the approach in many companies where the focus is on milking existing products to maximize profits. In doing so, designers and engineers are excluded. Lesson: Impute The word means that everything related to a product affects how people will think about that product. So the colors and packaging of a product affect how people perceive the product. People’s initial reaction upon setting foot into an Apple store affects how they feel about the store, the company, and its products. Lesson: Take Responsibility End to End Jobs felt that to deliver a beautiful product it was necessary to tightly control everything about the product. As a result, even with some imperfections, tens of millions of people love Apple products. (Isaacson expressed the hope that there will always be a tension between tightly controlled, beautiful products/systems and more open platforms that provide more choices.) Lesson: Simplify Jobs initially worked at Atari and was struck by the simplicity of the company’s products. He constantly pushed to make products even simpler, more intuitive, and easier to use. In designing the iPod, he wanted a user to be able to get to any song in three clicks. He required that the device not have an on or off switch. It needed no manual. The marketing for the iPad touted, “You already know how to use it.” Lesson: Focus When Jobs returned to the helm of Apple, the company was making 40 models of computers, which he reduced to four. He forced the company to focus and make a few big bets. At retreats among executives, participants fought to get their ideas on a short list of top priorities. Jobs would then cross off most of the list and demand that the organization focus on just three or four areas. His emphasis on focus can also be seen in how he spent his day. He was very strict in filtering out distraction. Each day he would pick four or five things on which to focus, and wouldn’t do anything else. He wouldn’t respond to emails or calls if they weren’t related to what he was focusing on. Lesson: Engage Face-to-Face Jobs loved face-to-face meetings. Apple had a senior team meeting each Monday and a marketing meeting each Wednesday with no agenda and no presentations. Ideas were presented and the group hashed out what it wanted to do. He also loved face-to-face meetings in the design studio to see first-hand the products being developed. Lesson: Bend Reality Throughout Jobs’ life, he believed that certain things were possible, even when others said, “It can’t be done.” He imagined it and then pushed and inspired people to rise to the challenge and create a new reality. This doesn’t always work, but for Jobs it worked frequently. Examples included pushing Steve Wozniak to create software within four days that he thought was impossible, getting engineers within Apple to decrease the Mac’s time to boot up from 70 seconds to 42, and convincing the CEO of Corning to produce a new type of glass for the iPhone. In each instance, an unblinking Jobs looked these individuals in the eye and said, “Don’t be afraid; you can do it.” “Don’t be afraid. You can do it." —Steve Jobs, in a common refrain to inspire people to do what they thought wasn’t possible Lesson: Know Both the Big Picture and the Details Few people can deal with both big-picture strategy and minute details—but Jobs could. He engaged in strategies about new platforms, new classes of devices, the cloud, and how the tablet would change publishing (as a strategist). At the same time, he dealt with the screws used in the iPhone, the colors used, and how the box would open (as an artist). The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs May 7, 2012 © 2012 Harvard Business School Publishing. Created for Harvard Business Review by BullsEye Resources www.bullseyeresources.com. 3 www.hbr.org “This might be the most important item on the list. It explains why people don’t just use his products but why they love them." —Adi Ignatius Lesson: Stay Hungry, Stay Foolish Jobs was a bit of a rebel and a misfit who went from complete poverty to immense wealth in a very short period. Once this occurred, Jobs realized life was about the journey; not about making money. This realization gave Jobs the courage to take big risks without having fear of failure. (Other lessons in the HBR article which were not discussed in the webinar include: when behind, leapfrog; don’t be a slave to focus groups; tolerate only “A” players; and push for perfection.) Other Important Points  Jobs and Gates. Jobs and Gates had a rivalry and a strong respect for the other. Gates began by creating software for Apple and then created Windows, which crushed Apple’s operating system. Yet when Jobs returned to Apple in the late 1990s, one of his first calls was to Gates, whom he convinced to invest in Apple and have Microsoft create much better software for the Mac. Gates was more analytical and technical, and had more of an engineering and business orientation. Jobs was more intuitive and emotional, and had more of a sense of beauty. In a lengthy one-on-one meeting shortly before Jobs died, both expressed respect for the other. Gates admired that Jobs had proven that Apple’s closed model could work, which Gates had doubted, and Jobs expressed respect for Gates’ open model.  Relationship with money. Jobs had a complex relationship with money. He said “It’s not about the money,” took a salary of $1, and believed that money is not a motivator. Yet he re-priced stock options for other executives, which was investigated by the SEC, and was not extremely philanthropic.  Lessons from Ben Franklin. Ben Franklin, whose biography Mr. Isaacson also authored, offered 12 life lessons. Among these were diligence, honesty, frugality, and humility (which Franklin said he faked well).               This webinar was brought to you by Box – secure content sharing and collaboration.     82% of Fortune 500s manage content with Box – visit www.box.com/cio to learn why you  should, too.  The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs May 7, 2012 © 2012 Harvard Business School Publishing. Created for Harvard Business Review by BullsEye Resources www.bullseyeresources.com. 4 www.hbr.org BIOGRAPHIES Walter Isaacson President and CEO, Aspen Institute Walter Isaacson is the president and CEO of the Aspen Institute. He is a graduate of Harvard College and of Pembroke College of Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes Scholar. He began his career at The Sunday Times of London and then the New Orleans Times-Picayune/States-Item. He joined TIME in 1978 and served as a political correspondent, national editor, and editor of new media before becoming the magazine’s 14th editor in 1996. He became chairman and CEO of CNN in 2001, and then president and CEO of the Aspen Institute in 2003. Isaacson is also the chairman of the board of Teach for America, which recruits recent college graduates to teach in underserved communities. He was appointed by President Barack Obama and confirmed by the Senate to serve as the chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors, which oversees Voice of America, Radio Free Europe, and other international broadcasts of the United States, a position he held until 2012. He is vice-chair of Partners for a New Beginning, a public-private group tasked with forging ties between the United States and the Muslim world. He is on the board of United Airlines, Tulane University, and the Overseers of Harvard University. From 2005-2007, after Hurricane Katrina, he was the vice-chair of the Louisiana Recovery Authority. Adi Ignatius Editor-in-Chief, Harvard Business Review Group Adi Ignatius joined Harvard Business Review as editor-in-chief in January 2009. Previously, he was deputy managing editor for TIME, where he helped oversee the week-to-week editing of the magazine and was also responsible for many of TIME’s special editions, including the Person of the Year and TIME 100 franchises. He was the editor of two books: President Obama: The Path to the White House and Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang. Both made the New York Times Bestseller List. Prior to his 2007 appointment as deputy managing editor, Ignatius served as executive editor of TIME starting in 2002, and from 2004 to 2007, he also held the additional title of editor of TIME Canada. Ignatius joined TIME as deputy editor of TIME Asia in 1996, based in Hong Kong, and was named editor of that edition in 2000. He also wrote frequently for TIME, including most recently, cover stories on Google Inc., and the 2007 Person of the Year profile of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Prior to joining TIME, Ignatius worked for many years at the Wall Street Journal, where his work was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize, and later as managing editor of the Central European Economic Review and business editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review, publications owned by Dow Jones, Inc. Ignatius was awarded a Zuckerman Fellowship at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs in 1990. He received his BA in History in 1981 from Haverford College in Pennsylvania. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Asia Society. The information contained in this summary reflects BullsEye Resources, Inc.’s subjective condensed summarization of the applicable conference session. There may be material errors, omissions, or inaccuracies in the reporting of the substance of the session. In no way does BullsEye Resources or Harvard Business Review assume any responsibility for any information provided or any decisions made based upon the information provided in this document. 120507_Isaacson_Steve Jobs_cvr_v02.pdf HBR 5-07-12 Webinar - Steve Jobs v051112.pdf 120507_Isaacson_Steve Jobs_cvr_v1 HBR Isaacson_05-07-12_v2.pdf 
work_yom64akr3fcs7odjnoyafefv2e	----	Book Reviews Physikalische Heilmethoden in der ersten Wiener Medizinischen Schule, by URSULA SCHABFER (Veroffentlichungen der Kommission fur Geschichte der Mathematik und der Naturwissenschaften, No. 4), Vienna, Hermann Bohlaus, 1967, pp. 238, illus., OS.108. Medicine on the European continent has always favoured physical treatment methods more than its insular counterpart in these Islands. It is probably only since the advent of the National Health Service that the accolade of respectability has been conferred upon 'Physical Medicine', as it is now known here, by recognizing it as a specialty in its own right. It is true that, in their nineteenth-century heyday, Harrogate and Bath rivalled such mid-European spas as Baden-Baden and Karlsbad, which specialized in baths, massage and, of course, 'taking the waters'. On the other hand, although other physical techniques notably electrotherapy were pioneered by such men as Duchenne de Boulogne, they were and still are, on the whole, considered to be cranky and 'on the fringe'. This large paperback deals with the practice and practitioners of physical medicine in the Austria of the eighteenth century. The text begins with a somewhat scrappy historical review. In this connection, a definitive history of physical medicine remains to be written. It should be interesting for, after all, few specialties can boast such widely differing characters as Benjamin Franklin, Marat and John Wesley. Be that as it may, an account of Viennese medicine in the age of Maria Theresa is then followed by a chapter on physical healing methods in the eighteenth century, taking in hydrotherapy, massage, gymnastics and electrotherapy. The main body of the work, however, deals in detail and seriatim with the members of the First Viennese School-van Swieten, de Haen and his critic Kirchvogl, and Stoll. The section ends with some observations on the technical hypothesis underlying the basis of this form of treatment in Vienna. For reasons which are not apparent to me, the work of a further six practitioners is then detailed. These are lesser lights such as Plenciz, Quarin and Hasenohrl. A final summary is preceded by yet another biographical discussion on the role of the last practitioner of the period, Pasqual Joseph Ferro (1753-1809) who was a great believer in the virtues of cold water. In addition to a list of sources and a bibliography, there are liberal footnotes throughout as well as four glossy plates at the end of the book, which has been published as one of a series by the Austrian Academy of Science. It has obviously been a labour of love for its authoress. Although the layout of the text requires some tidying-up in my view, it provides a useful introduction to a somewhat esoteric subject. I. M. LEBRACH Surgeon in the Crimea, by GEORGE LAWSON, London, Constable, 1968, pp. 209, illus., 35s. George Lawson was the son of a City wine merchant. He enrolled at King's College in 1848 at the age of seventeen years, obtaining the M.R.C.S. Eng. in 1852. After becoming house-surgeon to Sir William Fergusson he entered the Army as Assistant .404 available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300014976 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 02:04:49, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300014976 https://www.cambridge.org/core 
work_yqqujjbwv5d7dnczmbb6tskllq	----	Book Reviews: Benjamin Franklin after 200 years | Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London Login to your account Email Password Forgot password? Keep me logged in New User Institutional Login Change Password Old Password New Password Too Short Weak Medium Strong Very Strong Too Long Congrats! Your password has been changed Create a new account Email Returning user Can't sign in? Forgot your password? Enter your email address below and we will send you the reset instructions Email Cancel If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to reset your password. Close Request Username Can't sign in? Forgot your username? Enter your email address below and we will send you your username Email Close If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username Cookies Notification This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Find out more. × brought to you byCarnegie Mellon University Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome All Journals Biographical Memoirs Biology Letters Interface Interface Focus Notes and Records Open Biology Philosophical Transactions A Philosophical Transactions B Proceedings A Proceedings B Royal Society Open Science Brought to you by Carnegie Mellon University Sign in 0 Cart Search Anywhere This Journal Quick Search anywhereEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Quick Search in JournalsEnter words, phrases, DOI, keywords, authors, etc... SearchGo Advanced Search Skip main navigationJournal menuClose Drawer MenuOpen Drawer MenuHome Home Content Published ahead of print Latest issue All content Subject collections Blog posts Information for Authors Guest organizers Reviewers Readers Institutions About us About the journal Editorial board Author benefits Policies Journal metrics Open access Sign up Purchase eTOC alerts RSS feeds Newsletters Request a free trial Submit Restricted access MoreSections Get Access Get Access Tools Add to favorites Download Citations Track Citations Share Share on Facebook Twitter Linked In Reddit Email Cite this article 1990Book Reviews: Benjamin Franklin after 200 yearsNotes Rec. R. Soc. Lond.44269–279http://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1990.0023 Section Restricted accessBook review Book Reviews: Benjamin Franklin after 200 years Published:01 July 1990https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1990.0023 Abstract The papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Claude A. Lopez. New Haven: Yale University Press, Volume 27,1988. Pp. 727. £45. ISBN 0-300-04177-2. This chunky volume of 727 pages covers four months of Franklin’s life, from July to October 1778. As it happens, these months are probably the least significant four months in Franklin’s years in Paris. The treaty of alliance with France had been signed in February, and it was bringing a French army, a French fleet and vast quantities of munitions to aid the American cause; and it took France into war with Britain, as part of that second Hundred Years’ War that began in 1702 and ceased only in 1815. But whatever Franklin’s public fame in Paris as a scientist and as a Voltaire from the backwoods, and whatever his skill as architect of the alliance, the French Foreign Minister, Vergennes, having committed his country to the American cause, preferred to deal with the American Congress via his minister-plenipotentiary in Congress, ConradAlexandre Gerard, rather than through the quarrelsome American envoys in Passy. He liked and appreciated the sagacity of Franklin, but he found it hard to be patient, as did Franklin himself, with the prickly Lees, Arthur and William, and with vain and irascible John Adams, whom he tried to persuade Franklin to have recalled. Footnotes This text was harvested from a scanned image of the original document using optical character recognition (OCR) software. As such, it may contain errors. Please contact the Royal Society if you find an error you would like to see corrected. Mathematical notations produced through Infty OCR. 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Keep me logged in Institutional login Purchase Save for later Item saved, go to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old $22.00 Add to cart Notes and Records - PPV issue - 25 to 69 years old Checkout Restore content access Figures Related References Details 31 July 1990 Volume 44Issue 2 Article Information DOI:https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1990.0023 Published by:Royal Society History: Published online01/01/1997 Published in print01/07/1990 Copyright and usage: Scanned images copyright © 2017, Royal Society Statistics from Altmetric Close Figure Viewer Browse All FiguresReturn to FigureChange zoom levelZoom inZoom out Previous FigureNext Figure Caption NOTES AND RECORDS About this journal Contact information Purchasing information Submit Author benefits Open access membership Recommend to your library Help Author benefits Purchasing information Submit Open access membership Recommend to your library Contact information Help ROYAL SOCIETY PUBLISHING Our journals Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies Our journals Historical context Open access Publishing policies Permissions Conferences Videos Blog Manage your account Terms & conditions Privacy policy Cookies THE ROYAL SOCIETY About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire About us Contact us Fellows Events Grants, schemes & awards Topics & policy Collections Venue hire Back to top Copyright © 2021 The Royal Society 
work_yvc3hrr4kjfiniivvye4hx66me	----	European journal of American studies , Reviews 2014-1 European journal of American studies Reviews 2014-1 Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From John Calvin to Benjamin Franklin. Zbigniew Mazur Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/10250 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.10250 ISSN: 1991-9336 Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic reference Zbigniew Mazur, « Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From John Calvin to Benjamin Franklin. », European journal of American studies [Online], Reviews 2014-1, document 2, Online since 09 January 2014, connection on 03 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ ejas/10250 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejas.10250 This text was automatically generated on 3 May 2019. Creative Commons License http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/10250 Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From John Calvin to Benjamin Franklin. Zbigniew Mazur REFERENCES Warsaw: Warsaw University Press, 2012. Pp. 336. ISBN: 978-83-235-0981-3 1 In her book Bożenna Chylińska offers an extensive, well-documented, and detailed discussion of the concept of work in Puritan theology and life. Tracing the evolution of the Puritan interpretations of work from the beginnings of the Reformation to the end of the eighteenth century, Chylińska presents the views of English and American Puritans and refers to their biographies as evidence of how work was not just part of religious beliefs, but also lived experience of such Puritan thinkers as John Calvin, Cotton Mather, and Benjamin Franklin. 2 Chapter I offers a brief discussion of the historical development of the concept of work in religion and philosophy. Starting with a short and informative presentation of the Biblical teachings about work and their early interpretations, the author passes on to the contemporary theology of the Catholic Church, as well as the studies of such writers as Sigmund Freud, Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber, tracing the most significant discourses of work and wealth in the Western world. The Marxist theories of work seem to have had a profound impact on both the formulation of the study’s research question and on the choice of analytical categories, as the author, in the following chapters, draws a good deal from Max Weber’s interpretations of the rise of capitalism and the relationship between the Puritan ethics and the morality of capitalism. The analytical perspective adopted in the work positions the relationship between work and wealth as one of the chief ethical principles concerning human life, but, importantly, assumes that Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From J... European journal of American studies , Reviews 2014-1 1 “work is also a historical fact” (46), which calls for its investigation as an aspect of historical materialism. 3 In Chapter II the author deals with the European beginnings of Puritanism. The discussion does not focus narrowly on the idea of work, but has a much wider range: it touches upon the history of the reforms of the Church, also those preceding the sixteenth century. Furthermore, it outlines the most significant events and processes in the development of Protestantism, understood as a theological doctrine and as a body of churches. In the following sections the focus is on the English Reformation, the emergence of Puritanism, its persecution by the Tudors, and the Puritan exile in the Netherlands and in America. Chylińska points to the significance of Calvinism in the reconstruction of the Church in England and in America and in the emergence of English Puritanism. Among the early Puritan theologians, Thomas Cartwright and William Perkins were most influential in shaping the theology of the new radical movement. The author points to Perkins as one of the first Puritans to link the idea of predestination with that of “Effectual Calling” (87) and voice the view that spiritual devotion requires diligence in the secular life, an attractive idea for the emerging entrepreneurial class. 4 In the following chapter, the development of the Puritan work ethic in America is discussed at length. The author adopts a wide definition of Puritanism as a religious, social, and political movement in both England and America, with its roots in Calvinism, and with the congregational church structure. Chylińska points to the writings of Richard Mather, John Cotton, and Cotton Mather as the most sophisticated formulations of the seventeenth-century Puritan beliefs about work and wealth. Exploring the meaning of the idea of “Calling,” the author shows how Puritanism redefined labor, providing a spiritual recognition of such economic virtues as frugality, diligence, and thrift. Wealth, obtained through work, was a sign of the possibility of salvation (117). Thus, Puritans were ‘called’ to show excellence in any sphere of productive activity. Controversial as it may seem at first glance, the use of the perspective of Catholicism for comparative analysis of Puritan ideas of work (151-155) offers a chance to better identify the most striking aspects of Puritanism as a revolutionary Christian doctrine and marks Chylińska’s book as original in the field. Regrettably, the narrative of the third chapter abandons the European context, and American Puritanism is studied in isolation from the work of those Puritan theologians who, as John Owen and Richard Baxter, lived and published in England. 5 In Chapter 4 Bożenna Chylińska explores the significance of work in the lives of Puritan women. It is striking that the choice of primary sources in this part of the study differs from that in other chapters; female diaries, memoirs, and poems are added to the theological treatises and sermons. Arguably, this chapter offers the most remarkable part of Chylińska’s investigation of Puritanism, assessing the impact of the cultural constructions of gender on the application of the Puritan work ethic in women’s domestic life. The author studies the diary of an English Puritan noblewoman, Lady Margaret Hoby, and the poetry of Anne Bradstreet, a gentlewoman from New England, and discovers striking similarities in which they constructed their subjectivities in terms of the daily, conscientious engagement in family and domestic duties and the literary self-analysis they both practiced. Even though both women came from the higher strata of their societies, it was the repetitive, fairly monotonous pattern of housework and nurturing of children, marked by constant worry and occasional family problems that was to manifest the religiosity of Puritan female lives. Chylińska, quoting profusely from the work of Hoby and Bradstreet, reconstructs the reality of lives of women in Puritan communities. Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From J... European journal of American studies , Reviews 2014-1 2 The analyses of the accounts of the two female authors are supplemented with an extended discussion of the impact of theology on the setting of the standards for gender relations in the patriarchal world of Puritan communities. 6 In the final chapter Bożenna Chylińska presents a compelling assessment of Benjamin Franklin’s reinterpretation of the Puritan ethic of work. In a long and detailed discussion of Franklin’s life and writing, the author argues that the great Philadelphian’s dream of material success was the product of his belief in the secularized version of the Puritan doctrine of “Calling.” Franklin’s extension of the veneration of the virtues of hard work, prudence, and self-sufficiency to the call for civic engagement and social compassion initiated changes in the American concept of work. Private work and wealth was to be used to give assistance to the needy and to finance civil institutions which would help others gain prosperity. Franklin’s reconstruction of the Puritan work ethics in the more secular terms is presented in the chapter in the context of the ideas of the Enlightenment and in juxtaposition to the works of Cotton Mather. While recognizing the novelty of Franklin’s affirmation of the economic - and not spiritual - well-being as the purpose of human work, the author stresses the similarities between his texts and those of Mather and outlines the Puritan origins of Franklin’s doctrine of work. Moreover, Chylińska discusses the impact of Franklin’s deism and pragmatism on his secularized version of Puritan ethics of work in an extended discussion of Autobiography and Poor Richard’s Almanack. The author makes use of a strategy similarly applied in other sections of the book: the close reading of the primary texts is accompanied and supplemented with lengthy references to the biography of the writer, which shows that the work ethics was not just a set of abstract beliefs, but also an ideological practice. 7 The conclusion of Chylińska’s study invites the reader to consider the impact of the Puritan ethos of work on the later American discourses of labour and wealth. The book offers a well-structured and logical argument about the evolution of the interpretations of work and wealth in Puritan thinking. It is well documented, containing numerous quotations from a variety of relevant printed primary sources. The author uses literary and historical analysis in the study of the Puritan texts devoted to the subject of work, displaying a superb knowledge of Puritanism as a religious doctrine and a social formation. The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic may also be used as a reference source for any reader interested in Puritan theology in general, from its European beginnings at the time of the Reformation until the Enlightenment. It should be noted as well that the book, in its material form, is a beautiful example of what diligent work of the author, the editors and the printer may bring about: it is very well documented, has an imposing layout, and is skillfully illustrated with a variety of reprographic material. Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From J... European journal of American studies , Reviews 2014-1 3 AUTHOR ZBIGNIEW MAZUR Dr hab. Zbigniew Mazur teaches at the Institute of English Studies, Uniwersytet Marii Curie- Skłodowskiej, Lublin, Poland Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From J... European journal of American studies , Reviews 2014-1 4 Bozenna Chylińska, The Gospel of Work and Wealth in the Puritan Ethic: From John Calvin to Benjamin Franklin. 
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work_zbicuf2pevcmdhra3mxzi5ddim	----	Americas A QUARTERLY REVIEW OF INTER.AMERICAN CULTURAL HISTORY Volume XII JANUARY, 1956 Number 3 published by the ACADEMY OF AMERICAN FRANCISCAN HISTORY WASHINGTON, D. C. BOOK REVIEWS Kurt Baer: Painting and Sculpture at Mission Santa Barbara PAL KEXEMEN Hejio Vianna: Capistrano de Abreu. Ensaio biobibliogrdfico MATHIAS C. KIEMEN Fanchon Royer: Padre Pro. Modern Apostle and Martyr BEDE A. DAUPHINEE Helen Augur: Zapotec FANCHON ROYER Manuel da Nobrega: Didlogo sobre a corniersao do gentio. Edited by Serafim Leite GEORGE C. A. BOEHRER Julio Tobar Donoso: La Iglesia, Modeladora de la Nacionalidad BENJAMIN GENTO SANZ Emeterio S. Santovenia et al.: Historia de la Nacidn Cubana ROSCOE R. Hnx Clifford M. Lewis & Albert J. Loomie: The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, 1S10-1512 W. EUGENE SHIELS Peter J. Rahill: The Catholic Indian Missions and Grant's Peace Policy, 1810-1884 J. B. TENNELLY Robert L. Wilken: Anselm Weber, O.F.M., Missionary to the Navaho, 1898-1921 KIERAN R. MCCARTY Albert Kleber: History of St. Meinrad Archabbey, W4-1954 Bosco D. CESTELLO Merle Curd: Probing Our Past SISTER MARIE CAROLYN KLINKHAMER LeRoy R. Hafen & Ann W . Hafen: Old Spanish TraU: Santa Fe to Los Angeles JOHN E. BAUR T H E ACADEMY OF AMERICAN FRANCISCAN HISTORY ANNOUNCES T H E PUBLICATION OF Monograph Series, Volume Three PAINTING AND SCULPTURE AT MISSION SANTA BARBARA by KURT BAER Professor of Art, University of California at Santa Barbara Art Historian, California Missions Art work in the Old Missions was not merely ornamental. It was a "visual aid" employed in the Christian instruction of the Indians. The padres were always adding to the mission collections with appropriate foreign reproductions and pieces done by the natives themselves. With the secularization of the Missions and their gradual abandonment, more and more of these treasures found their way to Mission Santa Barbara, and it has become a rich depository of early California art. Dr. Baer has for the first time attempted a comprehensive description and evaluation of this interesting-collection. More than 150 photographs of the originals at the Mission, with the author's explanatory text for each, constitute a unique study of this phase of California mission history. P p . x x + 2 4 4 $5.00 the . Americas A QUARTERLY REVIEW OF INTER-AMERICAN CULTURAL HISTORY Volume X I I JANUARY, 1956 Number 3 REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS IN THE SPANISH E M P I R E IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY ' I. T H E CORTES OF CASTILE Lesley Byrd Simpson 223 II. T H E L O W COUNTRIES Gordon Griffiths 234 III. T H E N E W WORLD Woodroiv Borah 246 T H E INFLUENCE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN IN THE RIVER PLATE AREA BEFORE 1810 Guillermo Furlong, S.J. 259 NEUTRALITY-DIPLOMACY OF THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO, 1910-1911 Edward J. Berbusse, S.J. 265 A REVIEW OF INTER-AMERICAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS Thomas Patrick Melady 286 D O C U M E N T S LONGFELLOW, SARMIENTO, AND T W O UNPUBLISHED LETTERS John M. Fein 300 INTER-AMERICAN N O T E S 304 I N MEMORIAM: FR. BENJAMIN GENTO SANZ, O.F.M 311 BOOK R E V I E W S 312 (Listed on inside front cover) Copyright, 1955 ACADEMY OF AMERICAN FRANCISCAN H I S T O R Y The contents of T H E AMERICAS are indexed in the Catholic Periodical Index and the International Index to Periodicals, and abstracted in Historical Abstracts. EDITORIAL STAFF ANTONINE TIBESAR, O.F.M., Ph.D. Editor-in-Chief MATHIAS C. KIEMEN, O.F.M., Ph.D. Managing Editor BEDE A. DAUPHINEE, O.F.M., M.A. Assistant Managing Editor FRANCIS B. STECK, O.F.M., Ph.D. Quincy College MAYNARD GEIGER, O.F.M., Ph.D. Santa Barbara, California LAZARO LAMADRID, O.F.M., Lie. Hist. Washington, D. C. FIDEL CHAUVET, O.F.M., Ph.D. Mexico City, D. F. LINO G. CANEDO, O.F.M., Ph.D. Washington, D. C. MICHAEL B. MCCLOSKEY, O.F.M., Ph.D. Siena College ADVISORY EDITORS GEORGE P. HAMMOND, Ph.D. University of California ROBERT S. CHAMBERLAIN, Ph.D. Carnegie Institution of Washington CARLOS E. CASTANEDA, Ph.D. University of Texas JOHN TATE LANNING, Ph.D. Duke University J. MANUEL ESPINOSA, Ph.D. Department of State, Washington, D. C FRANCE V. SCHOLES, Ph.D. University of New Mexico DAVID RUBIO, O.S.A., Ph.D. Madrid, Spain MANOEL CARDOZO, Ph.D. Catholic University of America RICHARD F. PATTEE National Catholic Welfare Conference LEWIS HANKE, Ph.D. University of Texas IRENE A. WRIGHT, F.R.H.S. Department of State, Washington, D. C. RUTH LAPHAM BUTLER, Ph.D. Newberry Library, Chicago MARIE R. MADDEN, Ph.D. Teachers Institute, Brooklyn ROSCOE R. HILL, Ph.D. National Archives (retired) JOSEPH F. THORNING, Ph.D. Carrollton Manor, Md. WILLIAM F. MONTAVON, LL.D. National Catholic Welfare Conference f HENRY GRATTAN DOYLE, Litt.D. George Washington University W . EUGENE SHIELS, S.J., Ph.D. Xavier University, Cincinnati, O. T H E AMERICAS is published in July, October, January, and April; annual subscription $4.00 Address all communications to the Managing Editor, 5401 W . Cedar Lane, Washington 14, D. C. Opinions expressed are the responsibility of contributors. Second-class mail privileges authorized at Washington, D. C, and Richmond, Va. 
work_zgiukbju4nh2nm3ap2r4pven3u	----	A g e n d a I n d e r S c h w e i z / E n S u i s s e Woche/Semaine 36, 2002 5./6. September 2002 Fortbildungskurs SGDV Physikalische Therapiemassnahmen in der Dermatologie, Zürich Prof. R. Dummer Dermatologische Klinik Universitätsspital Zürich Gloriastrasse 31 CH–8091 Zürich Tel. +41 1 255 25 07 Fax +41 1 255 89 88 Woche/Semaine 38, 2002 September 19–21, 2002 32nd ESDR Annual Meeting, Palexpo, Genève Org.: SYMPORG SA 7, avenue Krieg CH–1208 Genève Tel. +41 22 839 84 84 Fax +41 22 839 84 85 E-Mail esdr@symporg.ch www.esdr.ch Woche/Semaine 43, 2002 24.–26. Oktober 2002 3. Unionstagung der Schweizerischen Gesellschaften für Gefässkrankheiten, Flims 3e congrès de l’Union des Sociétés Suisses des Maladies Vasculaires, Flims Park Hotels Waldhaus Organisation: Dr. Schlegel Pharmamarketing AG Heidi Fuchs / Michael Gross Sennweidstrasse 46 CH–6312 Steinhausen Tel. +41 41 748 76 00 Fax +41 41 748 76 11 E-Mail m.gross@schlegelpharma.ch www.schlegelpharma.ch Woche/Semaine 44, 2002 31. Oktober bis 2. November 2002 84. Jahresversammlung, Bern 84e Réunion annuelle, Berne Frau M. Hürst Dermatologische Klinik Inselspital CH–3010 Bern I m A u s l a n d / A l ’ é t r a n g e r Week 26, 2002 June 27–29, 2002 10th International Conference on Behçet’s Disease, Berlin Organisation: Prof. C.C. Zouboulis Scientific Secretariat: Department of Dermatology University Medical Center Benjamin Franklin The Free University of Berlin Fabeckstrasse 60–62 D–14195 Berlin Tel. +49 30 8445 6911/6910 Fax +49 30 8445 6908 E-Mail zoubbereszedat.fu-berlin.de Week 27, 2002 July 1–5, 2002 20th World Congress of Dermatology, Paris Congress Secretariat: Colloquium/WCD 2002 12, rue de la Croix Faubin F–75557 Paris Cedex 11 Tel. +331 44 64 15 15 Fax +331 44 64 15 16 E-Mail p.fournier@colloquium.fr www.derm-wcd-2002.com Woche 30, 2002 21.–26 Juli 2002 18. Fortbildungswoche für praktische Dermatologie und Venerologie, München Tagungsleiter: Prof. Dr. G. Plewig Kongressbüro: Gertrud Hammel Tel. +49 89 5160 6065 Fax +49 89 5160 6066 E-Mail Fortbildungswoche@lrz.uni-muenchen.de Woche 46, 2002 15.–17. November 2002 Jahrestagung der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für Dermatologie und Venerologie, Wien Information: Ärztezentrale Med.Info Helferstorferstrasse 4 A–1014 Wien Tel. +43 1 531 16 33 Fax +43 1 531 16 61 E-Mail azmedinfo@media.co.at 17 Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel Avec les compliments des éditions S. Karger, Bâle Mit den besten Empfehlungen des Verlags S. Karger, Basel 
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work_zkge2ydvtjd2vfpyurevngasva	----	Science Magazine www.sciencemag.org SCIENCE VOL 311 17 MARCH 2006 1529 NETWATCH E D I T E D B Y M I T C H L E S L I E W E B C A S T << Sun Block Sky watchers keen to see the upcoming total solar eclipse won’t be left out of the dark even if they can’t get to a vantage point in South America, Africa, or western Asia. On 29 March, the Exploratorium in San Francisco will webcast the event live from Side, Turkey. On hand at the city’s Roman amphitheater will be four telescopes to track the moon’s progress and two scientists to explain happenings such as the appearance of the corona (above). This wispy outer layer of the solar atmosphere stands out during totality, when the moon’s disk obscures the sun. The festivities start at 5 a.m. U.S. Eastern Time. Totality will begin around 5:54 a.m. and will last a mere 3 minutes and 41 seconds. >> www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse E X H I B I T Poor Richard’s Web Site Which early American politician could claim significant discoveries in meteorology, physics, and navigation? Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) notched these achievements in his spare time, when he wasn’t earning a fortune in the printing business or helping invent a country. This biographical site from the Benjamin Franklin Tercentenary, a Philadelphia nonprofit organization set up to honor the Founding Father’s 300th birthday this year, offers several pages on Franklin’s scientific work. It goes beyond the famous kite-flying experiment that demonstrated lightning was a form of electricity. For instance, Franklin’s shipboard notes on everything from sea temperatures to whale feeding habits inspired an improved chart of the Gulf Stream. The Frankliniana section includes samples of his scientific gear, such as this early battery made from water-filled jars (above). >> www.benfranklin300.org/exhibition/_html/0_0/index.htm C R E D IT S ( T O P T O B O T T O M ): E X P L O R A T O R IU M ; P E T E R H A R H O L D T /A M E R IC A N P H IL O S O P H IC A L S O C IE T Y ; N G D C I M A G E S Brighter Lights, Bigger Cities This new map of Earth’s nighttime illumination will make light bulb manufacturers glow and astronomers cringe. Released last month, the chart* from the National Geophysical Data Center (NGDC) in Boulder, Colorado, is a composite of satellite images snapped in 2003. Site visitors can download and compare images from as far back as 1992. Although changes in illumination often are hard to detect with the unaided eye, computer analysis shows that the United States and India continue to brighten, says Chris Elvidge of NGDC. However, areas of the former Soviet Union, such as Moldova and Ukraine, have been growing darker. You can peruse processed versions of the maps that highlight brightness differences at this site† from a graduate student in Aachen, Germany. >> www.ngdc.noaa.gov/dmsp/download.html † www.blue-marble.de/night.php Send site suggestions to >> netwatch@aaas.org Archive: www.sciencemag.org/netwatch D A T A B A S E Caught in a Bind How tightly a potential drug attaches to its target determines how well the compound will work and what dose patients will need. Researchers can nab binding affinities for about 14,000 com- pounds at BindingDB from Mike Gilson of the University of Maryland Biotechnology Institute in Rockville and colleagues. Gleaned from the literature, the data indicate the strength of attraction between the compounds and key proteins, such as the caspase proteins that control cellular suicide. You can also upload files of molecules not in the database to compare them to inhibitors of a particular enzyme. >> www.bindingdb.org W E B L O G Bones, Genes, And Brains A study suggesting that social stress leaves “molecular scars” on the brain and research exposing cultural diversity in gorillas are just two of the subjects that have snared the interest of anthropologist John Hawks of the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His wide-ranging blog excavates novel ideas and noteworthy discoveries in evolution, genetics, and human paleontology. Hawks promises to deliver three to five essays per week. Gems he’s come across include a recent New York Times piece about the Soviet Union’s unsuccessful efforts in the 1920s to prove our simian ancestry by crossbreeding chimps with humans. Readers intrigued by the tiny Flores hominid uncovered in Indonesia 2 years ago will find a section devoted to the controversial remains. >> johnhawks.net/weblog Published by AAAS o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ WEB LOG: Bones, Genes, And Brains DOI: 10.1126/science.311.5767.1529a (5767), 1529.311Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.1 CONTENT RELATED file:/content/sci/311/5767/netwatch.full PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the is a registered trademark of AAAS.ScienceScience, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for the Advancement ofScience © 2006 American Association for the Advancement of Science o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/311/5767/1529.1 http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ 
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work_zxv7gu5yyvbuffyl2yof2f2oc4	----	Microsoft Word - COM-10-S(E)Curriculum vitae.doc HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010, pp. 15 - 23. © The Japan Institute of Heterocyclic Chemistry DOI: 10.3987/COM-10-S(E)Curriculum vitae CURRICULUM VITAE ALBERT ESCHENMOSER Born August 5, 1925 in Erstfeld, Uri (Switzerland); citizen of Balgach, St. Gallen (Switzerland) Married Elizabeth Baschnonga (1954), three children: Jürg, Esther, Philipp Residence Bergstrasse 9, CH-8700 Küsnacht/ZH 1949 Dipl.sc.nat., Abteilung für Naturwissenschaften, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH), Zürich 1951 Dr.sc.nat., Organic Chemistry (Prof. L. Ruzicka und Dr. H. Schinz, ETH) 1956 Privatdozent, Organic Chemistry, ETH 1960 a.o. Professor, Organic Chemistry, ETH 1965 o. Professor for General Organic Chemistry, ETH 1992 Professor emerit. ETH 1996-2009 Professor 'Skaggs Institute for Chemical Biology' at the SCRIPPS Research Institute, La Jolla/CA, USA VISITING PROFESSORSHIPS 1961 ARTHUR D. LITTLE-Visiting Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge/MA, USA 1965 BRITTINGHAM-Visiting Professor, University of Wisconsin, Madison/WI, USA 1969 Visiting Professor, Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa, Israel 1970 MORRIS S. KHARASCH-Visiting Professor, University of Chicago, Chicago/IL, USA 1981 ALEXANDER TODD-Visiting Professor of Chemistry, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK 1984 R.B.WOODWARD-Visiting Professor, Harvard University, Cambridge/MA, USA 1993 E. MERCK-Gastprofessor, Technische Hochschule, Darmstadt, Germany 1994 DEGUSSA-Gastprofessor, Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt/Main, Germany HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 15 1996 G. SMETS-Chair, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven and Université Catholique de Louvain, Leuven, Belgium 2001/02 Gastprofessor, Universität Wien, Vienna, Austria HONORARY DEGREES (Dr. h.c.) 1966 Université de Fribourg, Fribourg, Switzerland 1970 University of Chicago, Chicago/IL, USA 1979 University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK 1989 Università di Bologna, Bologna, Italy 1990 Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt/Main, Germany 1991 Université Louis Pasteur de Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France 1993 Harvard University, Cambridge/MA, USA 2000 The Scripps Research Institute, La Jolla/CA, USA HONORARY MEMBERSHIPS 1966 American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston/MA, USA (Foreign Member) 1973 National Academy of Sciences, Washington DC, USA (Foreign Associate) 1976 Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher LEOPOLDINA, Halle/Saale, Germany (Member) 1981 Royal Society of Chemistry, London, UK (Honorary Fellow) 1986 Royal Society, London, UK (Foreign Member) - Pontifical Academy, Stato della Citta del Vaticano (Member) - Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Germany (Corresp. Member) 1988 Academia Europaea, London, UK (Founding Member) 1992 Orden Pour le mérite für Wissenschaften und Künste, Bonn, Germany (Foreign Member) 1993 Österreichisches Ehrenzeichen für Wissenschaft und Kunst, Wien, Austria (Foreign Member) 1994 Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Zagreb, Croatia (Corresp. Member) 1997 Gesellschaft Österreichischer Chemiker, Wien, Austria (Honorary Member) 1999 Pharmaceutical Society of Japan (Honorary Foreign Member) 2000 American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, USA (Fellow) 2004 European Academy of Sciences, Brüssel, Belgium (Member) 16 HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 ACADEMIC AWARDS 1949 KERN Preis, ETH Zürich, Switzerland 1956 WERNER Preis, Schweizerische Chemische Gesellschaft, Switzerland 1958 RUZICKA Preis, ETH Zürich, Switzerland 1966 FRITZSCHE Award, American Chemical Society, Washington DC, USA 1973 MARCEL BENOIST Preis, Eidgenössisches Departement des Innern, Bern, Switzerland 1974 ROBERT A. WELCH Award in Chemistry, R.A. Welch Foundation, Houston/TX, USA 1976 KIRKWOOD Medal, Yale University, New Haven/CT, USA - AUGUST-WILHELM-VON-HOFMANN Gedenkmünze, Gesellschaft Deutscher Chemiker, Frankfurt/Main, Germany 1977 DANNIE HEINEMAN Preis, Akademie der Wissenschaften, Göttingen, Germany 1978 DAVY Medal, Royal Society, London, UK 1980 CLIFF S. HAMILTON Award and Medal in Organic Chemistry, University of Nebrasca, Lincoln/NE, USA 1981 TETRAHEDRON Prize for Creativity in Organic Chemistry, Pergamon Press, London, UK 1982 GEORGE KENNER Award, University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK 1984 ARTHUR C. COPE Award, American Chemical Society, Washington/DC, USA 1986 WOLF Prize in Chemistry, Wolf Foundation, Herzlia, Israel 1988 M.-M. JANOT Medal, Gif-sur-Yvette, France 1991 COTHENIUS Medaille, Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, Halle (Saale), Germany 1994 CIBA-DREW Award in Biomedical Research, Drew University, Madison/NJ, USA 1995 H.H. INHOFFEN-Medaille, Gesellschaft für Biotechnologische Forschung e.V., Braunschweig, Germany 1998 NAKANISHI Prize, Chemical Society of Japan, Tokyo, Japan 1999 PARACELSUS Preis 1999, Neue Schweiz. Chemische Gesellschaft, Basel, Switzerland 2001 Grande Médaille d'or de l'Académie des Sciences, Institut de France, Paris, France 2002 A.I. OPARIN Medal, Int. Soc. for the Study of the Origin of Life, Oaxaca, Mexico 2003 ROGER ADAMS Award, American Chemical Society, Washington/DC, USA 2003 KITASATO Microbial Chemistry Medal, The Kitasato Institute, Tokyo, Japan 2004 FRANK H. WESTHEIMER Medal, Harvard University, Cambridge/MA, USA - F.A. COTTON Medal for Excellence in Chemical Research, Texas A&M University, College Station/TX, USA HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 17 - Sir Derek BARTON Gold Medal, Royal Society of Chemistry, London, UK 2008 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN Medal in Chemistry, Franklin Institute, Philadelphia, USA - PAUL KARRER Medal, University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland 18 HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 LECTURESHIPS 1959 KARL FOLKERS Lectures, University of Wisconsin, Madison/WI, USA 1963 BACHMANN Memorial Lectures, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor/MI, USA - Plenary Lecture, XIX International Congress of Pure and Applied Chemistry, London, UK 1965 MAX TISHLER Lecture, Harvard University, Cambridge/MA, USA 1966 RUBENS BENJAMIN SANDIN Lectures, University of Alberta, Alberta, Canada 1967 FALK PLAUT Lectures, Columbia University, New York/NY, USA - TREAT B. JOHNSON Lectures, Yale University, New Haven/CT, USA 1968 REILLY Lectures, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame/IN, USA - University Lectures, University of Western Ontario, London, Canada - Pacific Coast Lectures, Canada - USA - Plenary Lecture, XI Internatinal Conference on Coordination Chemistry, Haifa, Israel - Plenary Lecture, Symposium on Organic Synthesis, R.A. Welch Foundation, Houston/TX, USA 1969 KARL FOLKERS Lectures, University of Illinois, Urbana/IL, USA - CENTENARY Lecture, Royal Society of Chemistry, London, UK 1970 Plenary Lecture, 106. Versammlung der Gesellschaft Deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte, Düsseldorf, Germany 1971 BUCHMANN Memorial Lecture, California Institute of Technology, Pasadena/CA, USA - University Lectures, Rutgers University, New Brunswick/NJ, USA - Plenary Lecture, XXIII International Congress of Pure and Applied Chemistry, Boston/MA, USA - Plenary Lecture, III International Congress of Heterocyclic Chemistry, Sendai, Japan - Conférence plénière, Réunion Société Chimique de France, Orsay, France 1972 WILSON BAKER Lecture, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK - Plenary Lecture, Symposium on Organic Synthesis, Vancouver, Canada - Plenary Lecture, CS Inaugural Meeting for the Reading of Original Papers, Edinburgh, UK 1973 Plenary Lecture, Symposium on Organic Synthesis, Oxford, UK - Visiting Distinguished Lecturer in Chemistry, University of Rochester, Rochester/ NY, USA 1974 PETER DEBEYE Lecture, Cornell University, Ithaca/NY, USA 1976 Plenary Lecture, Jubiläums-Versammlung der Schweizerischen Chemischen Gesellschaft, Basel, Switzerland - ROBERT ROBINSON Lecture, Royal Society of Chemistry, London, UK HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 19 - KIRKWOOD Award Lecture, Yale University, New Haven/CT, USA 1977 PETER LEERMAKERS Symposium Lecture, Wesleyan University, Middletown/CT, USA 1978 GERHARD SCHMIDT Memorial Lecture, Weizmann Institute of Science, Rehovot, Israel 1979 Plenary Lecture, 3rd European Symposium on Vitamin B12 and Intrinsic Factor, Universität Zürich, Zürich, Switzerland - Plenary Lecture, 6th International Symposium on Synthesis in Organic Chemistry, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK - Plenary Lecture, lst European Symposium on Organic Chemistry (ESOC), Köln, Germany - Plenary Lecture, Jubiläums-Versammlung der Polnischen Chemischen Gesellschaft, Breslau, Poland 1980 Plenary Lecture, Centennial Conference, Pharmaceutical Society of Japan, Tokyo, Japan - Plenary Lecture, E.D. Bergmann Memorial Meeting, Israel Academy of Sciences & Humanities, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel - Plenary Lecture, ACS Cope Award Symposium honouring G. Stork, Las Vegas/NV, USA - ARAPAHOE Distinguished Lecture, Colorado State University, Fort Collins/CO, USA - CLIFF S. HAMILTON Award Lecture, University of Nebrasca, Lincoln/NE, USA 1981 ARTHUR J. BIRCH Lecture (inaugural), Canberra, Australia - SAMUEL S. McELVAIN Lecture, Madison/NJ, USA - Plenary Lecture, R.B. Woodward Memorial Symposium, New York/NY, USA 1982 GEORGE KENNER Award Lecture, University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK 1984 LE BEL Lectures, Université Louis Pasteur, Strasbourg, France - COPE Award Address, American Chemical Society, Philadelphia, USA - C.S. MARVEL Lectures, University of Illinois, Urbana/IL, USA - PIERCE Lecture, Purdue University, West Lafayette/IN, USA - KARL PFISTER Lecture, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge/MA, USA - FMC Lectures, Princeton University, Princeton/NJ, USA - Research Scholar Lecture, Drew University, Madison/NJ, USA 1985 HENRY GILMAN Lecture, Iowa State University, Ames/IA, USA - Plenary Lecture, 30th International Congress of Pure and Applied Chemistry, Manchester, UK - MONSANTO Lectures in Organic Chemistry, University of California, Berkeley/CA, USA - BURROUGHS-WELLCOME Lecture, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill/NC, USA 1986 HIRST Memorial Lecture, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK - RUSSELL MARKER Lectures in the Chemical Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, University Park/PA, USA 20 HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 1987 A.W. JOHNSON Memorial Lecture, University of Sussex, Falmer Brighton, UK - C.M. KNIGHT Lecture (inaugural), University of Akron, Akron/OH, USA - ROBERT ROBINSON Memorial Lectures, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK - FIRTH Lectures, University of Sheffield, Sheffield, UK - CLEMO Memorial Lecture (inaugural), University of Newcastle, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK 1988 Plenary Lecture, 16th International Symposium on the Chemistry of Natural Products, Kyoto, Japan - Conférence MAURICE-MARIE JANOT, Gif-sur-Yvette, France - KOLTHOFF Lectures, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis/MN, USA 1989 LEO H. STERNBACH Lecture (inaugural), Yale University, New Haven/CT, USA - SIDNEY ARCHER Lecture, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Troy/NY, USA - FERDINAND BOHLMANN Lecture (inaugural), Technische Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany 1990 Plenary Lecture, 116. Versammlung der Gesellschaft Deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte, Berlin, Germany - ELY LILLY Lecture, Ohio State University, Columbus/OH, USA 1991 Plenary Lecture, Jahresversammlung der Deutschen Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, Halle (Saale), Germany - Plenary Lecture, 150th Anniversary, Annual Chemical Congress, The Royal Society of Chemistry, London, UK - Plenary Lecture, Jahresversammlung, 9. Wissenschaftliche Tagung der Österreichischen Pharmazeutischen Gesellschaft, Innsbruck, Austria - J.D. LOUDON Lecture (inaugural), University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK - The 700th Swiss Confederation Anniversary Lecture, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Canada - 32nd CHAIM WEIZMANN Memorial Lectures, Weizmann Institute of Science, Rehovot, Israel 1992 41. WERNER HEISENBERG Vorlesung, Carl Friedrich von Siemens Stiftung und Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, München, Germany - Plenary Lecture, 3rd International IUPAC-Conference on Heteroatom Chemistry, Riccione, Italy - Plenary Lecture, XVI International IUPAC-Carbohydrate Symposium, Paris, France - Plenary Lecture, 18th International IUPAC-Symposium on the Chemistry of Natural Products, Strasbourg, France 1993 GEORGE BÜCHI Lecture, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge/ MA, USA - RUSSEL E. MARKER Lectures, University of Maryland, College Park/MD, USA - BECKMAN Lecture, California Institute of Technology, Pasadena/CA, USA HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 21 - STERLING WINTHROP Lecture, Scripps Research Institute, La Jolla/CA, USA - Plenary Lecture, Symposium, 76th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Society for Chemistry, Sherbrooke, Canada - T. GOTO Memorial Lecture, Nagoya, Japan - Inaugural Lecture, 7th ISSOL Meeting, 10th International Conference on the Origin of Life, University of Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain - Lecture, 37th R.A. Welch Foundation Conference on Chemical Research '40 Years of the DNA Double Helix', Houston/TX, USA - 1993 ARUN GUTHIKONDA Lecture, Columbia University, New York/NY, USA 1994 CIBA-DREW Award Lecture, Drew University, Madison/NJ, USA - MAX HOFFER Memorial Lecture, Hoffmann-La Roche, Nutley/NJ, USA 1995 H.H. INHOFFEN-Vorlesung, Gesellschaft für Biotechnologische Forschung, Braunschweig, Germany - Plenary Lecture, 9th European Symposium on Organic Chemistry, ESOC IX, Warsaw, Poland - Plenary Lecture, JOSEF LOSCHMIDT Symposium, Universität Wien, Wien, Austria - Plenary Lecture, 'L'année PASTEUR', International Symposium 'Stereospecificity and Molecular Recognition', The Rockefeller University, New York/NY, USA - Plenary Lecture, 10th Annual WILLIAM S. JOHNSON Symposium in Organic Chemistry, Stanford University, Stanford/CA, USA - RICHARD B. TURNER Memorial Lecture, Rice University, Houston/TX, USA 1996 SMETS CHAIR Lecture Series, Katholieke Universiteit, Heverlee (Leuven), Belgium - Plenary Lecture, 8th ISSOL '96 Meeting and 11th Int. Conference on the Origin of Life, Orléans, France - G.N. LEWIS Memorial Lecture 1996, University of California, Berkeley/CA, USA - IAP-Lecture 1996, Columbia University, New York/NY, USA - NELSON J. LEONARD Lecture, Urbana/IL, USA 1997 Plenary Lecture, 35th National Organic Chemistry Symposium, ACS, Trinity University, San Antonio/TX, USA - Inaugural CIBA-NOVARTIS Lecture in Organic Chemistry, Emory University, Atlanta/GA, USA - Invited Lecture, Symposium on Organic Chemistry, 5th Chemical Congress of North America (Sociedad Quimica de Mexico), Cancun, Mexico 1998 Plenary Lecture, 13th Int. Round Table, Université Montpellier II, Montpellier, France - NAKANISHI Prize '98 Lecture, Chemical Society of Japan, Tokyo, Japan 22 HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 1999 ALBERT EINSTEIN Memorial Lecture, The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Jerusalem, Israel - DAVID GINSBURG Memorial Lecture, Technion, Haifa, Israel - 1999 WYETH-AYERST Lecture, Univeristy of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia/PA, USA - Gedenkvorlesung, 99. Wiederkehr Geburtstag von Präsident K. MOTHES, Leopoldina, Halle (Saale), Germany - 1999 RENNEBOHM Lecture, University of Wisconsin, Madison/WI, USA 2001 Faculty Lecture, Scripps Research Institute, La Jolla/CA, USA - KURT ALDER Vorlesung, Universität Köln, Germany 2002 ROBERT IRELAND Lecture, University of Virginia, Charlottesville/VA, USA - The sixth BILL CARRUTHERS Lecture, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK - Plenary Lecture, 10th Meeting of ISSOL, Oaxaca, Mexico - The 35th Annual CAMILLE & HENRY DREYFUS Chemistry Lectures 2002-03, Dartmouth College, Hanover/NH, USA - Keynote Lecture, 1st Workshop of the COST, Chemistry Action, Ravello, Italy 2003 ROGER ADAMS Award address, 38th National Organic Symp., Bloomington/IN, USA - 8th MAX TISHLER Memorial Symposium, The Kitasato Institute, Tokyo, Japan 2004 MERCK Lecture, Chemistry Department, University of California, Irvine/CA, USA - FRANK H. WESTHEIMER Medal Lecture, Harvard University, Cambridge/MA, USA - FRONTIERS Lecture, Texas A&M University, College Station/TX, USA - F.A. COTTON Medal Lecture, Texas A&M University, College Station/TX, USA - FMC Plenary Lecture, Princeton University, Princeton/NJ, USA 2005 CRIEGEE Vorlesung 2005, Universität Karlsruhe and Karlsruher Chemische Gesellschaft, Karlsruhe, Germany 2006 ROESSLER Lecture, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA - Keynote Lecture, COST Workshop, Barcelona, Spain 2007 GEORGE BÜCHI Lecture, Oregon State University, Corvallis/OR, USA - 2006-2007 BRISTOL-MYERS SQUIBB Lecture, Stanford University Stanford/CA, USA - JOSEPH F. BUNNETT Lecture 2007, University of California, Santa Cruz/CA, USA 2008 PAUL KARRER Vorlesung, Universität Zürich, Switzerland 2009 AUER VON WELSBACH Lecture, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Austria HETEROCYCLES, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2010 23 
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work_zzm6mmz64bct5j5jvndfx3hsdq	----	the distillery SciBX: Science–Business eXchange Copyright © 2008 Nature Publishing Group � This week in techniques Approach Summary Licensing status Publication and contact information Disease models Rat model for identifying and characterizing pain therapeutics A rat model of inflammatory pain may be useful for identifying compounds that treat chronic peripheral pain without inducing long- term tolerance. In addition, the model should reduce discrepancies between models of tolerance, which previously did not include inflammatory pain, and clinical studies of pain and tolerance. In rats with complete Freund’s adjuvant–induced hind-paw inflammation, endogenous opioids from inflamed tissue preserved µ-opioid receptor signaling in sensory neurons and consequently prevented peripheral opioid tolerance. Next steps include studying the mechanism of µ- opioid receptor signaling in the rat model. No fewer than 11 companies market µ-opioid receptor agonists for multiple pain indications. Rat model is patented; licensing status unknown Zöllner, C. et al. J. Clin. Invest.; published online Feb. 1, 2008; doi:10.1172/JCI25911 Contact: Christian Zöllner, Charité - Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Campus Benjamin Franklin, Berlin, Germany e-mail: christian.zoellner@charite.de http://www.scibx.com mailto:christian.zoellner@charite.de Rat model for identifying and characterizing pain therapeutics Summary Licensing status References